MusaylimaEQ.pdf Musaylima Musaylima b. Thumāma b. Kabīr b. Ḥabīb b. al-Ḥārith b. ɈAbd al-Ḥārith, a leader of the Banū Ḥanīfa and rival of the Prophet. Muslim sources derisively nickname him “Musaylima the liar” (al-kadhdhāb). Musaylima is a diminutive form of Maslama; this can be deduced from a verse of ɈUmāra b. ɈUkayl (Mubarrad, Kāmil, iii, 26). The basis of the rivalry between Muḥammad and Musaylima was the latter's claim to prophethood. Musaylima made his people believe that he was receiving revelation from God the Merciful (al-Raḥmān) through the angel Gabriel. It is essential to stress that Musaylima never denied the prophethood of Muḥammad; he rather claimed that he was destined to share this mission with him. In all their encounters, Muḥammad categorically rejected the quest of Musaylima to share his mission or be appointed Muḥammad's successor after his death. The letters exchanged between them bear clear evidence of their contrasting attitudes. Musaylima wrote to Muḥammad using the title “Messenger of Allāh” and claimed that God bestowed on him partnership in prophethood (fa-innī qad ushriktu fī l-amri maʿaka). “Half of the earth was given to Quraysh and the other half was allotted to us (i.e. to Banū Ḥanīfa), but Quraysh are people who exceed their bounds.” In his response, the Prophet addresses Musaylima as “the liar,” asserts that the earth (in its entirety) belongs to God who gives it “as heritage to whomever he pleases of his servants” (Bayhaqī, Maḥāsin, i, 49). Early traditions may help establish the period of Musaylima's activity and his connections with Mecca. According to reliable sources, he married Kayyisa bint alḤārith of the Meccan aristocratic clan of ɈAbd Shams. Musaylima was her second husband. The Prophet met Musaylima in Medina several times (it is reported that when Musaylima arrived in Medina for the first time accompanied by a unit of Banū Ḥanīfa warriors, he stayed in Kayyisa's grove). In reference to the impertinent demands of Musaylima, Muḥammad refused to give him “even a splinter of a palm branch” which he held in his hand. At a later meeting with a delegation of Banū Ḥanīfa, the members of the delegation decided to embrace Islam, but changed their minds after returning to Yamāma, and aligned themselves with Musaylima instead. Musaylima was held in high esteem: his companions called him “the merciful one of Yamāma” (raḥmān alYamāma). Also, as befitted the usual manner in which holy persons, soothsayers and prophets appeared, he was veiled and disguised. There are many common features and methods in the prophetic careers of Musaylima and Muḥammad. Like Muḥammad, Musaylima claimed to be the recipient of divine revelation. Further, he claimed to heal the sick and work miracles. Naturally enough, Muslim tradition describes his claims to such powers as totally baseless. In Yamāma, Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups who came under his control after the death of Hawdha, the former chief of the area in the service of Persia. In the last years before the Prophet's death, he attempted to establish a social order based on an alliance between the people of Yamāma and tribal groups which moved to Yamāma and settled there. Musaylima erected a safe area (ḥaram) in which certain places inhabited by his allies (qurā al-aḥālīf) were included. According to Muslim sources, the ḥaram was managed in a corrupt way and the Banū Usayyid, who served as its guardians mistreated other groups. When these groups complained, Musaylima did not redress the injustice. Instead, he read to them “the answer he got from heaven,” meaning a verse from his qurɇān: “(I swear) by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate [the sanctity] of the ḥaram”. When the Usayyid continued their transgressions, another verse was released: “[I swear] by the dark night and by the softly treading lion, the Usayyid cut neither fresh nor dry.” The death of the prophet Muḥammad raised the hopes of the community of Musaylima. In one of the speeches said to have been delivered in that period and which was directed to the Banū Ḥanīfa, Musaylima stressed the qualities of his people and his land in comparison with Quraysh and Mecca: “What made Quraysh more deserving of prophethood than yourselves? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than their land. Gabriel (Jibrīl) descends from heaven like he used to descend to Muḥammad.” Musaylima claimed that the revelation transmitted to Muḥammad had ceased with his death and henceforth it would be transmitted to him alone. The feeling that he was now the sole prophet is expressed in a verse attributed to Musaylima: O you, woman, take the tambourine and play, and disseminate the virtues of this prophet! Passed away the prophet of Banū Hāshim, and rose up the prophet of Banū YaɈrub (Ibn Kathīr, Bidāya, vi, 341). Musaylima's adherents grew in number and prestige. The situation in Yamāma inspired a feeling of security and peace. This feeling was, however, shaken by the unexpected arrival of a former soothsayer, who claimed that she had been granted revelations from heaven. Her name was Sajāḥ bt. al-Ḥārith. She was a Christian of the tribe of Tamīm but lived among the Christian Arabs of Taghlib. According to some sources, the forces led by Sajāḥ intended to attack the troops of Abū Bakr under the command of Khālid b. al-Walīd who set out to crush the apostasy (ridda) of the tribes after the Prophet's death. In her forces were warriors from her people and others who joined them. After some skirmishes, she decided to fight Musaylima and conquer Yamāma. Musaylima invited her to meet him in order to negotiate a peaceful solution. He recognized Sajāḥ as his partner in prophethood and declared that the land allotted by God to Quraysh would be transferred to Sajāḥ and her people. The other half would belong to Musaylima. Moreover, Musaylima granted Sajāḥ the crops Yamāma had produced that year and promised her the crops of the next year. Sajāḥ returned to the Jazīra after a few days. (Some reports maintain that Musaylima married Sajāḥ, but differ as to whether she remained with him until his death, or if he cast her off soon after their marriage; cf. Vacca, Sadjāḥ.) Abū Bakr became aware of the rising authority of Musaylima and decided to send Khālid b. al-Walīd at the head of the Muslim army to fight Musaylima and his forces. He wrote a letter to Khālid b. al-Walīd, stressing the power of the Banū Ḥanīfa and their courage. The bravery of Banū Ḥanīfa is said to have been mentioned in q 48:16. On his way to fight Musaylima, Khālid b. al-Walīd informed his army of Abū Bakr's letter concerning Banū Ḥanīfa. In the clashes with the Banū Ḥanīfa, a division of the army that came from those Medinans who had assisted Muḥammad in his emigration from Mecca (the Anṣār) attacked Yamāma and fought bravely together with the Meccans who had fled with Muḥammad (the Muhājirūn). They were summoned to help out in dangerous situations in the bloody battle of ɈAqrabāɇ. At the outset, the Banū Ḥanīfa succeeded in repulsing the bedouin attacks. The solution of Khālid was to put the bedouin fighters of the army behind the lines of the well motivated and steadfast warriors of the Emigrants (Muhājirūn) and Helpers (Anṣār). Cases of exemplary bravery on the part of these groups are recorded in the sources. Eventually, Waḥshī killed Musaylima with his javelin in a place dubbed in the Muslim sources as “the Garden of Death.” According to some far-fetched traditions, Musaylima was 140 or 150 years old when he died in 11/632. The intense loyalty of Musaylima's followers can be gauged from the various stories that have been passed down. A woman who heard about his death exclaimed, “Alas, prince of the believers!” (wā amīr al-muʾminīnāh). A wounded warrior of the Banū Ḥanīfa, in his agony, asked a Muslim warrior to kill him in order to put him out of his misery. Upon hearing of Musaylima's death, he remarked: “A prophet whom his people caused to perish” (nabiyyun ḍayyaʿahu qawmuhu). The Muslim warrior, enraged by these words, gave him the coup de grâce. The belief in the prophethood of Musaylima survived among his believers in the first decades of Islam. His adherents used to gather in the mosque of the Banū Ḥanīfa in Kūfa and the call lā ilāha illā llāh wa-Musaylima rasūlu llāh was heard from the minaret. ɈAbdallāh b. MasɈūd ordered the detention of the followers of Musaylima. Some repented and were released. Those who clung to their faith were executed. M. J. Kister Bibliography Primary: al-Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. Jābir, Futūḥ al-buldān, ed. ɈA. Anīs al-ṬabbāɈ and ɈU. Anīs al-TabbāɈ, Beirut 1958, 119-20 al-Bayhaqī, Abū Bakr Aḥmad b. al-Ḥusayn, Dalāʾil al-nubuwwa, ed. ɈA. al-QalɈajī, 7 vols., Beirut 1985, iv, 79; v, 330 al-Bayhaqī, Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad, al-Maḥāsin wa-l-masāwiʾ, ed. M. Abū l-Fa l Ibrāhīm, 2 vols., Cairo 1961, i, 49 al-Diyārbakrī, Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad, Taʾrīkh al-khamīs, 2 vols. in 1, Cairo 1283, repr. Beirut, ii, 157 Ibn ɈAbd al-Barr al-Namarī, al-Durar fī ikhtiṣār al-maghāzī wa-l-siyar, ed. Sh. Cairo 1966, 270 ayf, Ibn Ḥubaysh, ɈAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad, al-Ghazawāt, ed. S. Zakkār, Beirut 1992 Ibn SaɈd, Ṭabaqāt, Beirut 1957, v, 550 al-KalāɈī, Abū l-RabīɈ Sulaymān b. Mūsā, al-Iktifāʾ fī maghāzī rasūl Allāh wa-l-thalātha al-khulafāʾ, ed. M. ɈAbd al-Wāḥid, 2 vols., Cairo 1970, ii, 435 al-Kalbī, Hishām b. Muḥammad b. al-Sāɇib, Jamharat al-nasab, ed. N. Ḥasan, Beirut 1986, 543 al-Maqrīzī, Taqī l-Dīn Abū l-ɈAbbās Aḥmad b. ɈAlī, Imtāʿ al-asmāʾ, ed. M. M. Shākir, Cairo 1941, 508-9 ed. M. A. al-Nāmisī, 15 vols., Beirut 1999, ii, 100-1 Muqātil, Tafsīr, ii, 555 al-Nuwayrī, Aḥmad b. ɈAbd al-Wahhāb, Nihāyat al-arab fī funūn al-adab, 31 vols., Cairo 1964-92, xix (1975; ed. M. Ibrāhīm), 85-7 Suhaylī, al-Rawḍ al-unuf, ed. ɈA. al-Wakīl, 7 vols., Cairo 1969, iv, 38-9 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, ed. Cairo, iii, 276-300 al-Wāqidī, Kitāb al-Ridda, ed. M. Ḥamīdullāh, Paris 1989, index Secondary: V. V. Barthold, Musaylima, in id., Sočineniya, 10 vols., Moscow 1963-73, vi, 549-74 D. Eickelmann, Musaylima. An approach to the social anthropology of seventh century Arabia, in JESHO 10 (1967), 17-52 V. Vacca, Sadjāḥ, in EI 2, viii, 738-9 W. M. Watt, Musaylima, in EI , vii, 664-5 [Print Version: Volume 3, page 460, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. "Musaylima." Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān. General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe. 2


RajabEI.pdf Radjab, the seventh month of the Islamic calendar, was observed as a holy month in the period of the Djāhiliyya in spring. It was the month of the sacrifices of the ʿatāʾir offered to the pagan deities as a token of gratitude for the augmentation of their flocks and herds. It was also the time of invocations of their deities to increase the number of their flocks. It was as well the month of the sacrifices of the furuʿ, the firstlings of the flocks and herds. The owner of the flock had to sacrifice one ewe out of fifty (or hundred) of his herd. The holy month of Radjab was also the month of peace in the Arab peninsula; the tribes refrained from raids and warfare. The month was called al-aṣamm “the deaf” because no sound of weapons was heard during that month and al-aṣabb “the pouring” because the unbelievers of Mecca used to say that the mercy is pouring forth in this month. Another by-name of Radjab was al-radjm “the stoning” because the Satans were stoned in that month and were expelled from the dwellings of the tribes. Other bynames attached to Radjab were: al-muḳīm “the constant,” because its sanctity was a firm one, since Radjab is one of the four ḥurum months; al-harim “the aged” because the sanctity of the month was an ancient one, dating from the time of Mu ar b. Nizār; as the tribes of Mu ar venerated this month, it was also named radjab Muḍar. Because of the comprehensive peace among the tribes and their abstaining from hostilities, the month was called munṣil al-all and munṣil al-asinna, pointing to the fact that the spearheads were removed, weapons laid down and no fighting among tribes was launched. The name al-muʿallā “the elevated” was attached to Radjab because it was a month highly respected among the Arab tribes. The name al-mubriʾ “the clearing [from fault]” was given to the month because warlike activity was given up, no iniquity was committed and no act of hypocrisy was perpetrated during the month. A peculiar name granted to Radjab was al-muḳashḳish “the exonerating,” denoting that Radjab distinguished between the people who stuck to the tenets enjoining abstention from fighting during the month and those who violated the sanctity of the month by fighting. Finally, the month was called al-ʿatīra because the sacrifices of the ʿatīra were carried out during this month. According to tradition, the month of Radjab was a time of devotional practices, exertions and fasting. Invocations against the iniquitous and the wrong-doers in this month were especially efficacious. The opinions of the scholars of Islam as to the permission to continue these practices in Islam were divergent, controversial and even contradictory. The differences in their opinions are clearly exposed in the utterances attributed to the Prophet in the collections of ḥadīth. An utterance attributed to the Prophet and recorded in the early collection of ɈAbd alRazzāḳ (d. 211/826) says that the Prophet approved of the sacrifice of the ʿatīra which the people used to practice in Radjab. The Prophet said, “Do it, and name it al-radjība.” The utterance of the Prophet enjoining sacrifice of the ʿatīra and naming it the radjība is opposed by an utterance attributed to the Prophet enjoining annulment of the sacrifice of the firstlings and the sacrifice of the Radjabī ʿatīra. It is recorded in the same collection and is formulated plainly: lā faraʿa wa-lā ʿatīra “there is no [sacrifice] of the firstlings nor of the ʿatīra.” This prohibitive tradition was, however, changed by the interpretation given to it by alShāfiɈī: there is no sacrifice of the ʿatīra nor of the faraʿa “as an obligatory practice”, adds al-ShāfiɈī. This comment of his changes, of course, the meaning of the tradition and its significance. In the same way was interpreted the utterance of the Prophet ʿalā ahl kull bayt an yad̲h̲baḥū shāt fī kull radjab wa-fī kull aḍḥā shāt . The expression ʿalā kull ahl bayt an i in i an i i in i i in is, however, interpreted not as an enjoinment but only as a recommendation. The utterance has to be understood as recommendation for every family group to sacrifice a ewe during every month of Radjab and to sacrifice a ewe on every aḍḥā celebration. An utterance of the Prophet about the ʿatīra permits the sacrifice of the ʿatīra in any month of the year and enjoins the practice of charity, dividing among the poor the meat of the slaughtered beasts. It is obvious that the sanctity of Radjab was, according to this tradition, fairly limited, or even abolished, while the advice of charity was especially stressed. A tradition reported on the authority of ɈĀɇisha says that the Prophet enjoined the slaughter of the firstling of the herd numbering fifty, which tallies with the prevalent Djāhilī practice. But another tradition attributed to the Prophet says, “Practice the sacrifice of the faraʿa if you want”. Thus the sacrifice was left to the discretion of the believer. A peculiar utterance of the Prophet turns the sacrifice of the faraʿa into a voluntary practice, with a special reservation of the Prophet changing the aim of the practice. The Prophet permitted the practice but remarked that it would be preferable to feed the camel until it grows up and to ride it on expeditions and raids for the cause of God; similarly, it is preferable to feed the ewe until it grows up, to sacrifice it and to divide the meat among the poor. Similarly, the utterance of the Prophet in which he is said to have approved of the faraʿa, saying al-faraʿa ḥaḳḳ, was considerably changed by the added reservation that it would be better to feed the destined sacrificial animal until it grows up and can be used to ride on it in a raid for the cause of God (in the case of a camel) or to slaughter it (in the case of a ewe) and give the meat as charity to a needy widow. Scholars of Islam stress that the slaughter of animals in Rad̲j̲ab was continued in the first period of Islam and was only later abrogated. Al-Ḵh̲aṭṭābī (d. 388/998) considered the ʿatīra compatible with the principles of Islam: it was in the period of Islam sacrificed to God in contradiction to the j̲āhilī ʿatīra, which was sacrificed to the idols. There is indeed a report saying that Ibn Sīrīn (d. 110/729) used to slaughter the ʿatīra in Radjab. Strictly orthodox scholars stressed that there is no valid tradition concerning the virtues of Radjab. There were, however, scholars, especially from among the pious and devoted, who favoured the widely-circulated popular traditions allegedly uttered by the Prophet, emphasising the virtues of Radjab and encouraging the carrying out of the various practices considered laudable and right. The Prophet is said to have named Radjab “the month of God”, s̲h̲ahr Allāh, because it was the month of the people of the ḥaram (i.e. the people of Mecca) who were called āl Allāh. The problem of the sacrifices during the month of Radjab was only one aspect of the disputes among the Muslim scholars as to the ritual practices performed in the Muslim community in that month. A significant tradition ascribed to the Prophet singled out the peculiar sanctity of three months of the year: “Radjab is the month of God, ShaɈbān is my month and Rama ān is the month of my people.” As the month of Radjab was put on par with the two other months there was an obvious tendency to competition between these holy months regarding the rewards of the ritual practices performed during these months, the exceptional position of certain nights of the months and the prayers during these months. The competition between Radjab and ShaɈbān is clearly presented in a tradition reported on the authority of Zayd b. Aslam. The Prophet was informed about people fasting during Radjab. He remarked, “How far are they from the virtues of the people fasting during ShaɈbān!” Zayd observed, “Most of the fasting of the Prophet, except in Rama ān, was in ShaɈbān.” The partisans of Radjab quoted a report of Ibn al-ɈAbbās saying that the Prophet used to fast so many days in Radjab that his Companions did not think that he would break his fast; and he used to break his fast so that they doubted whether he would resume it. As against the people venerating ShaɈbān, the partisans of Radjab had recourse to utterances attributed to the Prophet in which the fasting of Radjab was recommended and very high rewards were promised to people who were fasting in it. The Prophet is said to have stated that the month of Radjab is of a high position and that the good deeds of the believer gain multiple rewards. He who fasts one day in Radjab is in the position of a believer who would fast a year. He who fasts nine days, for him the gates of Hell are closed; he who fasts eight days, for him the eight doors of Paradise are opened; he who fasts ten days, God will fulfill for him every wish; he who fasts fifteen days, a herald will announce from Heaven that god forgave him every sin which he had committed in the past. In the month of Radjab God carried Nūḥ (Noah) in the ark; he fasted during Radjab, and bade his people to fast during it, thus expressing their gratitude to God for their salvation. Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal said that he had in his possession a tradition recording the rewards for fasting of every day of Radjab; he considered, however, the ḥadīth a forged one. The fasting of the whole month of Radjab was nevertheless frowned upon and sometimes forbidden in order not to create a similarity with Rama ān. The practices of fasting during Radjab were censured by Abū Bakr, ɈUmar and people of the ṣaḥāba, says Ibn Taymiyya. Some nights of Radjab are considered to be replete with God's graces. In the first night of Radjab, God will grant every supplication of the believer. It is one of the five chosen nights in the year. Another prayer strongly censured by Ibn Taymiyya was the prayer practised in the midst of Radjab called ṣalāt Umm Dāwūd. A night highly praised by those who observed Radjab was the night of the ṣalāt alraghāʾib “the night of the prayer for extensive and desirable gifts”; it starts on the eve of the first Friday of Radjab; the prayers and supplications contained hundreds of invocations, prostrations, rakʿas and recitations of some sūras of the Ḳurɇān. The believer is requested to fast on the Thursday preceding this night. A night of Radjab distinguished by the rich rewards is the night of the twenty-seventh of Radjab. The believer spending this night in vigils: praying; thanking God; repeating a hundred times the various phrases of gratitude, the oneness of God, invocations and supplications; performing prostrations and rakʿas; and reading a sūra of the Ḳurɇān and fasting the next day, will be highly rewarded by God; he will attain God's grace as if he fasted a hundred years and practiced vigils for a hundred years. On that night, Muḥammad was sent as a prophet. The significant events connected with the life of the Prophet which allegedly happened in Radjab turn the month into one of the most distinctive periods of the year. According to a tradition, the mother of the Prophet conceived him on the first evening of Radjab; another tradition claims that he was born in Radjab. Some traditions assert that the event of the laylat al-miʿrādj occurred in Radjab. Other traditions claim that the date of the isrāʾ was the twenty-seventh day of Radjab. The struggle of the orthodox scholars against those practices of Radjab widely approved by pious ascetics and Ṣūfīs was not entirely successful. These practices have survived and form until the present time an essential part of Muslim popular belief and ritual. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography ɈAbd al-Razzāḳ, al-Muṣannaf, ed. Ḥabīb al-Raḥmān al-AɈẓamī, Beirut 1391/1972, iv, 342, no. 8000, iv, 341, no. 7998, iv, 341, no. 7999, iv, 340, no. 7997, iv, 337, no. 7989, iv, 337, nos. 7990-1, iv, 340, no. 7996, and see ibid., iv, 338, nos. 7992-3, iv, 292, no. 7858, iv, 317, no. 7927 Ibn Abī Shayba, al-Muṣannaf fi ʾl-aḥādīth wa ʾl-āthār, ed. ɈAbd al- Ḵh̲āliḳ Afghānī, repr., n.p. n.d., viii, 64-7 Abū YaɈlā al-Mawṣilī, al-Musnad, ed. Ḥusayn Salīm Asad, Damascus-Beirut 1407/1987, x, 282, no. 5879 (and see the abundant references of the editor) Subkī, Ṭabaḳāt al-shāfiʿiyya al-kubrā, ed. ɈAbd al-Fattāḥ Muḥammad Ḥulw and Maḥmūd Muḥammad al-Ṭannāḥī, Cairo 1383/1964, ii, 111 Munāwī, Fayḍ al-ḳadīr, sharḥ al-djāmiʿ al-ṣaghīr, Beirut 1391/1972, vi, 435, no. 9914, iv, 321, no. 5457, iv, 375, no. 5674, iii, 454, no. 3953 ɈAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣaffūrī, Nuzhat al-madjālis wa-muntakhab al-nafāʾis, Beirut, n.d., 189-95 Ibn Taymiyya, Iḳtiḍāʾ al-ṣirāṭ al-mustaḳīm mukhālafat aṣḥāb al-djaḥīm, ed. Muḥammad Ḥāmid al-Fiḳī, Cairo, ɈĀbidīn 1369/1950, 293, 302 Abū ɈUbayd al-Ḳāsim b. Sallām al-Harawī, Gharīb al-ḥadīth, ed. Muḥammad ɈAẓīm alDīn, Ḥaydarabad 1385/1966, ii, 4-6 ɈAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad b. DjaɈfar b. Ḥayyān, Abu ɇl-Shaykh al-Anṣārī, Ṭabaḳāt almuḥaddithīn bi-Iṣbahān wa ʾl-wāridīn ʿalayhā, ed. ɈAbd al-Ghafūr ɈAbd al-Ḥaḳḳ Ḥusayn al-Balūshī, Beirut 1407/1987, i, 279-82, nos. 27-9 (and see the references of the editor) ɈUmar b. Badr al-Mawṣilī, al-Mughnī ʿan al-ḥifẓ wa ʾl-kitāb, Cairo 1342, 33, 36 Ḳurṭubī, al-Djamiʿ li-aḥkām al-Ḳurʾān = Tafsīr al-Ḳurṭubī, Cairo 1387/1967, vi, 326 Ibn ɈAsākir, Taʾrīkh Dimāshḳ, ed. ɈAbd al-Ḳādir Badrān, Beirut 1399/1979, vi, 246, vii, 347 inf.-348 sup. Bayhaḳī, Faḍāʾil al-awḳāt, ed. ɈAdnān ɈAbd al-Raḥmān Madjīd al-Ḳaysī, Mecca 1410/1990, 89-90, no. 7, 106-7, 311-12, no. 149, 95-8, nos. 11, 12 Wadjīh al-Dīn ɈAbd al-Raḥmān b. Khalīl al-AdhruɈī, Bishārat al-maḥbūb bi-takfīr aldhunūb, ed. Madjdī al-Sayyid Ibrāhīm, Cairo n.d., 41, no. 98 Bayhaḳī, al-Djāmiʿ li-shuʿab al-īmān = Shuʿab al-īmān, ed. ɈAbd al-ɈAlī ɈAbd al- Ḥamīd Ḥāmid, Bombay 1409/1988, vii, 382- 3, no. 3520, 390-3, no. 3529, 393-5, nos. 3530-1 Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Taʾrīkh Baghdad, Cairo-Baghdād 1349- 1931, viii, 331, no. 4421 ɈAbd al-Raḥmān al-Suhaylī, al-Rawḍ al-unuf, ed. ɈAbd al-Raḥmān al-Wakīl, Cairo 1387/1967, i, 70 Nūr al-Dīn al-Haythamī, Madjmaʿ al-zawāʾid wa-manbaʿ al-fawāʾid, Beirut 1967, iii, 188, 191 Murta ā al-Zabīdī, Itḥāf al-sāda al-muttaḳīn bi-sharḥ asrār iḥyāʾ ʿulūm al-dīn, Beirut n.d., iii, 422-5 Ibn Ḥadjar al-ɈAsḳalānī, Tabyīn al-ʿadjab bi-mā warada fī faḍl radjab, ed. Abū Asmāɇ Ibrāhīm b. IsmāɈīl Āl ɈAṣr, Beirut 1408/1988 Ibn Himmāt al-Dimashḳī, al-Tankīt wa ʾl-ifāda fī takhrīdj aḥādīth khātimat sifr al-saʿāda, ed. Aḥmad al-Bazra, Beirut 1407/1988, 96-7, 112-13 Maḳrīzī, al-Khabar ʿan al-bashar, ms. Dār al-Kutub 947, Taɇrīk̲h̲, p. 444 ɈIzz al-Dīn b. ɈAbd al-Salām al-Sulamī, Kitāb al- Fatāwā, ed. ɈAbd al-Raḥmān b. ɈAbd al-Fattāḥ, Beirut 1406/1986, 117 ɈAbd al-WāsiɈ b. Yaḥyā al-WāsiɈī, al- Mukhtaṣar fī targhīb wa-tarhīb ḥadīth sayyid albashar, Cairo 1345, 26 ult.-27 al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-Khallāl, Faḍāʾil shahr radjab, ed. ɈAmr ɈAbd al-MunɈim, Ṭanṭā 1412/1972 ɈAlī b. Sulṭān al-Ḳārī, al-Adab fī radjab, ed. ɈAmr ɈAbd al-MunɈim, Ṭanṭā 1412/1992, also ed. ɈAbd Allāh ɈAwda in JSAI, forthcoming Badr al-Dīn Shiblī, Maḥāsin al-wasāʾil fī maʿrifat al-awāʾil, ms. B.L., Or. 1530, fol. 56b ɈAlī Maḥfūẓ, al-Ibdāʿ fī maḍārr al-ibtidāʿ, Cairo 1388/1968, 296-7 Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Djubayr al-Kinānī, Riḥla, Beirut 1388/1968, 98-104 Muḥammad b. ɈAlī b. Ṭūlūn al- Dimashḳī, Faṣṣ al-Khawātim fī-mā ḳīla fi ʾl-walāʾim, ed. Nizār Abāẓa, Damascus 1402/1982, 92-4. For additional bibl., see M. J. Kister, Radjab is the month of God, in IOS, i (1971), repr. Variorum, London 1980, Studies in Jāhiliyya and early Islam, no. XII. [Print Version: Volume VIII, page 373, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. “Rad̲j̲ab.” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.

al-Mundhir b. Sāwā

MundhirEI.pdf al-Mundhir b. Sāwā (or Sāwī) b. ɈAbd Allāh b. Zayd b. ɈAbd Allāh, a chief of the tribal division of Dārim of Tamīm. The tribal branch of the ɈAbd Allah b. Zayd were, according to tradition, called al-Ispadhiyyūn. This name, obviously of Persian origin, is said to have referred to this people because they worshipped a horse (asp); according to another tradition, they were called so because they came from a place called Ispadh. A third tradition assumed that this name was attached to a group of scattered tribal factions joined together and united (al-djummāʿ). Some Western scholars have assumed that the word is derived from the Persian Ispahbadh; this may indicate that this group served as a force of the Ispahbadh of Baḥrayn. There is indeed a report according to which the Ispadhiyyūn were a force stationed in the fortress of alMushaḳḳar (see LA, s.v. s-b- dh). The tribal division Dārim of Tamīm were in close relations with the Persians. AlMundhir b. Sāwā is mentioned in the Arabic sources as the “Master of Hadjar” (ṣāḥib Hadjar) or as the “King of Hadjar” (malik Hadjar). These “kings”, says Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb in al-Muḥabbar, were appointed by the kings of Persia and controlled the market of Hadjar. One of the traditions says explicitly that al-Mundhir b. Sāwā was appointed by the Persians to control the Arab tribes (kāna ʿala ʾl-ʿarabi min ḳibali ʾl-fursi; alBalādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ms. ɈĀshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a; and see idem, Futūḥ albuldān, 106). After his conversion to Islam, the Prophet is said to have appointed him as governor (ʿāmil) of al- Baḥrayn. Reports of the sīra compilations mention unanimously that the Prophet sent ɈAlāɇ b. alḤa ramī with a letter to al-Mundhir b. Sāwā summoning him to embrace Islam. They differ, however, as to the date of the event: whether it took place in the year 6 H. or in 8 H. The exact date cannot be established. But it is plausible to assume that the Prophet sent his emissary to Mundhir after his conquest of Mecca; the conquest strengthened his position in the Arab peninsula considerably and he could, due to his newly acquired authority, widen his influence in some districts which were remote from Mecca and which, though they formed part of the Persian empire, were entrusted by the Persian kings to Arab leaders. The plan to dispatch the messenger was probably stimulated by the fact that the merchants setting out to Hadjar (literally: to alMushaḳḳar) had to cross the territory of Mu arī tribes and had to get the protection of Ḳuraysh (sc. of the Meccans). Without this protection, the merchants could not reach Hadjar with their merchandise (see Ibn Ḥabīb, op. cit.). Mundhir responded by stating that he had embraced Islam, that he had read the letter of the Prophet to the people of Hadjar and that some of them converted to Islam, while others refused to do it. Some traditions say that the Arabs of Baḥrayn embraced Islam. Mundhir asked the Prophet for instructions as to the positions of the Jews and the Magians in Baḥrayn. The Prophet decreed that the djizya should be imposed on them if they stuck to their faiths. In another letter of the Prophet, written to the Magians of Hadjar, the Prophet added two stipulations: the believers should not marry Magian women and should not eat meat of animals slaughtered by the Magians. The Prophet is said to have sent to ɈAlāɇ a list of the mandatory taxes levied as ṣadaḳa from camels, cattle, sheep and fruits. The poll tax was imposed according to the social position of the taxpayer: people who had no landed property had to pay four dirham a year and deliver a striped cloak (ʿabāʾa) made of hair or wool; others had to pay a dīnār. It is noteworthy that the poll-tax imposed on the people of the garrison of Hadjar (al-waḍāʾiʿ) who had been settled there by Kisrā, with whom a separate treaty was concluded by the Muslim authorities, also amounted to one dīnār. The Prophet is said to have dispatched special emissaries (mentioned are Abū Hurayra, Abū ɈUbayda b. al-Djarrāḥ and ɈAlāɇ b. Djāriya alThaḳafī) who would carry out the functions of tax- collectors and instructors in the performance of religious duties. The full authority of the Prophet in the area can be gauged from a particular phrase in the letter of the Prophet to al-Mundhir: “... as long as you act rightly we shall not depose you”. Certain cases of deviation and disloyalty seem to have taken place; this is implied in an utterance of the Prophet saying that “... he had the ability to drive them (i.e. the people of al-Mundhir b. Sāwā) out from Hadjar”. The Prophet enjoined the converts to Islam to obey his messengers and to aid them in carrying out their mission. The Prophet kept direct contacts with the believers of Hadjar; he is said to have received a deputation of the believers of al-Baḥrayn and to have welcomed them. Another tradition mentions that the Prophet met some believers from Hadjar and interceded in favour of Mundhir. The messengers of the Prophet in Hadjar passed favourable reports about Mundhir to the Prophet. The tradition saying that al-Mundhir b. Sāwā came with a group of believers to visit the Prophet was refuted by the majority of the scholars of the sīra. Another tradition says that “the king of Ḥadjar” sent Zuhra b. Ḥawiyya as his envoy to the Prophet; Zuhra embraced Islam and became a faithful believer. Mundhir is said to have died shortly after the death of the Prophet. A rare tradition says that at the Prophet's death the governor of Baḥrayn was Abān b. SaɈīd b. al-ɈĀṣī b. Umayya. The position of al-Mundhir b. Sāwā and his peculiar relation with the Prophet is examined by Ibn Ḥazm in his Fiṣal. Mundhir is included in the list of the “Kings of the Arabs” who deliberately and voluntarily embraced Islam, became sincere believers and gave up their authority and prerogatives transferring them to the messengers of the Prophet. Their forces, says Ibn Ḥazm, were much stronger than those of the Prophet and their territory was vaster than that of the Prophet. The letters of the Prophet to al-Mundhir b. Sāwā in which the Magians of Baḥrayn were granted the right to stick to their religion and were obliged to pay the poll tax, djizya, are in fact the earliest documents reporting on this decision of the Prophet. This ruling of the Prophet is said to have stirred a wave of discontent and anger among the Hypocrites (al-Munāfiḳūn) of Medina and is reflected in one of the earliest commentaries of the Ḳurɇān, the tafsīr of Muḳātil. The Hypocrites were enraged and argued that the Prophet had violated his own decision to accept the djizya only from People of the Book; they complained bitterly that on the basis of that ruling the forces of the Prophet had fought and killed their fathers and brethren. The believers were perturbed by these arguments and informed the Prophet about it. Then the well known verse of sūra II, 256, lā ikrāha fi ʾl-dīn, explicitly forbidding to compel anyone to change his faith, was revealed. Another verse of the Ḳurɇān, sūra V, 105, yā ayyuhā ʾlladhīna āmanū ʿalaykum anfusakum lā yaḍurrukum man ḍalla idhā ʾhtadaytum was also revealed in connection with the claim of the Hypocrites; the very early tafsīr of Muḳātil glosses the passage lā yaḍurrukum man ḍalla by min ahli hadjar. Later scholars tried to present the stipulations of the agreements concerning the position of the non-Muslim population on a broader ideological basis. Ibn Ḥazm states in his al-Muḥallā that the djizya of Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians may be accepted on the condition that they acknowledge (aḳarrū) that Muḥammad is a messenger of God to us (i.e. to the Muslim community) and do not offend him nor the faith of Islam. Mālik formulated this stipulation as follows: “... he who says that Muḥammad was sent as a prophet to us (i.e. to the Muslim community), not to them, is free of punishment. He who claims that Muḥammad was not a prophet should be killed”. The treaties concluded between ɈAlāɇ b. al-Ḥa ramī and the population of Hadjar according to the instructions of the Prophet were, of course, considered valid and the territories of Baḥrayn and Hadjar were assessed as ṣulḥ territories (Abū ɈUbayd, alAmwāl, 100). Some scholars attempted to justify the imposition of the djizya on the Magians by the fact that the Magians had had a sacred Book, which was concealed by their sinful king; this assumption was however rejected by a great majority of Muslim scholars of tradition and law. Some scholars claimed that the Magians were granted the right to pay the tax of the djizya because they had “something like a Book” (shubhat al-kitāb) and rules applying to the People of the Book are valid for them as well (Abū YaɈlā Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusayn al-Farrāɇ, al-Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya, 154). The Prophet's ruling imposing the djizya on the people of Hadjar and Baḥrayn was not well-known in the Muslim community of Medina. Even ɈUmar was unaware of it, and was informed about it by some Companions of the Prophet. The injunction of the Prophet was supported by his utterance sunnū bihim sunnata ahli ʾl-kitāb (see Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, Kitāb al-Amwāl, 136, no. 122), “treat the Magians according to the sunna of the Prophet applied to the People of the Book”. The stipulations of the treaties concluded with the People of the Book (Jews and Christians) and the Magians in Baḥrayn were applied in other territories of the Muslim empire. The Magian population in the Muslim empire became an integral part of the community, and the Muslim lawyers took care to provide details of their legal status; this can be seen e.g. in some chapters of the early Muṣannaf of ɈAbd al-Razzāḳ. The revolt against Islam, the ridda, which flared up in Baḥrayn after the death of the Prophet and after the death of al-Mundhir b. Sāwā, was quelled by ɈAlāɇ b. al-Ḥa ramī, who headed some of the Muslim forces and succeeded in conquering some adjacent territories. Thus the Tamīmī al-Mundhir b. Sāwā played an important role in the islamisation of the territories of al-Baḥrayn and in enabling the religious communities of Jews, Christians and Magians in Baḥrayn to survive. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography ɈAbd al-Razzāḳ, al-Muṣannaf, ed. Ḥabīb al-Raḥmān al-AɈẓamī, Beirut 1392/1972, vi, 30-2 (mīrāth mad̲j̲ūs), 68-71 (akhdhu ʾl-djizya mina ʾl-madjūs), 77-8 (al-madjūsī yadjmaʿu bayna dhawāti ʾl-arḥām thumma yuslimūn), 80-1 (nikāḥu ʾl-madjūsī ʾl-naṣrāniyya), 108 (āniyatu ʾl-madjūs), 108-9 (khidmatu ʾl-madjūs wa-aklu ṭaʿāmihim), 121 (dhabīḥatu ʾlmadjūsī), 121 (ṣaydu kalbi ʾl-madjusī), 124 (diyatu l-madjūsī) Abū Ḥātim al-Bustī, al-Sīra al-nabawiyya wa-akhbār al-khulafāʾ, ed. ɈAzīz Bak, Beirut 1407/1987, 316 Abū Yūsuf, K. al-Kharādj, Cairo 1382, 128- 32 Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ms. ɈĀshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a idem, Futūḥ, ed. ɈAbd Allāh Anīs al-ṬabbāɈ and ɈUmar Anīs al-TabbāɈ, Beirut 1377/1958, 106-18, tr. Ḥittī, 120- 31, tr. O. Rescher, Leipzig 1917, 76-85 ɈAlī b. Burhān al-Dīn al-Ḥalabī, Insān al-ʿuyūn fī sīrat al-amīn al-maʾmūn (= al-Sīra alḥalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, 283 below-284 Fayrūzābādī, al-Ḳāmūs al-muḥīṭ, Cairo 1371/1972, s.v. s-b-d̲h̲ Hishām b. Muḥammad al-Kalbī, Djamharat al-nasab, ed. Nādjī Ḥasan, Beirut 1407/1986, 201 Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, K. al-Amwāl, ed. Shākir Dhīb Fayyā , Riyā 1406/1986, 13650 Ibn ɈAbd al-Barr al-Namarī, Tadjrīd al-tamhīd li-mā fī ʾl-Muwaṭṭaʾ min al-asānīd, Beirut n.d., 26, no. 32, 154, no. 487 Ibn al-Djawzī, al-Wafā bi-aḥwāl al-muṣṭafā, Cairo 1386/1966, 742 Ibn Ḥadjar al-ɈAsḳalānī, al-Iṣāba fī tamyīz al-ṣaḥāba, ed. ɈAlī Muḥammad al-Bidjāwī, Cairo 1389/1970, i, 17, no. 2; ii, 571, no. 2823; iv, 540, no. 5645; v, 423, no. 7093; vi, 214-16, no. 8222, 91, no. 7935 idem, al-Wuḳūf ʿalā mā fī Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim min al-mawḳūf, ed. Madjdī al-Sayyid Ibrāhīm, Cairo, n.d., 18 Ibn Ḥazm, al-Muḥallā, ed. Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir, Cairo n.d., vii, 317, no. 941 idem, Djawāmiʿ al-sīra, ed. Iḥsān ɈAbbās, Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Asad and Aḥmad Muḥammad S̲h̲āḳir, Cairo n.d., 25 idem, al-Fiṣal fī ʾl-milal wa-ʾl-ahwāʾ wa ʾl-niḥal, ed. Muḥammad Ibrāhīm Naṣr and ɈAbd al-Raḥmān ɈUmayra, Beirut 1405/1985, ii, 224 Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saḳḳā, al-Abyārī and Shalabī, Cairo 1356/1936, iv, 222, 254 Ibn Ḳayyim al-Djawziyya, Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma, ed. Ṣubḥī Ṣāliḥ, Damascus 1381/1961, i, 1-2 Ibn Manẓūr, LA, s.v. s-b-dh Ibn SaɈd, al-Ṭabaḳāt al-kubrā, Beirut 1380/1960, i, 263, 275-6, iv, 360-2 Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, ʿUyūn al-athar fī funūn al-maghāzī wa ʾl-shamāʾil wa ʾl-siyar, Cairo 1356, ii, 266 penult.-267 Maḳrīzī, Imtāʿ al-asmāʿ bi-mā li-Rasūl Allāh min al-anbāʾ wa-ʾl-amwāl wa-ʾl-ḥafada waʾl-matāʿ, ed. Maḥmūd Muḥammad Shākir, Cairo 1941, i, 308-9 Muḥammad b. ɈAlī al-Anṣārī, al-Miṣbāḥ al-muḍīʾ fī kuttāb al-nabīyyi ʾl-ummī wa-rusulihi ilā mulūk al-arḍi min ʿarabiyyin wa-ʿadjamiyyin, ed. Muḥammad ɈAẓīm al-Dīn, Beirut 1405/1985, i, 163, 211, ii, 280- 4 Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 265 Muḥammad b. ɈAbd al-Raḥmān al-Dimashḳī, Raḥmat al-umma fi ʾkhtilāf al-aʾimma, Beirut 1407/1987, 317 Muḥammad b. Shākir al-Kutubī, ʿUyūn al-tawārīkh, ed. Ḥusām al-Dīn al-Ḳudsī, Cairo 1980, i, 260 Mughulṭāy, Mulakhkhaṣ al-zahr al-bāsim fī sīrat Abi ʾl-Ḳāsim, ms. Shehīd ɈAlī 1878, fol. 71a, l. 3 from bottom Muḳāṭil b. Sulaymān, Tafsīr, ed. ɈAbd Allāh b. Maḥmūd Shaḥāta, Cairo 1969, i, 135, 348 Niẓām Dīn al-Ḥasan al-Ḳummī al-Naysābūrī, Gharāʾib al-Ḳurʾān wa-raghāʾib al-furḳān, ed. Ibrāhim ɈAṭwa ɈAwa , Cairo 1381/1962, vii, 46 SamɈānī, al-Ansāb, ed. ɈAbd al-Raḥmān b. Yaḥyā al-MuɈallamī, Hyderabad 1382/1962, i, 195 ult.-196 Shīrawayh b. Shahrdār al-Daylamī, Firdaws al-akhbār bi-maʾthūr al-khiṭāb al-mukharradj ʿalā kitāb al-shihāb, ed. Fawwāz Aḥmad al-Zimirlī and Muḥammad al-MuɈtaṣim bi-ɇllāh Baghdādī, Beirut 1407/1987, ii, 436, no. 3212 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, ed. Muḥammad Abu ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1961, ii, 645, iii, 29, 137, 301, 488 Wāḥidī, Asbāb al-nuzūl, Cairo 1388/1968, 13 Zamakhsharī, al-Fāʾiḳ fī gharīb al-ḥadīth, ed. ɈA. Muḥammad al-Bidjāwī and Muḥammad Abu ɇl-Fa l Ibraḥīm, Cairo 1971, i, 43 Zurḳānī, Sharḥ ʿala ʾl-mawāhib al-laduniyya li-ʾl- Ḳasṭallānī, Cairo 1326, iii, 350-2 Abū Ḥafṣ ɈUmar al-Mawṣilī, K. al-Wasīla, Hyderabad 1397/1977, iv/2, 115 Aḥmad b. AɈtham al-Kūfī, K. al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, i, 48-55 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 131-2, 360-62 M. Cook, Magian cheese: an archaic problem in Islamic Law, in BSOAS, xlvii (1984), 44967 Muḥammad Ḥamīdullāh, Madjmūʿat al-wathāʾiḳ al-siyāsiyya li-ʾl-ʿahd al-nabawī wa-ʾlkhilāfa al- rāshida, Beirut 1407/1987, 144 (no. 56)-156 (no. 67), 572-7 (and see the editor's comments) ɈAwn al-Sharīf Ḳāsim, Nashʾat al-dawla al-islāmiyya ʿalā ʿahd Rasūl Allāh, Cairo 1401/1981, 177-94, 323-9 J. Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. IV. Gemeindeordnung von Medina, Berlin 1889, 103-4 (no. 9), 117-19 (no. 42) W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Das genealogische Werk des Hišām ibn Muḥammad alKalbī, Leiden 1966, ii, 430. [Print Version: Volume VII, page 570, column 1] Citation: Kister, M.J. "al-Mundhir b. Sāwā (or Sāwī) b. ɈAbd Allāh b. Zayd b. ɈAbd Allāh." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.

Khabbāb b. al-Aratt

KhabbabEI.pdf Khabbāb b. al-Aratt, Abū ɈAbd Allāh or Abū Yaḥyā or Abū Muḥammad or Abū ɈAbd Rabbihi, a Companion of the Prophet. Tradition is not unanimous about his origin. Some reports state that his father was captured in a raid launched by the RabīɈa in the Sawād, sent to Mecca and sold as a slave to SibāɈ b. ɈAbd al-ɈUẓzā alKhuzāɈī, a confederate (ḥalīf) of the Banū Zuhra; SibāɈ (who was later killed by Ḥamza in the battle of Uḥud) gave him as a gift to his daughter Umm Anmār who freed him. In a tradition attributed to ɈAlī he is said to have been the first of the Nabaṭ to embrace Islam. Other traditions claim that the mother of Khabbāb, a professional circumciser, also gave birth to SibāɈ; it is for this reason that Ḥamza when killing SibāɈ, shouted to him “O son of the woman cutting the clitoris”. By virtue of this kinship, Khabbāb claimed to be a confederate of the Zuhra in Mecca. Some reports say that his father was from Kaskar or from the vicinity of al-Kūfa. A quite different tradition states that alAratt was a Tamīmī, of the Banū SaɈd, who was captured in a raid and sold in Mecca to Umm Anmār al-KhuzāɈiyya who freed him. This version, adopted by his descendants, gives his pedigree as follows: Khabbāb b. al-Aratt b. Djandala b. SaɈd b. Khuzayma b. KaɈb b. SaɈd from Tamīm. Another account records that Khabbāb was a freed slave (mawlā) of Thābit b. Umm Anmār; Thābit, these sources claim, was a mawlā of alAkhnas b. Sharīḳ Thaḳafī, who in his turn was a confederate of the Zuhra. These contradictory traditions do not help to establish exactly his origin and his position in Mecca, but he must have been of a very low status, as he was doubly dependent, being a mawlā of a family which was in turn in a relation of dependence as confederates of the tribal group of Zuhra. Khabbāb himself was a blacksmith, a profession regarded as base in Mecca and in the Arab peninsula in general. The tradition of his Sawādī origin seems preferable because of his father's incorrect Arabic speech, which is indicated by his nickname al-Aratt; this would seem to point to Arabic not being his native language, and he probably spoke Nabataean, sc. neo-Aramaic. Although a mawlā, Khabbāb apparently acquired some influence in the KhuzāɈī family of his master. It was he who promoted the plan that the family of SibāɈ should join the Zuhrī ɈAwf b. ɈAbd ɈAwf (the family of ɈAbd al-Raḥmān b. ɈAwf) as confederates and he indeed succeeded in carrying out his plan. Khabbāb was one of the earliest converts to Islam. He is usually mentioned as the sixth or the seventh man who embraced Islam. A unique tradition granting him an usually high position in Islam says that he was the first man who embraced Islam. Khabbāb is recorded as one of “the weak ones” in Mecca. Lacking any protection (manaʿa), he was exposed to persecution and cruel torture. The noble Ḳurashīs and leaders of tribes used to mock the Prophet when they saw him in the company of Khabbāb and other poor men, and some verses in the Ḳurɇān were revealed to the Prophet in this connection. It is said that Khabbāb was attached to the Prophet and heard some chapters of the Ḳurɇān from his mouth, and that he witnessed the conversion of ɈUmar to Islam when present in the house of ɈUmar's sister, reading chapters from the Ḳurɇān. Having left Mecca as a muhādjir, Khabbāb dwelt in Medina together with al-Miḳdād b. ɈAmr in the house of Kulthūm b. Hidm; after the death of the latter they moved into the house of SaɈd b. ɈUbāda. In some sources, Khabbāb is included in the list of the Aṣḥāb al-Ṣuffa. The Prophet set up the relation of brotherhood between Khabbāb and Djabr b. ɈAtīk. Khabbāb participated in the battle of Badr and was entrusted with the division of the spoils. Tradition usually adds that he took part in all the other battles of the Prophet: he is, however, not mentioned in the list of warriors recorded in the stories of the battles. No details are available about the vicissitudes of his life during the caliphates of Abū Bakr and ɈUmar. ɈUthmān granted him possession of ṢaɈnabā or Istīniyā in the vicinity of al-Kūfa and he settled in al-Kūfa. ShīɈī traditions claim that he took part in the battle of Ṣiffīn and Nahrawān; some ShīɈī sources mention that he signed the document of arbitration at Ṣiffīn. Khabbāb died in 37 AH (or 39) at the age of 63 (or 73) as a rich man, leaving about 40,000 dirham in cash. He regretted before his death that he had accumulated wealth; he was afraid lest he might have forfeited his reward in the next world, as he had received it already in this world. Khabbāb gave orders that he should be buried outside al-Kūfa, thus initiating a change in the then custom of burying the dead in their own houses. ɈAlī is said to have prayed over his grave when he returned from the battle of Ṣiffīn. He transmitted 32 utterances of the Prophet, some of which were recorded in the canonical collections of ḥadīth, and some traditions of the Prophet were transmitted by his daughter. A son, ɈAbd Allāh, was cruelly killed by the Khawāridj. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn Hishām, Sīra al-nabawiyya, Cairo 1355/1936, i, 271, 368-370, 383, ii, 337 Ibn SaɈd, Ṭabaḳāt, Beirut 1377/1957, iii, 164-7, v, 245 al-Wāḳidī, al-Maghāzī, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, i, 100, 155 al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. Muḥammad Ḥamīdullāh, Cairo 1959, i, index idem, Futūḥ al-buldān, Beirut 1377/1958, 381-2 al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, index idem, al-Muntakhab min kitāb dhayl al-mudhayyal, Cairo 1358/1939, 57 Khalīfa b. Khayyāṭ, al-Ṭabaḳāt, ed. Akram idem, Taʾrīkh, ed. Akram iyāɇ al-ɈUmarī, Baghdad 1387/1967, 17, 126 iyāɇ al-Dīn al-ɈUmarī, Baghdad 1386/1967, index Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Munammaḳ, ed. Kh. A. Fāriḳ, Hyderabad 1384/1964, 294/295 idem, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 288 al-Minḳarī, Waḳʿat Ṣiffīn, Cairo 1382, 506, 530 Ibn Ḳutayba, al-Maʿārif, ed. al-Ṣāwī, repr. Beirut 1390/1970, 138 ɈAbd Allah b. al-Mubārak, Kitāb al-zuhd waʾl-raḳāʾiḳ, ed. ɈAbd al-Raḥmān al-AɈẓamī, Malegaon 1385/1966, 183-4 Ṭayālisī, al-Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 141-2 Muḳātil, Tafsīr, Ms. Top Kapu Saray, Ahmet III, 74, ii, fols. 43b, 165b, 224b al-Wāḥidī, Asbāb al-nuzūl, Cairo 1388/1968, 146, 251 al-Ḥākim al-Naysābūrī, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, 381/383 al-MasɈūdī, al-Tanbīh waʾl-ishrāf, ed. al-Ṣāwī, Cairo 1357/1938, 199 (quoted by Mughulṭāy, al-Zahr al-bāsim, Ms. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 118a) Abū NuɈaym al-Iṣfahānī, Ḥilyat al-awliyāʾ, Cairo 1351/1932, i, 143-7, 359-60 al-KalāɈī, al-Iktifāʾ, Cairo 1387/1968, i, 336 Ibn ɈAbd al-Barr, al-Istīʿāb, Cairo 1380/1960, 437-9, no. 628 Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, ʿUyūn al-athar, Cairo 1356, i, 272 Ibn Ḥazm, Djawāmiʿ al-sīra, ed. I. ɈAbbās, N. Asad, S̲h̲ākir, Cairo, n.d., index Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya waʾl-nihāya, Beirut – al-Riyā 1966, vii, 288 idem, Sīra al-nabawiyya, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 496-7 idem, Shamāʾil al-rasūl, Cairo 1386/1967, 358 al-Bayhaḳī, Dalāʾil al-nubuwwa, Medina 1389/1969, i, 425, ii, 57 Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad al-Bayhaḳī, al-Maḥāsin waʾl-masāwī, Cairo 1380/1961, i, 109-11 al-Haythamī, Madjmaʿ al-zawāʾid, Beirut 1967, ix, 298-9 al-Māwardī, Aʿlām al-nubuwwa, Cairo 1319, 77 Ibn Abī ɇl-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ nahdj al-balāgha, Cairo 1964, xviii, 171-2 Muḥammad b. Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Dimashḳī, Djāmiʿ al-āthār, Ms. Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 339a al-Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ, Cairo 1957, ii, 234-5 idem, Taʾrīkh al-islām, Cairo 1367, ii, 175-6 al-Kāzarūnī, al-Sīra al-nabawiyya, Ms. Br. Mus. Add. 18499, fol. 106a Ibn Ḥadjar, Tahdhīb al-tahdhīb, Hyderabad 1325, iii, 133-4, no. 254 idem, al-Iṣāba, Cairo 1325/1907, ii, 101, no. 2206 al-Fāsī, al-ʿIḳd al-thamīn, Cairo 1384/1965, iv, 300-3, No. 1119 al-Suyūṭī, al-Khaṣāʾiṣ al-kubrā, Cairo 1386/1967, ii, 262 ɈAlī b. Burhān Dīn, al-Sīra al-ḥalabiyya, Cairo 1351/1932, i, 355 Ibn ɈAbd Rabbihi, al-ʿIḳd al-farīd, ed. Aḥmad Amīn et alii, Cairo 1368/1949, iii, 238 al-Muttaḳī al-Hindī, Kanz al-ʿummāl, Hyderabad 1388/1968, xv, 343, no. 941 al-Madjlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, Tehran 1270, viii, 728 al-Nabulusī, Dhakhāʾir al-mawārīth, Cairo 1352/1934, i, 200-2, nos. 1811-20 al-YaɈḳūbī, Taʾrīkh, Nadjaf 1384/1964, ii, 22 Ibn Bābūya al-Ḳummī, Kitāb al-khiṣāl, Tehran 1389, 312 Yāḳūt, Muʿdjam al-buldān, s.v. Ṣaʿnabā and Istīniyā W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953, index. [Print Version: Volume IV, page 896, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. “Khabbāb b. al-Aratt, Abū ɈAbd Allāh or Abū Yaḥyā or Abū Muḥammad or Abū ɈAbd Rabbihi." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.


qudaa.pdf KUDA'A Kuda'a, a group of Arab tribes of obscure origin. The opinions of the genealogists about their origin are contradictory. Some of them assert that they were descendants of Ma'add, while others say that they were from Himyar. Both parties had recourse to traditions and utterances attributed to the Prophet, in which he is said either to have declared that Ma'add's kunya was Abu Kuda'a, or to have explicitly stated that Kuda'a was a descendant of Himyar. Harmonizing traditions reported that the mother of Kuda'a was the wife of Malik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. Malik b. Himyar who later married Ma'add, bringing with her Kuda'a, her son from her first marriage; Kuda'a was therefore later called Kuda'a b. Ma'add. A contradictory tradition of this kind claimed that Kuda'a was the son of Ma'add; later, his mother married Malik b. 'Amr alHimyarI, who adopted the child, Kuda'a, and thus he was called Kuda'a al-HimyarL 1 Some traditions explicitly say that the Kuda'I tribes related themselves to Ma'add, but turned to the HimyarI nasab after being bribed and pressurized by Mu'awiya.2 The name Kuda'a is an early one and can be traced in fragments of old Arab poetry. The tribes recorded as Kuda'I were: Kalb [q.v.], Djuhayna, Ball, Bahra' [q.v.]' Khawlan [q.v.]' Mahra, Khushayn, Djarm, 'Udhra [q.v.]' Bal~ayn,3 Tanukh [q.v.]' and SalI4; however, theattribution of some of these tribes to Kuda'a (like Tanukh, Khawlan and Mahra) was the subject of dispute among genealogists. Several of the Kuda'a clans joined other tribes, adopting their pedigree and changing their tribal identity. Among the prominent divisions of the Kuda'a one may particularly refer here to the Djuhayna and Ball. 1. The vast territory of the Djuhayna, controlling the coastal caravan route between Syria and Mecca, included the localities of $afra', alMarwa, al Hawra' and Yanbu'; to them belonged $ufayna, the mountains 1 See M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, Notes on Gaskel's Gamharat an-nasab, in Oriens xxv-xxvi (1976), 56-7, and references in notes 43-51; also Nur al-Dln alHayiliamT, Madjma' al-zawii'id, repr. Beirut 1967, i, 194-5; A!l.!!:iin', vii, 77-8; al- HamdanT, al-Ikm, ed. MuJ:!ammad al-Akwa' al-I:Iiwall, Cairo 1383/1963, i, 180-90. 2 See e.g. M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, op. cit., notes 51-7; Nur al-DTn al-Hayiliaml, op. cit., i, 194; AghanT, loc. cit.; IJ:!san N