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taif_reports.pdf SOME REPORTS CONCERNING AL-TA'IF In memory of Yuval Taglicht The battle of Hunayn (8H/630), in which the Muslim troops defeated the joint forces of the Hawazin and Thaqif, heralded the submission of al-Ta'if. The expedition of the Prophet against al-Ta'if is reflected in a peculiar utterance attributed to him: "God's Iast tread was at Wajj (. .. wa-inna akhira wa(atin wati'aha llahu bi-wajj; in another version: inna iikhira wa(atin /i-lliihi yaumu wajj)l and interpreted as referring to the Iast campaign of the Prophet (aided by God's power, indicated by the word "wa(a" - K) against the unbelievers. The conversion of al-Ta'if to Islam marked in fact the Iast victorious stage of the Prophet's struggle for control over the three important cities in the Arabian peninsula: Mecca, Medina and al-Ta'if. The reports about the negotiations between the Prophet and the deputation of Thaqif (in 9 H), and the concessions and privileges granted by him to Thaqlf, are divergent and even contradictory. By surveying these traditions it is possible to elucidate some points of the negotiated conditions, which shed light on certain essential details of the concessions granted. A report on the administrative and military steps taken by Mu'awiya with regard to al-Ta'if may expose the changes in the structure of the popUlation of al-Ta'if in that period. According to the most widely quoted traditions/ the Prophet rejected all the requests submitted to him by the delegation of Thaqif, including the permission to profit from financial transactions based on usury, pennission to have inter1 AI-BakrI, Mu'iam mli sta'iam, ed. Mu~tafa I-Saqa., Cairo, 1368/1949, p. 1369; YaqOt, Mu'iam al-buldlin, Beirut, 1376/1957, V, 361; Ibn al-Athfr, al-Nihiiya ft gharlbi I-I}adrthi wa-I-athar, ed. al-TanaJ:tr, Cairo, 1385/1965, V, 200; al-Zamakhsharr, al-Fo'ig, cd. MuJ:tammad Abo I-Faql IbrahIm, 'Air MuJ:tammad aI-Bija.wI, Cairo, 1971, I, 185; NOr aI-DIn aI-HaythamI, Maima' al-zawii'id, Beirut, 1967, X, 54; L'A, s.v. w ~ 'a, w j j; P.H. Lammens, La ate Arabe de '[ii'ifa/a Veillede/,Hegire, Bcyrouth, 1922,p. 28. 2 See Ibn Hisham, al-Srra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al AbyarI, Shalabr, Cairo, 1355/1936, IV, 182-7; al-Waqidf, al-Maghiizr, cd. Marsden Jones, Oxford, 1966, III, 960-73; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqlit, Beirut, 1380/1960, I, 31Z-13; al-Tabarr, Ta'rrkh al-umam wa-I-mulak, Cairo, 1357/ course with prostitutes (during their journeys), perrmssion to drink wine and, finally, the concession to worship al-Lat (al-Rabba) for a period; all these demands were refused by the Prophet, save the concession that the idol of al-Lat be destroyed not by themselves but by others. Watt, in scrutinizing the negotiations of the delegation with the Prophet, notices that there is no mention of anyone being commissioned to collect any contribution or tax from Thaqif; he remarks that "this might be a reason for the disappearance of the text of the treaty with aI-Ta'if.,,3 Some fifty years earlier Buhl, pointing out that the Prophet granted to Thaqif as a privilege recognition of their valley, Wajj, as haram." had suggested that he might have granted them additional concessions, not mentioned in the traditions." This line was followed by Sperber in his study of the Ietters of the Prophet. 6 As a matter of fact there are reports which attribute to the Prophet far-reaching concessions granted to Thaqif. According to one of them Thaqif embraced Islam on condition that their people would be free from paying the sadaqa and 1939, II, 364-6; al-Kala'i", al-Iktifii' jT maghdz i rasiili lliihi wa-l-thaldthati l-khulafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid , Cairo, 1389/1970, II, 398--408; Ibn Kath Ir , al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya, Beirut al-Riyad, 1966, V, 29~34; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uytm al-athar ft funtm al-maghazt wa-l-shama' il wa-l-siyar, Cairo, 1356, 11,228-31; al-Maqrtz i, Imta' al-asma' bi-ma Ii-l-rasuii min al-anba"i wal-amwati wa-I-hafadati wa-l-mata', ed. Mahrntd Muhammad Shakir, Cairo, 1941, 1,4914; ,,1Zurqanr, Sharh al-mawahib al-laduniy ya, Cairo 1327, IV,6~10; Ibn al-Athrr, al-Kamil ft l-ta'rtkh, ed , 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Najjar , Cairo, 1349, 11,1934; 'Atr b. Burhan aI-DIn al-Halabr, Insan al- 'uyun ft strati l-amtni l-ma'mun i=al-Stra .al-halabiyyai, Cairo, n.d., III, 243-6; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Durar ft khtisari l-maghazt wa-l-siyar, ed. Shauqi Dayf, Cairo, 1386/1966, pp. 262-5; Dahlan,, Cairo, B10, II, 145 inf.-147; al-Diyarbakrr, Ta'rfkh al-khamts fl ahwal anfas nafts, Cairo, 1238, II, 134 inf.-138 1.1; Ibn Hazrn, Jawami' al-stra, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Nasir aI-DIn al-Asad , Cairo, n.d., pp. 255-8; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad, Beirut, n.d., II, 197-9, III, 26-9; Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Musanna], ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq alAtghant , Hyderabad, 1388/1968, III, 197; al-Baladhurt , Futuh al-buldan, ed. 'Abdallah and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut, 1377/1958, p. 75. . W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford, 1956, p. 104. See on tahrtm wajj: aI-FakihI, Ta'rtkh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, fol. 539b; Ibn Sa'd , op. cit., 1,.284-5; Muhibb al-Drn al-Tabart , al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mustafa l-Saqa, Cairo, 1390/1970, p. 666 (see the remarks of the author about the nature of tahrtm: whether it was merely given the status of a hima, or whether the privilege was later annulled); alSamhtd i, Wafii'u l-wafa bi-akhbari dari l-mustafa, cd, Muhammad Muhy i l-Drn 'Abd al-Hamrd, Cairo. 1374/1955, p. 1036; Abo 'Ubayd , al-Amwal. cd. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqt , Cairo, 1353, p. 193, no. 507, L'A, s, v. w j j; al-Zurqant, op. cit., IV, 10 (discussing contradictory opinions of scholars about the status of Wajj); al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, Cairo, 1372/1953, V, 39~40 (see the discussion about the validity of the tradition and the position ofWajj); Ibn Zanjawayh, Kitab al-amwal, Ms. Burdur 183, fol. 68a; al-DiyarbakrI, op. cit., II, 110, 11.2-6; al-Maqrrzr, op. cit., L 493; AmIn Mahrntd Khattab, Fath al-malik al-ma'btd, TakmiZat al-manhal al-tadhb al-maund, Cairo, 1394/1974, II, 231-3; Muhammad Hamtdullah, Majmu'at 'al-watha'iq alsiyasiyya, Cairo, 1376/1956, no. 182; Shakrb Arslan, al-Irt;samat al-litaf ft khatiri I-lJajji i/a aqdasi mataf , cd. Muhammad RashId Rida, Cairo, 1350, p. 135 (see the quotation from Ibn Fahds Tuhfat at-lata 'if ft [ada 'ili l-habri bni 1-'abbasi wa-wajjin wa-l-ta'if). 5 F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, trans!. H.H. Schaeder, Heidelberg, 1955 (repr.), p. 332. 6 J. Sperber, "Die Schreiben Mohammeds an die Stamrnc Arabiens",MSOS 19 (1916), 71-2. 3 4 2 Some reports concerning al-Ta 'if exempted from obligatory participation in the expeditions of jihad. The Prophet then noted that in the future they would pay the poor tax, the sadaqa, and participate in the holy war (jihad).7 It is evident that, according to this version of the tradition, the Prophet freed Thaqif from the poor tax and from participation in war expeditions. The version which contains the final restrictive clause (idha aslamiu is, however, interpreted in a different way: the convert is granted a respite from the obligation till a prescribed time or within specific circumstances. In this case Thaqif would be obliged to pay the sadaqa, the poor tax, when the fixed time came and to participate in jihad whenever announced.' It can thus be deduced, according to this interpretation, that the Prophet merely postponed for Thaqif the fulfillment of some obligations. The exemption of Thaqif from paying the poor tax (~adaqa) and jihad is plainly reported in a haditti in which the Prophet conceded payment of the tithe (,ushr) as well as conscription (lakum an la tuhsharii wa-lii tu 'shariiy; their third demand, not to perform prostration in prayer (an la yujabbiiy was refused by the Prophet, on the grounds that faith without prostration was devoid of good." The two concessions of 'ushr and hashr are in fact included in the official epistle issued by the Prophet for Thaqif as recorded by Abu 'Ubayd.! 0 The request of the deputation to exempt Thaqif from prayer deserves particular attention. When the Prophet refused this demand he is said to have remarked: "A faith without prayer is devoid of good" (la khayra fi dlnin Iii saliita fihi);1 1 the deputation, in accepting the Prophet's decision, said: "We grant you that even 7 Ibn Rajab, Jami' al-tulum wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadr Abu I-NUr, Cairo, 1389/ 1969, I, 180 inf.: ... wa-anna rastda l/ahi salla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama qala: sa-yassaddaquna wa-yujahiduna (quoted from Ahmad b. Hanbals Musnad); Abu Dawud , Sunan, Cairo, 1348, II, 42; Ibn Katht r, al-Bidaya, V, 30 (In both sources the utterance of the Prophet ends with an additional clause: idha aslamu. They will pay the sadaqa and take part in the expeditions of the holy war "when they will embrace Islam "); al-Suyutr, al-Khasa'is al-kubra, ed. Muhammad Khalrl Haras, Cairo, 1386/1967. II, 145; Ibn al-Ath Ir , al-Nihaya L 238, records a different version of the tradition. It was Jabir who explained the reason for the Prophet's dispensation: "he knew that they would fight and pay the sadaqa when they convert." • See Ibn al-Atht r, al-Nihaya L 238, ll. 5-6: "... wa-lam yurakhkhis lahum ft tarki l-salati Ii-anna waqtaha hadirun mutakarrirun bi-khilafi waqti l-zakati wa-l-jihadi.' . 9 Abu Dawud , op. cit., II, 42: ... wa-la khayra ]t dtnin laysa fthi ruku'un; Ibn Kath Ir , alBidaya, V. 30; Ahmad b. Hanbal. Musnad, Bwaq, 1313, IV, 218 (with an additional request of the delegation: that the governor of al-Ta'if would be appointed from among themselves; this was granted by the Prophet). 10 AbO 'Ubayd , al-A m wal, pp. 190-3. no. 506. (The crucial expression Iii yuhsharuna is glossed by Abo 'Ubayd: tu'khadhu minhum sadaqatu l-mawash t bi-afniyatihim, ya'tthimu l-musaddiqu huniika, wa-la ya'muruhum an yajlibuha ilayhi. But L 'A s. v. J:1 sh r, referring to the conditions of the deputation of Thaqrf, explains /a yuhsharuna: ay Iii yundabuna ila l-maghaz t wa-la tudrabu 'alayhimu l-bu'uthu. L 'A also mentions the interpretation as recorded by AbU 'Ubayd, Both these explanations are recorded by Ibn al-Athrr in his Nihaya, s. v, J:! sh r; and see Ibn Zanjawayh, op. cit., fol. 67a; Muhammad Harnrdullah, op. cit., no. 181; cf. Abu 'Ubayd, Ghart bu l-hadt th, Hyderabad , 1385/1966, III, 197 ult.- 198. It See e.g. at-waqtcr. op. cit.,~. 968. 3 though it be humiliation" ifa-qali: sa-nu'tikahii wa-in kiinat dana'atani+? The expression dana 'a, baseness, or humiliation, seems at first blush somewhat odd in this context. However, its connotation may become apparent from additional reports. The requests of the deputation are recorded in several commentaries to the Qur'an (SUra XVII, 75): "Indeed they were near to seducing thee from that We revealed to thee ... " Al-Khazln v' and al-Baghawi !" record a tradition according to which the deputation asked the Prophet to grant them the following concessions: not to bend (or prostrate) in prayer; not to destroy their idols by themselves; and to be allowed to keep al-Lat for a period of a year, on condition that the goddess would not be worshipped (by them). The Prophet conceded that other people should pull down their idol, but refused to allow its demolition to be delayed; concerning prostration in prayer he remarked: "A faith in which there is no prostration is devoid of good" (fa khayra fi dinin fa rukii'a fihi).1 5 It is thus clear that the deputation did not seek exemption from prayer, but from prostration. According to Arab concepts of honor prostration was deemed demeaning. This is well reflected in the reply of Abu Talib, when invited by the Prophet to join him in prayer: "I know that you are on the right path, but I do not like to prostrate so that my hindquarter is higher than (the rest of) me" (. .. wa-lakinni akrahu an asjuda [a-ta'luwani stl).16 It is indeed instructive to find that Musaylima, when praying in front of Arabs, ordered them to perform the prayer upright, in the manner of noblemen. 17 The opinion of the other false prophet, Tulayha, about prostrations was also unfavourable and he forbade his followers to prostrate in prayer. 1 3 The idea regarding prostration as humiliating, in the Arab society of the Jahiliyya, is clearly reflected in Ibn 'Arabi's commentary to the Qur'an.' 9 The economic factor behind the request to preserve their idol, though com- * See e.g. Ibn Kathrr. al-Bidiiya, V, 30. Al-Khazin, Tafsir (= Lubab al-ta'wtl ft ma'ant I-tanzt Iv, Cairo, 1381, IV, 140 (the text here: III nahnt ft l-salat , with the gloss: ay: Iii nanhant i. 14 Al-Baghawi, Tafsir (= Ma'alim al-tanz tl) on margin of al-Khazins Tafstr , IV, 140 (with the reading la nanhani ft l-salat): and see Ibn al-Ath tr. al-Nihaya . I, 237 ult.- 238: L'A S.v. j b a (quoted from Ibn al-Ath Ir). 15 See this version as variant: 'All b. Burhan al-Dt n.on. cit .. lII. 245,1. 3; DaJ:1lan,op. cit., II. 147: Ibn Katht r. al-Bidaya, V, 30. 16 AI-KhaFb al-Baghdadr, Ta'rikh Baghdad. Cairo. 1349/1931, II. 274. 17 Nashwan , MulUk himyar wa-aqyal al-yaman, cd. 'Ali al-Muayy ad , IsmaIl al-Jaraft , Cairo, 1378, p. 176: ..• wa-kana musaylimatu idha salla bi-I· 'arabi qala: rna yurt du llahu bitauliyati adbarikum wa-sujudikum 'ala jibahikum. sallu li-llahi aiviiman. kiriiman. r e Ibn al-Ath Ir , at Kamil ft l-ta'rikh, 11.232: ... wa-kana ya'muruhum bi-tarki l-sujudi fT l-salati, y aqulu: inna llaha III yasna'u bi-ta'affuri wujidtikum wa-taqabbuhi (?) adbiirikum shay 'an. 1. See e.g. Ibn 'Arabt , Ahkam al-Qur'an, cd. 'Air Muhammad al-Bijawt, Cairo. 1387/1967, I, 21: ... wa-qad kana l-ruku 'u athqala shay 'in 'ala l-qaumi fi l-jahiliyyati, balta qala ba'du man aslama li-l-nabiyyi [s}: 'ala a/Ill akhirra ilia qa'iman, fa-min ta'awwulihi: 'ala atta arka'a. 12 13 4 Some reports concerning al- To 'if mitting themselves to eschew its worship, is given in a commentary to the Qur'an: Thaqif would indeed refrain during the year from worshipping their idol, but other people would come to worship it and bring offerings which will form part of the revenue of Thaqlf.2 0 Some of the traditions relate a remarkable story about the intervention of 'Umar during the negotiations of the Prophet with the delegation of Thaqi f. At a certain point in the negotiations, when the delegation enumerated its insolent and excessive demands, 'Umar noticed vexation on the face of the Prophet; he stood up and stopped the negotiations by forceful interference. Then God revealed the verse: "Indeed they were near to seducing thee ... " According to a tradition recorded by al-Zarnakhshan , the deputation came forward with a considerable list of conditions, demanding exemption from the tithe, from participation in military expeditions and from prostration. Whatever was coming to them in usury was to remain due. but everything they owed in usury to others was to be cancelled; al-Lat was to remain intact for a year, at the end of which the idol was to be destroyed by others, not by themselves; entrance to Wajj was to be forbidden to those seeking to cut trees in the area. Further, the deputation tried to persuade the Prophet, that if asked by the Arab tribes, he should claim that God had ordered him to grant these exceptional privileges and concessions toThaqif. The deputation came prepared with a letter in order to record the conditions agreed upon. They had written in the letter: "In the name of the Merciful, the Compassionate. This is the Ietter from Muhammad, the Messenger of God, to Thaqif. They will not pay the 'ushr (i.e. the tithe) and they will not be recruited for military expeditions." Then they added: "They will not prostrate in prayer." The Prophet kept silent. They said to the scribe: "Write: 'and they will not prostrate in prayer'." The scribe looked at the Prophet (waiting for his assent K). At that moment 'Umar stood up, drew his sword and said: "You burnt the heart of our Prophet, 0 men of Thaqif, may God bum your hearts" (literally: your livers)." The Thaqafites replied that they had not come to talk with him, but with the Prophet. It was then that the verse mentioned above was revealed."! There is no indication in this report whether the negotiations, broken off by 'Umar's interference, were resumed after the verse was revealed: whether the demands of Thaq if which were accepted by the Prophet, were later confirmed, and whether the docu- * 20 Al-Qurtubt , Tafstr (= al-Jiimi' li-akhnmi l-qur'an), Cairo. 1387/1967, X. 299; al-Tabarst , Majma' l-bayan ft tafstri l-qur'an, Beirut, 1380/1961, XV, 81. 21 Al-Zamakhsharr, al-Kashshaf', Cairo, 1354, II, 370; Ibn Hajar, al·Kiifr al-shaf ft takhrtji ahodt thi l-kashshiif, Cairo, 1354, p. 100, no 296, states that he could not lind this hadtth , but remarks that al-Tha'labr recorded it (evidently in his Tafstr -- K) on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, though without isnad; al-Naysabarr, Ghara'ib al-qur'an wa-raghn'ib al-furqan, Cairo, 1384/1965, XV, 64 (the text has: ... wa-la nujabbiya ft salntina with a gloss: ay Iii nasjuda; 'Umar's remark is different in style from that recorded in the Kashshafr; al-Razr, al-Tatstr al-kabtr (MaranlJ al-ghayb), Cairo, 1357/1938, XXI, 20. 5 ment was signed by the Prophet. It is however explicit in the report that the reason why the negotiations broke off was the demand for exemption from prostration in prayer. The report recorded by the early Qur'an commentator Muqatil b. Sulayman (d. 150 H) is more detailed and divergent in certain essential points. The deputation of Thaqif stressed in its speech the strong position of Thaqif and their influence on other tribes. If they accepted IsIam, they said, the whole of Najd would follow suit; if they fought, alI their allies would join them against the Prophet and his community. On this basis they appealed to the Prophet to accept their demands. Their conditions for converting to Islam included exemption from conscription, from tithes and from prostration in prayer, cancellation of their debts of usury while affirming suit debts owed to them by others; bestowing on the Wajj valley the status of the sacred haram of Mecca, to prevent outsiders from trespassing in order to cut trees there; having the Prophet appoint governors from Thaqif over the Banu Malik and the AJ:laf; the preservation of al-Lat and al-Tlzza (sic! ) for a year, though they were not to be worshipped by Thaqif, after which time the idols would be demolished by others. They urged the Prophet to accept their demands in order to demonstrate to the Arab tribes the Prophet's regard for them and their superiority over the other tribes. The Prophet acceded, in so far as he exempted them from the tithe, released them from conscription, promised to Iet their idols be destroyed by others, and granted them the privileges of usury; but he would not dispense them from prostrating in prayer. The crisis occurred when the deputation insisted on preserving al-Lat for a year. The Prophet remained silent, unwilling to refuse them and say "no"; the deputation remained equally adamant in their demand but for which they would not convert. They tried to persuade the Prophet that, if the Arab tribes blamed him for destroying their own idols while allowing that of Thaqif to remain, he could claim that God ordered him to do so It was at that instant that 'Umar intervened, holding that the deputation had vexed the Prophet. He emphasized that God could not allow heathen belief in a territory where He was worshipped, and demanded that they choose between conversion to Isiam and return to their abode.i? " Muqa til. Tafstr, Ms. Ahmct III, 74/1, fols, 2I7b· 2I8a: ... wa-dhalika anna thaqtfan atau l-nabiyya M fa-qalu: nahnu ikhwanuka wa-asharuka wa-jtranuka wa-nahnu khayru ahli najdin laka silman wa-adarruhu 'alayka harban, fa-in nuslim tuslim najdun kulluha, wa-in nuharibka vuharibka man wara'anii, fa-a'tina lladh t nurt du; [a-qala l-nabiyyu (s): wa-ma iurtdunar ~tJla: nuslimu 'alii an Iii nuhshara wa-la nu'shara wa-la nahniya, - yaquluna: 'alii an Iii nusalliya wa-la naksira asnamana bi-aydt na; wa-kullu riban lana 'ala l-nasi fa-huwa lana, wakullu riban ti-l-nasi fa-huwa 'anna maudu'un; wa-man wajadnahu ft waat wajjin yaqta'u shajaraha ntaza'nii 'anhu thiyabahu wa-darabna zahrahu wa-batnahu, wa-hurmatuhu ka-hurmati makkata wa-sayduhu wa-tayruhu wa-shajaruhu (?); wa-tasta'mila 'alii bant malikin rajulan wa- 'alii]liiJi rajulan; wa-an tumatti'na bi-l-lati wa-l- 'uzza. sanatan wa-la naksirahii (/) bi· aydt na, min gh ayri all na'budaha, li-ya'rifa 1'l1iiSU karamatana 'alayka wa-fadlana 'alayhim; fa· qala lahum rasulu llahi (s): ammo qaulukum Iii nuhsharu wa-la nu'sharu wa-l-riba, fa-lakum; wa-amma qaulukum Iii nahnt , fa-innahu Iii khayra ft dt nin laysa fthi ruku'un wa-la sujtdun; qalic naf'alu dhalika wa-in kana 'alayna fthi dana'atun; wa-ammii qaulukum Iii naksiru asnamana bi-aydt na, fa-inna sa-na'muru man yaksiruha ghayrakum; thumma sakata l-nabiyyu 6 Some reports concerning aI-TO 'if The crisis in the negotiations, according to the report of Muqatil, occurred when the deputation insisted on their demand to keep the idol for a year; this was the cause why the negotiations failed, rather than their demand to be excused from prostration. There is nothing in this report on the reaction of the deputation, whether it yielded to having their idol destroyed without delay and whether the Prophet ratified the document on the basis of the concessions which he granted. It is noteworthy that this report explicitly states that the Prophet conceded to them profits from usury. Some questions which remain unanswered in this report can probably be answered by comparing it with the documents recorded by Abu 'Ubayd , and by comparing other accounts of the concession of usury, the privilege of the haram of Wajj, the exemption from tithes and from the military levy. A concise version recorded by Abu rUbayd indeed mentions that the deputation returned home after the Prophet rejected their requests for concessions concerning usury, prostration and wine. Subsequently, they willingly returned to convert to IsIam, and then the Prophet issued the document to them, as recorded by Abu 'Ubayd.i ' Although the setting of this tradition is different, the passage referring to the return of the deputation may be linked with the report recorded by Muqatil, The conditions agreed upon between the deputation and the Prophet, as given by Muqatil , seem to have served as basis for the Ietter of the Prophet. Abu 'Ubayd emphasizes that the Prophet granted Thaqif special privileges not given to other peoples. He concludes that the Prophet did this so as to reconcile their hearts to IsIam, and he mentions precedents in which the enemy's strength was feared and could be diverted by concessions, or in which conversion to Isiam was made conditional to certain privileges. In such cases the Prophet was wont to accede to the demands made.t" Abu 'Ubayd stresses that the Prophet did not grant Thaqif permission for transactions based on usury.f" This statement is true, for in the negotiations the Prophet indeed upheld his interdiction of usury; but he granted Thaqif the privilege of collecting the debts owed to them up to the day of their conversion, including the interest, whilst in paying their own debts to other peoples they would only pay the capital without interest. ya'bauna (,s), [a-qalu: tumatti'una bi-l-lati sanatan; [a-a'rada 'anhum wa-ja'ala yakrahu an yaqula ta, fa. l-islama; [a-qalat thaqt fun li-l-nabiyyi M: in kana bika malamatu I· 'arabi ft kasri asnamihim wa-tarki asnamina, [a-qul lahum: inna rabbt amarant an uqirra l-lata bi-ardihim sanatan; [a-qala 'umaru bnu l-khattabi (r) 'inda dhalika: ahraqturn qalba l-nabiyyi [s} bi-dhikri l-lati, ahraqa llahu akbadakum, ta, wa-la ni'mata 'aynin, inna llaha 'azza wa-jalla ta yada'u l-shirka ft ardin yu'badu llahu ta'ala ftha, fa-imma tuslimu kama yuslimu l-nasu, [a-imma talhaqu bi-ardikum; [a-anzala llahu 'azza wa-jalla: "wa-in kadu la-yaftinunaka - ay yasuddunaka 'ani lladh f auhayna i1ayka", 2 3 24 25 Abu 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, p. 194. Abu'Ubayd,al.Amwal,pp.193penu!t.-194. Abo 'Ubayd, al-Amwal , p. 194: ... wa-yubayyinu dhalika anna rasula llah! (s) lam yaj'al [t ma a'tiihum lahum, tahlt la l-riba. 7 The fact that the Prophet did grant them this concession can be deduced from the traditions concerning a Iaw suit brought before 'Attab b. Asi d, governor of Mecca in the period following the conversion of al-Ta'if. The Banii Mughira (a branch of Makhzirn), the traditions say, had close financial relations with the Banu 'Amr from al-Ta'if based on the lending of money. In their suit the Banii 'Amr demanded payment of the debt owed them by the Banii Mughira, arguing that the Prophet had permitted them to collect such debts with all due interest. The Banii Mughira argued, in their defence, they were in difficult straits, for usury was forbidden by Islam and consequently they had lost considerable sums of money owed to them. 'Attab b. Asi d wrote to the Prophet in Medina asking him for a decision in the matter. Then verse 278 of Siaat al-Baqara was revealed: "0 believers, fear God and give up the usury that is outstanding ... " The Prophet conveyed the verse to 'Attab, who summoned the Banu 'Amr from al-Ta'if and read before them the revealed verse. They promised to obey and act accordingly.! 6 and dropped their suit. The report about the suit of the Banu 'Arnr against the Banu Mugh ira? 7 supplements the tradition of Muqatil and supports its validity. The Prophet apparently granted Thaqi f the concession to collect the debts owed to them with all due interest up to the date of their conversion. The privilege granted seems, however, to have remained in force for a very short period and was abrogated by the verse of the Qur'an mentioned above. The date of the revelation of this verse can be fixed in the period after the visit of the deputation in 9 H and before the death of the Prophet in II H. The terms granted to Thaqif by the Prophet were considered by Muslim scholars as exceptionally favourable? 8 The privileged status granted to Thaqi f was 26 Muqatil,op. cit., I, fol. 47a; and see al-Suyutt , al-Durr al-manthta . Cairo, 1314, I, 366, 11. 12-18, 25-34; cf. al-Suyutt , Lubab al-nuqul ft asbabi l-nuztd, Cairo, 137 3/1954, p. 42inf.- 43; al·Wahidr, Asbab al-nuzul, Cairo, 1388/1968, pp. 58-9; al-Naysaburt, op. cit., III, 79; al-Qurtub t , Tafstr, III, 363: Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, cd. 'AH Muhammad al-Bijawt , Cairo, 1392/ 1972. VI, 551-2. 27 See al-Samarqand I, Tafstr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, I, 70b: ... nazalat hadhihi l-ayatu ft nafarin min bani thaqt fin wa-ft bant l-mugh trati min qurayshin, wa-kanat thaqt fun yurbuna li-bant l-mugh trati 11 l-iahiliyyati, wa-kanu arba'ata ikhwatin minhum mas'udun wa-iabdu yattta wa-akhawahuma yurbiyant li-bant l-mugh trati ; [a-lamma zahara l-nabiyyu 'ala ahli makkata wada'a l-riba, wa-kana ahlu l-ta'ifi qad salahu 'ala anna /ahum ribahum 'ala l-nasi ya'khudhimahu, wa-ma kana 'alayhim min riba l-nasi [a-huwa maudu'un 'anhum.Ta y u'khadhu minhum; wa-qad kana rasulu llahi (s) kataba lahum kitaban wa-kataba ft asfali kitabihim: inna lakum mi: li-l-muslimt na wa-talaykum ma 'alayhim; [a-lamma halla l-ajalu talaba thaqtfun ribahum, [a-khasamu ila amtri makkata wa-huwa 'attabu bnu ast din. .. ; and see this tradition (with slight variants) in al-Suyutrs al-Durr al-manthie, I, 364, 11. 3-8; cf. the concise comment on the verse of the Quran given by al-Jassas, Ahkam al-qur'an, Istanbul. 1338. I, 470: ... .faabtala minhu rna baqiya mimma lam yuqbad wa-lam yubtil al-maqbud (the abrogation referred to sums to be paid. but not to sums already paid). 28 See A. Ben-Shcmcsh , Taxation in Islam III (Qudarna b. Ja'far , Kit. al-kharai), Leidcn. 1965, II, 30 (Ar. text, fol. 83a: ... annahu wa-in kana bayna man aslama fa 'i'an wa-man ukriha 'ala l-islami [arqun qad abanahu rasuiu llahi M bi-l-fi'li, wa-dhalika annahu ia'ala li-ahli 8 Some reports concerning al-Ta 'if clearly expressed in the stipulation that Wajj was their exclusive domain (wathaqi fun ahaqqu l-niisi bi-wajjin), that no one could enter the city of al-Ta'if without their permission , that they could pIan the building of their city according to will, and that the governors would be appointed only from amongst themselves. The document of the Prophet formed, in fact, a definite solution to the longstanding competition between al-Ta''if and Mecca in the Jahiliyya. Tradition says that Quraysh increased in number in the period of the Jahiliyya and coveted the valley of Wajj; they proposed to Thaqif that they share the haram (of Mecca -- K) and Wajj on equal terms. Thaqif refused, arguing that Wajj had been built up by their ancestors (they having therefore exclusive right of control over the Iand and the city - K), whilst the haram of Mecca was established by Abraham (and was thus a place open to all - K). Quraysh then threatened to deny Thaqif access to Mecca; Thaqif', fearing war with Quraysh and their allies from Khuza'a and Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, were compelled to concede and entered into alliance with Quraysh.? 9 This alliance tightened their mutual relations; Thaqif were granted entrance into the Qurashf controlled Hums organization and intermarried with Quraysh.P" The agreement, however, also facilitated the purchase of Iand in Wajj by Qurashites, and reports of Qurash i possessions in Wajj and in al-Ta'if substantiate it.3 1 l-ta'ifi lIadhrna kana islamuhum tau'an ma lam yaj'alhu li-ghayrihim mithla tahrtmi wadthim wa-alla yu'bara ta'ifuhum ... ; the translation: "declared their water-sources protected areas" is slightly inaccurate; it should, of course, be rendered: "and he declared their valley as haram". 29 Muhammad b. Hab Ib, al-Munammaq , ed. Khursheed Ahmad Fariq , Hyderabact, 1384/ 1964, pp. 280-1. 3 0 AI-Jah~, Kitab al-amsar wa-'aja'ib al-bulda n, ed. Charles Pellat, Al-Mashriq 60 (1966), pp. 175-76 (The passage referred to: wa-mimmii banat [bihi) qurayshun annaha lam talid ft l-jahiliyyati waladan [majntinan) qattu wa-la-qad akhadha dhalika minhum sukkanu l-ta'ifi li-qurbi l-iiwari wa-ba'di l-musaharati wa-li- annahum kanu humsan wa-qurayshun hammasa thum, seems to contain a misreading, the amendment of which may here be suggested. The reading waladat is erroneous and consequently the addition [majnunan) is unwarranted. The reading that Quraysh "never gave birth to a mad child in the period of the Jahiliyy a" is incompatible with the following sentence, stating that the people of al-Ta'if "took it over (learnt it K) from them". The correct reading is apparently "lam ta'id": Quraysh never buried a [living female) child in the period of the Jahiliyya; Thaq If took over this custom (i.e. learnt it, adopted it - K) from Quraysh. In the following passage: "wa-laysa ft aydt jamt'i 1- 'arabi nisbatun min jamt 'i nisa'i quraysh", read correctly: sabiyyatun: when Islam came there was no captive Qurashr woman among all the tribes of the Arabs. [See the verse of al-'A~ b. Wa'il in al-Baladhurrs Ansab al-ashraf', Ms. 1'01. 1154a, about the women of Mecca: wa-inna ta tusaqu lana ki'abun: khilala l-naq'i badiyata l-khidamii. The word al-qasm [p. 176, 1. 3) should be read al-ghashm). 31 Al-Baladhurr , Futuh, p. 75; al-Tabarf, Ta'rt kh , II, 68: ... wa-qadima nasun min al!a'iji min qurayshin lahum amwalun ... ; and see Abu l-Baqa' Muhammad b. al-Diya' al-Makkr l-'Adawf, Ahwal Makka wa-l-Madt na, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 11865, fol. 38b: ... wa-kana Ii-I- 'abbasi karmun bi-l-ta'ifi, wa-kana yahmilu zab tbahu ilayha we-kana yudayinu ahla l-ta'ifi wa-yaqtadt minhum al-zabtba ... ; ibid., fol. 39b sup.: .. .fa-kanat ft yadi 'aliyyi bni 'abdi llahi bni 'abbasin. .... y a'tthi l-zabtbu min malihi bi-l-ta'if. .. ; Muqatil,op. cit., II, 215a: ... wa-ja'altu lahu malan mamdidan (Sora LXXIV, 13) ya'nt bt-l-mali bustnnahu lladht lahu bi-l-ta'ifi, wa-l-mamdtdu lladh t ta yanqati'u ikhayruhu shita'an wa-la sayfan. The person referred to, 9 It may be of some importance to elucidate a peculiar passage in the letter of the Prophet concerning the real estate of Quraysh in the region of al-Ta'if. "Half of the (crops of ~ K) vineyards of Quraysh watered by Thaqi f will be (the lot ~ K) of them," says the stipulation in the document of the Prophet." 2 It is evident that this decision aimed at regulating the partnership relations between the Qurash i owners of the Iand and their Thaqafi partners, who saw to the tilling and watering of the vineyards. The Thaqafites, perceiving the weakness of the Qurashites who had been involved in the bloody struggle with the Prophet, tried apparently to change the terms of the partnership in their own favour, or even to take over the property of their Qurash i partners. This can be gauged from a tradition recorded by al-Baladhuri: when Mecca was conquered by the Prophet and Quraysh embraced Islam, the Thaqafites coveted the Iand property of the Qurashites (scil. in the region of al-Ta'if ~ K); when al-Ta'if was conquered (for Islam) the rights to ownership of the property were confirme d.V' The stipulation in the document of the Prophet seems to have settled the problem of the ownership of the land property of the Meccans and the conditions of their partnership with the Thaqafites. The privileges granted to Thaqif by the Prophet included exemption from 'ushr and hashr . The meanings attached to these two words are divergent, and Muslim scholars differed concerning their definition already in the second century H. Abu 'Ubayd states that the exemption from 'ushr means that they would not pay the tenth of their property, and that the tax paid by them would be confined to payment of sadaqa, i.e. five dirhams of every two hundred and fifty dirhams. The exemption from hashr is interpreted as meaning that they would not be ordered to gather their flocks and bring them to the tax-collector, who would come to them to their court-yards to Ievy their taxes.l" Other scholars, quoting the interpretation of Jabir,35 state that the Prophet in fact exempted them from payment of the poor tax, the sadaqa, but only for a very short period; as the time came to pay the tax of sadaqa, he postponed their payment until the end of the year. Comparing the decision of the Prophet to exempt Thaqif from~adaqa and jihad with his refusal to exempt Bashi r b. al-Khasasiyya from these two prescriptions, Ibn al-Ath ir explains that Bashir was an individual, whereas Thaqi f were a community group tjama'a], and that Thaqi f would not have converted in contrast to Bashi r, of whom the Prophet knew that he desired to embrace Islam. Therefore the Prophet sought to reconcile them and to bring them into lsiam by stages? 6 according Naysabun 32 33 to the commentary is al-Walrd , Ghara'ib, XXIX, 91. b. al-Mughf ra; cf. al-Qurtubt, Tafstr , XIX, 71; al- AbU 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, p. 191, ll, 18--19. Al-Baladhurr , Futuh, p. 75 (. .. wa-kanat naha min makkata [a-yuslihunaha; fa-lemma thaqtfun [t ha, hatta idha futihat al-ta'ifu uqirrat 34 Abu 'Ubayd , al·Amwal, p. 192. 35 See note 7 above. 36 Ibn al-Athrr. al-Nihaya, III, 239 Ibn al-Athrr, Usd al-ghaba, Bnlaq, li-tammati qurayshin amwalun bi-l-ta'ifi ya'tu[utihat makkatu wa-aslama ahluha tami'at ft aydt al-makkiyytn ... ). 240; L 'A, s.v 1280, I, 193-4). 'a sh r; (see on Basht r b. 10 Some reports concerning al-Tti 'if" Some scholars explain hashr (Iii yuhsharunai, contrary to the interpretation of Abu 'Ubayd, as denoting that Thaqif would not be summoned for fighting in military expeditions."? Abu 'Ubayd's interpretation of 'ushr and hashr reflects in fact the Muslim opinion on the tax" 'ushr ", the tithe collected only from Jewish and Christian merchants, but from which Muslims were exernpt '" and on "hashr" the forbidden practice of driving the flocks to a specific location for the purpose of taxation (taxes were to be collected "on the spot", 'a/(i miyiihihim wa-bi-afniyatihim).39 The intricate and crucial problem of the meaning of these two terms was authoritatively solved by the late D.C. Baneth: "Der mehrfach vorkornmende Ausdruck Iii yuhshariina wa-ld yu'shanina ist uberall zu deuten: sie sollen weder zu Kriegsdiensten noch zum Zehnt herangezogen werden.t'"? The Prophet apparently exempted Thaqi f from the prescribed poor tax, sadaqa (=zakiit) and jihiid, in his endeavour to gain their cooperation and thus secure control over a city of considerable economic importance. The destruction of the heathen sanctuary of al-Lat according to the stipulations of the Ietter of the Prophet41 marked the conversion of Thaqif to Islam. The mosque of al-Ta'if was erected on the spot on which al-Lat had been worshipped," 2 a visible mark of the victory of Islam over paganism. The Prophet, of course, knew that Thaqif', after their conversion to IsIam, would become loyal members of the Isiamic community and perform fully the prescriptions of the new faith. The privileges bestowed upon Thaqif by the Prophet were generous and amounted almost to a measure of autonomy. The granted concessions, however, very soon lost their importance, when al-Ta'if was incorporated into the body politic of the nascent Muslim commonwealth. The Prophet sent 'Uthman b. ab i I-'Ai} to al-Ta'if as governor't ' and Salif b. 'Uthman b. Mu'attib as tax collector.44 37 Ibn al-Athfr,al-Nihaya, I, 389; L'A, s.V. I) sh r: ct. al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fa'iq.Y), 433 sup .. 1,180, ll. 13-14. 3S See Abu 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, pp. 528-30, nos. 163143 (and see csp. no. 1638); and SCL' al-Tahawr , Sharh ma'ant l-athiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhrr l-Najjar , Cairo, 1388/1968, II. 30-3. 39 Sec e.g. Abu 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, p. 404. no. 1092; and sec above, notes 7.10. 40 D.H. Baneth, Beitrdge Zur Kritik und zum sprachlichen Verstandnis der Schreiben Mohammeds (Resume of thesis, 1920). 41 Sec e.g. al-Waqidt , op. cit., pp. 971-2. 42 See Yaq fit , Mu'jam al-buldan, s.v. al-Lat: Ibn al-Kalb I; Kit. al-asnam. cd , Ahmad Zakr Pasha, Cairo, 1343/1934. p. 16. (Comp. the story of the destruction of Dhn l-Khalasa: Ibn alKalb I, op. cit .• pp. 35inf.- 36; the mosque of 'Abla', was erected on the spot of the sanctuary of Dhu Khalasa [see al-Baladhurr, Ansab al-ashraf , Ms. 1'01. 1l75a inf.: ... thumma innahu !lGjja ita dht l-khalasata wa-huwa bay tun bi-l-iabla' kanat khath'amun wa-man yalthim min qaysin wa-ghayrihim yahujjunahu, wa-huwa l-yauma maudi'u masjidi I· 'abla 'i... J). 43 AI-BaHidh'urI, FUnD!, p. 79; Ibn Qutayba, ~/-Ma'arif. cd. Tharwat 'Ukash a. Cairo. 1969, pp. 268-9; ai-r-asr. al-Tqd al-thamt n ft ta'rt kh al-balad al-amt n, cd , Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo. 1386/1966, VI. 24-5; al-Zurqanr, SharlJ al-mawahib, IV, 10; Khallfa b. Kh ayy at, Ta'rlkh, cd , Akram Diya' al-Umarr , al-Najaf', 1386/1967, pp. 61. 91; al-Dhahab t, Siy ar a'lam al-nubala'i ce Ibraht m al-Abyarr , Cairo. 1957, II, 269. 44 Al-Baladhurr, Ansab al-ashraf, cd. Muhammad Ham rdullah, Cairo. 1959. I. 531; Ibn * 11 Sa'd b. abf Waqqas was appointed by the Prophet over the himii of Wajj.4 5 This marked, of course, the full absorption of Thaqif into the activities of the Muslim community. Later al-Ta'if became a district of Mecca.i " Abu Bakr appointed 'Attab b. Asid as governor of Mecca and al-Ta'if, but Iater 'Uthman b. abi l-'.A~was reappointed governor of al-Ta'if', Ieaving 'Attiib solely as governor of Mecca." 7 'Umar appointed Nafi' b. 'Abd al-Harith from Khuza'a as governor of Mecca and al-Ta'if, but Iater dismissed him48 and appointed Sufyan b. 'Abdallah al-Thaqafi as governor of Tii'if;4 9 other sources record that 'Umar sent him to al-Ta'if as taxcollector. so In his questions addressed to 'Umar concerning taxes imposed on cattle, fruits and honey, and in 'Umar's instructions there is no trace of a privileged position for al-Tii'if,s 1 nor is there any such position in the taxation on land. Al-Ta'if had become equal to alI other regions of the Arabian peninsula." 2 The stipulation concerning the tahrim of the entire area of al-Ta'if seems to have lost its validity and the privately owned himiis fell under the control of the governor and received formal acknowledgement and protection upon due payment of taxes. 5 3 Shortly after the Prophet's death Thaqif were summoned to participate in the enormous effort of the Muslim conquests: on the eve of the expedition against Syria, Abu Bakr called upon the people of al-Ta'if to join the forces being despatched towards the borders of the Byzantine ernpire.P" It is noteworthy that as early as 13 H, 'Umar appointed Abu 'Ubayd al-Thaqafi , the martyr of the Battle of the Bridge, as the commander of the Muslim forces fighting on the Persian frontier." 5 Hajar, al-Isaba, III, 8, no. 3041; ... [a-lamma aslamu sta'mala min al-ahlafi siilifa bna 'uthmana 'ala sadaqati thaqt fin .•. ; Ibn al-Athrr, Usd, 1II, 245; and sec Ibn al-Kalb I, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, tol, 155a, 11.3-5. 45 Al-Waqid I, op. cit., p. 973,11. 7-8. 46 Al-Baladhurr, Futun, p. 75 (... wa-sarat ardu I-to. 'ifi mikhlafan min makhaltfi makkata). 47 Al-Baladhurr, Ansab, L 529. . 48 AI-FasI, al-Tqd al-thamt n, VII, 320-2, no. 2574; Ibn al-Ath Ir , Usd. V, 7-8; cf.Tbn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 408. 49 Al-Baladhur l, Futuh, pp. 77, 79; see on him Ibn Hajar. al-Isaba, III, 124. no. 3317; Ibn al-Ath t r. Usd, II. 319-20; al-Fast, al- 'Iqd , IV. 590, no. 1308; KhalIfa b. Khay yat, op. cit., p. 129. 50 'Abd al-Razzaq , al-Musannaf , ed. Hab tburrahrnan al-A'zamf, Beirut, 1391/1972, IV, 10, no. 6806 (. .. anna 'umara bna l-khattabi ba'atha sufyana bna 'abdi llii!!i l-thaqafiy ya sa'iyan ... ), II, no. 6808 (. .. anna sufyana bna 'abdi llahi wa-huwa yusaddiqu ft makhalt fi l-ta'ifi ... ) 51 See 'Abd al-Razzaq , op. cit., IV, 14. no. 6816; al-Baladhurf , FutUIJ, pp. 76-8; cf. Yahya b. Adam, Kit. al-kharaj, cd. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir, Cairo, 1347. p. 155, no. 548. 52 See AbO Yusuf', Kit. al-kharaj, Cairo, 1382, pp. 58inf.. 63; AbU 'Ubayd , al-Amwal, p. 512, no. 1560. 53 See 'Abd al-Razzaq , op. cit., IV, 62. no. 6969; Abo Yusuf. op. cit, pp. 55 inf., 70 inf.- 71 sup.; AbO 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, p. 497, no. 1488; Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Musanna]. 1II. 141; and see F. Lokkegaard , Islamic Taxation, Copenhagen, 1950, p. 31 (and sec ib., pp. 22-35 on haram and hima). 54 Al-Baladhuri, Futuh, p. 149. 55 See e.g. al-Baladhurt , Futuh, pp. 350-2; al-Tabarr, Ta'rt kh , II. 630-2; Ibn A'tham, al-Futflfl, Hyderabad, 1388/1968, I, 164. 12 Some reports concerning st.t» 'If As equal but not privileged members of the emerging society of the Arab Empire, the Thaqafites migrated to the various regions of the conquered Iands and produced quite a few well known Ieaders and administrators, as well as rebels. II The wars of the ridda and the subsequent wars of conquest and expansion brought about fundamental changes in the population structure of the Arabian peninsula. As a result of the fact that tribal units emigrated by waves to the new1yconquered territories, bonds between clans and tribes were loosened, weakening the units and groups which remained in the peninsula; this led to the necessity to form new bonds amongst these tribal groups. Furthermore, small and weak tribal units, which had split away from their main tribe and had come to dwell among other tribal divisions, detached themselves during this stormy period of migrations, and tried to find the way back to their original tribes. The changes which the re-distribution of land by the rulers in the Arabian peninsula introduced were considerable: vast areas of pasture land were expropriated and turned into himii territory; lands of the expelled Jews and Christians in Najran were divided and Ieased out on terms now fixed by the Caliph+" and exacted by his governors. Large estates were established by members of the Meccan aristocracy, and wells were dug (especially on the routes of the /:zajj), providing them with water. Captives from the conquered territories were brought to the Arabian peninsula and employed by land owners in building up their estates. The rapid development of Mecca, as a center of pilgrimage for the rising Empire, called for Iarge supplies of vegetables and fruits. This was the impetus for the growth of well-cultivated farms and estates in the vicinity of Mecca and Medina, providing for the needs of the population and the pilgrims to these two cities. Mu'awiya's grasp of the economic importance of real estate led him to acquire lands in the area of Mecca and Medina, where he also purchased buildings and courts. He did the same in al-Ta'if, buying land from Jews who had settled there as merchants after being expelled from al-Yaman and Medina." 7 It is obvious S 6 See Ibn Abr Shayba , Ta'rtkh, Ms. Berlin 9409 (Sprenger 104), fol. 100b: haddathana abu khalidin al-ahmaru 'an yahya bni sa'tdin anna 'umara ajla ahla najrd na l-yahtda wa-l-nasara wa-shtara (text: wa-starii) bayuda ardihim wa-kurumihim, fa-tamala 'umaru l-nasa: in hum ja'u bi-I-baqari wa-l-hadtdi min 'indihim fa-Iahumu l-thulthani wa-Ii- 'umara l-thulthu; wa-in ia'a 'umaru bi-I-badhri min 'indihi fa-Iahu l-shatru; wa- 'amalahum al-nakhl (sic!) 'alii anna lahumu l-khumsa wa-li-tumara arba'atu akhmasin; wa-tamalahum al-karm (sicl) 'alii anna lahumu l-thultha wa-/i- 'umara l-thulthani. 'Umar denotes in this report (. .. wa-li- 'umara, ... wa-in ja'a 'umaru ... ) the Muslim government of Medina. It is obvious that the government established a new order of the agrarian organization of Najran and supplied, in certain cases. the peasants with means of cultivation of the land. S 7 See al-Baladhur l, Futuh, p. 75. 13 that Mu'awiya needed labourers to cultivate his lands, as well as reliable personnel for maintaining his houses and managing his enterprises.i 8 The thread which may Iead us to a better understanding of Mu'awiya's policy against the background of the contemporary social and economic situation is provided in a concise account which states that Mu'awiya affiliated the 'A'idhat Quraysh (i.e. the Khuzayma b. Lu'ayy) to Quraysh in order to strengthen his power by them tyatakaththaru bihim ).59 The expression "yatakaththaru bihim ", in the context of the reports on the power struggle between the various parties, denotes the affiliation or adoption of a group of people by one of the parties in order to overcome a contending party.v" The application of this principle in relation to the Banii Sarna is recorded in a significant report, transmitted by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar and Muhammad b. Habi b , on the authority of al-Zuhri. Abu Jahm b. Hudhayfa'' ' came to Mu'awiya who enquired about his fight and dissension with Thaqif', for the Iatter had submitted a complaint against him to Mu'awiya. Abu Jahrn's succinct reply was: he would not be reconciled with them until they said: "Quraysh and Thaqif , Liyya 5' See M. Rosen-Ayalon (ed.), Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, Jerusalem 1977, p. 44, notes 52·5. 59 See Oriens 25-26 (1976) 56, note 42; and see on 'A'idhat Quraysh: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar , Jarnharat nasab quraysh wa-akhbtiriha. Ms. Bodley. Marsh 384. fol. 199a·b; Mus'ab al-Zubayr t , Nasab quraysh, ed. Levi Provencal, Cairo, 1953, p. 442 sup.; al-Tsarn I, Simt al-nuiam al- 'awalt , Cairo, 1380, I, 164. (And see about the different petty tribal divisions alleging a Qurashr pedigree: Oriens 25-26 (1976) 55-56, notes 33-41; and see about the Murra b. 'Auf alleging Qurashi origin: al-Baladhurf , Ansab, Ms., fol. 1143b; and see about the expulsion of Al Junayda b. Qays from amongst Quraysh by 'Umar: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 201b; and see about alliances of certain small tribal factions: al-Zubayr b. Bakkar , op. cit., fol. 199b: wa-kana banu ma't si bni 'amiri bni lu'ayyin wa-banu l-adrami wa-banu muharibi bni fihrin hulafa 0... ; cf. al-Tsamr, op. cit., L 164: wa-ft qurayshin rahtun yuqiilu lahu l-ajrabani wa-hum banu bagh tdi (read correctly: ma'isi) bni 'amiri bni lu'ayyin wa-banu muharibi bni fihrin, wa-kana hadhani l-rahtani mutahalifayni we-kana yud'ayani l-ajrabayni ... ). 60 The accusation of 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. al-Hakam raised against Mu'awiya: lau lam tajid ilia l-zanja la-takaththarta bihim 'alayna ... was mistranslated and misinterpreted by Lammens, Etudes sur la Regne du Calife Omaiyade Mo'awia Ier, Beyrouth, 1906, p. II: ... Par Dieu si les negres pouvaient te rendre service tu n 'hesiterais pas les employer pour affermir ton pouvoir .. given as proof for the preceding assumption of Lammens: ... Ainsi, dans Ie gouvernement de l'islam, agissaient Mo'awia et, a son exemple, les Omaiyades; chez Ie premier surtout, la raison d'etat a generalement prime les autres considerations ... This utterance was as well mistranslated and misinterpreted by W. Hoenerbach, "Araber und Mittelmeer , Anfiinge und Probleme Arabischer Seegeschichte" in: Zeki Velidi Togan'a Armagan, Istanbul, 1950-5, p. 385: "Wenn du Profit haben konntest durch die Zang so wiirdest du Profit durch sie haben ... tatsachlich kennzeichnet sie seine stete Bereitschaft zur Ubernahme alter Einrichtungen. .. The correct translation should be: " ... If you found none but negroes, youwould strive to out-number us by [adopting or attaching) them [scil. to your clan - K1", as I gave it in Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, p. 44, note 57. 61 See on him Ibn Hajar , al-Isaba, VII, 71, no. 9691; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr , al-Istt ab, ed , 'Air Muhammad al-Bijawi , Cairo, 1380/1960, pp. 1623-4, no. 2899; Ibn al-Ath tr , Usd, V, 163-4; Mus'ab , Nasab . pp. 369. 371; a1-FasI, al-Tqd, VIII, 34, no 2846; Anonymous, al·Ta'rfkh almuhkam ft man intasaba ila l-nabiyyi ~allii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 178a. a 14 Some reports concerning al-Tti'if and Wajj.,,62 "By God," said Abu Jahm, "only a fool from among them will like us and only a fool from among us will like them; by this we discern our fools.':" 3 Another report, also related on the authority of al-Zuhri , tells of the conversation between Mu'awiya and Abu Jahm on the Iatter's second visit64 to Mu'awiya , complementing and elucidating the policy which Quraysh were pressing with regard to the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, a Kinani division which had Iong sojourned at Mecca, and towards Thaqi f in al-Ta'if. Abu Jahm gives details of the situation and explains his pIan of action; Mu'awiya relates the steps taken. "The Banu Bakr (i.e. Banu Bakr b. 'Abd Manat b. Kinana) are increasing in numbers, surpassing us" (thus forming a danger to our authority in the city - K);6S said Abu Jahm, advising Mu'awiya to send to the Banu Sarna and to settle them beyond the Ditch (khandaq) opposite the best of the Banu Bakr;66 he further proposed to grant to the Banii 62 The reading in al-Munammaq , p. 397, l. 7: wa-lita wajj is erroneous; read: wa-liy atu wa-wajj. 63 The passage in al-Munammaq , p. 397, l. 7: wa-la yuhibbuna minna ilia ahmaqa, wa-Ia yuhibbuhum minna ilia ahmaqu wa-bi-dhalika na'tabiruka min hamqana, is erroneous; read: wa-la yuhibbuna minhum ilia ahmaqu, wa-la yuhibbuhum minna ilia ahmaqu, wa-bi-dhiilika na'tabiru hamqana ; and see al-Bakrt , Mu'jam rna sta'[am, p. 1168. 64 The text in al-Munammaq , p. 397, l. 8: [t qa/'atin ukhra is erroneous; read as in alZubayrs Jamhara: ft wafdatin ukhra wafadaha ilayhi. 65 For the expression yatakaththaruna 'alayna see e.g. al-Zubay r b. Bakkar,op. cit., fol. 184a: ... fa-inna ban! kilabi bni murrata takaththaru 'ala butuni ban! ka'bi bni lu'ayyin [atahalafat 'alayhim tilka l-ahlaf. .. 66 In al-Munarnrnaq: fa-j'alhum janaba bant bakr: in al-Zubayrs Jamhara: [a-j'alhum 'ala suyyabi ball! bakr. The pedigree of the Bano Sarna is obscure. their relation with Quraysh is disputed and the reports of the scholars of nasab about their ancestor Sarna b. Luayy are divergent and contradictory. According to tradition Sarna was compelled to leave his tribe. He escaped to 'Urn an where he married the Qu"a'f Najiy a bint Jarm b. Rabba n, "D1C report that Sarna died childless is corroborated by an utterance of the Prophet that he left no progeny. But a contradictory hadt th attributed to the Prophet says that the Prophet asked a man about his pedigree. He said he was a descendant of Sarna and the Prophet asked: "The poet?", referring to a widely circulated verse of Sarna. This may obviously point to the fact that the Prophet confirmed the existence of descendants of Sarna. Somewhat clearer information can be obtained from an account according to which the Prophet received a delegation of the Ban u Sarna and remarked that they were the relatives of Quraysh. Some genealogical accounts say that Sarna's son from his first marriage (with Hind bint Taym al-Adrarn b. Ghalib), al-Harith , married after the death of Sarna his stepmother Najiya bint Jarm in accordance with the custom of nikah al-maqt . The BanO Sarna are thus the descendants of al-Harith b. Sarna and Najiy a and are known as the Banu Najiya. Another report says that Sarna and Najiya had only a daughter, 'Aja, and the Ban u Sarna (or Banu Najiya) are the progeny of this daughter. A divergent account reports that Sarna died childless; Najiy a married after his death a man from Bahrayn and gave birth to a child named al-Harith. When her second husband died she went with her child. al-Harith , to Mecca claiming falsely jhat al-Harith was the child of Sarna b. Luayy , She was welcomed by Ka'b b. Luayy and accommodated by him with her child in Mecca. But when after some time a group of people from al-Bahrayn divulged her lie. Ka'b b. Lu'ayy banned Najiya with her son from Mecca; they returned to al-Bahrayn. Another report states that Sarna did not beget children; he adopted a child of Najiya and the Banu Sarna. arc in fact descendants of this adopted son. 15 Sarna as a source of sustenance the (income of the - K) settlements of Fadak, Khaybar and Wadi' l-Qura, Further, Abu Jahm described the situation in al-Ta'if, saying that Thaq if would surpass Quraysh in numbers in Wajj and proposed that Mu'awiya send many Byzantines and Persians't " to settle densely in the Wajj valley, so that "we may devour them (i.e. Thaqif) by them (i.e. the Byzantines and Persiansj.P" Mu'awiya expressed his full assent and told Abu Jahm that he fully settled'"" the (quarters of the -~ K) Banu Bakr with warriors and troops, so that if a Qurashite were to become enraged 7 0 he would send for one of the Banii Bakr; the Bakr i would be brought before him 71 and would do what he (i.e. the Qurash i) would wish him to do. Mu'awiya emphasized what he did with Thaqi f', driving them from their abode and resettling them in the high mountains of al-Sarat. They asked to be given their pay in 'Iraq, but Mu'awiya insisted upon paying them in Syria, the country of plagues 72 in order to be rid of them. All their property After the rise of Islam a delegation of the Banu Sarna asked to be affiliated to Quraysh. tracing their pedigree back to Sarna b. Lu'ayy , the ancestor of Quraysh. Both 'Umar and 'Alr denied any connection of Quraysh with them, refusing to include them in the pay-roll of Quraysh. A statement of 'All that the Banu Sarna were descendants of a bondsmaid of Sarna raped by one of his black slaves. is said to have led to a rebellion of the troop of the Banu Najiya numbering 300 warriors. They openly revolted under their leader. al-KhirrIt b. Rashid (from the Sarnt clan of 'Abd al-Bayt). They left 'Air's camp and were joined by Muslim political malcontents, as well as by local inhabitants who refused to pay the land-tax (kharaj) and by Kurds and Bedouins. 'All was compelled to levy a strong force under the command of Ma'q il b. Qays al-Riyahr who succeeded to defeat al-Khirrr t's force in the region of al-Ahwaz. AI-Khirrft retreated to the coastal territory of the Persian Gulf where he managed to rally the Banu Sarna, some of the 'Abd Qays. as well as Christians and converts to Islam from Christianity, who wanted to revert to their former faith. A strong force dispatched by 'Air defeated the rebelling troop and al-Khirrft was killed in the battle. The captives were sold to Masqala b. Hubayra al-Shaybant . who treed them; he failed, however, to pay the promised sum, absconded and joined Mu'awiya. The Banu Sarna were later known by their hostile attitude towards 'AIr. (See: al-Husayn b. 'Air al-Maghribr, al-Inas bi-tilmi l-ansab . Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3620, fols. 51a 55a; al-Aghani, index; al-Tabarr , Ta 'rtkh . index; Ibn A 'tham, al-Futuh, Hyderabad 1391/1971, IV, 75 -88; Ibn Abr l-Had rd , Sharh nahi al-balagha, ed. Muhammad Abu l-l-adl lbraht m , Cairo, 1385/1965, Ill, 119 122, 126 151. Ibn Hazrn, Jamharat ansab al-tarab , cd. 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Cairo. 1962. p. 173; Ibn al-Athrr. Usd, 11,110; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr. at-Istt'ab io», 458-9; al-Baladhur t. Ansab al-ashraf, Ms., fol 1054a; and see W. Casket: Gamharat an-nasab, das genealogische Werk des Hisam ibn Muhammad al-Kalbt, II, 123, s.v. 'Abdalbait b. al-Harit: Oriens 25 26.56 (1976), note 3R). 67 In aJ-Zubay r's Jamhara: ja-akthlr min tat-ahrari min I al-rumi wa-l-fursi [wa-mla' wajjan minhum); the words in brackets arc missing in al-Munammaq. 6. The reading hatta ta'kulahum is erroneous; read: hatta na'kulahum. For the expression na'kulu bi see al-Tabart , Ta'rtkh , II, 84: wa-llahi lau annt akhadhtu hadha l-fata min qurayshin la-akaltu bihi I· 'araba. 69 The reading mala'ahum in al-Munammaq is erroneous; read: [a-qad mala'tuhum. 70 The correct reading is: hattii anna ahadakum la-yaghdabu I-ghadbata as in al-Zubay rs Jamhara. 71 Read as in the Jamhara: [a-yuqadu ilayhi (not: [a-yanqaduv: the correct reading is given in al-Munammaq, p. 39g, note 9. 72 The reading ardu l-mitwa't n, the "land of the obedient". is erroneous; the correct reading is ardu l-tawa't n, the land of plagues and pestilences. This latter reading is corroborated by 16 Some reports concerning al-Ta 'if (lands -- K) were taken over by Quraysh and Mu'awiya settled the territory with Byzantines and Persians.?" The quoted traditions indeed explain the report stating that Mu'awiya affiliated the Banu Sarna to Quraysh, with the aim of gaining strength for his clan through this extension. They were settled in Mecca and served as his loyal supporters, increasing his authority and reducing the power of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, a tribal division which had played a considerable role in the relations between Quraysh and the Prophet. Mu'awiya's policy in relation to al-Ta'if is fully expounded in this report. He strived, like his father, to acquire lands in al-Ta'if and its surrounding. territories and to widen Qurash i influence there. The Qurash i aim is expressed in the saying of Abu Jahm: "There will be no reconciliation with Thaqi f until they say Liyya and Wajj, Quraysh and Thaqi f." The intention seems to be that Thaqif should acknowledge the demands of Quraysh to share in Liyya and Wajj as equal partners. The Qurash i pressure was reinforced by the dispersion of Thaqif in the mountains of al-Sarat and by necessitating them to go to Syria, considered a country exposed to plagues, in order to collect their pay. The Persians and Byzantines mentioned in the report were, in all probability, captives employed as labourers on the Iarge estates. * Al-Ta'if after that played no political role in the history of the Muslim Empire. Praised for its good climate it remained a summer resort for the wealthy of Mecca and Medina. The descendants of Thaqif clung fondly to the document of the Prophet about Wajj; 74 the fertile lands in the vicinity of al-Ta'if seem to have been considered a good investment and it is quite pIau sible that Hisham b. 'Abd al-Ma1ik purchased real estate there." 5 As a place of pilgrimage al-Ta'if became coupled with Mecca 76 or given a twofold sanctity comprising that of Mecca and of the Holy Land: al-Ta'if was a piece of Palestine transferred by God to the Arabian peninsula and placed in the spot of al-Ta'if after having performed the tawiif around the Ka'ba."? The traditions attributed to the Prophet, in which he the phrase: "so that you and I may be rid of them ", i.e. they would perish, afflicted by plagues in Syria. See on the "tawa'tn al-sham" al-Tha'alibt, Thimar al-qulub . cd. Muhammad Abo l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo, 1384/1965, p. 547, no. 896. And see about the deportation of people suspected of rebellious actions to Syria, the country of plagues: al-Baladhurf , Ansab IV A, 232, II. 5-6: wa-wadidtu ann! kuntu habastuhu wa-ashabahu au farraqtuhum ft kt:lri l-shami [a-kafatnt himu l-tawa't nu. 73 AI-Zubayr'b. Bakkar , op. cit., fol. 170b; Muhammad b. Habt b , al-Munammaq . pp. 397-9. 74 Sh ak Ib Arsla n, op. cit., p. 119: .. ' wa-kanat thaq tfun tatawarathu hadha l-kitaba wa-tatabarraku bihi (quoted from Ibn Fahds Tuhfat al-lata 'if). 75 Al-Baladhur l, Ansab . Ms. Iol. 1225b: ... ittakhadha hishamun malan bi-I-fll'if. .. 76 Shak tb Arslan. op. cit., p, 136: inna I.~a'ifa min makkata wa-makkatu min al-tii'ifi (quoted from al-'Ujayml's Ihda'u I-lata 'if). 77 See Le Museon 82 (1969),' 206, note 92; and sec al-Tabarr, Tafstr , ed. Shakir, III 52; al-'Ayyashl, Tafstr, ed. Hashim al-Rasult l-Mahallatr, Qumm, 1380, 1,60; al-Mas'udr, 17 asserted that Thaqi f were among the worst of the Arab tribes,78 were replaced by traditions of praise. "The first for whom I shall intercede on the Day of Resurrection will be the people of Mecca, Medina and al-Tii'if,,,79 said a tradition attributed to the Prophet. "Thaqif are God's deputation," says another tradition alleged to have been uttered by the Prophet." 0 Current stories predicted that during the period of disasters at the end of time the best people would dwell in the neighbourhood of al-Ta'if.3l "Wajj is a sacred valley," says a hadi tli recorded in the early compilation of Ma'rnar b. Riishid.52 In the vein of this trend the tradition of God's last tread seems to have been altered: "Wajj is a sacred valley; from Wajj God, may He be blessed' and exalted, ascended to Heaven after He had accomplished the creation of heaven and earth."113 Wajj seems thus to have turned into the Iast spot on earth on which God trod and from which He ascender, to Heaven, against the claims made on behalf of the Rock of the Dome in Jerusalem. Ithbat al-wasiy ya. Najar. 1374/1955, p. 39; Ibn Babuyah , 'Ilal al-shara'i', Najaf, 1385/1966, pp. 442·3; ai-SUYO!I, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 124; al-Majlisr, Bihar al-anwar . Tehran, 1378, XII, 109; Hashim al-Bah rani al-Taubalt al-Katkant , al-Burhan tafstri l-qur'an, cd. Mahmud al-Musawf al-Zarand t . Tehran, 1375, I. 155, no. 8 and II, 319, nos. 4-5; Sh ak Ib Arslan , op. cit .. p. 133. ,. See Ibn Kath t r , al-Bidaya . VI, 236: ... sharru qaba'ili Varabi banu umayyata wa-banu hant fata wa-th aqt jun: al-Daylarnr, al-Firdaus. Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, Iol. 94a. n 79 Al-Nab Il. al-Awa'il. Ms. Zahiriyya. had t th 297/1. fol, 22a; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr. at-Ist t'ab, p. 1007: al-Muhibb al-Tabar i, al-Qira li-qasidi umm al-qura, ed. Mu~tani l-Saqa, Cairo. 1390/ 1970, p. 666. "0 Ibn Hibban al-Bust I, Kit. al-majruht n, cd. 'Az t« al-Qadir I, Hyderabad. 1390/1970. I, 148: ... thaqt fun wajdu lliihi 'azza wa-jall a; and see Alunad b. 'Hanbal , Musnad, III, 342inf.: qiila rasulu llahi (s): allahumma hdi th aq i fan. s i Shakib Arslan. op. cit .. p. 136 (quoted from al-Mayurq i's Bahjat al-muhaj ft ba'di [ada'il al-ta 'if wa-wajjt. 82 'Abd aI Razzaq , al-Musanna]. XI, 134, no. 20125: al-Muhibb al-Tabar I, op. cit., p. 666. 83 Al-Bak rr. Mu'jam p. 1370. 18