The Massacre of the Banū Qurayẓa: A Re-Examination of a Tradition

banu_qurayza.pdf THE MASSACRE OF THE BANU QURAYZA A re-examination of a tradition The story of the massacre of the Banu Qurayza (April 627 A.D./Dhu l-Qa'da 5 A.H.), l as recorded in various compilations of the Sira-literature, is concerned with the final blow which the prophet Muhammad struck at the last Jewish tribal group in Medina. According to the widely current tradition, transmitted by the early Muslim scholars of hadith, biographers of the Prophet, jurists and historians, Qurayza are said to have concluded a pact with the Prophet in which they committed themselves not to help the enemies of the Prophet. But when the enemies of the Prophet (i.e. the Confederates, Quraysh and their Allies, the Ahzab - K.) besieged Medina the Banu Qurayza are alleged to have aided the forces of the Prophet's enemies, the Ahzab. Huyayy b. Akhtab, a former leader of the exiled Jewish tribe of the Banu Nadlr is blamed for having instigated Ka'b b. Asad, the leader of Qurayza, to violate the agreement with the Prophet and for having pressed him to negotiate with the leaders of the Ahzab. The Prophet succeeded by stratagem to undermine the mutual confidence between Qurayza and the Ahzab and to spoil their strategic plans against him and against the Muslim community at Medina. The failure of the siege of Medina by the Ahzab and their disordered and hasty retreat marked a manifest victory for the Prophet and left Qurayza in a precarious position, facing the forces of the Prophet in isolation. Immediately after the withdrawal of the Ahzab the Prophet was actually summoned by the angel Jibril to march out against the Banu Qurayza. The siege laid by the forces of the Prophet on the stronghold of Qurayza brought about a deterioration of the situation of the besieged shortly afterwards. Their leader, Ka`b b. Asad put forward three proposals as solution: (a) that they should convert to Islam, (b) that they should kill the women and children and march out from the stronghold to fight courageously the besieging force of the Muslims, or (c) that they should l See J.M.B. Jones, The Chronology ofthe Maghazi, BSOAS XIX, 1957, pp. 274, 251. 62 surprise Muhammad and his troops by a speedy and unexpected attack on the eve of Saturday. All the proposals were, however, rejected by the Banu Qurayza. When the situation deteriorated Qurayza sent their messenger to negotiate with the Prophet the terms of their surrender. They proposed to surrender and depart leaving behind their land and property and taking with them movable property only, the load of a camel per person. When this proposal was rejected, the messenger returned asking that Qurayza be permitted to depart without any property, taking with them only their families; but this proposal too was rejected and the Prophet insisted that they surrender unconditionally and subject themselves to his judgment. Qurayza asked for Abu Lubaba, a Companion of the Prophet whom they trusted, to be sent to them in order to have his advice. Abo Lubaba indiscreetly pointed with his hand to his throat, a movement which clearly conveyed slaughter; he regretted his treason towards God and the Prophet, repented and the Prophet was glad to convey to him the joyous tiding of God's forgiveness, as it was revealed to him. The Banu Qurayza, compelled to surrender, descended from their stronghold and were led to Medina. The men, their hands pinioned behind their backs, were put in a court (dar) in Medina; the women and children are said to have been put in another one. When the Prophet was asked by people of Aus, who were allies of Qurayza, to show leniency towards their allies the Qurayza, he proposed to appoint as arbiter a man from Aus, Sa=d b. Mu-adh. Qurayza consented and so did the attending Muslims; among the Muslims were, of course, the Aus who in turn began to intercede with Sa-d for Qurayza; Sa-d's harsh answer was a bad omen for the fate of Qurayza. When all the parties agreed to abide by the judgment of Sa'd he gave his concise verdict: the men shall be put to death, the women and children sold into slavery, the spoils divided among the Muslims. The Prophet ratified the judgment and stated that Sa-d's decree had been issued as a decree of God pronounced from above the Seven Heavens. Accordingly some 400 (or 600, or 700, or 800, or even 900) men from Qurayza were led on the order of the Prophet to the market of Medina; trenches were dug in the place, the men were executed and buried in the trenches. The Prophet attended the executions, which were carried out by CAlI and al-Zubayr. Youths who had not reached maturity were spared. Women and children were sold into slavery; a number of them were distributed as gifts among the Companions. 63 The story of the massacre of Qurayza, of which a short summary has been given above, was thoroughly studied and analysed by several western scholars, who severely criticized the Prophet for it. 2 Although not unanimous in their assessment of certain details of the story, the scholars are in agreement concerning the cruelty of the judgment of Sa-d b. Mu'adh, Some Muslim scholars didn't deny the merciless character of Sa-d's judgment, but justified it pointing out that the Bam} Qurayza had yielded to the treacherous activities of Huyayy b. Akhtab and had committed deeds of treason. Sa-d's decree, although severe and harsh, was a vital necessity as he regarded the fate of the Jews as a question of life and death for the Muslim community. The responsibility for the killing of Qurayza should be placed on Huyayy b. Akhtab who instigated the war-activities against the Prophet.' 2 See e.g. Martin Hartmann, Der Islam, Leipzig 1909, p. 16: "Ein ewiges Schandmal bleibt die Ruchlosigkeit mit der Muhammed gegen den Stamm Quraiza verfuhr: 600 Manner erlitten den Tod durch Henkershand, die Weiber und Kinder wurden verkauft." W. Muir, Mahomet and Islam, London 1895, p. 151: "The massacre of Banu Coreitza was a barbarous deed which cannot be justified by any reason of political necessity... " "But the indiscriminate slaughter of the whole tribe cannot be recognized otherwise than as an act of monstrous cruelty, which casts an indelible blot upon the Prophet's name... " J. Andrae, Mohammed. Sein Leben und sein G1aube, G6ttingen 1932, p. 126: "Es war der letzte Jundenstamm in Medina, Banu Kuraiza, den er nun exemplarisch zu strafen beschloss wegen der Unzuverlassigkeit, die er wiihrend der Belagerung gezeigt hatte. Bei dieser Gelegenheit zeigte er wieder den Mangel an Ehrlichkeit und moralischem Mut, der einen weniger sympathischen Zug seines Charakters bildete... " F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, Trans!. H.H. Schaeder, Heidelberg 1955, p. 275: "... Diesmal war Muhammad jedoch zu erbittert urn Schonung zu gewahren: aber die Art wie er seinen Willen durschsetzte. hatte etwas in hohem Grade Raffiniertes und zeigt wieder seinen Charakter in einem sehr abstossenden Licht..." M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Mahomet, Paris 1969, p. 145: "L'incident des B. Qoraiza est une vilaine page de l'histoire de Mohammed, mais c'est un acte qui fut tres profitable a la gloire d'Allah et de son prophete ... " W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford, 1956, p. 214: "Some European writers have criticized this sentence for what they call its savage and inhuman character ... " Maxime Rodinson, Mohammed, New York 1974, p. 213: "It is not easy to judge the massacre of the Qurayza. It must be remembered that the customs of the time were extremely primitive ... " F. Gabrieli, Muhammad and the Conquest of Islam, London 1968, p. 73: "This dark episode, which Muslim tradition, it must be said, takes quite calmly, has provoked lively discussion among western biographers of Muhammed, with caustic accusations on the one hand and legalistic excuses on the other... In this case he was ruthless, with the approval of his conscience and of his God, for the two were one; we can only record the fact, while reaffirming our consciousness as Christians and civilised men, that this God or at least this aspect of Him, is not ours." 3 Muhammad Husayn Hayka!, Hayiu Muhammad, Cairo 135g, p. 321. And see e.g. Hafiz Ghulam Sarwar, Muhammad the Holy Prophet, Lahore 1967, p. 247: "No one can dispute the justice of the sentence on the Quraiza ... Traitors are always executed unless they ask pardon and circumstances justify the pardon being granted... Muhammad was absolutely 64 I Odd assumptions appear in W.N. Arafat's article on this subject.' Arafat tries to prove the unreliability of the account of the events of the massacre of Qurayza as recorded by Ibn Ishaq (d. 151 A.H.) and transmitted by later Muslim scholars, historians and biographers of the Prophet. The later historians "draw, and in most cases depend on Ibn Ishaq", states Arafat and comments: "But Ibn Ishaq died in 151 A.H., i.e., 145 years after the event in question".' Arafat's severe criticism refers first of all to the way in which Ibn Ishaq collected his information: his sources were untrustworthy, uncertain and late; his account is in Arafat's opinion "a sum-total of the collective reports, pieced together". Arafat quotes thrice the opinion of Malik b. Anas (from Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyun al-athar) about Muhammad b. Ishaq: "he was a liar", "an impostor" who "transmits his stories from the Jews'" and stresses twice that "against the late and uncertain sources on the one hand, and the condemning authorities on the other must be set the only contemporary and entirely authentic source, The Qur'an." (Sura XXXIII, 26: "He caused those of the People of the Book who helped them (i.e. the Quraysh) to come out of their forts. Some you killed, some you took prisoner." [as quoted by Arafatj).? If 600 or 700 people were killed there would have been a clearer reference to it in the Qur'an; as only the guilty leaders were executed the reference in the Qur'an is very brief - argues Arafat. He rejects without hesitation the widely circulated story about the massacre of the Banii Qurayza and reiterates his argument: the verse of the Qur'an indicates clearly that only those men of Qurayza who were actually fighting were free from blame. The real culprit in this tragedy, for it was a most horrible tragedy... was Huyayy b. Akhtab... " Ameer Ali, A short history of the Saracens, London 1961, p. 13: "It was considered unsafe to leave the traitorous Banu Koraiza so near the city, as their treachery might at any moment lead to the destruction of Medina... This was a severe punishment according to our ideas, but it was customary according to the rules of war then prevalent." Muhammad Hamidullah, Muslim Conduct of State, Lahore 1961, §443: "... The females and children of the Jewish tribe of Banu Quraizah were, by the decision of the arbitrator nominated by themselves, enslaved and distributed as booty. This arbitral award was in conformity with the Jewish personal Jaw... "; §497: "... In the case of the Banu Quraizah, it was the arbitrator of their own choice who awarded exactly what Deuteronomy provided... " 4 W.N. Arafat, "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina," JRAS (1976), 100-107. 5 Arafat, op. cit., pp. 101, U. 1-2. 6 Arafat, op. cit., pp, 10I, 1. 8, 102 ult. -103 1.1, 106 U. 2-3. 7 Arafat, op. cit., pp. 1011. 20, 103 1I. 11-15. 65 executed; according to the rule of Islam only those responsible for the sedition were punished. Killing a large number of people is opposed to the Islamic sense of justice and the Qur'anic rule regarding prisoners, argues Arafat. Why should the Qurayza have been slaughtered, asks Arafat, while other Jewish groups which surrendered both before and after the Banu Qurayza were treated leniently and were allowed to go. If so many hundreds of people were indeed put to death in the market-place and trenches were dug for the operation, why, asks Arafat, is there no trace of all that and no sign or word to point to the place? "Had this slaughter actually happened", contends Arafat, "the jurists would have adopted it as a precedent"; "in fact exactly the opposite had been the case" - asserts Arafat. Arafat stresses further that the details of the story imply inside knowledge, i.e. from the Jews themselves. Both the descendants of the Banii Qurayza and the descendants of the Medinan Muslims were eager to glorify their ancestors; it was one of the descendants of Sacd b. Mu-adh who transmitted the judgment of Sa-d and the saying of the Prophet to Sad: "You have pronounced God's judgment upon them [as inspired] through Seven Veils"." Finally Arafat raises some additional questions: how could many hundreds of persons be incarcerated in a house belonging to a woman of the Banu l-Najjar, and how can one explain the fact that some Jews are mentioned as remaining in Medina after the alleged expulsion of all the Jewish tribes? Arafat draws a comparison between the story of Masada as recorded by Josephus Flavius and the story of the Banu Qurayza. Arafat's conclusions are surprising: the descendants of the Jews who fled to Arabia after the Jewish wars superimposed details of the siege of Masada on the story of the siege of the Banu Qurayza. According to Arafat, the mixture provided the basis for Ibn Ishaq's story. Arafat's article was followed by another one by a certain Zaid. In his article entitled "The Masada Legend in Jewish and Islamic Tradition"? the author reiterates Arafat's arguments, arrives at the same con- 8 Arafat's rendering of this sentence is erroneous: min fauqi sao Cati arqi ' The references quoted above from the compilations of al-Shaybant, al-Shafi'T, Abu bought by Mu-awiya]; and see ib. p. 86, no. I; and see e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 744, sup.: the court (dar) known as dar bani nasr in Damascus was a church (kanisat al-nasaray; Malik b.

Notes on a Papyrus Account of the ʿAqaba Meeting

Papyrus_Aqaba.pdf NOTES ON THE PAPYRUS ACCOUNT OF THE 'AQABA MEETING The four pages of the Schott-Reinhardt Papyrus containing the account by Wahb b. Munabbih about the meeting at aVAqaba 1 form one of the earliest documents dealing with the crucial event of the alliance between Mul},ammad and his followers from al-Madina. This document edited by Gertrude Melamede with great care and accuracy 2 contains, however, some words or phrases which the editor was unable to decipher 3, and others which she misread. In the first section of this article an attempt has been made to decipher some words and phrases important for the understanding of the text; in the second and third some traditions about the attendance of aVAbbas at the meeting of al-'Aqaba are discussed. I 49, 1.6:‫ ﺗﺘﻲ‬of Messenger،‫. . . . ﻧﻬﻤﻢ ﻟﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻪﻭﺳﺮﺍ‬ Allah met some of them and they a number of their people.:. The correct reading is not.:r ~..lC. but r~ I rJ.A..c.; the undeciphered Papyrus p. 2, 1.8 48, 1.4 = p. = «And the transl.p. r~Js.~r."AJ1 rJ.A..c. o~ti word is o.,r,a.ti; thus the text reads as follows: .:r .iii I J.,...) ,,;; ~ ~ «And‫ﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻤﺘﺪﻡ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻟﺘﻴﻪﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺮﻝ ﻓﻠﻔﻲ‬ ormed him about the arrival of the people and about their number.:. Papyrus p. 2, 1.12 =. p. 48, 1.8: the word undeciphered is probably: ~ 1 C. H. BECJO!:R, Papyri Sohott-Reinhardt 1, Heidelberg 1906, p. 8-9; see Nabia ABBO'l"l', 8tudtB. "" ANI/to Utera", Panri I, Chicago 1951, pp. 61-64; eomp. WATT, J(~mtnad at J(tJCCa, pp. 146-148. II M.o., 1984, pp. 11-58. a See the remark of G. M:iLA.ldDB, op. mt., p. 20 : c The writing is often very indistinct and sometimes impoBBible to decipher.:. 403 404 Papyrus p. 2,1.16 V"~I V"~I J. M. KISTER = p. 48,1.10 = transl. P. 50,1.21 : (~) ~ r*l r*l The reading is with all probability: r ';1 I.!.UjS r ~ ,;! «When (as) they were in this situation aVAbbiis passed by s. The reading of the missing word in the next line is evidently [V"L:JI'"';)'J..;. ~ «who are these men s. The answer of the Prophet: «these are my maternal uncles and your maternal uncles» 4 is elucidated by a tradition quoted by al-Dhahabi" : aVAbbiis taking the oath of allegiance from the An~r stressed that the mother of 'Abd al-Muttalib was from the people of al-Madina, from the Banu al-Najjar. She was in fact from the Banu al-Najjar ; her name was Salma bint 'Amr b. Zayd b. Labid b. Khidash b. Ghanm b. 'Adiyy b. aI-Najjar 6. Papyrus p. 2,1.18 = p. 48, inf. = transl. 49 penult. ~ly:.f Jli ~pli ..~r r.J ~j.J .I..l."....).J ..:i\4~T J.i c:;.;LI.J V".J~" ~ I.!.Uly:.f.J «-My maternal uncles and your maternal uncles, the Aus ':i.J~; and the Khazradj have believed in Allah and His Messenger. And they thought that when they acted in this way they would ». The translation qu¢ed above is inaccurate. The undeciphered word is the correct translation is as follows: «My maternal uncles and your maternal uncles, the Aus and the Khazradj have believed in Allah and His Messenger. They asserted, and they are about to act as they asserted, that they would aid me ... etc.» The phrase ~pli is a «val» clause. r.J Papyrus p. 2,1.20 = p. 50,1.1 =transl. p. 51,1.1 (.4ti Jli .1.:6.) V"~IJ« (He said) : and aVAbbiis permitted him to leave» The reading and the translation are both erroneous: AVAbbiis See note 24. T8.rikh I, 178; it is quoted on the authority of Miis8.b. -Uqba., probably from his Maghazi. 6 MUIiI'abl-Zubayrj, Nasab Quraysh (ed. LEVI-PROVENCAL), a p. 15; Ibn I;Iazm, Jamharat Ansab al -Arab (ed. LEVI·P'BOVENCAL), p. 12; eomp, the story of the death of Amina, the mother of the prophet on her way back to Mecca from a visit of her maternal uncles of the al Najjar: Ibn Hishlim, Sira, I, 177; and see Mul)..b. I;Iabib, Ummahat aZ·Nabi, p. 2 a, 1. 7·11 (Baghdad 1952). 4 I) THE PAPYRUS ACCOUNT OF THE

Land Property and Jihād: A Discussion of Some Early Traditions

Land_Property.pdf Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. XXXIV LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD A discussion of some early traditions BY M.J. KISTER In memory of Prof. M. M. Plessner Traditions which deal with agriculture and the possession oflanded property, or with the question whether the acquisition of farms and estates in the territiories conquered by the Muslim forces in the early period is permitted or not, are often divergent and even contradictory. The diverse utterances seem to reflect ideological differences in the attitudes of Muslim scholars as to whether the Holy War, the conquests and the expansion of Islam go on, or whether there is to be a shift towards sedentarization, the cultivation of land and the setting up of a new class structure within the Muslim community. A study of some of these traditions may give us a clue for a better understanding of certain aspects of these problems and may help us in gaining some insight into the perceptions and views of the conflicting groups of hadith scholars, jurists and pious ascetics. I At a very early period reports attribute to the Prophet an instruction to the effect that farms or estates are not to be acquired in order to avoid wordly inclinations towards goods. This utterance: La tattakhidhu L-day'ata fa-targhabu fi L-dunya1) is fol~ 1) Abmad b. l;Ianbal, Musnad, ed. Abmad Mubammad Shakir, Cairo 1370/1950, V, 201, no. 3579 (and see the references of the editor and his comments); al-Bukhari, al-Ta)rfkh al-kabfr, Hyderabad 1377/1958, IV, 54, no. 1935; all;Iakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 3221; al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 185b; al-Tibrizi, Mishkiit al-mafiibf!t, Karachi 1967, LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD 271 lowed in certain sources by an enigmatic note of the transmitter, the Companion of the Prophet, (Abdallah b. Mas'fid 2): uia-bi-rddhdna mii bi-riidhiina wa-bi-l-madinati mii bi-l-madinati=[. The meaning of the utterance is clarified in another tradition transmitted by the selfsame (Abdallah b. Mas'fid: fa-kayfa bi-miilin bi-riidhiina wa-bi-kadhii wa-bikadhii4), "so what about the property at Radhan and such and such (a location)"? (Abdallah b. Mas'fids rebuke is actually addressed at himself, because he acted contrary to the word of the Prophet and acquired for himself abundance of family and wealth"). al-Zuhd, Beirut 1398/1978, p. 29; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-Bijawi, Cairo 1382/1963, II, 119, no. 3103; Ibn Abi cA~im. Kitiib al-zuhd, ed. cAbd al-CAliyy cAbd al-Harnid Hamid, Bombay, 1408/1987, pp. 101-102, no. 202 (and see the references of the editor). 2) See on him the detailed entry in EI2, s.v. Ibn Mas'fid a.-C. Vadet). 3) Al-Humaydi, al-Musnad, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-Aizami, Beirut-Riyad, 1382, I, 67, no. 122; al-Tayalisi, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, p. 50, no. 379; Yahya b. Adam, al-Khariij, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1347, p. 80, no. 354. 4) Abu CUbayd, al-Amwiil, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, p. 84, no. 221 inalui rasiilu lliihi bJ 'oni l-tabaqqurifi l-ahli wa-l-miilz); al- Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, ed. Hamdi cAbd al-Majid al-Silafi, n.p. 1400/1980, X, 259, no. 10493 (on the authority of cAbdaliah b. Mas'iud); and see the explanation of tabaqqur in Ibn al-Athir's al-Nihiiyafi gharibi l-hadith, ed. al-Zawi and al-Tanahi, Cairo 1383/1963, I, 44; and see al-Tayalisi, al-Musnad, p. 50, no. 380 (with the comment of the author: yaCnz al-kathrata fi l-mdli wa-l-wuldz); al-Munawi, Fayrj al-qadir, sharli al-jiimi': ai-saghir, Beirut 1391/1972, VI, 303, no. 9336 (and see the comments of al-Munawi on the tradition). 5) It is worthwile noting that there was a tendency to limit the number of children in the family in the period of early Islam. cAli is alleged to have said: "Anxiety is half way to decrepitude, and having a small family is one of the two manners of ease in life" (al-hammu nisfu l-harami wa-qillatu l_ciyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni), and comp. Ibn Said, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, Beirut 1377/1957, V, 136 (qillatu l_ciyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni attributed to Sa'fd b. al-Mussayyab; and see al-Suyuti, Jamcu 1jaiodmi", Cairo 1978, I, 608); al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, II, 481. The following utterance is attributed to the Prophet: "An extensive family and paucity of means are an affliction coupled with exertion" (jahdu l-baldri kathratu l_ciyiili maca qillati 1shay'z): al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fo!' 70b; Ibn Hamza alHusayni al-Hanafl al-Dimashqi, al-Bayiin ioa-l-ta'rif fi asbiibi wuriidi l-hadithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1920, II, 264, no. 935; and see al-jarrahi, Kashfu l-khafii'i uia-muzilu l-ilbiis 'ommd shtahara mina l-aluidithi 'alii alsinati l-nds, Beirut 1301 (repr.) 1,335, no. 1080; and see ib. another version: kathratu l_ciyiili ahadu l-faqrayni, wa-qillatu l-'iyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni. A Sufi opinion about the problem is given in the utterance of Abu Sulayrnan al-Darani; according to him he who wants children is a fool: children no. 441; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-i'tidal, ed. cAli Muhammad 272 M. J. KISTER The same tradition is recorded in Abu (Ubayd's Amwiil, in the chapter with the question of whether the acquisition of (or lending of) land in territories conquered by force is legal or not. Radhan was a place in the Sawad of (Iraq conquered by force ((anwatan, without a pact concluded with the conquered people-k); an estate at Radhan was acquired by (Abdallah b. Mas'fid and his name is in fact included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet, who acquired estates in the territories of kharii:J·6). will be helpful to him neither in this, nor in the next world. When one wants to eat, drink, or copulate they interrupt him and when one wants to worship God they distract him. (Abu Nuiaym, Hilyat al-auliyii", Beirut 1387/1967, IX, 264). A peculiar invocation of the believers on behalf of Christians and Jews contained a supplication for an abundance of children and wealth. (See e.g. Ibn cAsakir, Tatrikh. [tahdhib], ed. cAbd al-Qadir Badran, Damascus 1399/1979, IV, 250: Jii)a rajulun yahiidiyyun ild rasiili lldhi fa-qdla: dCu lliiha If, fa-qdla; asahha lliihu Jismaka waaidba harthaka wa-akthara mdlaka. And see: al-Bayhaqi, Shurab al-imiin, MS.Reisiilkiittap Mustafa Efendi [Sulaymaniyya], no. 219, fo1. 147a: can abdi lldhi bni cumara annahu marra bi-rajulin fa-sallama calayhi, fa-qila: innahu nasrdniyyun .. .fa-qala bnu cumara: akthara lliihu mdlaka wa-wuldaka. And see ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al'iimmal, Hyderabad 1370/1951, III, 133, no. 1178 [quoted from Ibn 'Asakir]: and see Muhammad b. Hibban al-Busti, Kitiib al-majriihin, ed. Mahmiid Ibrahim Zayid , Beirut 1396, II, 15 ult.-16, 1. 1: qiila rasiilu lldhi [!j idhd da'autum li-ahadin mina l-yahiidi toa-l-nasdrd fa-qiilii: akthara lldhu mdlaka wa-wuldaka; and see this tradition: al-Dhahabi, Mfziin al-i'tiddl, II, 401. Significant are the invocations of the Prophet on behalf of the believers. See e.g. al-Tabari , Tahdhfb al-dthdr, ed. Mahmud Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1402/1982, I, 279, no. 467: lldhumma man ahabbani fa-mna'hu l-mdla uia-l-ioalad ... ; and see ib, p. 282, no. 472: alliihumma man amana bi ioa-saddaqani ioa-Salima anna maJi)tu bihi 1haqqu min 'indika fa-aqilla mdlahu wa-wuldahu toa-habbib ilayhi liqa)aka wa- CajJil lahu 1qadii?«, wa-man lam yu )min bi wa-lam yusaddiqni wa-lam ya'lam anna md Ji)tu bihi l-haqqu min cindika fa-akthir mdlahu uia-ioaladahu uia-atil cumrahu.; [see this tradition: alSuyutt, al-Hdioi li-l-fatduii, ed. Muhyi l-Din cAbd al-Hamid. Cairo 1378/1953, I, 519, inf.; and see ibid. 1,520 sup.]; comp. al-Tabari, Tahdhib, I, 293, no. 475; and see the invocation of Tawus, ib. p. 303, no. 514: alliihumma ajirni min kathrati l-mdli wa-l-waladi. And see al-Daylami, Firda us , Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 187a, penult.: ... ld tatamannau kathrata l-mdli fa-inna kathrata l-mdli tukthiru l-dhuniib. And comp. Anonymous, Wa!iyyatu l-nabiyyi [!j li-Saliyyin, MS. Cambridge, Dd. 11.7, fol. 69a: ... ya 'aliyyu, idhd maqata lldhu 'obdan lam yanqu! min mdlihi shay/an uia-ld yursilu Jasadihi cillatan toa-ld zallatan ... And see the invocation of the Prophet in Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Tabari , Bishiirat al-mustafd li-shi'ati l-murtadii, Najaf 1383/1963, ... qdla r~siilu lldhi bJ: man ahabbani Ja-rzuqhu 1-caJaJa uia-l-kafdfa, usa-man abghadani faakthir miilahu wa-wuldahu. 6) See Abu Yiisuf, Kitdb al-iithdr, ed. Abu l-Wafa, Cairo 1355, p. 189, no. 859; us LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD 273 The acquisinon of land and property in these territories was severely criticized by many of the orthodox scholars of Islam. The prevalent idea in the early Muslim community was that the conquered lands were to remain in the hands of the conquered population, who should be ruled by Muslim authorities; the revenues of the land, the jay), belonged to the Muslim community and had to be divided among its members. The transfer of the land of the khardj (or of thejizya-k) from the owner of the land-property to the newcomer (i.e. the Muslim, who arrived with the advancing army-k) was considered a humiliating act of debasement and a kind of regression in the status of the Muslim 7). Some scholars and jurists considered the purchase of land in territories conquered on a basis of a pact (~ul~an) as a concession (rukh~a); they condemned however the purchase of land in territories conquered by force (Canwatan) 8). There were however some scholars who considered the acquisition of khariij land as legitimate arguing that khariij is merely imposed on land, while jizya is imposed on the heads of the unbelievers"). They argued further that CDthman granted fiefs (aq,taCa) to some Companions of the Prophet in the Sawad of clraq 10). and see p. 190, note 1: the people mentioned in the text are:

'... And He Was Born Circumcised ...': Some Notes on Circumcision in Ḥadīth

Circumcised.pdf " AND HE WAS BORN CIRCUMCISED Some notes on circumcision in Hadith by " M.J. Kister Jerusalem To Professor R. Sellheim as a token of esteem and respect The ritual of circumcision, in practice throughout the Muslim world, is traced back to Ibrahim, the ancestor of the Jews and the Arabs. Arab tradition, like that of the Jews, holds that he was the first who circumcised himself on the order of God. His is said to have performed this ritual at the age of eighty and to have lived until the age of two hundred. Another tradition claims that he carried out circumcision at the age of one hundred and twenty, in a place named Qadum. According to another tradition, the tool used by Ibrahim for the circumcision was named qadum, a pick-axel. 1 Abu Hudhayfa Ishaq b. Bishr, Mubtada'u l-dunya wa-qisasu l-anbiya', MS Bodleiana, Huntington 388, fol. 187b. And see Shil'awayh b. Shahridar al-Daylami, Firdausu l-akhbiJr, ed. Fawwaz Al)mad al-Zimirli and Mubammad al-MuCtll$imbi-llllhi I-Baghdadi, Beirut 1407/1987, I, 58, no. 44; and see the references of the editors. Fac;l1ullahiI-Jilllni, Farjlu lI11hi -$amadfi taudil;!i I I-adabi I-mufrad li-abi mul;!ammadi bni ismll'Tla I-bukhllri, Him$ 1388/1969, II, 668, no. 1244, 673, no. 1250. Mubammad b. Al)mad al-An$llrr l-Qurtubi, al-JiJmieIi-al;!kllmiI-qur'lln = TafsiTU I-qurfubi, Cairo 138711967, II, 99. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tul;!fatu l-maudi1d bi-al;!kllmi 1mauli1d, Beirut n. d., pp. 120-124. AI-Tabarllni, Musnad al-shllmiyyin, ed. Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, Beirut 1409/1989, I, 88, no. 124; and see the references provided by the editor. AbU 1Qllsim 'AIi b. al-Hasan, Ibn 'Asllkir, Tabyinu I-imtinlln bi-I-amri bi-I-ikhtitlln, ed. MajdI FatbI 1Sayyid, Tantll 1410/1989, pp. 33-35, nos. 9-12 (he circumcised himself at the age of eighty) and pp. 37, 39, nos. 17-18 (he circumcised himself at the age of hundred and twenty); and see ibid. the references given by the editor. AI-Muttaqi I-HindI, Kanzu I-'ummlll, Hyderabad 1395/1975, XXII, 36, no. 305. Ibn al-Mulaqqin, Tul;!fatu I-mul;!tlljilll adil/ati I-minhlij, eel. 'Abdallah b. Sa'llf al-LaI)yllni, Mecca al-mukarrama 1406/1986, II, 496, no. 1616; and see the references of the editor. Mubammad b. 'Ali b. TOIOn, Ff1$$U I-khawlltim fimll qila fi I-walll'im, eel. Nizllr Ub~, Damascus 140311983, p. 61. Al)mad b. cAlI b. al-Muthannll al-TamlmI, Musnad abi yrrlll 1maU$iI1,ed.Husayn Salim Asad, Damascus 1407/1987, X, 383-384, no. 5981; and see the abundant references of the editor. AI-Munllwi, Fayr!u I-qadir, sharl;!u l-jllmi'i I-$aghir, Beirut 13911 1972, I, 207-208, no. 284; and see ibid. the discussion whether qadi1m or qaddi1m is a name of a place or of a tool of a carpenter; a harmonizing assumption says that he circumcised himself with a tool named qadi1m in a place called qaddam. Badr al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibli, Mal;!lIsinu l-wasl1'ilfi mrrrifati l-awll'il, MS Brit. Library, Or. 1530, fol. 48b-49a: God told Ibrahim that he had already accomplished (the ••. .. and he was born circumcised ... " 11 A slightly divergent tradition about the circumcision of Ibrahim is recorded by Abu Bakr Ahmad b. cAmr b. Abl cAsim al-Shaybani, in his Kitnbu l-awli)i/2: Ibrahim carried out the circumcision at the age of one hundred and thirty yearsl. A peculiar tradition traced back to Abu Hurayra and recorded in Suvntr's al-Durr al-manthur+, says that Ibrahim circumcised himself in Qadum at the age of thirty years. AI-CAyruquotes a tradition recorded by al-Mawardt saying that Ibrahim circumcised himself at the age of seventy; according to Ibn Qutayba, after this event he lived for a hundred years and died at the age of one hundred and seventy'. Noteworthy is a tradition recorded by al-Bayhaqi in his ai-Sun an alkubra'': God ordered Ibrahrm to circumcise himself and he carried out the order using the qadum, the pick-axe. When the pain increased and became too hard for him to bear, he invoked God. God then asked him why was he so hasty in carrying out the order and Ibrahim answered that he did it because he feared to delay the accomplishment of God's injunction". There is, however, one tradition in which the circumcision of Abraham is not linked with an injunction of God. Abraham is said to have waged war with the Amalekites. Since many warriors of both the fighting troops fell in these battles, it was necessary to make a distinction during the burial of the dead between the believing warriors, fighting on the side of Abraham, and the unbelieving Amalekites. Then Abraham introduced the circumcision in order to distinguish by that mark the believing warriors from the unbelievers". The injunctions of-K.) his religious belief, qad akmalta tmanaka, except a bit, ba¢'a, of your body which you whould remove; he then circumcised himself, using for it a pick-axe. Another tradition says that God bade him clean himself on three occasions; at the first time he performed an ablution, at the second time he washed himself, at the third time he carried out the circumcision. And see: al-Baghawl, Maslibl(1u l-sunna, ed. Muhammad SalIm Ibrahim Samara and Jamal Hamdt l-Dhahabl, Beirut 140711987, IV, 18, no. 4428. Muhammad Nasir ai-Din aIAlbant, Silsilatu 1-a(llidIthil-sahtha, Beirut 1405/1985, II, 361, no. 725; and see the references of the author. EF, s. v, khitnn, Shams ai-Din aI-SuyiitJ, [t(lll/u I-akhi$sll bi-/arJll)iJi I-masjidi t-aqss, ed. Ahmad Ramadan Ahmad, Cairo 1984, II, 74 records some technical details of the circumcision: Ibrahim used the pick-axe, qaddum for the circumcision; he drew the pick-axe towards himself and hit it with a stick; then the prepuce fell down without any pain or flow of blood. See these details of the circumcision of Ibrahim in Ibn 'Asikir's Tabylnu l-imtinan, pp. 36-37, no. 15 and in 'Ali' al-Dln 'Ali Dadah aI-SaktawAli aI-Busnawi's MU(lllrJaratal-awll'iI wa-musamarat al-awakhir, Bulaaq 1300, p. 38. 2 Ed. Muhammad b. Ni$ir aI·cAjami, aI-Kuwayt 1405, p. 64, no. 19. 3 See ibid. the references provided by the editor. 4 Cairo 1314, I, 115 sup. S A1-'Ayni, cUmdat al-qllrl shar(l sa(li(li t-bukhsrt, repr, Beirut, n. d., XV, 246. 6 Hyderabad 1355, VIII, 326. 7 See this tradition: aI-SuyiitJ, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 115. Ibn Hajar aI-CAsqalani, Fathu t-bsn shar(l sa(ll(1iI-bukhllrl, Cairo 1301, repr, Beirut, X, 288, pp. 25-26. Ibn Qayyim aI-Jauziyya, Tuhfa: al-maudud, p. 121. A1-Saffilrl, Nuzhatu l-majalis wa-muntakhabu l-najQ'is, Beirut, n. d., p. 490 inf. Ibn 'Asakir, Tabyinu l-imtinan, p. 36, no. 14. 8 Abill;iudhayfa Is\.llq b. Bishr, Mubtada)u l-dunya wa-qisasu t-anbiya', MS fol. 187b. 'Ala) 12 M.J. Kister Muslim tradition is, however, almost unanimous in saying that Ibrahim performed the circumcision on the order of God. As there is no special verse in the Qur-an enjoining the circumcision, commentators of the Qur-an strove to find some indications in the Qur'an implying that God enjoined Ibrahim to carry out the circumcision. Such was the verse 124 in surat al-baqara: ... wa-idhi btala ibrahtma rabbuhu bi-kalimatin faatammahunna ... , "and (remember) when his Lord tried Abraham with certain commands which he fulfilled ... " One of these commands, kalimat, was, according to some scholars, the injunction of the circumcision''. The story of the circumcision of Abraham according to God's injunction and his suffering is confronted by the story of the circumcision of the Prophet. Unlike Abraham, the Prophet was granted the grace of being born circumcised. The tradition of the miraculous circumcision of the Prophet, as transmitted by his servant Anas b. Malik, says that the Prophet stated: "For the sake of my honourable position at God's Presence I was born circumcised and nobody saw my pudendum," min karamatt Callillahi ann] wulidtu makhtiinan wa-lam yara ahadun sau'ati10. Al-Munawt, who recorded this tradition, adduced a remarkable list of reservations and many critical observations of Muslim orthodox scholars. Some al-Dln 'Ali Dadah al-Saktawart al-Busnawi, Mu~iit;faratu l-awli'i1 wa-musamaratu I-awakhir, p. 38; and see ibid. details about Ibrahim as a military leader. AI-Tha'iabi, Q#t1$al-anbiya', Cairo n. d., pp. 129-130. Al-Saffurl, Nuzhatu l-majdlis, p. 491 sup. 9 See e.g. Isbaq b. Bishr, Mubtad"u l-dunya, MS fol. 188b, sup. Ibn Abi Shayba, alMusannaf, (reprint) XI, 521, no. 11877. Shihabu l-Dln I-Khafaji, Naslmu f-riYllt;f i sharhi shiflJ'i I I-qllt;/lciyllt;f, airo 1327, I, 343 inf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhfatu l-maudud, p, 164: ... wa-IC khitan kana mina I-kh#a/i llati btala /lahu subMJnahu biha ibrllhima khalrlahu fa-atammahunna wa-akmalahunna fa-ja'alahu imaman li-t-nasi ... 10 Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Wa/ll bi-ahwali l-mustafa, ed. Mu~~afii cAbd aI-Wiibid, Cairo 1386/1966, p. 97. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahanl, Dalli'ilu l-nubuwwa, ed. Muhammad Rawwas QaIcajI and 'Abd al-Barr 'Abbas, Beirut 1406/1986, I, 154, no. 91. Ibn Nasir al-Dtn al-Dimashqt, Jamieu I-II/hllrIi maulidi l-nabiyyi l-mukhtar, MS Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 192b, quoted from Abu NuCaym's Dalll'il, and fol. 193a, quoted from al-Khatib al-Baghdadl's Ta'rikh and from Ibn cAsAkir, evidently from his Ta'rikh dimashq. Ibn Kathir, al-Slra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~~afa 'Abd aI-Wiibid, Cairo 1385/1966, I, 209. Shihabu l-Dln aI-Khafaji, Nastmu I-riyat;f,I, 363, inf.-364. Al-Zurqant, al-Mawllhibu l-Iaduniyya, Cairo 1326, V, 244. Husayn b. Muhammad al-Diyarbakrl, Ta)rikhu 1khamts Ii a~wali anfasi nafls, Cairo 1283, I, 204 inf. 'Ali b. Burhan aI-Din al-Halabl, Inssnu 1'uyun Ii strati l-amini I-ma'mun = al-Slra al-fralabiyya, Cairo 138211962, I, 59. And see: Muhammad b. Yusuf aI-salil:u, Subulu I-hudll wa-J-rashiJdIi strati khayri I-rTkh-tahdhlb, Beirut 1399/1979, I, 283. Ibn KathIr, al-S1ra al-nabawiyya, I, 208-209. Ibn al-Jauzi, Sifatu l-safwa, I, 52. Ab1l Nu'aym al-Isfahant, DallPii al-nubuwwa, p. 154, no. 92; and see the references of the editor. Al-MaqrIzi, Imtif-u l-asmif- bi-ma li-l-rasuli mina l-anblPi wa-l-amwalt wa-l-l:uz/adati wa-lmats", ed. Mal.un1ldMuhammad Shakir, Cairo 1941, 1,4 inf. Ibn Nl$ir al-Dln al-DimashqI, Jllmi< al-llthllr, MS fol. 192b, quoted from al-BayhaqI's Dalll'il. Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, Beirut 1380/1960, I, 103. Ibn Nasir al-Din al-Dimashql, Jllmie al-tuhar, MS fol. 192; quoted from Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqllt. Al-'Aq1llI, al-Rasf li-ma ruwiya 'ani l-nabiyyi sallllllllhu 'alayhi wa-sallam mina I-Ji'li wa-l-wasf, Cairo 1406/1986, I, 20; quoted from Ibn Sa'd, 36 I, 112. • ••. .. and he was born circumcised ...•• 17 by Amina the night when she bore the Prophet. He took the child and brought it to Hubal, who was placed in the Ka'ba: he invoked God and thanked Him for His precious gift, the birth of the Prophet!", One tradition links the entrance of cAbd al-Muttalib with the child into the Ka'ba with some socio-religious activities practiced in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya, It was cAbd al-Muttalib who invoked in the Sanctuary for the child, it was he who named the child Muhammad and it was he who invited Quraysh and prepared a party for them on the occasion of the birth of Muhammad-". Some traditions say that CAbd al-Muttalib circumcised the child, performing the ritual on the seventh day after his birth39• Mughultay confronts in his al-Zahr al-basim40 the tradition that the Prophet was born circumcised with the tradition that CAbdal-Muttalib circumcised the child on the seventh day of his birth, arranged a party on this occasion and named him Muhammad. Mughultay notes that this tradition seems to be more acceptable than that of the Prophet being born circumcised'", Some of the traditions saying that CAbd al-Muttalib circumcised the child stress that he performed it according to the practice of the Arabs+'. The reliability of the tradition saying that the Arabs practiced circumcision 37 And see Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, 1,208. Ibn 'Asiildr, Tatrtkh -tahdhtb, 1,284. AlBayhaql, Shucab al-tman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy cAbd al-Hamld Hamid, Bombay 140711987, III, 555; and see references of the editor. Abu Hatim Muhammad b. Hibban al-Busti, al-Sira al-nabawiyya wa-akhbaru l-khulafa", excerpted from al-Bustt's Kitabu l-thiqm, ed. 'Aziz Bek and alii, Beirut 140711987, p. 53. 38 See e.g. 'Abd al-Malik al-'I$limi, Simtu l-nujami 1-'awiil1fi anbCI'i l-awl1'i1i wa-l-tawatt, Cairo 1380, I, 263 inf.-264. 39 Al-Maqrtzt, lmtl!'u l-asms-, 1,5. Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 70a, 1.1. Al-Qurtubl, TafsIr, II, 100. Ibn cAsakir, Ttrrtkh-tahdbtb, I, 283. 40 MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 69 b. 41 cr. Ibn 'Aslikir, Tairtkh-tahdhtb, I, 283. 42 See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhfatu l-maudud, p. 158: ... anna jaddahu 'abda 1muttalibi khatanahu 'all1 'lIdati I-'arabi j1 khitani auladihim ... Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zi1du 1ma'iid, I, 19, sup. And see the utterance attributed to Ibn 'Abbas in al-Suyutt's al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 114, inf. .,. 'ani bni 'abblisin qlIla: sab'un mina l-sunnati fi l-sabiyyi yauma l-sl1bi'i:yusamma wa-yukhtanu wa-yumatu 'anhu l-adhl1 wa-yu'aqqu 'anhu wa-yuhlaqu rcrsuhu wa-yultakhu min 'uqiqatihi wa-yutasaddaqu bi-wazni sha'ri ra'sihi dhahaban au flddatan, Al-Halabt, al-Sira al-halabiyya, I, 59. Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajl, Nasimu l-riyiJfl, I, 364: .•. anna jaddahu 'abda 1murtalibi khatanahu yauma Sl1bicihiwa-ja'ala lahu ma'dubatan wa-sammahu muhammadan, wakanati I-'arabu takhtatinu li-annahu sunnatun tawilrathilhil min isma'i1a wa-ibrahtma 'alayhimli l-salamu, And see al-Ya'qnbt, Ta'rIkh, ed. Muhammad Sadiq Bahru 1-'uliim, Najar 1384/1964, I, 224: wa-kanat adyl1nu I-'arabi mukhtalifatan bi-l-mujawarat! Ii-ahli l-milali wa-l-intiqnli tta 1buldilni wa-I-intijl!'ilti. fa-kanat qurayshun wa-'ilmmatu wuJdi ma'addi bni 'adnlIna 'alil ba'f/i dtni ibrahima ya!luijiina l-bayta wa-yuqtmuna l-manasika wa-yaqruna l-dayfa wa-yucauimiina 1ashhura l-huruma wa-yunkirana l-fawill;.isha wa-l-taql1/u'a wa-t-tazsluma wa-yu'l1qibiina 'all1 1jarl1'imi, fa-lam yazillQ 'all1 dhl1lika mil kl1nQwulata l-bayti ... Al-Khafa]! emphasizes that circumcision among the Arabs was not caused by the neighbourhood of the Jews, wa-Iaysa dhillika li-mujawarati l-yahud •..• 18 M.J. Kister in pre-Islamic times is convincingly demonstrated by Uri Rubin in his article: "Hanifiyya and Ka'ba, An inquiry into the Arabian pre-Islamic background of din Ibrahim. ,,43 It is indeed noteworthy that the traditions transmitted by Ibn (Abbas emphasize the role of (Abd al-Muttalib and the continuity of the Jahill customs, according to which (Abd al-Muttalib acted. The practice of circumcision of females in the period of the Jahiliyya is indicated in a verse of Nabigha al-Dhubyani, in which he mentions young girls captured in a raid before they were circumcised+'. A third group of traditions says that the angel Jibril performed the circumcision of Muhammad in the abode of Hallma, when he opened his breast and purified his heart45. Arab sources emphasize the persistence of the Abrahamian beliefs in the Arab peninsula=, A tradition recorded on the authority of (Ikrima asserts that uncircumcised persons were not to perform the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, No uncircumcised person ever circumambulated the Ka'ba since the time of Abraham, the tradition says47. Al-Jahiz is quoted as stating that the practice of female and male circumcision remains continuous since the time of Ibrahim and Hajar until now: ... qiila l-jliJ:ziZ:wa-l-khitanu ft l-sarabi ft l-nisli'i wa-l-rijali min ladun ibrtihima 'alayhi I-salamu wa-hajara Uli yaumina hlidha. Al-Jahiz adds the following observation: ... thumma lam yiilad sabiyyun makhtunan au fl surati makhtunin, wa-nasun yaz-umuna anna l-nabiyya $alla llnhu 'alayhi wa-sallam wa-stsn 'alayhi l-salnmu khuliqd makhtunayniv: The Arab character of the practice of circumcision is reflected in the story 43 JSAI, vol. XIII (1990) 103: " ... The pre-Islamic deity of the Kaalati I-samo<, MS Hebrew Univ. AP Ar. 158, Col. 8b, penult.: ... kana 'umaru bnu I-khaflllbi ratjiya Ililhu 'anhu idhil samtia l-duffa wa-l-ghiniJla ankarahu, fa-idhil qtla khiumun au 'ursun sakata. 106 Al-Shaukant, Naylu l-autsr, I, 136, inC.: ... wa-amma man lahu dhakarani fa-in kilnil 'ilmi/ayni wajaba khitanuhuma, wa-in kilna a/laduhumll 'llmilan dana l-akhar khutina. 107 Al-ShaukanJ, Naylu l-autar, I, 136, penult.: ... ukhtullfa /l khitani l-khuntha, fa-qlla yajibu khittmuhu /l farjayhi qabla I-bulaghi, wa-qtla IIIyaiuzu ~attli yatabayyana, wa-huwa 1azharu, And see R.B. Serjeant, "Sex, Birth, Circumcision: Some Notes from South-West Arabia," Hermann von Wissmann-Festschrift, ed. A. Leidlmair, Tiibingen 1962, p. 206; repr. Variorum 1991, n. XIV. * 30 M.J. Kister, ". " and he was born circumcised ... " The sunan ibrahtm were adopted in Islam and became sunan at-islam, Circumcision became a compulsory condition for converts to Islam. Scholars considered it as a mark of Islam; some of them were of the opinion that it denoted servitude of the believer and his bondage to God, a visible sign that the believer carried out God's injunction. This is reminiscent of the Jewish idea of circumcision, according to which it is a sign of the covenant between God and His people. Circumcision is said to have been imposed on males and females alike. Some scholars advocated, however, the idea that females may be treated with certain leniency, basing their opinion on the utterance of the Prophet: al-khitanu sunnatun li-l-riiali makrumatun li-l-nisa'i, "circumcision is an obligatory ritual practice for men, a virtuous deed for women." As to the circumcision of males, there was a clear tendency to avoid any thought that it had been influenced by the Jewish practice. The early reports concerning circumcision state plainly that the Arabs were not influenced by their Jewish neighbours in that ritual practice. Similarly scholars bade to refrain from following the Jewish date of the circumcision on the seventh day after the birth of the child. A heated discussion concerning the problem whether the Prophet was born circumcised indicates that some scholars assumed that his circumcision was a miraculous event, following in this matter the traditions about other prophets who were born circumcised. It is noteworthy that in some lists of these prophets the names of some prophets from the Arab peninsula were added. Other scholars maintained that the Prophet's grandfather, CAbd al-Muttalib, took the newborn child from his mother, brought him to the Ka'ba, circumcised him and named him Muhammad, The tradition which maintains that he acted according to the Arab usage bears evidence that the tendency of the tradition is to stress the Arab custom of circumcision and the activity of the Prophet's grandfather in a framework of the old Arab tradition. The simple and modest celebrations of the circumcision in early Islam turned into popular and sometimes sumptuous festivities in the various countries of the Muslim empire 108 • See e.g. El2, s.v. khitan, 108

Call Yourselves by Graceful Names

Call_yourselves.pdf "CALL YOURSELVES BY GRACEFUL by NAMES ... " M. J. KISTER The transition from Jahiliyya to Islam was acompanied by considerable changes in the ideas and perceptions of the traditional tribal society of the Arabs. Some concepts of the Jahiliyya did, however, survive among the Arab tribes who conquered the territories of the Persian and Byzantine empires. The struggle between the new ideas of Islam, often enriched by the adoption of the cultural values of the conquered peoples, with the persistence of concepts of the old Arab tradition left its traces in the prolific literature of the Hadith. The hard contest between these diverse ideas and trends is reflected by the conflicting utterances attributed to the Prophet or to his Companions. One of the topics for discussion was the problem of personal names. The contradictory traditions on this theme reflect the divergent attitudes of diff,erent groups in Muslim society. Goldziher dealt with some aspects of this problem in his "Gesetzliche Bestimmungen uber Kunja-Namen im Islam," study: 1 Brau scrutinized the cultic personal names in his detailed kultischen Personennamen" 2 "Die altnordarabischen and Bar- bara Stowasser-Freyer touched upon it in her Ph. D. thesis, "Formen des geselligen Umgangs und Eigentumlichkeiten des Sprachgebrauchs in der fruhislamischen stadtischen Gesellschaft Arabiens" (Nach Ibn Sa'd and Bukharil.3 The perusal of some additional data about proper names may help us to ,elucidate certain aspects of this problem. The Muslim concept of names is defined in an utterance of the Prophet recorded by Abu Dawud: 1 2 3 4 "You will be called on the Day 4 ZDMG 51 (1897), 256-266. WZKM 32 (1925), 31-59, 85-115. Der Islam 42 (1965), 26-40. Sahih sunan al-Mu$!afa, Cairo 1348, II, 307; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, IX, 306; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1381/1962, IV, 139, No. 2890; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qari, [Istanbul 1308-111 x, 451; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, Cairo 1325, x, 438. [3 ] of Resurrection by your names and the names of your fathers, therefore call yourselves by graceful names." The same emphasis on graceful names is apparent in two other traditions: "When you send to me a 5 messenger, send a man with a pleasant face and a beautiful name," and "He whom God granted a pretty face and a graceful name and put him in a place which is not disgraceful, he is the choicest man of God among His creature." 6 As is to be expected, tradition credited names into the Prophet with the changing of ugly and unpleasant to change it into a pretty one," rity of 'Urwa. 7 pleasant ones. "The Prophet, when he heard an odious name, used says a tradition reported on the authorecord a The collections of hadith and the Tabaqat compilations good deal of the changes of names performed by the Prophet. The first to be changed, as one would expect, were the names indicating worship of idols. 'Abd al-'Uzza was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Rahman 8 or 'Abd Rabbihi 9 or 'Abdallah 10 or 'Abd al-'Aziz.ll 'Abd 5 Ibn Abi Hatim, 'Ilal al-hadith, Cairo 1343, Il, 329, No. 2508; al-Munawi, Fayd al-qadir, sharh al-jami' al-saghir, Cairo 1391/1972, I, 311, No. 511; 'Ali al-Qari, al-Asrar al-marfu'a fi I-akhbar al-maudu'a, ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Beirut 1391/1971, 437; al-Samarqandi, Bustan al-'arifin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin), Cairo 1347, 155 inf.; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, Insan al-'uyun (= al-Sira al-halabiyya), Cairo 1351/1932, I, 94; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1377/1958, VI, 22-3, Nos. 196-7; alSuyUti, al-La'ali al-m~nu'a fi l-ahOdith al-mau{iu'a, Cairo n. d., I, 112-3; al-Nawawi, Kit. al-adhkiir al-muntakhab min kaliim sayyid al-abriir, Cairo 1323, 127. 6 7 8 9 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmu'a, ed. 'Abd al-RaJ,unin al-Mu'allami alYamini, Cairo 1380/1960, 221; :AIi I-Qari, op. cit., 437; al-Raghib alI~fahani, Muhii{iarat al-udaba', Beirut 1961, III, 336. Al-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 451; al-Munawi, op. cit., v, 144, No. 6727; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 140, No. 2895. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, Beirut 1377 /1957, III, 474; al-Balidhuri, Futiih al-buldan, ed. 'Abdallah Anis al-Tabba' and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut 1377/1957, 125; al-Fisi, al-'Iqd al-thamin, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo 1385/1966, V, 371, line 1; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, al-Isti'ab, ed. 'Ali MuI;1ammadal-Bijiwi, Cairo 1380/ 1960, p. 832, No. 1408 and 838, No. 1432; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, Beirut 1967, VIII, 50, 54; Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, al-Istibsar fi nasabi I-SaJ:raba in al-~ar, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhic;!, eirut 1392/1972, 319. m B Ibn Hajar, al-ISaba, Cairo 1328, II, 388, No. 5074. [4 ] Shams was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah." 'Abd Kulal was changed to 'Abd al-Rahman," 'Abd al-Jann to 'Abdallah." 'Abd alKa'ba to 'Abd al-Rahman IS or 'Abdallah." The Banii 'Abd ManAf were renamed by the Prophet and called Banii 'Abdallah." 'Abd alHajar (or al-Hijr) was altered to 'Abdallah," 'Abd 'Amr into 'Abd al-Rahman.> The substitution of 'Abdallah for Bujayr 20 as recorded 10 AbU Nu'aym al-Isfahani, lJilyaJ al-auliya', Beirut 1387/1967 (reprint), I, 365; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 871, No. 1480; Anonymous, History 01 the prophets (Ar.), Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 234a; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, II, 280, No. 4557. 11 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1006, No. 1700; Ibn l;Iajar, al-lsiiba, II, 428, Nos. 5240-41. 12 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 884, No. 1496; Ibn l;Iajar, al-l$aba, II, 292, No. 4602 and 293, No. 4606. 13 N1ir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 55; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'ari/, ed. al-Sawl, Cairo 1390/1970 (reprint), 132. 14 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Iamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh. 384, fo1. l06b; MughultiiY, al-Zahr al-bdsim ii sirat Abi l-Qiisim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 145a; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh ol-muhkam Ii man intasaba ilii l-nabiyyi ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fols. 115b, ult.-1l6a sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, II, 325, No. 4753; Ibn al-Kalbi, lamhara, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 27b inf 15 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 844, Nos. 1446-7 and 824, No. 1394; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms., fol. 112b; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah alZubayri, Nasab Quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1953, 265, line 17 (his name was 'Abd 'Amr); 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 312 ('Abd 'Amr, or 'Abd al-Ka'ba, or 'Abd al-Harith). 16 Al-Fasi, op. cit., V, 208; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiril, 73; al-Majlisi, BiMr alanwar (lithogr. ed.) VIII, 272, line 5. 17 Niir al-Din aI-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 53; comp. Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 431, No. 5263 ('Abd Manif changed into 'Abdallah). 18 Fadlullah l-Jilani (= al-Jilani), F adlu lliihi l-samad ii tau{ii~ al-adab 01muirad, 1;I~ 1388/1969, II, 283, No. 811; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 943, No. 1596,and 895, No. 1524. 19 Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; al-Mu'ifa b. Zakariya, al-Jalis al-~iilil;!al-If.ali wa-l-anis al-nii#b al-shiifi, Ms. Ahmet III, No. 2321, fol. 113a; al-Fasawi, al-Mctrila wa-l-tarikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 134b, sup.; al-Waqidi, al-Maghiizi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, 82 (he was however addressed 'Abd al-Ilah, because the name of Musaylima was al-Rahman), 20 See Goldziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 257, line 7. [ 5] by al-Baladhuri the idol Biijir.22 21 may have been connected with the odious name of It was deemed equally desirable to change the names of persons and tribes in which mention of devils or demons could be found. The name of the Banii Shaytan was changed to Banii 'Abdallah; b. QUI1 was altered to 'Abdallah b. QUI1. 24 23 Shaytan 'Umar changed the name al-Ajda', he of Masriiq b. al-Ajda' to Masrfiq b. 'Abd al-Rahman; said, is the name of the Devil. 25 Another man was called Hubab; the Prophet changed his name to 'Abdallah, stating that Hubab is the name of the DeviJ.26 It apparently denotes an idol, as assumed by Wellhausen." A rather humorous story narrates another version by which the name Hubab was changed unintentionally: A man called Hubab negotiated with a bedouin for the purchase of two camels; he succeeded in getting the camels and set off with them. When he was later brought into the presence of the Prophet, the Prophet address.ed him as "Surraq," "the thief." The man refused to change this name, because it was the Prophet who granted it to him." The name of 'Abd al-Harith 21 Ansiib al-ashriii, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 233; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, Cairo 1358/1939,59. 22 See L'A, s. v. bjr; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asniim, ed. Ahmad Zaki Pasha, Cairo 1343/1924,63. 23 Ibn Wahb, Jami', ed. J. David-Weill,Cairo 1939,11, lines 4-6. 24 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51 sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 358,No. 4890. 25 Ibn Hanbal, 'I/al, ed. Talat Kocigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu, Ankara 1963, I, 9, No. 31; Ibn Majah, Sunan, Cairo 1349, II, 405; L'A, s. v. jd'; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, III, 492, No. 8406;Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., v, 76. 26 Al-Baladhuri, Futiih, 125; Nirr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 50; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 6, lines 12-1~; 7, lines 5-7; 9, lines 11-13, 16-19; 10, lines 1-2; al-Fasawi, op. cit., fol, 134b sup.; Ma'rnar b. Rashid, Iiimi' (attached to 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahman al-A'zami, Beirut 1392/1972), XI, 40, No .19849; Anonymous, History, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol, 233a; L'A, s. v, hbb; and see al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthiir ii l-tafsir bi-l-ma'thia, Cairo 1314, I, 48 (the name of Iblis at the time when God created Adam was Hubab), 50 (the name of Iblis was al-Harith; in other traditions his name was 'Azazil), 27 J. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums, Berlin 1887,171,n. 2. 28 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 683, No. 1132; Ibn l;Iajar, al-lsiiba, II, 20, No. 3122. [6] was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah; Heaven was al-Harith.?'' He frightened 29 the name of Iblis in when she became Hawwa' pregnant by telling her that she would give birth to a beast and promised that she would have a normal human baby if she gave it his name; he lied, claiming that his name was 'Abd al-Harith (not al-Harith), The baby born was indeed normal, was named 'Abd al-Harith, but died as a child." It is of interest that this very name, al-Harith, the name of Iblis and apparently the name of an idol, survived in the period of the Prophet and was even recommended by the Prophet, according to one tradition." widest circulation. It was not only the name of the Devil which was prohibited. His kunya, Abu Murra,v was also considered disagreeable and was changed It subsequently became one of the names with the by the Prophet to Abu Hulwa." God, 3~ Murra is the name most disliked by stated th.e Prophet. The name of a jinni who embraced Islam, 29 Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 374, No. 4983; 388, No. 5068; and see ibid, 387-8. 30 AI-Majlisi, Bi~iir al-anwiir, Tehran 1390, LXJII, 241, 247; Anonymous, History, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 4b; aI-ShibIi, Akiim al-mariiin n gharii'ibi l-akhbiir wa-ahkiim al-idnn, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1376, 156; aI-'I~mi, Simt al-nuiiim al-iawiili, Cairo 1380, I, 35; Brau, op. cit., 56. 31 Muqatil, Toisir, Ms. Ahrnet III, 741, fol. 140a; and see al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, II, 545; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), Damascus 1349, VI, 353; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 151-2 (in one of the reports, 151 ult., the Devil advised Hawwa' to name the baby 'Abd Shams); al-Nuwayri, Nlhiiyat ol-arab, Cairo n.d., XIII, 30; al-Shatibi, al-Iumdn Ms. Br.Mus., Or. 1555, fol. 8b (Adam tries in vain to convince Hawwa' to name the child 'Abdallah); Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, Beirut-e-al-Riyad 1966, I, %; al-Tabari, Taisir, ed. Mahmud and Ahmad Shakir, Cairo 1958, XIII, 306-314, Nos. 15510-15525; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 353; Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani, Silsilat al-ahiidit]: al-da'ija wa-l-maudii'a, Damascus 1384, No. 342. 32 Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 288, No. 4588; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 6, lines 1617; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 169, No. 207; Abu Dawtid, op. cit., II, 307; alJilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814 ... ; etc. 33 See Ibn al-Athir, al-Murassa' ed. C. F. Seybold, Weimar 18%, 97: .. , abii murrata huwa ashharu kunii iblis ... ,' and see al- Majlisi, op. cit., LXIII, 226; al-Zarnakhshari, Rabi' al-abrdr, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 6511, fol. 104a, sup. 34 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8 ,line 10. 35 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., page 6, line 17; 8. line 18; 9, line 1,4-7. [7 ] Samhaj, (a mare thin in the belly) was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah." Durays is mentioned as a name of the Devil," but this is not recorded in any other source; the name must have been felt to be odious: The Prophet bought a horse named al-Daris and changed its name to al-Sakb." The ominous name Ghaylan, which is reminiscent of the demons, was changed to 'Abdallah; 39 'Abd Sharr was changed to 'Abd Khayr," Haram was altered into Halal." In the overwhelming majority of the cases quoted above the odious name was changed to 'Abd al-Rahman or 'Abdallah. These two names, belonging to the type of ta'bid names, in which the word "t abd" is attached to one of the names of God, were a clear indication of the new Islamic spirit of obedience and submission to Allah. This trend was given expression in the utterance of the Prophet: "In naming fa(your children - K.) use the expression 'abd" (idhii sammaytum 'abbidil).42 Among this group of names 'Abdallah and 'Abd al-Rahman were considered the best. "The names most liked by God are 'Abdallah and 'Abd al-Rahman," says an utterance of the Prophet." This idea brought about changes in the names which served in Islam as attributes of Allah. Jabbar was changed to 'Abd al-Jabbar.v al-Qayyum to 'Abd al-Oayyum," 'Aziz to 'Abd al-'Aziz 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 46 and to 'Abd al-Rahman." An 44 45 46 47 Ibn Na~ir al-Din, Jiimi' al-dthdr, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 913, fol. 358b; alDamiri, Hayii: al-hayawdn, Cairo 1383fl963, I, 208. Rijiil al-Kashshi, Karbala' n.d., 156 inf. L'A, s.v. drs, Nilr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 54. Ibn l.Iajar, al-Isdba, II, 388, No. 5072. Nut al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., Vlll, 51. Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 50. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 834, No. 1419; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., vnr, 49-50; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 139, No. 2891; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, line 3--4; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 168, No. 206; Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 404; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 288, No. 4588. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 387, No. 5063. Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 54. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 428, No. 5242. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 834, No. 1419; Ntir al-Din l-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 49-50; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 50. [8 ] utterance of the Prophet gives explicitly the reason why the name alHakam and the kunya AbU l-Hakam are prohibited. "Do not name (your children) al-Hakam, nor Abu l-Hakam, as God is the hakam," b. Sa'id; Shurayh." The abhorrence which the pious felt with regard to using names attributed to the Prophet: 51 49 48 Consequently, the name of al-Hakam b. Sa'id was changed to 'Abdallah the kunya of Hani', Abu l-Hakam, was changed to AbU denoting the attributes of Allah gave rise to an early tradition, recorded by Ma'mar b. Rashidand "The names most detested by God are Khalid and Malik." Kingdom and eternal exis- tence are, of course, attributes of God and man is not permitted to apply them in his name. It is of interest that another version of this tradition states: takdhabu l-asmai "The most deceiving names are Khalid and Malik" khiilidun wa-malikuns." The kunya AbU Malik is Abu 'Isa, listed among the four kunyas prohibited by the Prophet: when the child is named Muhammad." AbU l-Hakam, AbU Malik and Abu l-Oasim: the last one in the case Contrary to the Bedouin custom to call their slaves by nice names and to call their own children by disagreeable names,5f the Muslims 48 49 Ma'mar b. Rashid. op. cit., XI, 42, No. 19859; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXXVI, 175; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 457 inf. Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh l-muhkam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 67b, inf.; Nfir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 355, No. 523; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 14a. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 283, No. 811; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihdya, s.v. hkm; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1688, No. 3031; 'Ali b. Balaban, al-lhsdn [i taqrib $al;Ii~ Ibn I;libbiin, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 117b; Ibn al-I;l1ijj, alMadkhol, Beirut 1972, I, 120; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 49; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 129 sup. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 42, No. 19860; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 457 ult. -8. Ibn Abi l;Iatim, op. cit., No. 2525. Al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 450; about the use of the kunya Abu l-Qasim see e.g. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 44, No. 19867; Abu DawUd, op. cit., II, 309310; al-'Ayni, op, cit., X, 449; al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini l-iithiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968, IV, 335-341. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 339; aHlaliJ.1i, Subul al-hudii wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (~ al-Sira al-shiimiyya), ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-Wahid, 50 51 52 53 54 [9 ] were required to give their children graceful names. The Prophet stated that the obligation of a father towards his child is to give him a graceful name and a good education. 55 The Prophet used to ask about the name of a man whom he met and was glad to hear that his name was a nice one. 56 One should be careful to select a beautiful name, as an angel and a devil attend the birth of a child; the angel advises to give him a graceful name, the devil recommends a disagreeable one." The name of the child constitutes a proof for the intelligence of his father. 58 There is a very dose relationship between the meaning of the name and the character of the child who is giv.en it. The name chosen by the father thus has considerable bearing on the fate and life of the child. 59 A name fits the character of the person named, by decree of God. The Prophet was given names which were precisely fitting: Muhammad and Ahmad. The name and the person named. says Ibn Qayyim, were in this case as dosely connected to each other as the body is to the soul." The name Muhammad, for instance is derived from the name of God as attested by the verse of Hassan : wa-shaqqa lahii min ismihi li-yuiillahii : [a-dhii l-tarshi mahmiidun wa-hiulhii muhammadii And He derived (a name) from His name in order to honour him: thus the Owner of the Throne is Mahmud (Praised) and this one is Muhammad." Cairo 1392/1972, I, 326; Ibn Durayd, ol-lshtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam HiirUn, Cairo 1378/1958, 4. Ntir al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., VIII, 47. Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 47; al-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 197. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 336. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 336. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ziid al-ma'iid ti hadyi khayri l-'ibad, Beirut n.d. II, 5; Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, Sijr al-sa'dda, Cairo 1382/1962, 88. Ibn Qayyim, op. cit., II, 5. See A. Fischer, Muhammad and Ahmad, die Narnen des arabischen Propheten, Leipzig 1932, 20; al-Suyuti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, ed. Muhammad Khalil Harras, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 194-5; al-Bayhaqi Dalii'il al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman, al-Madina al-munawwara 1389/ 1969, I, 93, 122; Hassan b. Thabit, Diwan, ed. W. N. 'Arafat, London 1971, I, 306. 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 [ 10] The name of Muhammad was given to the Prophet as a good omen." The name Uhud was given to the mountain by God, pointing to the people who believed in the unity of God and to the Prophet who summoned people to this faith. 63 * The fa'l, the omen, either good or bad, become the leading principle in the choice of names. It had, of course, to be distinguished from tiyara, which was interdicted by Islam as a practice of the Jahiliyya, The Prophet is said to have disliked augury, but was pleased by the use of good omens.v' "There is no tiyara, augury, and the best of it is the [a'l, the good omen." The Prophet was asked about the fa'i and he defined it as "a good ($iili~) word heard by one of you." 65 Ibn Hajar devotes a lengthy and detailed discussion to the problem of the relation betwe.en tiyara and fa'l, stressing that the meaning of tiyara is negative and undesirable while that of fa'l is acceptable." "The truest (kind of) augury is the omen," says the Prophet." The favourable attitude of the Prophet towards omens of names is mirrored in a tradition about the milking of a camel. Three men ~olunteered to milk the camel. The Prophet disapproved of the first because of his name Murra, and of the second because of his name Harb; he ordered the third to milk because of his name: Ya'ish." Another version of 62 63 Fischer, op. ctt., 18. Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, aI-Maghiinim al-mutiiba [i ma'ii1im Tiiba, ed. Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/1%9, 10. 64 Al-Munawi, op. cit., v, 231, No. 7101; Ibn Hajar, FatJ:zal-biiri, x, 167, lines 3-4. 65 Ibn Hajar, Eath, x, 166-7; aI-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 197. 66 Ibn Hajar, Fath, x, 167-8; cf. al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 312, line 10 seq. 67 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 93, line 16 (asdaqu l-tiyarati l-fa'lu); Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., x, 406, No. 19512 (the same version); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 280, No. 379 (asdaqu l-tayri I-fa'lu). This tradition was misread by T. Fahd in E/2, s.v. fa'[ (asdaqa l-tayru l-fa'la) and consequently misinterpreted. 68 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 96, line 10-14; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 41, No. 19854; Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 47; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 94; Ibn Qayyim, op. cit., II, 5; Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, Siir aI-sa'iida, 88; al-Suyfiti, Tanwir al-hawiilik, sharh 'alii Muwaua: Miilik, Cairo n.d. lll, 140-1; al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 157; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. [ 11] this story reflects the tendency of separation of augury, tiyara, which should be rejected, from ial, acting according to the principle of "omen nomen", which should be permitted. Two persons volunteered to milk a she-camel: al-Musawir and Khaddash, Both were disqualified by the Prophet. Then 'Umar asked the Prophet: "Shall I speak or remain silent?" The Prophet said: "Remain silent and I shall tell you what you wanted (to say)" 'Urnar said: "Then tell me, 0 Messenger of God." The Prophet said: "You thought that is was augury." He (i.e. the Prophet - K.) said: "There is no bird except His bird, there is no good except His good; but I like the good omen." 69 The evident intention of this tradition is to reject augury and to legitimize the practice of fa'i. It may be mentioned that the names Harb and Murra mentioned above as a bad fa'l are included in the list of the names disliked by the Prophet: Harb, Murra, Jamra, Hanzala, 70 Kalb and Kulayb." In another case the Prophet preferred a man called Najiya to two other men (evid.ently with unpleasant names) and let him lead his camel. 72 The Prophet chose the way of "Marhab" for reasons of good omen when on his way to attack Khaybar in preference to all other ways proposed to him (al-Hazn, Shas, Halib).73 When th.e Prophet went out on his hiira to Medina he met Burayda al-Aslami with a group of seventy riders of the clan of Sahm. The Prophet drew the omens from these names: Burayda - barada amrunii wa-soluha, firm and just is our affair; As/am - we are safe; sahm - our arrow came 69 70 71 72 73 cit., 459, No. 694; 1588, No. 2820; Ibn l:Iajar, al-I$iiba, III, 669; cf. Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashju l-tauqi' /i-ahli l-basira, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 3922, fo1. 52b: ... al-asmii'u l-diillatu 'alii l-nuhiisi [a-mithlu harbin wa-jahdin wa-kalbin wa-namirin wa-/;Iimiirin wa-abi lahabin wa-abi /-biirithi wa-abi murrata wa-abi shihiibin wa-mii ashbahahii ... Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 97, lines 1-7; cf. 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 94. Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 122. Al-Munawi, op. cit., VI, 342, No. 9523. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 284, No. 812; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 47; and see about the name Dhakwiin changed into Najiya : Ibn 'Abd alBarr, op. cit., IV, 1522, No. 2650; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, III, 541, No. 8642. Majd aI-Din al-Fayruzabadi, al-Maghiinim, 376. [ 12] out,t- When the Prophet entered Medina he heard a man shouting: "Ya Ghiinim"; the Prophet drew the following omen from the name: "We have earned without effort." 75 When Suhayl came to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya to negotiate peace, the Prophet drew from his name the following omen: "Suhayl has come to you, your affair has become easy." 76 When the Prophet heard a man in his army addressing some- one: "Yii Hasan", he said: "From your mouth we have taken the good omen." 77 When the Prophet once went out for some of his needs he was pleased to hear (incidentally) someone addressing another person: "Ya NajilJ, ya Rashid." 78 Disagreeable names caused, of course, misfortune and had to be altered. When a man came to 'Umar and told him that his name was Jamra (= burning coal), the son of Shihab (= bright blaze), from the tribal group of Hurqa (= fire), staying in Harrat al-nar (= the stony tract of fire), in the part of it called Dhat al-laza (= that of the fiery 74 Al-Samhiidi, Wafii'u l-waiii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1374/1955, I, 243; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit., 185, No. 217; al-Kazarimi, Sirat al-nabi, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 18499, fol. 139a (noteworthy is the formulation of the phrase: kiina Iii yatatayyaru, wa-kii:a yalafii' alu); alZandawaysiti, Rauda: aI-'ulamii', Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 7258, fol, 277a. AI-Riighib al-Isfahani, op. cit., I, 144. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 670 No. 1106; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., I, 144; al-Shaukani, Nay/ al-autiir, shari: muntaqii l-akhbar, Cairo 1380/1961, VIII 47; cf. al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, 17: nabbilii sahlan [a-innahu sahlun. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, aI-lshriif [i maniizil al-ashriii, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 74b; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op, cit., I, 144; al-Sakhawi, al-Maqiisid aIhasana, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1375/1956, 27, No. 40; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 212, No. 290 (see ibid, inf. the additional stories about omens drawn by the Prophet: when he went out against Khaybar he heard 'Ali exclaiming "yii khudro"; he said: "we took the omen from your mouth, let us go out against Khudra" (= Khaybar]. No sword was drawn (by the Muslims] in this expedition. And see the opinion of alZamakhshari about the difference between tiyara and flil); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., x, 66, No. 511; al-Shaukani, Nayl, VII, 194. AI-Muniiwi, op. cit., V, 229, No. 7089; Yilsuf h. Musii I-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar min mushkil aI-iithiir, Cairo 1362, II, 206; and see alJilani, op. cit., II, 285; Ibn al-Jauzi al~Wafii bi-ahwdli l-mustaiii, ed. Mu~tafii 'Abd, Cairo 1386/1966, II, 465. 75 76 77 78 r 13 ] blaze), 'Umar ordered him to return to his family because they were caught by fire. It happened as 'Umar foretold." The Prophet indeed changed the name Shihab to Hisham." The rough Jahili character of names is emphasized in a dubious tradition about the conversion of AbU Sufra to Islam. He came clad in a yellow robe and presented himself as ~lim (= the oppressing) b. Sariq (= the thief) b. Shihab (= the blazing fire) ... the scion of Julanda who used to snatch the passing ships. "I am a king," said Abu Sufra. The Prophet advised him gently to "leave the thief and the oppressor" and named him Abu Sufra (= the man of the yellow suit). Thereupon Abu Sufra decided to name his new born female-baby Sufra." AntiMuhallabid traditions wholly refute this story, stating that he did not meet the Prophet at all, that he was captured during he ridda, etc.; one of the traditions claims that he was uncircumcised and did not even know the meaning of circumcision. A man with the name Hazn (= hard, rugged ground) was told by the Prophet to change it to Sahl (plain, easy ground). His answer reflects the Jahiliyya spirit: "The plain is trodden and despised" (or in another version: "I am not going to change a name given to me by my father").82 * 79 Al-Suytlti, Tanw;r al-hawiilik, III. 141; Ibn Qayyim, op, cit., II, 5; alSamarqandi, op. cit., 157; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 275; No. 1294; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19864; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., 10, lines 2-5; alRaghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 340; Ibn al-Jauzi, Sirat 'Umar b. al-Khauiib, Cairo 1342/1924, 63; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahj al-baliigha, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1%1, XII, 103; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., III, 144; al-Mandstk wa-amiikin turuqi l...f;rajj. dv Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/ e 1969, 518; al-Bakri, Mu'jam md sta'jam, ed. Mu~tafli al-Saqa, Cairo 1364/ 1945, I, 436-7. AbU DiiwUd, op. cit., II, 308; al-Mundhiri, op, cit., IV, 141; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 298, No. 825; Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1541, No. 2685; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308. Al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 156; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, III, 500, No. 8454, 535, No. 8633; IV, 108, No. 652; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., ff)), 101. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 309, No. 841; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 41, No. 19851; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 401, No. 560; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8, line 80 81 82 [ 14 ] Some names changed by the Prophet are connected with the Meccan aristocracy in the period of the Jahiliyya, The disagreeable name Harb (= war) was changed into Silm." 'Ali intended to name his sons Harb; the Prophet himself named them Hasan, Husayn, Muhassin; these names correspond to the names of Aharon's sons: Shubbar, Shubbayr, Mushabbir, As the position of 'Ali in relation to the Prophet corresponds in Shi'a faith to the position of Aharon to Moses, it is plausible to consider this tradition as a Shi'i one.> According to one tradition the Prophet disapproved of the name Harb and described it as one of the worst names." As one of the ancestors of the Umayyads was Harb, this tradition might have been rather unpleasant for the ruling dynasty. One of the Jahili names changed by the Prophet was al-Walid. This name was a common one among the Bami Makhziim and the Prophet remarked that the Banu Makhztim nearly turned al-Walid into a deity (rna kiidat banii makhziimin ilIii an taj'a!a l-waiida rabban; in another version: hananani. The Prophet changed the name of al-Walid b. abi Umayya to al-Muhajir b. abi Umayya.w the name of al-Walid b. alWiilid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira into 'Abdallah b. al-Walid." The 83 84 85 86 87 10; Abu Diiwud, op. cit., II, 308; al-'Ayni, op, cit., x, 450, 452; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 319, No. 898; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 345; al-Nawawi, op .cit., 128 inf.; al-Qastallani, Irshiid ai-sari, Cairo 1326, IX, 111; Muhammad Hasan al-Muzaffar, Dalii'i/ alsidq, n.p., 1373, III, II 29 inf. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 141; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqi~ al-anwiir, Cairo 1381/1961,756, line 2. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 296, No. 823; al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 155 inf.; Anonymous, al-To'rikh. al-muhkam, fol. 41a sup.; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op, cit., 384, No. 555; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 52; al-Munawi, op. cit., IV, 111, No. 4710; and see Israel Oriental Studies 2 (1972),223, n. 37. See e.g. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8, line 18-9; ... wa-sharruhii harbun wa-murra; al-Jilani, op. cit., 755. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 138b; al-Fasi, op, cit., VII, 291-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba. III, 465, No. 8253; III, 636, No. 9142; cf. about the name 'Amr changed into Muhajir : Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1454, No. 2506; Ibn Hajar; al-Isiiba, III, 466, No. 8256. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, op. cit., fol. 146a; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 230; Ibn [ 15 ] interdiction of the Prophet was often associated with the statement that al-Walid was a name of one of the tyrannical Pharaohs and with a prophecy that there will come a ruler with the name al-Walid, who will be worse for the community than Pharaoh." The question as to which one of the Umayyad rulers was meant by the Prophet and the problem of the character of the Prophet's interdiction to use the name al-Walid were extensively discussed by scholars of Qadith.89 The disagreeable name al-'A~ (close in association to al-'A~i) was changed into al-Muti' 90 and 'Abdallah."! 'A~iya was changed into Jamila."" It is noteworthy that the names of al-'A~ were common among the 'Abd Shams, the tribal group of the Umayyads; al-'A~, AbU l-·A~. al-Ts, and Abii l-'I~ were the sons of Umayya and were called al-A'yas." It is sufficient to mention al-Hakam b. al-'A~, the stubborn enemy of the Prophet. to understand what the change of the name al-'A~ could mean for the ruling descendants of Marwan b. al-Hakam b. al-'A~. * 88 Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 380, No: 5024; III, 640, No. 9151; Anonymous, al-Tarikh al-mu{lkam, fol, 136a. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XI, 237, No. 1074; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19861; al-Suytlti, al-Ladli al-masnii'a, I, 107-111; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 115; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v, hnn, See al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 454; and see al-Tabarsi, I'liim al-warii bi-a'liim al-hudii, ed, Akbar al-Ghaffari, Tehran 1389, 45; al-Suyuti, al-La'iili al-masnii'a, I, 107-110. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 174b inf.-175a sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 298, No. 826; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, line 15 (and see 8, line 10); al-Fasi, op. cit., VII, 224, No. 2473; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., v, 450; Mu'arrij al-Sadtisi, Hadh] min nasab quraysh, ed. ~alal;l al-Din alMunajjid, Cairo 1960, 83, line 2. Nilr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ldm alnubalii', ed. As'ad Talas, Cairo 1962, III, 138; Ibn Hajar, ol-Isiiba, II, 291, No. 4598. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 266; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, lines 13-14; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 294, No. 820; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1803, No. 3277; Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 405; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 140, No. 2896; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VII, 366; Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Waiii, II, 465-6; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 128 inf. Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 54,73, 166. 89 90 91 92 93 [ 16] Further changes of names may be mentioned. Aswad (= black) was changed to Abyad (= white)," Akbar (= the greatest) to Bashir (= the messenger of good tidings)," Jaththama Dhii (= the sleepy) to Hassana," l-shimalayn to Dhii l-yadayn." Asram (= waterless desert) to Zur'a (= seed)," al-Sarm to Sa'id.?" 'Atala (= clod of earth; or iron rod for lifting stones) to 'Utba,100Qrr<;iab (= the thief) to Rashid,'?' (= Ghafil the heedless, the neglectful) to 'Aqil/02 Zalim to Rashid,':" Oalil to Kathir.'> Ghurab (= the crow) to Muslim,':" Dhu'ayb (= the little wolf) to 'Abdallah.t= Kalal) (= a barren year) to Dhu'ayb (= a forelock; he had namely a long forelock),':" Muhan (= despised) to 94 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 138, No. 143; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 11, lines 1-2; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 55. 95 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 177, No. 209; GoIdziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 257. 96 Ibn Nasir al-Din, op. cit., fo1. 266a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1810, No. 3295; al-Jarrahi, Kashj al-khaidi wa-muzilu l-ilbiis (reprint, Beirut), I, 360, No. 1146. 97 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 478; Ibn Rustah, al-A'liiq al-naiisa, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, 214; al-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil, ed. Abu I-Fa41 Ibrahim, Cairo 1376/1956, IV, 101. 98 Abu Dawud, op. cit., II, 308; Ntir al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., VIII, 54; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit:: 519, No. 816 (and see 141, No. 153). 99 Al-Safadi, Nakt al-himyiin, Cairo 1911, 159-160; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 290, No. 822; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 627, No. 993 (and see 835, No. 1421); Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 52 inf.-53 sup.; Ibn Hajar, alIsiiba, II, 5l. No. 3291. 100 Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53: L'A, s.v. 'ail; Ibn l;Iajar, lsiiba, II, 454, No. 5407. 101 Ibn al-Kalbf, al-Iamhara; fo1. 245b; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 495, No. 2516. 102 Al-Mausili, Ghiiyat ol-wasdil ilii ma'rijati l-awii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33(10), fol. 26a; al-Fasi, op. cit., V, 81, No. 1453; Ibn 1:Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 247, No. 3461; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., 228. 103 Ibn 1:Iajar, ai-Isiiba, I, 494, No. 2514. 104 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, lines 14-15; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 296, No. 419; 3308, No. 2176. 105 AI-Fasi, op. cit., VII, 194, No. 2454; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 297, No. 824; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 52 inf. 106 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 464, No. 707; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isiiba, I, 493, No. 2506. 107 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 465, No. 709; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 490, No. 2490 (his name: al-Kilabi - an error). [ 17 ] Mukram.10B Kusayr was changed to Jubayr/09 Khilifa to RAshida,l!O al-Mudtaji' to al-Munba'ith.t= AbO Maghwiyya to AbU lUshid,1l2 Bann l-Ghawiyy to Banu l-Rashad.v" Banu Ghayyan to Banii Rasbdan,1l4 Banu l-Samma' to Banu l-Sami'a,':" Zahm to Bashir,ll8 and Muqsim to Muslim. 11 The Prophet changed the name of al-Sa'ib (= the 1 freely flowing) to 'Abdallah; his people, however, continued to call him al-Sa'ib and he became mad.r= To 'Abdallah were changed the names of the famous Jewish convert al-Husayn (= the small fortress) b. Salam 119 well as those of Dinar 120 as and Nu'm.i= The Prophet gave some names in connection with certain events and occasions. A Persian slave (of whose name some 21 versions are recorded), on whom the Companions of the Prophet loaded their garments when on a walk on a hot day, was granted the name Safina (= the ship).122 A girl, born when Surat Maryam was revealed, was 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 264, No. 766; Ibn Hajar, al-I1aba, III, 456, No. 8194. Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashj al-tauqi', fol. 52a. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 11, lines 4-6. Ibn l;Iajar. aJ-I1aba, III, 457-8, Nos. 8103-4. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19862; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 290, No. 819. Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Iomhara, fol. 48b. Ibid, fol. 166b. Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, al-Istibsiir, 326. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 173, No. 196; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 302-3, Nos. 829-30; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 50; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., XV, 272, No. 782; Ibn l;Iajar, aJ-l1iiba, 1, 159, No. 704. Ibn l;Iajar, al-l~iiba, III, 415, No. 7966; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 54. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 6, lines 5-8; 10, lines 14-17; Ibn I;Iajar, al-l~iiba, II. 385, No. 5047. Anonymous, History 0/ prophets, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 18tb; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 921, No. 1561; Ibn l;Iajar, aJ-l~iiba, II, 320, No. 4725; al-Fasawi, op. cit., Iol, 134a inf.; Ibn 'Asiikir, op. cit., VII, 443. Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 370, No. 4957. AI-l;Iakim, Marija: 'uliim aJ-lJadith, ed. Mu'azzam l;Iusayn, Cairo 1937, 101; Nur al-Din al-Hayrhami, op. cit., VIII, 53. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 685; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isdba, II, 58, No. 3335. 117 118 119 120 121 122 [ 18] named by the Prophet Maryem."? The slave Fath was granted the name Simj, because he made light in the mosque of the Prophet.'> A baby born on the day of a battle fought by the Prophet was called by him Sinan (= spear head).':" Scholars of I)adith discuss vigorously a special group of names given to slaves and servants. The Prophet is said to have forbidden. or intended to forbid, the names of Rabah, Yasar, Najih, Aflah, Nafi', al·'Ala', Ya'Iii and the female names Baraka and Barra.!" The reason given for it is that if a person asks about a servant whose name denotes success, good luck or blessing and the servant is not there, he may have a feeling of disappointment and failure. Recommended names were Yazid, al-Harith and Hammam, These names might be called "neutral ones". In the explanation given for these names the traditions point out that everybody increases (yaztdu) in good or bad (deeds), that everybody tills tyahruthut for his affairs in this world and in the next one and that everybody cares tyahtammut for his affairs in this world and in the next one.!" Al-Harith and Hammam are called by the Prophet "asdaqu l-asmii','J,o"names most truthful." A recommended name was Hamza.?" The Prophet granted 123 124 Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 55. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 683, No. 1131; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 18, No. 3103. 125 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 657, No. 1071. 126 NUf al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 50; Ibn Miijah, op. cit., I, 405; Abu Diiwiid, op, cit., II, 308; al-Jilani, op, cit., II, 305, No. 834; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306 ('Umar also intended to forbid, but later refrained); aI•. Samarqandi, op, cit., 157; al-Munawi, op. cit., VI, 349, No. 9562; 402, No. 9799; Yusuf b. Musii al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 206; al-Mundhiri, op. cit; IV, 140, No. 2893; al-Sha'rani, op. cit., 755. On Barra changed into Zaynab or Juwayriya see: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1805, No. 3282; 1849, No. 3355; 1855, No. 3361; 1915-6; No. 4099 (changed into Maymtlna); Ibn Wabb, op. cit., 8, lines 6-7; al-Jilani, op, cit., II, 294, No. 821; 303, No. 831: al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 112; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 452; AbU Diiwiid, op. cit., 11,307; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; al-Mundhiri, op, cit., IV, 141, Nos. 2897-8; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 127 inf. 127 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 7, lines 7-9. 128 Al-Muniiwi, op. cit., IV, 111, No. 4712; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., 10, lines 9-'-11. [ 19 J a baby the name al-Mundhir (= the warner); 129a slave was given by him the name 'Al1im.130 * The close relation between Muhammad and the former prophets, the idea that Muhammad continued the mission of the preceding messengers found the expression in the domain of names in the utterances attributed to the Prophet: "Call yourselves by the names of the prophets" (tasammau bi-asmii'i l-anbiyai) and "the names most liked by God are the nam,es of prophets." 131Ibn al-Hajj stresses that names conforming to the prescriptions of Islam (al-asmii'u l-shar';yya) contain the name of Allah, or (are - K.) the names of prophets or Companions; he points out the blessing (baraka) which such names impart.':" "There is no family, said the Prophet, in which the name of a prophet is carried by one of its members to which God, the Exalted and Blessed, does not send an angel in the morning and in the evening to bless them." 133The Prophet himself gave his child, born from his femaleservant Mariya, the name Ibriihim.134 The same name was given by the Prophet to the child born to AbU Musil al-Ash'ari.>" The Prophet changed the IJ,ame of Yasar b. Surad to Sulayman b. Surad,186 and gave the son of 'Abdallah b. Salam the name Yusuf.':" Giving the son of Khallad b. Rafi' the name Yahya, the Prophet remarked: "I shall 129 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 288, No. 816; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; alQastallani, op. cit., IX, 111. 130 Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 54. 131 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814; Abu DiiwUd, op. cit., II, 307; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., II, 312, No. 2451; al-Qastallzni, op. cit., IX, 114; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 127. 132 Ibn al-Haj], op. cit., I, 123. 133 Al-Suytiti, al-La'aJi l-masnii'a, I, 100; Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 123. 134 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 54-61. 135 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 308, No. 840; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 114 (see the arguments that Abu Musa was his kunya before his first-born was named Ibrahim); al-'Ayni, op. cit., IX, 711; x, 454. 136 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 650, No. 1056; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyai, 26, line 12; 73, line 6. [lO] give him a name, by which none was called after Yahya b. Zakariya' ." 138 There were, however, differences in opinion as to whether it is permissible to use name of angels. In a combined tradition the Prophet recommended to give children the names of prophets, but forbade to give them names of angels (sammii bi-asmii'i l-anbiyii' wa-lii tusammii bi-asma'i l-malii'ikatl).139 This opinion was not commonly accepted. Malik disliked naming children by the names of angels.>" but Hammad b. abi Sulayman 141stated that there is nothing objectionable in naming a person Jibril or Mikii'il.142 It is most highly recommended indeed to name the child Muhammad. He who names his child Muhammad hoping for blessing by this, both he and the one who got the name will gain Paradise, says an utterance attributed to the Prophet.>" On the Day of Resurrection the believer bearing the name Ahmad or Muhammad will stand up in the Presence of God and God will rebuke him for his sins committed even though he was named by the name of His beloved Muhammad, The believer will confess his sins and God will order Jibril to introduce him to Paradise, as God is ashamed to chastise with the fire of Hell a believer bearing the name Muhammad.>" It is highly recommended to name 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 307, No. 838; Ibn 1;Iajar. al-Isiiba, III, 671. No. 9375; Ibn'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1590, No. 2827 (the Prophet gave him the kunya Abu Ya'qtib). Ibn 1;Iajar, al-Isdba, III, 671, No. 9380; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1569, No. 2750. AI-Munawi,op. cit., IV, 113, No. 4717. AI-Qastalliini, op. cit., IX, 111 sup.; and see Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 122 (... malik : la yanbaghi an yusammd I-rajulu bi-yiisin wa-Ia jibril wats mahdi). See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, II, 16, No. 15. Ma'mar.b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 40, No. 19850. Al-Siili\ti, op. cit., I, 509; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., II, 284, No. 2644; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir al-munii [i I-~abi~ wa-l-da'i], ed. 'Abd al-Fattah Ghudda, 1;Ialab 1390/1970, 61, No. 94; and see ibid, No. 93. Ibn al-1;Iajj, op. cit., I, 123. [21 ] one of the children in the family Muhammad and to treat the child named by this name with due respect.>" Goldziher quotes in his article, "Gesetzliche Bestimmungen ... " a phrase from Ibn Qutayba's aI-Ma'iirif, according to which 'Umar intended to change the names of all the Muslims to those of prophets. If this were true, it would mean that we have here a continuation and a deepening of the Muslim trend expounded in the saying of the Prophet when he named his child Ibrahim: "I named him with the name of my father (i.e. ancestor) Ibrahim." The passage referred to (as quoted by Goldziher) runs as follows: ariida (i.e. 'Umar) an yughayytra asmii'a l-muslimina bi-asma'i l-anbiyii'i.146 The reading of Wtistenfeld was, however, erroneous and Goldziher was misled by this reading. The correct reading is: ariida an yughayyira asmii'a l-musammayna bi-asma'i l-anbiyii'i "He wanted to alter the names of these who were called by the names of prophets." 'Umar tried indeed to carry out his plan. Ibrahim b. al-Harith b. Hisham entered the court of 'Umar "at the time when he wanted to alter the names of those who were called by the names of the prophets" and he changgd his name to 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Harith.>" 'Umar changed the name of Miisa b. Sa'id to 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sa'id,148 When 'Umar heard how the son of his nephew, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. al-Khattab was slandered by a person, who repeatedly abused his name Muhammad, he vowed not to have the Prophet Muhammad being abused through the name of the son of his nephew anymore; he thereupon changed his name to 'Abd alRal,tman.149 The action of 'Umar seems to have been wider in scope than the 145 146 147 148 149 Al-Munliwi, op. cit., I, 385, Nos. 705-6; VI, 237, No. 9084; and see Ibn Abi l;Ilitim, op. cit., II, 299, No. 2410. Goldziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 256. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 6; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, III, 66, No. 6199; see Stowasser-Freyer, op. cit., Der Islam, 42(1965), 29. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 51. See Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, III, 69, No. 6211; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 50; al'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 143; Ibn Hajar, Fat/:! al-biiri, x, 435. r 22] mere changing of some names of persons called by the names of prophets. 'Umar is reported to have written to the people of aI-Kiifa and ordered them not to name their children by the names of prophets; he also ordered "a group of people" at Medina to change the names of their children called Muhammad, They argued that the Prophet permitted them to call their children by this name, and 'Umar let them. AI-'Ayni argues that the reason for 'Umar's action was the case of abusing Muhammad, the bearer of the name of the Prophet; he states that the consensus of the community has been established, that it is permitted to give children names of prophets.>" Who was "the group" who were called by the names of prophets, can be gauged from a very short report, recorded by Ibn Hajar about the attempt of 'Umar to change names of prophets and the name of Muhammad as well. He summoned the sons of Talha, ordering them to change their names. Muhammad b. Talha, the first born, answered that is was the Prophet who had named him Muhammad: 'Umar had to admit that he could not do anything against him. Ibn Hajar concludes that 'Umar withdrew from his plan."" The names of the sons of Talha bear clear evidence for the tendency to name children by names of prophets in the earliest period of Islam. Talha had nine children and he gave them the following names: Muhammad, 'Imran, 152 Miisa, Ya'qiib, Isma'Il, Ishaq, 'Isa, Zakariyya', YaQya. It is not surprising to read in a remarkable story how Talha in a talk with al-Zubayr prided himself with the names of his sons. "The names of my sons are names of prophets," he said; ••the names of your sons are names of martyrs." "I hope that my sons will become martyrs," said aI-Zubayr, "while you don't have hopes that your sons will become prophets." 153 This anecdote points 150 Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 143; x, 449 inf.; cf. Ibn Hajar, Fat/.! al-biiri, X, 435, 440; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 110 inf.-l11 sup. 151 Ibn I;Iajar, Fat/.! al-bdri, X, 435, lines 21-2. 152 See Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 281 seq.; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansiib al-'arab, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1948, 129 (and see the list of the sons of Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Talha : Ya'qtib, ~ali/;l, Sulayman, YUnus, Diwfid, al-Yasa', Shu'ayb, RarUo - Mus'ab, op. cit., 285; Ibn Hazm, op. cit., 129). 153 Ibn 1;Iajar, Fat/.! al-biiri, x, 440. [23 ] clearly to the importance which was attached to the names in early Islam and to the diverging opinions about this subject. The alleged intervention of 'Umar is justified by 'Umar's care in respecting these names and preventing them from being tarnished. The real reason seems. however, to be quite different. We gain a deeper insight into the motives of 'Umar from a significant passage recorded by Ibn Wahb. A female servant (muwallada) came to'Umar asking for a garment for herself. When asked who her maulii was, she said: Abu 'Isa, the son of 'Umar. 'Umar ordered to bring his son. beat him and said: "Do you know what the names of Arabs are? They are: 'Amir. 'Uwaymir, MAlik, Surma, Muwaylik, Sidra and Murra." He repeated this three times and finally said: "Leave 'lsa! By God. we do not know of 'lsa having a father." 154 The parallel passage, recorded by Ibn Abi l-Hadid gives the name of 'Umar's son: 'Ubaydullah b. 'Umar. 'Umar counts, beating him, the kunyas of the Arabs: AbU Salama, Abu Hanzala, AbU 'Urfuta and AbU Murra.>" Needless to recall that the list of names recommended by 'Umar contains names disapproved of by the Prophet, like Murra, Surma, Hanzala and- Malik. It is evident that this story ascribed to 'Umar reflects a reaction against the naming of. children by the foreign names of prophets. The story affords an insight into the struggle between the effort of introducing Biblical elements already present in the Our'an, and later developed in the hadith, into the sphere of name-giving in Muslim society against the opposition of conservative groups among the Arabs, who persevered in their resistance to this new pietistic trend. It is not surprising that this idea is expressed as coming from the mouth of 'Umar, the representative of Arab conservatism, as is evid.ent from his famous saying: lkhshaushinii wa-tama'dadii=r • 154 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 7. lines 15 - 8, line 5. 155 Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cit., XII, 44. 156 Al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, 78 (attributed to the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 31 (traced back to 'Urnar); al-Sakhawi, al-Maqiisid, 163, No. 348; Ibn 'Asiikir, op. cit., VII, 349; al-$iilil}.i,op. cit., I, 346. [ 241 The old ways of naming children and the Jahili names themselves persisted in Bedouin society. The statement of J. J. Hess that names containing the name of Allah and these of specific Islamic nature like Ahmad, TaM etc. were almost wholly missing in the material examined by him, is Instructive.':" Unpleasant names were, like in the Jahiliyya, reserved for children of free Bedouin, while pretty names were given to slaves.!" It is noteworthy that the explanation for this practice given by the shaykh of the 'Oneze("The names of our slaves are for us, our names are for our enemies") corresponds exactly to the answer given by al-'Utbi to Abii Hatim al-Sijistani.!" Accordingly one can find in the list of names supplied by Hess, slaves named Yaqiit, Mabriik, Mubashshir, Sa'Id, and names like Ghurab, Barghiith, Juway'iI. Juraydhi, Jukhaydib, Juhaysh, Jarbii', Shubaytha, Ourada, Hijris borne by free Bedouin. The names disliked in Islam, like Murra, Kalb. Malik and Harb, are recorded in the list of Hess as names of free Bedouin. Names given according to the place, time or conditions of birth of the children 160are reminiscent of similar cases in the Jahiliyya.l6l As in the Jahiliyya, children are called Julaymid, Fihran, Fahra and Hajar,162 and sometimes several children are called by their father by names derived from the same root.':" These vestiges of the Jahiliyya, which can be traced in Bedouin society, clearly underline the considerable changes and developments which took place in Muslim society. 157 I. I. Hess, Beduinennamen aus Zentralarabien, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Heidelberg 1912 (III, 19),4. 158 Hess, op. cit., 7 ("6"). 159 Hess, op. cit., 7; Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 4 (and see n. 54 above). 160 Hess, op, cit., 6-7. 161 See e.g, Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 95a; Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 6-7. 162 See e.g. Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 5, penult. 163 Hess, op. cit., 7 ("8"); cf. e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 175b, line 1 (Khushayn, Khashin, Mukhashin, Khashshan); fol. 154a, (Mu'attib, 'Attab, 'Itban); fol. 107b (Hashim, Hisham, Hushaym, Muhashshim); Ibn Durayd, op. cit; 166 (al-'A4, AbU 1-'A4, al-'i~, Abu l-'i~, 'Uways - the sons of Umayya, called al-A'y~). [25 ]

'A Bag of Meat': A Study of an Early Ḥadīth

Bag_Of_Meat.pdf 'A BAG OF MEAT': A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h By M. J. KISTER The manuscript Qarawiyiin 727 in Fez contains on folios 37b-38a a tradition reported by Yunus b. Bukayr on the authority of Ibn Ishaq The tradition tells of a meeting between the Prophet and Zayd b. 'Amr b. Nufayl, one of the h u n a f a in Mecca. During the meeting Zayd b. 'Amr was offered meat which he, however, refused to eat, arguing that he never ate meat sacrificed before idols. This tradition was published and translated by A. Guillaume in his New light on the life of m u h a m m a d It runs in his translation as follows: ' I was told that the apostle of God while speaking of Zayd ibn 'Amr ibn Nufayl said, h e was the first to blame me for worshipping idols and forbade me to do so. I had come from al ta'ifwith Zayd ibn haritha when I passed by Zayd ibn 'Amr on the high ground above Mecca, for Quraysh had made a public example of him (shaharathu) for abandoning their religion, so that he went forth from among them and (stayed) in the high ground of Mecca. I went and sat with him. I had with me a bag of meat from our sacrifices to our idols which Zayd ibn h a r i t h a was carrying, and I offered it to him. I was a young lad at the time. I said' Eat some of this food, 0 my uncle'. He replied' Nephew, it is a part of those sacrifices of yours which you offer to your idols, isn't it ' When I answered that it was he said ' If you were to ask the daughters of 'Abdu'l-Muttalib they would tell you that I never eat of these sacrifices and I want nothing to do with them '. Then he blamed me and those who worship idols and sacrifice to them saying ' They are futile : they can do neither good nor harm ', or words to that effect The apostle added" After that with that knowledge I never stroked an idol of theirs nor did I sacrifice to them until God honoured me with His apostleship"'. Guillaume considers this report as' a tradition of outstanding importance'. 'It is the only extant evidence', he says, 'of the influence of a monotheist on Muhammad by way of admonition.' 2 Guillaume remarks that 'this tradition has been expunged from Ibn hishamss recension altogether, but there are traces of it inS. [al-suhaylis a l r a u d al-unuf] (p. 146) and Bukhari (K. p. 63, bab 24) where there is an imposing isnad going back to 'Abdullah ibn 'Umar to the effect that the Prophet met bag was brought Zayd in the lower part of baldah before his apostleship. to the prophet o r the prophet brought it to him and he refused to eat of it saying ' I never eat what you sacrifice before your idols. I eat only that over which the name of God has been mentioned '. He blamed Quraysh for their sacrifices '. (Journal of Semitic Studies. Monograph No.1), Manchester University Press, 27-8; text, 59. 2 ibid., 27; see L. c a e t a n i a n n a l idell' i s l a m Milano, I, § 186: tra.dizione dovremmo ritenere che egli conoscesse Maometto dell'inizio della missione, e condotta di questo originale e i disoorsi del medesimo possono forse aver influitto sull' animo di Maometto'; T. noldeke, geschichte des qorans bearbeitet von F. Schwally, Leipzig, I, 18. 1 268 M. J. KISTER Guillaume surveys the discussion of the tradition in Suhayli's raud and remarks that Ibn Kathir ' (p. 239) also retains part of the original tradition which our contains. He says : "Zayd ibn 'Amr came to the apostle who was with Zayd ibn h a r i t h a as they were eating from a bag they had with them. nephew, I never eat from When they invited him to eat with them he said, what has been offered to idols'" '. 3 The different versions of the tradition concerning the meeting of the Prophet with Zayd b. 'Amr deserve to be surveyed. The tradition of al-Bukhari 4 (with the isnad musa (b. 'Uqba) >Salim b. 'Abdallah> 'Abdallah b. 'Umar) is recorded by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, 5 Ibn s a ' d al-Bakri, 7 Ibn Kathir, 8 a h m a d b. h a n b a l Ibn ' a s a k i r i r a l - D h a h a b i and a h a l a b i a b i A tradition recorded by Ibn Durayd 13 has a quite different setting: the Prophet was made to cherish solitude before he received the revelation and he sojourned in the folds of the mountains of Mecca. He said (i.e. the Prophet): 'I saw Zayd b. 'Amr in one of the folds when he too secluded himself from the world. I sat down in his company and I offered him a meal containing meat. He then said nephew, I do not eat from these sacrifices (inni l a akulu min hadhihi ' l d h a n b a ' i h i '. In this tradition the Prophet was alone; Zayd b. h a r i t h a is not mentioned. One may only deduce from the expression hadhihi ' l d h a b a ' i h that meat of sacrifices slaughtered before idols is intended. A similar tradition is recorded by al-khargushi.14 The Prophet said 'Zayd b. 'Amr came to me when I was pasturing; with me was cooked meat. I invited him to (eat) it and adjured him to do it (i.e. to eat). He a n s w e r e d nephew, if you were to ask your aunts they would tell you that I do not eat meat offered to any god other than God, who is Exalted '. The difference between the tradition recorded by Ibn Durayd and the tradition of al-khargushi is noteworthy: the tradition of Ibn Durayd refers to the story of the solitude of the Prophet before he received the apostleship; the tradition of al-khargushi refers to the story that the Prophet pastured the cattle of some people of Mecca. op. cit., 28. 'With the version fa quddimad ilii 'l-nabiyyi s u f r a t u n v, Cairo, n. d. m u h 'Ali s u b a y h and Sons printers). a l i s t i ' a b ed. 'Ali m u h al-Bijawi, Cairo, 1960, 617, with the version: fa qaddama ilayhi rasulu 'llahi s a l l a 'lliihu 'alayhi wa sallama aufratan f i h a l a h m u n Tabaqiit, Beirut, 1957, III, 7 mu'jam m a stajam, ed. al-Saqa, Cairo, 1945, I, 273. 8 Al-Bidiiya wa 'l-nihaya, Beirut and a l r i y a d 1966, II, 240 (quoted from a l b u k h a r i Al-Musnad, ed. a h m a d , u h a m m a d Shakir, Cairo, 1949, vii, 225-6, no. 5369. 10 tahdhib ta'rikh d i m a s h q VI, 32. 11 Ta'rikh a l i s l a m Cairo, 1367/1947-8, I, 52; Siyar a'liim al-nubala', ed. s a l a h al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo, 1956, I, 90; and see A. Sprenger, Daa Leben und die Lehre des m o h a m m a d zweite Aujlage, Berlin, 1869, I, 119. 12 'Ali b. b u r h a n al-Din a k h a l a b i i n s a n n al-'uyun fi sirat al-amin al,a'mun = a l s i r a al halabiyya Cairo, 1932, I, 147. 1a Al-Iahtiqiiq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hariin, Cairo, 1958, 134. "Sharaf a l m u s t a f a BM MS Or. 3014, fol. 28a. 3 'A BAG OF m e a t A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h 269 Significant is the phrase ' if you were to ask your aunts ... ' which is ahnost identical with that in the tradition of Yiinus b. Bukayr. A certain divergence is seen in a tradition recorded on the authority of 'A'isha (with an isniid: Hisham b. 'Urwa > 'Urwa > 'A'isha who heard the Prophet say' I heard Zayd b. 'Amr b. Nufayl condemning the eating of meat of sacrifices offered to someone other than God. So I did not taste anything (slaughtered) on the nusub b b b 15 until God honoured me by the Call '. 16 In this tradition there is no mention of a bag of meat, nor that the Prophet invited Zayd b. 'Amr to eat meat. The Prophet merely heard Zayd b. 'Amr condemn the eating of such meat. The person of Zayd b. haritha is mentioned in a tradition recorded by a h m a d b / h a n b a l with the following i s n a d Yazid > al-Mas'iidi > Nufayl b. Hisham b. Sa'id b. Zayd b. 'Amr b. Nufayl > Hisham b. Sa'id > Sa'id b. Zayd. 18 'When the Prophet and Zayd b. haritha ',says the tradition, 'stayed in Mecca, Zayd b. 'Amr passed by. They invited him to (share) a bag of theirs. Zayd b. 'Amr answered" 0 nephew, I do not eat what has been sacrificed on the n u s u b The transmitter (i.e. Sa'id b. Zayd b. 'Amr) said: 'the Prophet was after this never seen eating something sacrificed on the n u s u b b '. This tradition with the same isnad is recorded by a l t a y a l i s i s i It contains, however, a slight variant. Zayd b. 'Amr passed by the Prophet who was in the company of Zayd h a r i t h a they both (i.e. the Prophet and Zayd h a r i t h a ate from a bag of theirs They invited him, etc .... This is, of course, the source of the tradition of Ibn kathir {II, 239) mentioned above. An almost identical tradition is recorded by Ibn 'Abd al-barr. 20 It is in fact a combined tradition containing details about the search for a true religion by Zayd b. 'Amr and Waraqa b. Naufal; the report concerning the invitation to Zayd b. 'Amr to eat meat from a bag is only a part of the tradition. The important difference is that the Prophet was in the company of a b u Sufyan b. al harith 21 (not Zayd b. h a r i t h a The tradition recorded in MS Fez, qarawiyun 727, and translated by Guillaume, is not an isolated one. The tradition is recorded in the Musnad of al-Rabi' b. h a b i b 22 on the authority of a b u 'Ubayda. The variants are few: For the explanation of the word see a l t a b a r i t a s f i r ed. m a h m u dand a h m a d m u h a m m a d Shakir, Cairo, 1957, 18 AJ.Khargiishi, op. cit., fol. 27b ; a l s u y u t i a l k h a s a ' i s al kubra Hyderabad, 1319/ I, 89; 'Ali b. burhan a l d i n a l h a l a b i op. cit., I, almuttaqii al-Hindi, Kanz 68, no. 387. al-'ummiil, Hyderabad, 1965, 17 a l m u s n a d III, 116-17, no. 1648; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya, II, 239; Ibn h a j a r f a t h al bari Cairo, 1325/1907-8, vn, 98; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam al-nubala', I, 87 (on the authority of yunus b. Bukayr). 18 the editor's remarks on the men of the isnad, al-Musnad, Joe. cit., m, 116-17, no. 1648. Abu d a ' u d a l t a y a l i s i i Musnad, Hyderabad, p. 32, no. 234. a l i s t i ' a b 616; al muhibb a l t a b a r i al riyad al nadira fi manaqib al 'ashara Cairo, 1953, II, on him Ibn h a j a r al isaba Cairo, VII, 86, no. 535; Ibn 'Abd. al-Barr, op. cit., p. 1673, no. a l j a m i ' a l s a h i h Musnad al-Rabi' b. Ifabib b. 'Umar al-Azdi a l b a s r i i'ala tarlib al-8haykh Abi Ya'qub y u s u f b. Ibrahim al- Wurjilani, Cairo, 1349/1930-1, I, 18. M. J. the phrase ' if you were to ask the daughters of 'Abd al-Muttalib they would tell you that I never eat of these sacrifices ... 'is missing. The question of Zayd b. 'Amr here was quite frank: '0 nephew, do you indeed sacrifice before these idols of yours y a bna akhi antum t a d h b a h u n a 'ala a s n a m i k u m hadhihi?) '. The Prophet answered' Yes'. Then Zayd b. 'Amr said' I shall not eat it (i.e. the meat from the bag) '. He condemned the idols (thumma 'aba ' l a s n a m a a wa 'l authana and those who fed and approached them with reverence. The Prophet said' By God, I did not draw near the idols at all until God granted me prophethood '. A significant tradition, lengthy and detailed, is recorded by a l - K h a r g u s h i It is reported by Usama b. Zayd on the authority of his father Zayd b. h a r i t h a ' The Prophet ', says the report, ' slaughtered a ewe for a n u s u b of the a n s a b d h a b a h a rasulu 'llahi s a l l a 'llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama shatan l i n u s u b i n min a l a n s a b i ; then he roasted it and carried it with him qala : thumma shawaha f a h t a m a l a h a ma'ahu). Then Zayd b. 'Amr b. Nufayl met us in the upper part of the valley; (it was) on one of the hot days of Mecca. When we met, we greeted each other with the greeting of the jahiliyya, in'am s a b a h a n n The Prophet said He This do I see you, son of 'Amr, hated by your people (happened) without me being the cause of their hatred (qiila: dhaka li-ghayri tha'ra ntha'iratin minni f i h i m 25 ; but I found them associating divinities with God and I was reluctant to do the same. I wanted (to worship God according to) the religion of i b r a h i m I came to the learned men a a h b a r r r of Yatbrib and I found them worshipping God, but associating other divinities with Him. Then I said (in my soul): this is not the religion that I seek and I travelled till I came to the learned men of the Jews in Syria. Then a man from among them said 'You are asking about a religion which no one we know of follows, except an old man in the jazira '. I came to him and he asked me ' Which people do you belong to ' I said' I am from the people of thorns and acacia trees (al-shauk wa ' l q a r a z a z from the people of the haram of God'. He told me 'Return, as God who is blessed and exalted caused to rise the star of a prophet who has already appeared, or is about to appear; follow him, because he will worship God according to the religion about which yon are inquiring'." He (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) said "So I came, but-by God- I do not notice 27 anything". The Prophet said "Would you like some food 1" He (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) said "Yes". Then he (i.e. the Prophet) put before him the (meat of the) ewe. He said (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) " What did you sacrifice it to, 0 muhammad (li-ayyi 23 Sharaf al mustafa fols. 27b-28a. "'In MS, shaqaqaka in other parallels shanifu l a k a and see lisan, s.v., sh n f: wa-fi hadithi Zaydi bni 'Amri bni Nufaylin: qala li rasuli'llahi salla 'llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama: ma li ara qaumaka qad shanifuka. In our MS, correctly: qala lahu 'l-nabiyyu salla 'llahu 'alayhi wa sallama ma liaraka ya bna 'Amrin . .. etc. In MS, ttha'iratinr parallels : na'ilatina'latin'iratina'ratin In MS, min ahli bayti 'l shirki wa ' l q a r a z i in Siyar a'lam al-nubala', I, 161, min ahli bayti ' l l a h i in Majma' al-zawa'id rx, 418, ahl al-shauk wa 'l qaraz In u h s i n u in Siyar a'lam, correctly u h i s s u al-Mustadrak, like our MS, u h s i n u 'A BAG OF MEAT': A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h 271 shay' in dhabahta ya m u h a m m a d u He (i.e. the Prophet) said" To one of the ansab q a l a li nusuninmin al ansabi He (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) I am not the one to eat anything slaughtered for a divinity other than God The Prophet went on his way and after a short time he was given the prophethood. He (i.e. Zayd b. h a r i t h a said" Zayd b. 'Amr was mentioned to the Prophet and he (i.e. the Prophet) said' He (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) will rise in the Resurrection as a 2s people by himself ' This tradition with slight variants is recorded in al hakim's Mustadrak, 29 in al-Haythami's z a w a ' i d and in al-Dhahabi's Siyar 31 and his Ta'rikh al-Isliim. 32 In the Mustadrak, Siyar, and Ta'rikh the tradition is traced back to Usama b. Zayd, told on the authority of his father, Zayd b. haritha and is followed by an appended tradition that the Prophet went afterwards to the Ka'ba and performed the circumambulation accompanied by Zayd b. h a r i t h a He forbade Zayd b. haritha to stroke the idols of Isaf and Na'ila. 33 The slight variants may be of some importance. In some of the sources, instead of the learned men of Yathrib a h b a r the scholars of Fadak are mentioned. In some sources, the scholars of Khaybar are mentioned ; others mention the scholars of Ayla. All the sources, except al-Khargiishi, tell the tradition in the first person plural : ' and we slaughtered a ewe ... and he (i.e. Zayd b. 'Amr) asked What We It is a ewe which we slaughtered far this nusub ... is By examining these traditions, one can discern the diverging details. Some of the traditions report that the Prophet heard from Zayd and refrained from eating meat offered to the n u s u b other traditions state that the Prophet met Zayd and offered him the meat ; some traditions state that the Prophet was alone ; other traditions report that he was in the company of Zayd b. haritha or in the company of a b u Sufyan b. al haritha Some of the traditions state that Zayd b. h a r i t h a slaughtered the animal, others claim that both he and the Prophet slaughtered it. The only tradition stating frankly that the Prophet himself offered the ewe to a nusub is the tradition of al-Khargiishi. The slight variants of the traditions were closely examined by Muslim scholars. Guillaume quotes al-Suhayli discussing the question as to 'how it could be thought that God allowed Zayd to give up meat offered to idols when the apostle had the better right to such a privilege. He says that the hadith does not say that the apostle actually ate of it; merely that Zayd refused to do so. 28 For the expression ummatan wahidatan and ummatan wahdahu see Ahmad b. h a n b a l l op. cit., III, 117, no. 1648, note; l i s a n n s.v. umm; Ibn K.athir, op. cit., II, 241 ; aJ.Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam, I, 88 ; and see a!-Muttaqi al-Hindi, op. cit., xm, 67-8, nos. 384-6. Hyderabad, 1334/1915-16---1342/1923-4, m, 216-17. Majma' al zawa'idwa-manba' al fawa'id Cairo, 1353/1934-5, IX, 417-18. I, 53. This tradition is recorded an independent report in a l s u y u t i ' sal khasa'isal kubra I, 89. In al-Dhahabi's Ta'rikh: shatun dhubihat li 'l nusubii against thumma qaddamna ilayhi 'l sufrata in al-mustadrakk; al-Dhahabi's Siyar a'lam, I, 161, has fa-qarraba ilayhi 'l sufraiaa (i.e. Muhammad). 32 31 I, 38 272 M. J. KISTER Secondly Zayd was simply following his own opinion, and not obeying an earlier law, for the law of Abraham forbade the eating of the flesh of animals that had died, not the flesh of animals that had been sacrificed to idols. Before Islam came to forbid the practice there was nothing against it, so that if the apostle did eat of such meat he did what was permissible, and if he did not, there is no difficulty. The truth is that it was neither expressly permitted nor forbidden '. 35 The arguments of Suhayli were not unanimously accepted by the scholars. The opinion that 'the law of Abraham (shar'u Ibrahim) forbade the eating of the flesh of animals that had died, not the flesh of animals that had been sacrificed to idols' was refuted by some scholars, who argued that the law of Abraham forbade the eating of the flesh of animals sacrificed to a divinity other than God (i.e. to the idols) as he was an enemy of the idols. 36 Three hundred years before al-Suhayli (d. 581/1285) the tradition was discussed by Ibrahim al harbi (d. 285/898) 37 as reported by a l d h a h a b i The expression discussed is ' and we slaughtered for him ' f a d h a b a h n a lahu) in the first person plural. a l h a r b i argues: 'in the slaughter (of the ewe) on the n u s u b there are two possibilities: (I) either Zayd (b. h a r i t h a performed it (i.e. the slaughter) without being ordered by the Prophet, but as he was in his company the deed (of slaughter) was attributed to him (which is indicated by the usage of the plural first p e r s o n d h a b a h n a Zayd h a r i t h a had not the immunity from sin ' i s m a and God's guidance (taufiq), granted to the Prophet by God. How would it be possible (to think that the Prophet ordered him to do so) as the Prophet forbade Zayd to touch an idol and (indeed) he (i.e. the Prophet) did not touch it before he received prophethood? So how could he acquiesce in the thought that he may slaughter for an i d o l That is impossible. (2) (It may be that) he slaughtered for God and it happened that it was done in front of an idol before which they (i.e. Quraysh) used to slaughter'. Ibn m a n z u r r records the opinion of Ibrahim al harbi 39 as quoted by Ibn al-Athir; in this record the second possibility is more plainly discussed: he Zayd h a r i t h a slaughtered the ewe in front of an idol (at a spot) at which they (i.e. Quraysh) used to slaughter; but he did not slaughter for the idol. This is the explanation of the phrase, if n u s u b denotes an idol. If, however, nusub denotes a stone, there was a semantic misunderstanding : when the Prophet was asked by Zayd b. 'Amr about the bag of meat he answered that the ewe was slaughtered on a n u s u b on a stone, but Zayd b. 'Amr understood that it had been slaughtered for a n u s u b an idol, and refused to eat it, remarking that he did not eat the meat of animals slaughtered for idols. It is evident that we face here attempts of the commentators to interpret Guillaume, op. cit., 27-8; 'Ali b. Burhan a.l-Din, op. cit., I, 147 (quoting al-Suha.yli). a l q a s t a l l a n i irshadal sari Cairo, 1326/1908, 427. 37 On whom, see a.l-Dha.habi, tadhkirat al huffaz Hyderaba.d, 1956, II, 584, no. 609; a.l-Khatib 27; a.l-Subki, tabaqat al sha'iyyaa ed. a l h i l w a l b a g h d a d i Ta'rikh baghdad Cairo, 1931, and a l t a n a h iCairo, 1964, II, 256 (see the additional references supplied by the editors, ibid.). Siyar a ' l a m 1, 91. l i s a n s.v. n b; and see ibid., s.v. sf r. 35 38 'A BAG OF MEAT': A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h 273 these h a d i t h s in a way showing that the Prophet did not slaughter for idols, nor did he eat meat slaughtered for idols. This path is followed by al-dhahabi who endeavours to interpret the opening phrases of this tradition. ' Zayd b. h a r i t h a said I went out with the Prophet, mounted behind him (on the riding beast) to one of the ansab and we slaughtered for him a kharajtu ma'a rasuli 'llahi s a l l a 'llahu 'alayki wa-sallama, wa-huwa murdifi, i l anusubinmin al ansabif a d h a b a h n a a lahu shatan). The crucial problem is, of course, the slaughter. The key for the interpretation of the sentence is the suffixed pronoun hu in lahu. If lahu is referred to n u s u b it would mean that the Prophet and Zayd b. h a r i t h a offered the ewe to the idol. This is evaded by the attribution of the suffixed pronoun to the Prophet. ' The suffixed pronoun in lahu refers to the Prophet', says al-Dhahabi d a m i r u lahu raji'un i l a rasuli 'llahi salla 'llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama). Zayd used the first person plural, 'we slaughtered for him (i.e. for the Prophet) a ewe', but it was Zayd who slaughtered it. Consequently when Zayd b. 'Amr asks during the conversation about the contents of the bag, ' What is it ', the phrase qulnashatan d h a b a h n a h ewe which we slaughtered for a a li 'l nusubi kadha 'we said certain nusub ' may form the answer of Zayd b. h a r i t h a or the answer of the Prophet on behalf of Zayd b. h a r i t h a who actually slaughtered the ewe, not being guided by God to refrain from sacrificing before the n u s u b The reading quddimat lahu sufratun (another version: fa-quddimat i l a 'l-nabiyyi salla 'llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama sufratun) in the tradition of al-Bukhari gave the opportunity for a peculiar interpretation recorded by Ibn h a j a r a l ' a s q a l a n i Ibn b a t t a l (d. 449/1057) said that the bag was offered (quddimat) to the Prophet by Quraysh but he refused to eat it and offered it to Zayd b. 'Amr, who refused to eat it too. Ibn h a j a r remarks : ' That is possible, but I do not know whence he could determine it, because I did not find it (i.e. this form of the tradition) in the transmission of anyone '. Ibn h a j a r r prefers the explanation given by al-Khattabi (d. 388/998): 'the Prophet did not eat meat of sacrifices slaughtered on the nusubfor the idols, but he ate everything else, even if the name of God was not mentioned (during the slaughter), because the law had not been revealed then. The law prohibiting consumption of the meat of animals (over which during the slaughter the name of God was not mentioned) was not revealed until a long time after the Ibn h a j a r r interprets nusub as 'stone' and concludes that Zayd b. h a r i t h a slaughtered the ewe on a stone, not intending to sacrifice for an idol. He accepts further the opinion of Suhayli that Zayd b. 'Amr was 'following his own opinion' and refutes the assumption that he adopted the opinion of the Ahl a l k i t a b Of some interest is the interpretation of the expression about the bag in the Siyar a ' l a m I, f a t h a l b a r i VII, 98; , a l - q a s t a l l a n i op. cit., vn, 427; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat a l q a r i ' VIII, 36. f a t h a l b a r i VII, 98; a!- 'Ayni, op. cit., VIII, 36. M. J. KISTER tradition of al-Bukhari given by al-Kirmani (d. 786/1384). The fact that the meat was in the bag does not indicate that the Prophet did eat of it, argues al-Kirmani. In many cases food from a traveller's bag is not consumed by the traveller but by his companions. The Prophet did not forbid the persons in his company to consume it because he had not received the revelation at that time and had not been told to make known anything of order or prohibition. 43 Shi'i scholars strongly rejected the tradition of the bag of meat. Ibn t a w u s in his t a r a ' i f f 'Abd a l m a h m u d '0 you, may God have mercy upon you, look at this story the validity of which they attested, (alleging) that their Prophet was among those who slaughtered on the a n s a b and ate (the meat) and at the same time recording in their books that God undertook to educate and instruct him and Jibril undertook to see to his formation 45 (and stating further) that he did not follow (the customs of) the Jahiliyya and did not accept anything of their manners. How did they bespeak themselves in this matter and in (the records of) the praise of God and their praise for His First and His Last, His Inward and His Outward, and with all this they attest that Zayd b. 'Amr knew God more than he and was more strict in keeping the observances of God k a n a a'rafabi 'llahi minhu wa-atamma h i f z a n li-jiinibi ' l l a h i How can I and others among the wise imitate people who record things like this and consider them sound I asked scholars of the family of the Prophet 'ulama'a ahli 'l-'itrati) about it, from their Shi'a, and they totally refused to accept the soundness of the tradition '. The same arguments are put forth against this tradition by al-l:Iasan b. y u s u f al hilli in his Nahj al haqq wa-kashf a l s i d q q 46 a l f a d l b. r u z b a h a n in a polemic against al hilli in his Nahj al ta'til claims that al hilli deleted the final part of the saying of the Prophet (as recorded by a l b u k h a r i 'When Zayd (b. 'Amr) said" I do not eat from the meat of the sacrifices offered to the idols the Prophet said I also do not eat from their sacrifices nor from that upon which God's name was not mentioned So they both ate (sc. the meat).' m u h a m m a d h a s a n a l m u z a f f a r denies the claim of a l f a d l b. ruzbahan and states that this addition (recorded by a l f a d l could not be found in the s a h i h h of al-Bukhari. In conclusion, it may be said that the discussion in connexion with the tradition concerning the conversation of the Prophet with Zayd b. 'Amr and the offer of the bag of meat was concerned with the essential problem of the of the Prophet before he was granted prophethood. The main effort of the Muslim scholars was to prove that the Prophet did not eat meat slaughtered for a l ' a y n i op. cit., 36. Ibn t a w u s s t a r a ' i f'Abd al mahmud Tehran, n. d., llO. tahdhibahu glossed in the text by khidmatahu muhammad a l h a s a n al muzaffar d a l a ' i l al sidq no place of publication given, 1389/1969{?), I, 409. 7 ' ibid. 'A BAG OF MEAT': A STUDY OF AN EARLY h a d i t h 275 idols, nor did he slaughter it, as he was granted immunity from sin before he received prophethood. The tradition of Ibn i s h a q in the recension of Yiinus b. Bukayr discussed by Guillaume ' is given us ', as stated by Guillaume, ' in what must have been its original form '. It is not unique tradition, but it is undoubtedly an early one. The lengthy tradition recorded by al-Khargiishi belongs to the same category: it plainly states that the Prophet offered the ewe to the idol and he admitted it in his talk with Zayd b. 'Amr. The phrases mentioning that the Prophet and Zayd greeted each other with the greeting of the Jahiliyya are significant. The tradition explicitly points to the fact that the Prophet followed, before his prophethood, the practices of his people and corroborates the tradition of Ibn al-Kalbi that the Prophet' offered a white ewe to al-'Uzza following the religious practices of his people' (laqad ahdaytu li 'l-'uzza shatan 'afra'a wa ana 'ala d i n i qaumi). The tradition of al-Khargiishi based on the idea that the Prophet had no ' i s m a 51 before his Call belongs to the earliest layer of hadith traditions which fell later into oblivion or were re-shaped or expunged. New light on the life of Muhammad, 7. I. Goldziher, m u s l i m studies ed. S.M. Stern, London, 1967, 239. Ibn al-Kalbi, Kitab a l a s n a m m ed. a h m a d z a k i Pasha, Cairo, 1914, 19; J. Wellhausen, Reate arabischen Heidentums, Berlin, 1887, 30. 61 See Ibn Taymiyya, m i n h a j al-sunna al-nabawiyya, ed.. Muhammad r a s h a d Salim, Cairo, 1964, n, 308, 311 ; H. Birkeland, The Lord guideth, Oslo, 1956, 40-1.

Ādam: A Study of Some Legends in Tafsīr and Ḥadīth Literature

Adam.pdf ADAM: A STUDY OF SOME LEGENDS IN TAFSIR AND HADIT LITERATURE* M. J. KISTER To my wife Zahava Stories and tales about the prophets, and about pious, ascetic, and righteous people of bygone days, the so called qisas al-anbiya', circulated widely in the Muslim community already in the first century of Islam. The origin of these stories, as stated by T. Nagel, must be traced back to pre-Islamic Arabia; they were disseminated in that period by Jews and Christians. i The recently published papyrus of Wahb b. Munabbih,2 the papyri edited by the late Nabia Abbott3 and the papyri of Hirbet Mird edited by A. Grohmann bear evidence to the fact that already in that early period of Islam there were elaborate stories about prophets, sages, and saints which were widely circulated. The Tafsfr of Muqatil b. Sulayman5 and the Tafsfr of 'Abd al-Razzaq6 contain valuable material of the qisas al-anbiya', and reflect the way in which these stories were absorbed and incorporated into the exegetical compilations of the Quran. The important work ofIshaq b. Bisr(d ..206 H.) Mubtada' al-dunyawa-qisasal-anbiya', until recently considered lost,7 has been rediscovered and, I am told, is • One part of this pafer was published in A. Rippin (ed.), Approaches to the History 0f the Interpretation of The Qur'an, Oxford 1988. I T. Nagel, ~Kisasal-anbiya', Ef. 2 Raif Georges Khoury, Wahb b. Munabbih, Der Heidelberger Papyrus PSR Heid Arab 23, Wiesbaden 1972. 3 Nabia Abbott, Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri I (Historical texts) and II (Quranic Commentary and Tradition), Chicago 1957, 1967. 4 Adolf Grohmann, Arabic Papyri from Hirbet Mird, Louvain 1963. 5 Muqatil b. Sulayman, Tafsir al-Qur'an, MS Saray, Ahmet Ill, 74, I-II: idem, op. cit. vol. I, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmud Sahata, Cairo 1969 (including the first six suras). 6 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Hammam, Tafsir al-Qur'an, MS Cairo, Dar al-kutub tafsir 242. 7 See Nabia Abbott, op. cit., 1,46 sup.: (Document 2, Story of Adam and Eve) " ...there is a strong possibility that the papyrus with its rather 'unique'text could belong to this somewhat discredited and lost work ... " 114 M.J. Kister now being prepared for a critical edition.8 The importance of this early compilation was pointed out by T. Nagel in his Inaugural Dissertation, Die Qisas al-anbiya';9 Nagel devoted five pages to an examination of the personality of Ishaq b. Bisr and to a detailed scrutiny of the sources of the Mubtada'.10 The MS, which contains the first part of the composition, consists of 218 folios, and ends with the death of Abraham. Nagel's high view of the significance of this rich early source is entirely justified. The Quran contains a great many reports concerning prophets and sages, but these are usually formulated in vague terms and frequently do no more than mention an event or refer to a person who is not further specified. The transmitters of the tales aimed at widening the scope of the stories; they availed themselves of the lore contained in local traditions current in the Arab Peninsula in the period of the Gahiliyya, in Christian narratives concerning the life of Jesus, the Apostles, the martyrs and the monks, in Jewish Biblical legends, and in the utterances of sages and ascetics. 11 This huge mass of material started to infiltrate into the realm of /Jadi! and ta/sfr very early on in the Islamic period, and from the terse reports and utterances, combined with the additional material derived from other sources, a rich tapestry of lively and plastic narrative was woven. As the advent ofIslam and the mission of the prophet Muhammad were, according to the concepts of the Muslim community, part of God's predestination, as Mley were contained in God's prior knowledge and heralded by the prophets of all ages, the stories of the prophets became an integral part of the books of history, and were duly embedded in the preamble (the mubtada" bad', or ibtida') with which, as a rule, these compilatons began. The Muslim community was eager to learn of the biographies of the prophets, of the past, because the Prophet was identified I Bodleian Library. MS Huntingdon 388. For using this MS lowe thanks to Mrs. Ruth Lieber. who is working on its edition. 9 Tilman Nagel. Die Qi~~ al-anb~I'ii'. Ein Beilrag zur Arabischen lileralurgeschichle. Bonn 1967. 10 Nagel. Die Q~% pp. 113-118; and see additional details about Is\1aq b. Bisr: Ibn 'Adiyy. al-Kamil ft t!u'ajii' al-rigal, MS Saray. Ahmet III. 2943. I. fols. 118b-119a; Ibn J:libblin aI-Busti, al-Magrul;tfn. ed. Ma\1miid Ibrlihim Zliyid. Cairo 1976. I. 135-137; Ibn 'Asiikir. Ta'ri1} Dimasq (Tah Another tradition says that God revealed to him 40 17 See e.g., Nar aI-DIn al-Haytamt, Magma' al-zawii'id wa-manba' al-fawii'id, Beirut 1967, 1, 196, 197, VIII 198: ...a-nabiyyan kana adam? qiila: na am; al-Suyutl, Gamri1J. Bodley., Marsh 288, p. 27. MS 31 AI-Mas'iidr. AlJblir al-zamlin, ed. 'Abdallah Ismen aI-~awi. Cairo 1357/1938. p. 51. 26 27 Adam 119 after his disobedience and expulsion he spoke Syriac.P These injunctions and prohibitions seem to have formed the sari at Adam, the binding law of Adam. The Prophet is said to have acted before his Call according to the sarra of Adam.33 Before his death Adam summoned SIt, ordered him to hide his will (wa~iyya) from the progeny of QiibTland instructed him as to the injunctions and penalty laws enjoined by God, (al-sarii't" wa-/l)udud).l4 The Sri version of the transfer of the will is slightly more detailed. According to it, God ordered Adam to hand over to SI1 (=l;IibatulUih) the True Name of God tal-ism al-a'zami, the Ark of Covenant (rabur) in which the Knowledge (al-'ilm) and the Will (wG.,I"iyya) had to be deposited. Adam enjoined SI1to avoid contact with the progeny of QabI1.3s There are many reports about the ginn and the angels who ruled on earth before Adam and who had to be replaced by the rule of Adam. We have mentioned above the view that the announcement made by God that He was installing a halifa was directed at the angels who were in the company of Iblis. Abu Hayyan indeed says that God addressed the angels who fought the ginn on the side of Iblis: God intended to lift them to Heaven and replace them by Adam and his progeny. Abu Hayyan gives a short report about the rule of the ginn on earth and says that a force of angels was dispatched under the command of Iblis to fight them;" The reports recorded by Ishaq b. Bisr in his M ubtada' contain interesting details about the role of Iblis and give us an idea as to the notions concerning the ginn that were current in the early period of Islam. An account given on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas tells the following story about angels and ginn. The ginn were inhabitants of the earth, the angels were in the Heavens. Every heaven had its angels, who performed their special prayers and glorifications of God; the higher the Heaven, the more powerful was the worship, the glorifications, and prayer. According to some they inhabited the earth for 2,000 years, according to others, for only 40 years and "God knows the truth. "37 The other report recorded by Ishaq b. Bisr is also given on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas and contains some new details about the classes of the ginn and their activities. When God created Sawrna, the father of the ginn - it was he who was created from the smokeless fire (marig) - God said to Anonymous, Siyar al-anbiyd', MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 19b. Ibn l;Iagar al-HaytamI. al-Faliiwii al-lJadiJiyya, Cairo 1390/1970. p. 153. J4 Anonymous, Siyar al-anbiyiP, MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 22a. J5 AI-Mas'udI, I!biil al-wasiyya, Najaf 1374/1955, pp. 16-17. J6 Abu l;Iayyan, op. cit., I, 140 ult.-14I,1. I; al-SuYU!, 1.44--45; al-Kisii'i, 'Agii'ib al-malakia, MS Hebrew Univ., AR 8° 63, fol. 39b. 37 Is1,1aq Bisr, Mublada' al-dunyii wa-qisas al-anbiyii', MS Bodl. Huntingdon 388, fol. b. 38b. J2 JJ 120 M.J. Kisler him: "(say) what is your desire?" Sawmi answered: "I wish that we should see but remain unseen, that we should disappear in moist ground (al-lart1) and that our people of ripe age should be turned young." These wishes were granted: ginnfs see but remain unseen, the dead disappear in moist ground, a ginnf of ripe age never dies before being turned into a young ginn.)8 This report is followed by a short passage: When God created Adam He asked him about his desire; Adam said that he desired horses (al-l.Jayl), which were indeed granted to him.39 The story about the revolt of the ginn on earth and about the expedition of warriors from heaven against them is given in the following passage: God created the ginn and ordered them to inhabit and build up the earth. They did so and worshipped God for a very long time. But afterwards they became disobedient toward God and shed blood; amongst them was an angel called Ynsuf; they killed him. Then God dispatched against them a military force of the angels who dwelt in the Lower Heaven isamd' al-dunyii); this force was of the division of the l;rinn.40 Among them was Ps. A~ma'I, Qila~ al-anbiyii', MS Br. Mus. Or. 1493, fol. 5b; al-SibIr, Akam ai-margan, 18 p.85. 39 ls~liq b. Bisr, op. cit., fol. 38b; this and the following are recorded in Muhammad b. 'Abdalilih al-SibJrs Akom ol-morgon ji gorii'ibi l-olJbor wo-oJ.!komi I-gonn, ed. 'Abdalllih Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1376, pp. 9-11; the author quotes the source: Abu ~uqayfa Is~aq b. Bisr's al-Mubtada". The name of the "father ofthejinn" is given as Sawmayo; the editor remarks that Burhan al-Halabt records the name in his 'lqd al-margiin (see Brockelmann, GAL, II, 307, SIl, 82) as Sawmayli. And see al-Qalyubi, Nawadir, Cairo 1371/1955, p. 125 (whether the creation of the horse preceded the creation of Adam). And see al-$affuri, Nuzhat ol-magolis wa-muntahab al-na/ii'is, Beirut n.d., p. 227: when God showed Adam all the creations He allowed him to choose one of them; Adam chose the horse. Then he was told that he had chosen glory and power ('izz) for himself and for his progeny. And see Ibn ~agar al-Haytami, al-Fatowa al-I)adiliyya, p. 65. Some reports stress the differences between the ginn and the angels; the angels do not eat, drink or copulate; the ginn eat, drink and copulate (al-Haytamt, op. cit., p. 63). And see al-Haytami, op. cit., p. 71 (the ginn die like human beings; Iblis grows old, but turns to be young like a person of 30 years) . • 0 Isl)aq b. Bisr, op. cit., fols. 38b-39a; The hinn are defined as the lowest class of the ginn; they are nicknamed kiliib ai-ginn; al-SibIr, Akiim, p. 6 inf. and see al-FayriizabadI, al-Qomiis al-mul)f{, Cairo 1371/1952, IV, 218, s.v. I,Inn: wa-l-hinn bi-l-kasr hayyun mina I-ginni minhumu I-ki/obu l-sildu l-buhmu aw safilatu I-ginni wa-tfu
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