tribe
akra'.pdf al-AḳraÊ¿ b. ḤÄbis b. Ê¿IḳÄl b. Muḥammad b. SufyÄn b. MudjÄshiÊ¿ b. DÄrim,
TamÄ«mite warrior. Al-AḳraÊ¿ is an epithet (âbaldâ); his proper name (FirÄs? ull?) is
disputed. He is said to have been the last judge in the djÄhiliyya at ÉUkÄáº, having inherited this office (which was a privilege of TamÄ«m) from his ancestors; he performed this duty until the rise of Islam, giving his judgments in sadjÊ¿ (al-DjÄḥiáº, BayÄn, i, 236). He is said also to have been the first to prohibit games of chance (ḳimÄr), but was accused of partiality in the controversy between BadjÄ«la and Kalb. He took part, and was captured, in the battle of ZubÄla (or SalmÄn, according to al-BalÄdhurÄ« and YÄḳūá¹) and was freed by Bisá¹Äm b. Ḳays. Another exploit of al-AḳraÉ was the raid on NadjrÄn after the battle of al-KulÄb al-thÄnÄ« (see al-NaḳÄʾiá¸, 46, 448; Ibn ḤabÄ«b's statement (Muḥabbar, 247) that he took part in al-KulÄb al-awwal is due to a confusion with his ancestor SufyÄn: see AghÄnÄ«, xi, 61). Ibn ḤabÄ«b also states that he was one of the djarrÄrÅ«n, who succeeded in uniting a whole branch of his tribe, the BanÅ« Ḥanáºala, under his banner. According to Ibn Ḳutayba (al-MaÊ¿Ärif, 194) and Ibn al-KalbÄ« (quoted in the Iá¹£Äba) he was a Zoroastrian (madjÅ«sÄ«); this is of importance for the estimation of Persian influence on some sections of TamÄ«m. Nothing is known of his attitude towards Muḥammad up to the time when he joined the Prophet in al-SuḳyÄ during the expedition to Mecca in 8/630. He took part in the conquest of Mecca and was one of al-muʾallafa ḳulÅ«buhum who were presented with gifts, which gave occasion to a famous verse of ÉAbbÄs b. MirdÄs. He took part also in the battle of Ḥunayn and refused to return his booty, in spite of the Prophet's request. (For Muḥammad's somewhat negative opinion of him see also Ibn HishÄm, iv, 139.) He participated later in the deputation of TamÄ«m to the Prophet, the traditional account stressing his arrogant conduct; nevertheless, he was appointed to collect the á¹£adaḳÄt of part of the BanÅ« Ḥanáºala (al-AnsÄb, x, 970r). Together with other chiefs of TamÄ«m, he
interceded for the captives of the Banu 'l-ÉAnbar, and was a witness to a letter despatched by the Prophet to NadjrÄn. During the ridda, according to Sayf (al-ṬabarÄ«, i, 1920), al-AḳraÉ and al-ZibriḳÄn proposed to AbÅ« Bakr to guarantee the allegiance of TamÄ«m against the grant of the kharÄdj of Baḥrayn, and it was only ÉUmar who prevented AbÅ« Bakr from accepting the proposal. In view of the situation of TamÄ«m at this period, this tradition does not seem trustworthy, but it may reflect ÉUmar's attitude to al-AḳraÉ (cf. BayÄn, i, 253, and Ê¿UyÅ«n al-AkhbÄr (Cairo), i, 85). Sayf relates also that he took part in the battle of the ridda alongside KhÄlid b. al-WalÄ«d, and was in the vanguard at the battles of DÅ«mat alDjandal and al-AnbÄr. His name is last mentioned in 32/652-3, when he was sent by alAḥnaf b. Ḳays to subdue DjÅ«zdjÄn; he must have been a very old man at that time. AlBalÄdhurÄ« mentions that his descendants lived in KhurÄsÄn. (M.J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn HishÄm, SÄ«ra, index BukhÄrÄ«, ch. on Wafd BanÄ« TamÄ«m, iii, 65 NaḳÄʾiḠ(Bevan), index Ibn al-KalbÄ«, Djamharat al-AnsÄb, B. M. 1202, 65 BalÄdhurÄ«, Futūḥ, Cairo 1319, 414 idem, AnsÄb al-AshrÄf, MS, x, 969v-970r ḤassÄn b. ThÄbit, DiwÄn, Cairo 1929, 243-52, 353
v
Ibn SaÉd, index Mubarrad, KÄmil, Cairo 1355, i, 133 DjÄḥiáº, BayÄn, i, 236, 253 Ibn ḤabÄ«b, Muḥabbar, 134, 182, 247, 473 Ibn Ḳutayba, MaÊ¿Ärif, Cairo 1935, 194, 305 ṬabarÄ«, index AghÄnÄ«, Tables Ibn ÉAbd Rabbihi, Ê¿Iḳd, Cairo 1940 f., index Ibn Rashīḳ, Ê¿Umda, ii, 160 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamhara, 219 Ibn ÉAsÄkir, iii, 86-91 YÄḳūá¹, s. vv. SalmÄn, DjÅ«zdjÄn Ibn al-AthÄ«r, index LA, s.v. ḳaraÊ¿a Ibn Ḥadjar, Iá¹£Äba, s.v. al-AḳraÉ E. Bräunlich, Bisá¹Äm b. Qais, Leipzig 1923, 46 MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, ImtÄÊ¿ al-AsmÄÊ¿, Cairo 1941, index.
[Print Version: Volume I, page 343, column 1] Citation: Kister, M.J. "al-AḳraÉ b. ḤÄbis b. ÉIḳÄl b. Muḥammad b. SufyÄn b. MudjÄshiÉ b. DÄrim." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.
MundhirEI.pdf al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ (or SÄwÄ«) b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. Zayd b. ÉAbd AllÄh, a chief of
the tribal division of DÄrim of TamÄ«m. The tribal branch of the ÉAbd Allah b. Zayd were, according to tradition, called al-IspadhiyyÅ«n. This name, obviously of Persian origin, is said to have referred to this people because they worshipped a horse (asp); according to another tradition, they were called so because they came from a place called Ispadh. A third tradition assumed that this name was attached to a group of scattered tribal factions joined together and united (al-djummÄÊ¿). Some Western scholars have assumed that the word is derived from the Persian Ispahbadh; this may indicate that this group served as a force of the Ispahbadh of Baḥrayn. There is indeed a report according to which the IspadhiyyÅ«n were a force stationed in the fortress of alMushaḳḳar (see LA, s.v. s-b- dh). The tribal division DÄrim of TamÄ«m were in close relations with the Persians. AlMundhir b. SÄwÄ is mentioned in the Arabic sources as the âMaster of Hadjarâ (á¹£Äḥib Hadjar) or as the âKing of Hadjarâ (malik Hadjar). These âkingsâ, says Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b in al-Muḥabbar, were appointed by the kings of Persia and controlled the market of Hadjar. One of the traditions says explicitly that al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ was appointed by the Persians to control the Arab tribes (kÄna Ê¿ala ʾl-Ê¿arabi min ḳibali ʾl-fursi; alBalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, ms. ÉÄshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a; and see idem, Futūḥ albuldÄn, 106). After his conversion to Islam, the Prophet is said to have appointed him as governor (Ê¿Ämil) of al- Baḥrayn. Reports of the sÄ«ra compilations mention unanimously that the Prophet sent ÉAlÄÉ b. alḤa ramÄ« with a letter to al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ summoning him to embrace Islam. They differ, however, as to the date of the event: whether it took place in the year 6 H. or in 8 H. The exact date cannot be established. But it is plausible to assume that the Prophet sent his emissary to Mundhir after his conquest of Mecca; the conquest
strengthened his position in the Arab peninsula considerably and he could, due to his newly acquired authority, widen his influence in some districts which were remote from Mecca and which, though they formed part of the Persian empire, were entrusted by the Persian kings to Arab leaders. The plan to dispatch the messenger was probably stimulated by the fact that the merchants setting out to Hadjar (literally: to alMushaḳḳar) had to cross the territory of Mu arÄ« tribes and had to get the protection of Ḳuraysh (sc. of the Meccans). Without this protection, the merchants could not reach Hadjar with their merchandise (see Ibn ḤabÄ«b, op. cit.). Mundhir responded by stating that he had embraced Islam, that he had read the letter of the Prophet to the people of Hadjar and that some of them converted to Islam, while others refused to do it. Some traditions say that the Arabs of Baḥrayn embraced Islam. Mundhir asked the Prophet for instructions as to the positions of the Jews and the Magians in Baḥrayn. The Prophet decreed that the djizya should be imposed on them if they stuck to their faiths. In another letter of the Prophet, written to the Magians of Hadjar, the Prophet added two stipulations: the believers should not marry Magian women and should not eat meat of animals slaughtered by the Magians. The Prophet is said to have sent to ÉAlÄÉ a list of the mandatory taxes levied as á¹£adaḳa from camels, cattle, sheep and fruits. The poll tax was imposed according to the social position of the taxpayer: people who had no landed property had to pay four dirham a year and deliver a striped cloak (Ê¿abÄʾa) made of hair or wool; others had to pay a dÄ«nÄr. It is noteworthy that the poll-tax imposed on the people of the garrison of Hadjar (al-waá¸ÄʾiÊ¿) who had been settled there by KisrÄ, with whom a separate treaty was concluded by the Muslim authorities, also amounted to one dÄ«nÄr. The Prophet is said to have dispatched special emissaries (mentioned are AbÅ« Hurayra, AbÅ« ÉUbayda b. al-DjarrÄḥ and ÉAlÄÉ b. DjÄriya alThaḳafÄ«) who would carry out the functions of tax- collectors and instructors in the performance of religious duties.
The full authority of the Prophet in the area can be gauged from a particular phrase in the letter of the Prophet to al-Mundhir: â... as long as you act rightly we shall not depose youâ. Certain cases of deviation and disloyalty seem to have taken place; this is implied in an utterance of the Prophet saying that â... he had the ability to drive them (i.e. the people of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ) out from Hadjarâ. The Prophet enjoined the converts to Islam to obey his messengers and to aid them in carrying out their mission. The Prophet kept direct contacts with the believers of Hadjar; he is said to have received a deputation of the believers of al-Baḥrayn and to have welcomed them. Another tradition mentions that the Prophet met some believers from Hadjar and interceded in favour of Mundhir. The messengers of the Prophet in Hadjar passed favourable reports about Mundhir to the Prophet. The tradition saying that al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ came with a group of believers to visit the Prophet was refuted by the majority of the scholars of the sÄ«ra. Another tradition says that âthe king of Ḥadjarâ sent Zuhra b. Ḥawiyya as his envoy to the Prophet; Zuhra embraced Islam and became a faithful believer. Mundhir is said to have died shortly after the death of the Prophet. A rare tradition says that at the Prophet's death the governor of Baḥrayn was AbÄn b. SaÉÄ«d b. al-ÉÄṣī b. Umayya. The position of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ and his peculiar relation with the Prophet is examined by Ibn Ḥazm in his Fiá¹£al. Mundhir is included in the list of the âKings of the Arabsâ who deliberately and voluntarily embraced Islam, became sincere believers and gave up their authority and prerogatives transferring them to the messengers of the Prophet. Their forces, says Ibn Ḥazm, were much stronger than those of the Prophet and their territory was vaster than that of the Prophet. The letters of the Prophet to al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ in which the Magians of Baḥrayn were granted the right to stick to their religion and were obliged to pay the poll tax,
djizya, are in fact the earliest documents reporting on this decision of the Prophet. This ruling of the Prophet is said to have stirred a wave of discontent and anger among the Hypocrites (al-MunÄfiḳūn) of Medina and is reflected in one of the earliest commentaries of the ḲurÉÄn, the tafsÄ«r of MuḳÄtil. The Hypocrites were enraged and argued that the Prophet had violated his own decision to accept the djizya only from People of the Book; they complained bitterly that on the basis of that ruling the forces of the Prophet had fought and killed their fathers and brethren. The believers were perturbed by these arguments and informed the Prophet about it. Then the well known verse of sÅ«ra II, 256, lÄ ikrÄha fi ʾl-dÄ«n, explicitly forbidding to compel anyone to change his faith, was revealed. Another verse of the ḲurÉÄn, sÅ«ra V, 105, yÄ ayyuhÄ Ê¾lladhÄ«na ÄmanÅ« Ê¿alaykum anfusakum lÄ yaá¸urrukum man á¸alla idhÄ Ê¾htadaytum was also revealed in connection with the claim of the Hypocrites; the very early tafsÄ«r of MuḳÄtil glosses the passage lÄ yaá¸urrukum man á¸alla by min ahli hadjar. Later scholars tried to present the stipulations of the agreements concerning the position of the non-Muslim population on a broader ideological basis. Ibn Ḥazm states in his al-MuḥallÄ that the djizya of Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians may be accepted on the condition that they acknowledge (aḳarrÅ«) that Muḥammad is a messenger of God to us (i.e. to the Muslim community) and do not offend him nor the faith of Islam. MÄlik formulated this stipulation as follows: â... he who says that Muḥammad was sent as a prophet to us (i.e. to the Muslim community), not to them, is free of punishment. He who claims that Muḥammad was not a prophet should be killedâ. The treaties concluded between ÉAlÄÉ b. al-Ḥa ramÄ« and the population of Hadjar according to the instructions of the Prophet were, of course, considered valid and the territories of Baḥrayn and Hadjar were assessed as á¹£ulḥ territories (AbÅ« ÉUbayd, alAmwÄl, 100).
Some scholars attempted to justify the imposition of the djizya on the Magians by the fact that the Magians had had a sacred Book, which was concealed by their sinful king; this assumption was however rejected by a great majority of Muslim scholars of tradition and law. Some scholars claimed that the Magians were granted the right to pay the tax of the djizya because they had âsomething like a Bookâ (shubhat al-kitÄb) and rules applying to the People of the Book are valid for them as well (AbÅ« YaÉlÄ Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusayn al-FarrÄÉ, al-AḥkÄm al-sulá¹Äniyya, 154). The Prophet's ruling imposing the djizya on the people of Hadjar and Baḥrayn was not well-known in the Muslim community of Medina. Even ÉUmar was unaware of it, and was informed about it by some Companions of the Prophet. The injunction of the Prophet was supported by his utterance sunnÅ« bihim sunnata ahli ʾl-kitÄb (see Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, KitÄb al-AmwÄl, 136, no. 122), âtreat the Magians according to the sunna of the Prophet applied to the People of the Bookâ. The stipulations of the treaties concluded with the People of the Book (Jews and Christians) and the Magians in Baḥrayn were applied in other territories of the Muslim empire. The Magian population in the Muslim empire became an integral part of the community, and the Muslim lawyers took care to provide details of their legal status; this can be seen e.g. in some chapters of the early Muá¹£annaf of ÉAbd al-RazzÄḳ. The revolt against Islam, the ridda, which flared up in Baḥrayn after the death of the Prophet and after the death of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ, was quelled by ÉAlÄÉ b. al-Ḥa ramÄ«, who headed some of the Muslim forces and succeeded in conquering some adjacent territories.
Thus the TamÄ«mÄ« al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ played an important role in the islamisation of the territories of al-Baḥrayn and in enabling the religious communities of Jews, Christians and Magians in Baḥrayn to survive. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography ÉAbd al-RazzÄḳ, al-Muá¹£annaf, ed. ḤabÄ«b al-RaḥmÄn al-AÉáºamÄ«, Beirut 1392/1972, vi, 30-2 (mÄ«rÄth mad̲j̲ūs), 68-71 (akhdhu ʾl-djizya mina ʾl-madjÅ«s), 77-8 (al-madjÅ«sÄ« yadjmaÊ¿u bayna dhawÄti ʾl-arḥÄm thumma yuslimÅ«n), 80-1 (nikÄḥu ʾl-madjÅ«sÄ« ʾl-naá¹£rÄniyya), 108 (Äniyatu ʾl-madjÅ«s), 108-9 (khidmatu ʾl-madjÅ«s wa-aklu á¹aÊ¿Ämihim), 121 (dhabīḥatu ʾlmadjÅ«sÄ«), 121 (á¹£aydu kalbi ʾl-madjusÄ«), 124 (diyatu l-madjÅ«sÄ«) AbÅ« ḤÄtim al-BustÄ«, al-SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya wa-akhbÄr al-khulafÄʾ, ed. ÉAzÄ«z Bak, Beirut 1407/1987, 316 AbÅ« YÅ«suf, K. al-KharÄdj, Cairo 1382, 128- 32 BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, ms. ÉÄshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a idem, Futūḥ, ed. ÉAbd AllÄh AnÄ«s al-ṬabbÄÉ and ÉUmar AnÄ«s al-TabbÄÉ, Beirut 1377/1958, 106-18, tr. ḤittÄ«, 120- 31, tr. O. Rescher, Leipzig 1917, 76-85 ÉAlÄ« b. BurhÄn al-DÄ«n al-ḤalabÄ«, InsÄn al-Ê¿uyÅ«n fÄ« sÄ«rat al-amÄ«n al-maʾmÅ«n (= al-SÄ«ra alḥalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, 283 below-284 FayrÅ«zÄbÄdÄ«, al-ḲÄmÅ«s al-muḥīá¹, Cairo 1371/1972, s.v. s-b-d̲h̲ HishÄm b. Muḥammad al-KalbÄ«, Djamharat al-nasab, ed. NÄdjÄ« Ḥasan, Beirut 1407/1986, 201
Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, K. al-AmwÄl, ed. ShÄkir DhÄ«b FayyÄ , RiyÄ 1406/1986, 13650 Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr al-NamarÄ«, TadjrÄ«d al-tamhÄ«d li-mÄ fÄ« ʾl-Muwaá¹á¹aʾ min al-asÄnÄ«d, Beirut n.d., 26, no. 32, 154, no. 487 Ibn al-DjawzÄ«, al-WafÄ bi-aḥwÄl al-muá¹£á¹afÄ, Cairo 1386/1966, 742 Ibn Ḥadjar al-ÉAsḳalÄnÄ«, al-Iá¹£Äba fÄ« tamyÄ«z al-á¹£aḥÄba, ed. ÉAlÄ« Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ«, Cairo 1389/1970, i, 17, no. 2; ii, 571, no. 2823; iv, 540, no. 5645; v, 423, no. 7093; vi, 214-16, no. 8222, 91, no. 7935 idem, al-Wuḳūf Ê¿alÄ mÄ fÄ« á¹¢aḥīḥ Muslim min al-mawḳūf, ed. MadjdÄ« al-Sayyid IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo, n.d., 18 Ibn Ḥazm, al-MuḥallÄ, ed. Aḥmad Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo n.d., vii, 317, no. 941 idem, DjawÄmiÊ¿ al-sÄ«ra, ed. IḥsÄn ÉAbbÄs, NÄá¹£ir al-DÄ«n al-Asad and Aḥmad Muḥammad S̲h̲Äḳir, Cairo n.d., 25 idem, al-Fiá¹£al fÄ« ʾl-milal wa-ʾl-ahwÄʾ wa ʾl-niḥal, ed. Muḥammad IbrÄhÄ«m Naá¹£r and ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn ÉUmayra, Beirut 1405/1985, ii, 224 Ibn HishÄm, al-SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-SaḳḳÄ, al-AbyÄrÄ« and ShalabÄ«, Cairo 1356/1936, iv, 222, 254 Ibn Ḳayyim al-Djawziyya, AḥkÄm ahl al-dhimma, ed. á¹¢ubḥī á¹¢Äliḥ, Damascus 1381/1961, i, 1-2 Ibn ManáºÅ«r, LA, s.v. s-b-dh Ibn SaÉd, al-ṬabaḳÄt al-kubrÄ, Beirut 1380/1960, i, 263, 275-6, iv, 360-2
Ibn Sayyid al-NÄs, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-athar fÄ« funÅ«n al-maghÄzÄ« wa ʾl-shamÄʾil wa ʾl-siyar, Cairo 1356, ii, 266 penult.-267 MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, ImtÄÊ¿ al-asmÄÊ¿ bi-mÄ li-RasÅ«l AllÄh min al-anbÄʾ wa-ʾl-amwÄl wa-ʾl-ḥafada waʾl-matÄÊ¿, ed. MaḥmÅ«d Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo 1941, i, 308-9 Muḥammad b. ÉAlÄ« al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ«, al-Miá¹£bÄḥ al-muá¸Ä«Ê¾ fÄ« kuttÄb al-nabÄ«yyi ʾl-ummÄ« wa-rusulihi ilÄ mulÅ«k al-ará¸i min Ê¿arabiyyin wa-Ê¿adjamiyyin, ed. Muḥammad ÉAáºÄ«m al-DÄ«n, Beirut 1405/1985, i, 163, 211, ii, 280- 4 Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 265 Muḥammad b. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-Dimashḳī, Raḥmat al-umma fi ʾkhtilÄf al-aʾimma, Beirut 1407/1987, 317 Muḥammad b. ShÄkir al-KutubÄ«, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-tawÄrÄ«kh, ed. ḤusÄm al-DÄ«n al-ḲudsÄ«, Cairo 1980, i, 260 Mughulá¹Äy, Mulakhkhaá¹£ al-zahr al-bÄsim fÄ« sÄ«rat Abi ʾl-ḲÄsim, ms. ShehÄ«d ÉAlÄ« 1878, fol. 71a, l. 3 from bottom MuḳÄá¹il b. SulaymÄn, TafsÄ«r, ed. ÉAbd AllÄh b. MaḥmÅ«d ShaḥÄta, Cairo 1969, i, 135, 348 NiáºÄm DÄ«n al-Ḥasan al-ḲummÄ« al-NaysÄbÅ«rÄ«, GharÄʾib al-ḲurʾÄn wa-raghÄʾib al-furḳÄn, ed. IbrÄhim ÉAá¹wa ÉAwa , Cairo 1381/1962, vii, 46 SamÉÄnÄ«, al-AnsÄb, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. YaḥyÄ al-MuÉallamÄ«, Hyderabad 1382/1962, i, 195 ult.-196
ShÄ«rawayh b. ShahrdÄr al-DaylamÄ«, Firdaws al-akhbÄr bi-maʾthÅ«r al-khiá¹Äb al-mukharradj Ê¿alÄ kitÄb al-shihÄb, ed. FawwÄz Aḥmad al-ZimirlÄ« and Muḥammad al-MuÉtaá¹£im bi-ÉllÄh BaghdÄdÄ«, Beirut 1407/1987, ii, 436, no. 3212 ṬabarÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, ed. Muḥammad Abu Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1961, ii, 645, iii, 29, 137, 301, 488 WÄḥidÄ«, AsbÄb al-nuzÅ«l, Cairo 1388/1968, 13 ZamakhsharÄ«, al-FÄʾiḳ fÄ« gharÄ«b al-ḥadÄ«th, ed. ÉA. Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ« and Muḥammad Abu Él-Fa l Ibraḥīm, Cairo 1971, i, 43 ZurḳÄnÄ«, Sharḥ Ê¿ala ʾl-mawÄhib al-laduniyya li-ʾl- Ḳasá¹allÄnÄ«, Cairo 1326, iii, 350-2 AbÅ« Ḥafá¹£ ÉUmar al-Mawá¹£ilÄ«, K. al-WasÄ«la, Hyderabad 1397/1977, iv/2, 115 Aḥmad b. AÉtham al-KÅ«fÄ«, K. al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, i, 48-55 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 131-2, 360-62 M. Cook, Magian cheese: an archaic problem in Islamic Law, in BSOAS, xlvii (1984), 44967 Muḥammad ḤamÄ«dullÄh, MadjmÅ«Ê¿at al-wathÄʾiḳ al-siyÄsiyya li-ʾl-Ê¿ahd al-nabawÄ« wa-ʾlkhilÄfa al- rÄshida, Beirut 1407/1987, 144 (no. 56)-156 (no. 67), 572-7 (and see the editor's comments) ÉAwn al-SharÄ«f ḲÄsim, Nashʾat al-dawla al-islÄmiyya Ê¿alÄ Ê¿ahd RasÅ«l AllÄh, Cairo 1401/1981, 177-94, 323-9 J. Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. IV. Gemeindeordnung von Medina, Berlin 1889, 103-4 (no. 9), 117-19 (no. 42)
W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Das genealogische Werk des HiÅ¡Äm ibn Muḥammad alKalbÄ«, Leiden 1966, ii, 430. [Print Version: Volume VII, page 570, column 1] Citation:
Kister, M.J. "al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ (or SÄwÄ«) b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. Zayd b. ÉAbd AllÄh." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.
aysEI.pdf Ḳays b. Ê¿Äá¹£im b. SinÄn b. KhÄlid b. Minḳar b. ÉUbayd b. MuḳÄÉis, AbÅ« ÉAlÄ« (according to other versions: AbÅ« Ṭalḥa or AbÅ« ḲabÄ«á¹£a), a mukhaá¸ram chief of
the BanÅ« MuḳÄÉis and leader of his tribe. Tribal tradition emphasised his generosity, care for people under his protection, mildness and leniency. Al-Aḥnaf b. Ḳays reported the story, recorded in the compilations of adab, of how Ḳays b. ÉÄá¹£im received calmly the news about the murder of his son and magnanimously pardoned the murderer who was brought fettered into his presence. A poet of Sulaym, ÉAbbÄs b. MirdÄs, praised his noble behaviour towards his djÄr. He is counted among the magnanimous ones (ḥulamÄʾ) and the nobles of the DjÄhiliyya who abstained from drinking wine. His reintroduction of the practice of burying alive female infants is connected with a story of a woman of his family who, when captured in a raid on the tribe, preferred to remain with her captor and refused to return to her tribe. In order to prevent the recurrence of such an ignominy he decided to bury his daughters alive; verses 8-9 of SÅ«ra LXXXI are said to have been revealed in connexion with this practice of Ḳays b. ÉÄá¹£im. Ḳays is recorded as a leader of his tribe in the stories of the battles which took place in the first decade of the 7th century. He was victorious in all of his battles, except that of Abraḳ al-KibrÄ«t where he was captured with his mother and two of his sisters. In the battle of al-SitÄr he is said to have killed ḲatÄda b. Salama al-ḤanafÄ«; if this report is true, ḲatÄda must have been a very old man when Ḳays killed him, as he had already been a tribal leader during the Expedition of the Elephant and had been warned by Ṭarafa of the advancing troops of Abraha (see Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Munammaḳ, ed. Khursheed Aḥmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1383/1964, 69). The attack on the ÉAbd Ḳays at DjuwÄt̲h̲a, in which Ḳays distinguished himself, seems to have been led by al-Ahtam. The attack on the LahÄzim (see W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Leiden 1966, ii, 2627) at NibÄdj-Thaytal was a joint action undertaken by Ḳays at the head of the MuḳÄÉis and SalÄma b. áºarib, chief of the AdjÄrib (see Caskel, op. cit., 144). His rapid action and
his effective tactics assured them of victory. In the battle of al-KulÄb II (where the tribal units of TamÄ«m gathered after the slaughter of al-Mushaḳḳar) Ḳays became the leader of the troops of SaÉd and by his energetic action and bravery helped to win the battle; the TamÄ«m attacked by allied YamanÄ« tribes took spoils and captives. It was at this battle, which took place at the beginning of the second decade of the 7th century, that Ḳays clashed with al-Ahtam. The animosity between these two leaders and the rancour between Ḳays and al-ZibriḳÄn b. Badr are echoed in the recorded verses of hidjÄʾ and in the stories about the deputation of TamÄ«m to the Prophet. A mathal story reports the part played by Zayd al-Khayl (who left his tribe for some time and dwelt in the camp of Ḳays) in repelling an attack of the ÉIdjl against the MuḳÄÉis; Ḳays denied Zayd's meritorious deed and because of this gained the epithet âthe liarâ. TamÄ«mÄ« tradition stresses the role of Ḳays in the deputation of TamÄ«m to the Prophet, emphasising that the Prophet was impressed by him and named him âthe chief of the nomad peopleâ (sayyid ahl al-wabar). A spurious tradition records a conversation between the Prophet and Ḳays, in which Ḳays told the Prophet that the first man who applied radjaz in driving camels (ḥidÄʾ) was the ancestor of the Prophet, Mu ar; the first man who received information about the appearance of a prophet named Muḥammad was SufyÄn b. MudjÄs̲h̲iÉ al-DÄrimÄ«, who accordingly named his new born son Muḥammad. It is apparent that the tendency of this tradition is to stress the Prophet's link with Mu ar and TamÄ«m. The alleged sincerity of Ḳays' belief is indicated in a story of his divorce of his beloved wife from the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa, because she refused to embrace Islam. The Prophet exhorted Ḳays to donate some of his flocks to the poor and needy, and is said to have forbidden tribal alliances to be formed in Islam. The Prophet appointed Ḳays tax collector of the MuḳÄÉis and the Buá¹Å«n (see Caskel, op. cit., 230).
After the death of the Prophet, Ḳays seems to have wavered in his loyalty to Medina. He doubted the stability of the Medina establishment and preferred to divide the taxes collected for Medina among his tribe. This he apparently did according to some kind of agreement with al-ZibriḳÄn; when al-ZibriḳÄn later hurried to AbÅ« Bakr with the taxes levied from his tribal units, Ḳays felt himself deceived and accused al-ZibriḳÄn of treacherous behaviour. Both leaders showed no hostility towards Medina at the beginning of the ridda: they escorted ÉAmr b. al-ÉÄá¹£ in their territories when he was on his way from ÉUmÄn to Medina; they took a neutral stand towards Medina while waiting to see whether Medina would stand fast against the tribal revolts. Ḳays further aided SadjÄḥ, but no war action of his on her behalf is recorded. After the revolt of the BanÅ« ḤanÄ«fa was crushed, Ḳays joined ÉAlÄÉ al-Ḥa ramÄ« when he was on his way to Baḥrayn, but even then he simply escorted him through the territories of the SaÉd; only later did he decide to fight on his side. He fought bravely, and is credited with the killing of al-Ḥuá¹am and Abdjar b. Budjayr. Ḳays settled in Baá¹£ra. He is said to have had 33 sons and many daughters. Ṭalaba b. Ḳays was known for his generosity; MuḳÄtil b. Ṭalaba was in the deputation of the nobles of TamÄ«m and ÉÄmir b. á¹¢aÉá¹£aÉa sent by IbrÄhÄ«m b. ÉArabÄ« to ÉAbd al-Malik. Mayya, the daughter of MuḳÄtil b. Ṭalaba, was the beloved of DhÅ« Él-Rumma. According to Ibn KathÄ«r, Ḳays died in 47/667. He enjoined his sons not to reveal his place of burial, because he feared the BanÅ« Bakr b. WÄÉil, whom he had fought and who hated him. Following the example of the Prophet, he gave orders to refrain from lamentations at his funeral. He was eulogised by ÉAbda b. al-ṬabÄ«b in his famous elegy in which he said âThe death of Ḳays was not the death of one man: it was [as if] the edifice of a people had fallen downâ.
(M. J. Kister) Bibliography AghÄnÄ«, index ṬabarÄ«, index al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, Ms. ÉAs̲h̲ir Ef. 597/8, fols. 1019a-1020b al-BakrÄ«, MuÊ¿djam, ed. Muá¹£á¹afÄ al-SaḳḳÄ, Cairo 1368/1949, index AbÅ« Zayd, al-NawÄdir fÄ« ʾl-lugha, ed. SaÉÄ«d al-ShartÅ«nÄ«, repr. Beirut 1387/1967, 92 al-SharÄ«f al-Murta Ä, AmÄlÄ«, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1373/1954, index al-MarzubÄnÄ«, NÅ«r al-ḳabas, ed. R. Sellheim, Wiesbaden 1964, index Mufa al al- abbÄ«, al-Mufaá¸á¸aliyyÄt, ed. Ch. Lyall, Beirut 1920, 317, 741 Aḥmad b. AbÄ« ṬÄhir, BalÄghÄt al-nisÄʾ, al-Nad̲j̲af 1361, 51, 87-8 Ibn Ḥubaysh, al-MaghÄzÄ«, Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, pp. 13, 25, 72 Ibn al-KalbÄ«, Djamharat al-nasab, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, f. 78b al-WÄḳidÄ«, al-Ridda, Ms. Bankipore, Cat. xv, 1042, fols. 27b-29a Ibn AÉtham, al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, 50-51, 53 al-DjÄḥiáº, al-BayÄn wa ʾl-tabyÄ«n, ed. al-SandÅ«bÄ«, Cairo 1351/1932, index idem, al-ḤayawÄn, ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Cairo 1384/1965, iii, 490
Ibn Ḳutayba, al-MaÊ¿ÄnÄ« al-kabÄ«r, Hyderabad 1368/1949, i, 507, ii, 825, 1025 idem, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-akhbÄr, Cairo 1349/1930, index idem, al-MaÊ¿Ärif, ed. al-á¹¢ÄwÄ«, Cairo 1353/1935, 131 (repr. Beirut 1390/1970) Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 126, 237-8, 248 ThaÉÄlibÄ«, ThimÄr al-ḳulÅ«b, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1383/1965, 315, no. 484 al-ÉAbbÄs b. MirdÄs al-SulamÄ«, DÄ«wÄn, ed. YaḥyÄ al-DjubÅ«rÄ«, Baghdad 1388/1968, 61-2 á¹¢adr al-DÄ«n al-Baá¹£rÄ«, al-ḤamÄsa al-Baá¹£riyya, ed. MukhtÄr al-DÄ«n Aḥmad, Hyderabad 1383/1964, ii, 60, no. 157, 238, no. 4 al-BuḥturÄ«, al-ḤamÄsa, ed. L. Cheikho (repr. Beirut 1387/1967), 245, no. 1321 AbÅ« TammÄm, al-ḤamÄsa, Sharḥ al-TibrÄ«zÄ«, ed. Muḥammad MuḥyÄ« Él-DÄ«n ÉAbd alḤamÄ«d, Cairo 1357/1938, ii, 285-6 al-Mubarrad, al-KÄmil, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1376/1956, index Ibn ÉAbd Rabbihi, al-Ê¿Iḳd al-farÄ«d ed. Aḥmad AmÄ«n, IbrÄhÄ«m al-AbyÄrÄ«, ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Cairo 1368/1949, index Ibn Durayd, IshtiḳÄḳ, ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Cairo 1378/1958, index Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr, al-IstÄ«Ê¿Äb, ed. ÉAlÄ« Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ«, Cairo n.d., iii, 1294-96, no. 1240 Ḳurá¹ubÄ«, TafsÄ«r, Cairo 1387/1967, iii, 56, xix, 233
Ibn Ḥadjar, al-Iá¹£Äba, Cairo 1325/1907, v, 258, no. 7188 Ibn al-AthÄ«r, Usd al-ghÄba, Cairo 1286, iv, 219-21 al-ḲÄlÄ«, al-AmÄlÄ«, ed. al-MaymanÄ«, Cairo 1344/1926, index al-BakrÄ«, Simá¹ al-laʾÄlÄ«, ed. al-MaymanÄ«, Cairo 1354/1936, i, 487-8 al-HaythamÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-zawÄʾid, Beirut 1967 (repr.), iii, 107-8, iv, 221-2, ix, 404 BukhÄrÄ«, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. Muḥibb al-DÄ«n al-Khaá¹Ä«b, Cairo 1379, 328-9 al-FattÄl al-NaysabÅ«rÄ«, Rawá¸at al-wÄÊ¿iáºÄ«n, al-Nadjaf 1386/1966, 487 YazÄ«dÄ«, al-AmÄlÄ«, Hyderabad 1367/1948, 101 al-WÄḳidÄ«, MaghÄzÄ«, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, iii, 975, 979 al-ZadjdjÄdjÄ«, al-AmÄlÄ«, ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Cairo 1382, 29, 88-9 AbÅ« DÄwÅ«d, á¹¢aḥīḥ sunan al-Muá¹£á¹afÄ, Cairo 1348, i, 59 ÉAskarÄ«, Djamharat al-amthÄl, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m and ÉAbd al-MadjÄ«d Ḳaá¹Ämish, Cairo 1384/1964, index Ḥamza al-Iá¹£fahÄnÄ«, al-Durra al-fÄkhira, ed. ÉAbd al-MadjÄ«d Ḳaá¹Ämish, Cairo 1971, i, 164-5, no. 187, 287-9, no. 400, 324, no. 511 al-MaydÄnÄ«, MadjmaÊ¿ al-amthÄl, ed. Muḥammad MuḥyÄ« Él-DÄ«n ÉAbd al-ḤamÄ«d, Cairo 1379/1959, i, 220, no. 1179, ii, 65-6, no. 2711, 169, no. 3211 al-ḲurashÄ«, Djamharat as̲h̲ʿÄr al-Ê¿Arab, Beirut 1383/1963, 34-5
Ibn SaÉd, al-ṬabaḳÄt, Beirut 1380/1960, vi, 319, vii, 36 Ibn Sayyid al-NÄs, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-athar, Cairo 1356, ii, 203 Ibn HishÄm, SÄ«ra, ed. al-SaḳḳÄ, al-AbyÄrÄ«, ShalabÄ«, Cairo 1355/1936, iv, 206-7 212-13, 270 al-MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, ImtÄÊ¿ al-asmÄÊ¿, ed. MaḥmÅ«d Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo 1941, i, 434, 439, 509 al-ZurḳÄnÄ«, Sharḥ Ê¿alÄ 'l-mawÄhib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1325, iii, 44 YÄḳūt, MuÊ¿djam al-buldÄn, s.v. Abraḳ al-KibrÄ«t, DjadÅ«d, Thaytal, al-KulÄb, Musallaḥa, al-SitÄr al-MuÉÄfÄ b. ZakariyyÄ, al-DjalÄ«s al-á¹£Äliḥ al-kÄfÄ«, Ms. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, no. 2321, fols. 19b, 154a al-MaḳdisÄ«, al-Badʾ wa-l-taʾrÄ«kh, ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1899, v, 109 Ibn KathÄ«r, al-BidÄya wa-l-nihÄya, Beirutâal-RiyÄ 1966, viii, 31-2 Ibn AbÄ« Él-ḤadÄ«d, S̲h̲arḥ Nahdj al-balÄgha, ed. Muḥammad AbÅ« Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1962, xv, 128, 130 ult. ÉAbd al-ḲÄdir BaghdÄdÄ«, KhizÄnat al-adab, BÅ«lÄḳ 1299, iii, 427 al-Ḥuá¹£rÄ«, Zahr al-ÄdÄb, ed. ÉAlÄ« Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ«, Cairo 1389/1969, ii, 965 Ibn AbÄ« Él-ÉAwn, al-TashbÄ«hÄt, ed. Muḥammad ÉAbd al-MuÉÄ«d KhÄn, Cambridge 1369/1950, 323
ÉAskarÄ«, al-Maṣūn fÄ« ʾl-adab, ed. ÉAbd al-SalÄm HÄrÅ«n, Kuwayt 1960, 16 ThÄbit b. AbÄ« ThÄbit, Khalḳ al-insÄn, ed. ÉAbd al-SattÄr FarrÄdj, Kuwayt 1965, 90 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamharat ansÄb al-Ê¿Arab, ed. E. Lévi-Provençal, Cairo 1948, 205-6 idem, DjawÄmiÊ¿ al-sÄ«ra, ed. IḥsÄn ÉAbbÄs, NÄá¹£ir al-DÄ«n al-Asad, Aḥmad Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo n.d., 25, 290 DhÅ« Él-Rumma, DÄ«wÄn, ed. C. H. H. Macartney, Cambridge 1919, 624 (no. 79, v, 57) ḤÄkim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342 (reprint al-RiyÄ ), iii, 611-12 DjarÄ«r and al-Farazdaḳ, NaḳÄʾiá¸, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1908-12, index Ch. J. Lyall, Translations of Ancient Arabian Poetry, London 1930, 33-4, 84 W. M. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 138 Ḥusayn b. ÉAlÄ« al-MaghribÄ«, Adab al-khawÄṣṣ, Ms. Bursa, Ḥu. Ãelebi 85b, fols. 36b-37a Ch. Pellat, RisÄla fi ʾl-ḥilm, Beirut 1973, index. [Print Version: Volume IV, page 832, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. âḲays b. ÉÄá¹£im b. SinÄn b. KhÄlid b. Minḳar b. ÉUbayd b. MuḳÄÉis, AbÅ« ÉAlÄ« (according to other versions: AbÅ« Ṭalḥa or AbÅ« ḲabÄ«á¹£a).â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
HadjibEI.pdf ḤÄdjib b. ZurÄra b. ÉUdus b. Zayd b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. DÄrim b. MÄlik b. Ḥanáºala b. MÄlik b. Zayd ManÄt b. TamÄ«m, an eminent sayyid of the DÄrim of
TamÄ«m in the period of the DjÄhiliyya. His name was, according to Abu Él-YaḳáºÄn, Zayd, and his kunya AbÅ« ÉIkrisha. ḤÄdjib, a member of one of the noblest families of Bedouin society, was known for his mildness. A particular incident in connexion with ḲurÄd b. ḤanÄ«fa later caused ḤÄdjib to kill ḲurÄd, which led to clashes between some families of DÄrim. The first battle attended by ḤÄdjib was the battle of Djabala. He was captured and freed himself by paying the exceedingly high ransom of 1100 camels. He headed the troops of TamÄ«m in the encounters of al-NisÄr and al-DjifÄr and was defeated. ḤÄd̲j̲ib continued the tradition of friendly relations between al-Ḥīra and the DÄrim and attempted to gain for the DÄrim the privilege of the ridÄfa, which had been entrusted by the rulers of al-Ḥīra to another branch of TamÄ«m, the YarbÅ«É. The YarbÅ«É refused to cede the ridÄfa to the DÄrim, marched out against the forces of al-Ḥīra sent against them, and defeated them at Ṭikhfa. ḤÄdjib attained fame through a visit to the court of Persia. He asked the Persian ruler to permit his people to pasture their herds in the Persian territory, since they were suffering from a heavy drought caused by the curse of the Prophet on Mu ar. ḤÄdjib left his bow as pledge, promising that his people would not harass the subjects of the Persian ruler. When the Prophet lifted his curse, ḤÄdjib was already dead. His son ÉUá¹Ärid went to the Persian king, who returned to him the bow and granted him a precious suit of clothes, which ÉUá¹Ärid presented to the Prophet while visiting him with the delegation of TamÄ«m in 9/630. The Prophet, however, refused to accept the gift.
This widely current story is contradicted by a report recorded in a commentary of AbÅ« TammÄm's DÄ«wÄn. According to this report ḤÄdjib gave his bow as pledge when he was entrusted by the Persian ruler to escort a caravan to ÉUkÄáº. After he had successfully carried out his mission he was âcrownedâ by the ruler of Persia. Some traditions claim that ḤÄdjib embraced the religion of the Magians. Whether ḤÄdjib met the Prophet is rather doubtful, since traditions claiming this seem not to be trustworthy. He died in the twenties of the 7th century. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Bishr b. AbÄ« KhÄzim, DÄ«wÄn, ed. ÉIzzat Ḥasan, Damascus 1960, index The DÄ«wÄns of ÉAbÄ«d b. al-Abraá¹£ and ÉÄmir b. al-Ṭufayl, 98 (ed. Lyall) Ibn al-KalbÄ«, Djamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., ff. 65a, 134a, 178b al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb, Ms. ff. 351a, 909b, 960a, 964b, 967b, 983b, 989b, 992a NaḳÄʾiḠDjarÄ«r wa-ʾl-Farazdaḳ (ed. Bevan), index al-Farazdaḳ, DÄ«wÄn, ed. al-á¹¢ÄwÄ«, 44, 116, 129 Schulthess, Ãber den Dichter al-NaǧÄÅ¡Ä« und seine Zeitgenossen, in ZDMG, liv, 449 Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, index al-DjÄḥiáº, MukhtÄrÄt, Ms. Br. Mus. f. 113a al-DjÄḥiáº, ḤayawÄn, ed. A. S. HÄrÅ«n, i, 374, ii, 93, 246
al-Mufaá¸á¸aliyyÄt, ed. Lyall, index Ibn Ḳutayba, al-MaÊ¿Ärif, Cairo 1934, 262, 266, 285 idem, K. al-Ê¿Arab, ed. Kurd ÉAlÄ«, RasÄʾil al-BulaghÄʾ, 346, 372 al-Mubarrad, al-KÄmil, ed. Muḥammad Abu Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1956, i, 226, ii, 77 AbÅ« TammÄm, DÄ«wÄn, ed Muḥammad ÉAbduh ÉAzzÄm, Cairo 1957, i, 215-217 Ibn Durayd, IshtiḳÄḳ, ed. ÉA. S. HÄrÅ«n, 237 Ibn ÉAbd Rabbihi, al-Ê¿Iḳd al-farÄ«d, ed. AmÄ«n, al-Zayn, al-AbyÄrÄ«, ii, 9, 12, 20 al-MarzubÄnÄ«, MuÊ¿djam al-shuÊ¿arÄʾ, ed. Krenkow, 328 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamharat ansÄb al-Ê¿Arab, 220 Ibn Rashīḳ, al-Ê¿Umda, Cairo 1934, ii, 176 al-Marzūḳī, al-Azmina, ii, 273 Abu Él-BaḳÄÉ, al-ManÄḳib, Ms. Br. Mus. ff. 8a, 42a, 121b ThaÉÄlibÄ«, ThimÄr al-ḲulÅ«b, Cairo 1908, 501 Ibn al-ShadjarÄ«, MukhtÄrÄt, ed. ZinÄtÄ«, Cairo 1925, ii, 22 Ibn Abi Él-ḤadÄ«d, Sharḥ Nahdj al-balÄgha, Cairo 1329, iii, 426 ṬayÄlisÄ«, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 5 al-RÄzÄ«, al-ZÄ«na, ed. H. b. Fay AllÄh, Cairo 1957, i, 147
Ibn Ḥadjar, al-Iá¹£Äba, Cairo 1907, no. 1355, 482, 4067, 4071, 9141, 5559 al-NuwayrÄ«, NihÄyat al-arab, Cairo 1927 iii, 381 al-ḤalabÄ«, InsÄn al-Ê¿uyÅ«n, Cairo 1932, i, 10 LA, s.v. á¹.r.r. Ibn al-KalbÄ«, AnsÄb al-Khayl, ed. A. ZakÄ«, Cairo 1946, 40 AghÄnÄ«, index Ibn Ḳutayba, al-MaÊ¿ÄnÄ« al-kabÄ«r, Hyderabad 1949, 476 Ibn al-MuÉtazz, ṬabaḳÄt, ed. FarrÄdj, Cairo 1956, 199. [Print Version: Volume III, page 49, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. "ḤÄdjib b. ZurÄra b. ÉUdus b. Zayd b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. DÄrim b. MÄlik b. Ḥanáºala b. MÄlik b. Zayd ManÄt b. TamÄ«m." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
qudaa.pdf KUDA'A
Kuda'a, a group of Arab tribes of obscure origin. The opinions of the genealogists about their origin are contradictory. Some of them assert that they were descendants of Ma'add, while others say that they were from Himyar. Both parties had recourse to traditions and utterances attributed to the Prophet, in which he is said either to have declared that Ma'add's kunya was Abu Kuda'a, or to have explicitly stated that Kuda'a was a descendant of Himyar. Harmonizing traditions reported that the mother of Kuda'a was the wife of Malik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. Malik b. Himyar who later married Ma'add, bringing with her Kuda'a, her son from her first marriage; Kuda'a was therefore later called Kuda'a b. Ma'add. A contradictory tradition of this kind claimed that Kuda'a was the son of Ma'add; later, his mother married Malik b. 'Amr alHimyarI, who adopted the child, Kuda'a, and thus he was called Kuda'a al-HimyarL 1 Some traditions explicitly say that the Kuda'I tribes related themselves to Ma'add, but turned to the HimyarI nasab after being bribed and pressurized by Mu'awiya.2 The name Kuda'a is an early one and can be traced in fragments of old Arab poetry. The tribes recorded as Kuda'I were: Kalb [q.v.], Djuhayna, Ball, Bahra' [q.v.]' Khawlan [q.v.]' Mahra, Khushayn, Djarm, 'Udhra [q.v.]' Bal~ayn,3 Tanukh [q.v.]' and SalI4; however, theattribution of some of these tribes to Kuda'a (like Tanukh, Khawlan and Mahra) was the subject of dispute among genealogists. Several of the Kuda'a clans joined other tribes, adopting their pedigree and changing their tribal identity. Among the prominent divisions of the Kuda'a one may particularly refer here to the Djuhayna and Ball. 1. The vast territory of the Djuhayna, controlling the coastal caravan route between Syria and Mecca, included the localities of $afra', alMarwa, al Hawra' and Yanbu'; to them belonged $ufayna, the mountains
1 See M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, Notes on Gaskel's Gamharat an-nasab, in Oriens xxv-xxvi (1976), 56-7, and references in notes 43-51; also Nur al-Dln alHayiliamT, Madjma' al-zawii'id, repr. Beirut 1967, i, 194-5; A!l.!!:iin', vii, 77-8; al-
HamdanT, al-Ikm, ed. MuJ:!ammad al-Akwa' al-I:Iiwall, Cairo 1383/1963, i, 180-90. 2 See e.g. M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, op. cit., notes 51-7; Nur al-DTn al-Hayiliaml, op. cit., i, 194; AghanT, loc. cit.; IJ:!san N
khuzaa.pdf KHUZA'A
Khuza'a, an ancient Arab tribe of obscure origin. Muslim genealogists, assuming a Mudari origin of the Khuza'a, based their argument on an utterance attributed to the Prophet, according to which the ancestor of the tribe, 'Amr b. Luhayy [q.v.] was a descendant of Kama'a (='Umayr) b. Khindif, thus tracing their pedigree to Mudar.1 Some sections of the Khuza'a asserted that they were descendants of al-Salt b. al-Nadr b. Kinana b. Khuzayma b. Mudrika b. Ilyas b. Mudar. The claims to Mudari descent made by some Khuza'a groups were firmly rejected by genealogists, who asserted that both Kama'a and alSalt died childless.2 MUs'ab, recording the Mudari genealogy of the Khuza'a, confirmed by an utterance of the Prophet, cautiously remarks that the pedigree given by the Prophet is true, provided that it was actually said by him.3 Harmonizing traditions, trying in the usual way to bridge the contradictory reports about the origin of the Khuza'a, claim that after the death of Kama 'a, the mother of Luhayy married the Yamani, Haritha, and the child traced his pedigree to the Yamani father who adopted him.4 Another tradition states that Kama'a married and had children, but clashed with his relatives, so leaving for al-Yaman and allying himself with the Azd.5 The Yam ani tradition, on the other hand, records a lengthy list of ancestors of Khuza'a, beginning with Luhayy (=Rabi'a) b. Haritha b. 'Amr b. 'Amir b. Haritha b. Imru 'l-Kays b. Tha'laba b. al-Azd. The pedigree is, of course, traced back to Kahtan.6 The traditions about the beginnings of the Khuza'a's rule in Mecca, ascribing the Khuza'a to the Azd, record a long story about the migration of the tribal groups of the Azd from South to North Arabia. While some tribal divisions continued their migration to Syria (Ghassan), 'Uman
1 Ibn Hisham,al-S,ra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Sakka, al-AbyarI and ShalabI, Cairo 1355/1936, i, 78; al-BaladhurI, Ansab al-amra/, ed. Mul,lammad J.:Iamldullah, Cairo 1959, i, 34; al-FasI, SlJ,ija' al-ghariim bi-a/ffibar al-balad al-~aram, Cairo 1956, ii, 44-5; Mu~'ab b. 'Abd Allah al-ZubayrI, Nasab ~uraym, ed. E. Levi-Proven~al, Cairo 1953, 7-8, ii; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah 'ala ~aba'il al-ruwat, al-Nadjaf 1386/1966, 97-8; Ibn J.:Iazm, Djamharat ansiib al-'Arab, ed. E. Levi-Proven<;al, Cairo 1948, 222-4; al-
Sam'anI,al-Ansiib, ed. 'Abd al-Ral,lman al-Mu'allamI, Hyderabad 1385/1966, v, 116. 2 Ibn al-KalbI, Djamharat al-nasab, Ms. B.M., Add. 23297, fol. 4b, II. 9-10; alWazlr al-MagllribI,-Adab al-/ffiawii~~, Ms. Bursa, Hiiseyin <;elebi, 19, fols. 84b-86a; al-BalacLburI, Ansab, i, 34 ult., 38-9; Mu~'ab, op.cit., 11-12. 3 Mu~'ab, 8; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbah, 98. 4 AI-FasI, Shi/ii', ii, 46. 5 AI-Bala,JhurI, Ansab, i, 35, ll. 1-2. 6 AI-FasI, Shi/a', ii, 45, II. 5-10; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Inbiih, 97; Ibn Durayd, al-Imti~a~, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin, Cairo 1378/1958, 468; al-J.:IazimI, 'Udjiilat almubtadi, ed. 'Abd Allah Kantin, Cairo 1384/1965, 54.
2
(Azd 'Uman) and north Yemen (Azd Shanil'a), the Khuza'a separated (inkhaza' at) and managed to gain control of Mecca. One of the traditions reports that the leader of the Azd asked the Djurhum [q.v.], the tribe which then ruled Mecca, to permit them to stay in the region of the town until their foragers find suitable pasturage, threatening war if they were denied this. When the Djurhum refused their permission, the Khuza'a fought them, defeating them and gaining possession of the Sanctuary of Mecca. Another tradition, on the authority of Abu: 'Amr al-ShaybanI, reports that the custodianship of the Ka'ba was legally obtained by the Khuza'a because their leader, Rahi'a b. I:Iaritha, married Fuhayra, the daughter of al-Harit]; b. Mudad al-Djurhuml; his son, 'Amr b. Rabi'a (i.e., 'Amr b. Luhayy), thus had a legal basis for his claims to the custodianship. In the protracted battles which ensued between the Khuza'a and Djurhum, the former defeated the latter who had to leave the town. A third tradition ascribes the decline of the Djurhum in Mecca to their deterioration and moral decay. Afflicted by plagues, God's chastisement for their wickedness, they were extirpated, and only few survivors from amongst them left Mecca. The custodianship of the harem. was then taken over by the Khuza'a, Another tradition gives a quite different account of the events, i.e., that the Khuza'a took over the control of Mecca from the Iyad [q.v.]. A peculiar version of this tradition transmitted by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar reports a battle which followed some clashes between the ruling Iyad and the Mudar in which the Iyad were defeated. The Iyad were given permission to leave Mecca on condition that Mudari women married to IyadlS return to the Mudar if they so wished. Among the women thus returned was a Khuza'I woman named Kudama. The Khuza'a, the report states, then traced their pedigree to Mudar. Since the Iyad did not take with them into exile the pillar with the Black Stone, they decided to bury it. The Khuza't woman told her people of the whereabouts of the buried Stone and advised them to ask the Mudar for the custodianship of the Ka'ba as reward for finding the pillar with the Black Stone. The Khuza'a did so, and succeeded in gaining control of the Ka'ba, keeping it until the arrival of Kusayy [q.v.].7 Another tradition reports that the Djurhum were driven out of Mecca by the joint action of Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of Kinana and the Banu Ghubshan of the Khuza'a.8 These stories, allotting exceptionally long lives to the rulers of the Djurhum and Khuza'a are in the nature of folk-tradition in which were
7 AI-FilsI, Shi/a', ii, 26 f.; al-Ya'kubt, Ta'rf/m, al-Nadjaf 1384/1964, i, 208; Muhammad b. Habib, al-M1Lnamma~, ed. KhurWId Al,lmad Fari~, Hyderabad 1384/1964, 344 f.; al-Tsami, Simt al-n1L~um al-'awalf, Cairo 1380, i, 183. 8 AI-FilsI, ~ifii.', i, 370; 'Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of the Khuza'a', as recorded in art. D.JURHUM above is an error.
Khuza'a
3
embedded elements of mu'ammarun-tales, edifying stories about righteous and pious men,? accounts of battles and clashes in the popular style of the ayyam al-' arab, and recollections oflegends about the migrations of tribes caused by a dam breaking in South Arabia. The tradition focuses on 'Amr b. Luhayy, almost unanimously blaming him for the wicked innovations in the faith of Abraham and for the introduction of idol-worship, especially that of HubaI, in Mecca. There is, however, a contradictory tradition which asserts that it was Khuzayma b. Mudrika, one of the ancestors of Kuraysh, who introduced the worship of Hubal and that Hubal was consequently called "Hubal Khuzayma" .10 As in the case of the Iyad, some traditions mention among the Khuza'a a homo religiosus, Abu Kabsha, who in his search for the true religion worshipped Sirius. The unbelievers used to refer to the Prophet as Ibn AbI Kabsha in the early period of his prophethood, pointing out his deviation from the current beliefs of his people.l ' These conflicting stories seem to indicate that the formation of the tribe of K.huza'a occurred over a long period of time, ramifying into various tribal units. The main territory of the tribe was between Mecca and Medina. When Kusayy arrived in Mecca aiming to gain control of the town, he had to subdue the ruling Bakr b. 'Abd Manat of Kinana, the Khuza'a and their supporters, the Sfifa. The different stories about the enigmatic Kusayy resemble in their outline those about the former rulers of Mecca. Kusayy's marriage to Hubba bint Hulayl b. Hubshiyya gave legitimacy to his custodianship of the Ka'ba. Another legitimisation to it was the tale of how Kusayy bought the office for a goat's skin of wine from the drunken Abu Ghubiillan; this is recounted in the compilations of proverbs and stories of fools.P The court of Abu Ghubshan (dar Abr GlJ,ubMi,an)was still known in Mecca in the second half of the 3rd century
9 See e.g. the story of WakI' b. Salama of Iyad and his servant Hazwara, in al-Fast, ShiN.', ii, 26, and Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munamma~, 346-7. 10 AI-Baladhuri,Amsab, i, 37, no. 77; al-Fasl, Shifa', ii, 51 inf. 11 Muhammad b. Habib, al-MuIJ-abbar, ed. 1. Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 129; 'Ali: b. Burhan al-Dln al-Halabi, Insiin. al-'uyiin fi. sirat al-amin al-ma'miin (=al-S,ra al-IJ-alabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, i, 333; al-Baladhurr, Ansab, i, 91, 327; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manll!,iir, Cairo 1314, vi, 131; al-Kurtubi, Tafslr, 1387/1967, xvii, 119; al-Makrizr, Imiii: al-asma', ed. Mahrniid Shakir, Cairo 1941, i, 77, 158; al-Kazarfini, Sirat ai-nab" Ms. B.M., Add. 1499, fol. 231a-b; 'Abd al-Salarn Hartin (ed.), Nawadir al-ma/ffi!ii!at, Cairo 1370/1951, i, 100 (al-Fayrtizabadht, TulJ-fat al-abih. fi.man nusiba ila ghayri abfh). 12 Al-'Askari, Djamhar;;t al-amll!,al, ed. Muhammad Abu "l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd al-Madjid ~atamisb, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 387, no. 585; Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-/a!sliira fi 'I-amll!,a/ al-sa'ira, ed. 'Abd al-Madjrd ~atamiill, Cairo 1972, i, 139, no. 126; al-Tha'alibi, Thimiir al-~ulti.b, ed. Abu'l-Fa<).l Ibrahim, Cairo 1384/1965, 135, no. 190; al-Maydani, Ma'!jma' al-amll!,al, ed. Muhyi 'l-Dfn 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo
1379/1959, i, 216, no. 1167; Ibn al-Djawzi, A/ffibar al-IJ-am~a, Beirut, n.d., 42.
4 of the Hidjra.l ' According to another account, like the preceding rulers, Kusayy fought the two tribes of Bakr b. 'Abd Manat and Khuza'a and destroyed their power. As in the story of Iyad, his wife, Hubba, revealed the place where the pillar with the Black Stone was buried, and so the true worship of the Ka'ba could be resumed.l" Relations between Kusayy on one side and the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat and Khuza'a on the other were settled on the basis of the judgement of the arbiter, Ya'rnar b. 'Awf of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, called alShuddakh. The verdict granted Kusayy the custodianship of the Ka'ba and provided for the Khuza'a to be left in the area of the f},aram.15 In the new regime set up by Kusayy, in which the scattered tribal units of the Kuraysh were gathered and settled in Mecca, the groups of the Khuza'a played an important role in strengthening the power-base of Mecca, aiding the Kuraysh to extend their influence among the tribes. The Khuza'a were included in the organization of the Hums [q. v.]. Two tribal groups of the Khuza'a, the Mustalik and Haya, were included in the organization of the Al,tabI§h, the allies of the Kuraysh.l" Together with Mudari tribes, the Khuza'a worshipped al-'Uzza and Manat; and with the Daws they worshipped Dhu 'f-Kaffayn.!" The involvement of the Khuza'a and the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat in the affairs of Mecca and their influence can be gauged from the story about the agreement between the Kuraysh and the Thal,Uf concerning the mutual rights of these two tribes to enter Mecca and Wadjdj: the Tha~If complied with the demands of the Kuraysh, fearing their strength and that that of the Khuzaa and Bakr b. 'Abd Manat.l" The considerable number of Khuza'Is listed as married by the Kurashis recorded in the sources bears witness to the close relationship between the Kurays]; and the Khuza'a. Indeed, when the Khuza'a decided to ally themselves with 'Abd al-Muttalib, they stressed that he was 'borne' by Khuza'I women (fa-~ad waladnaka). Similarly, the Khuza'I, 'Amr b. Salim, addressed the Prophet with the words kad kun-
Al-Fakiht, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden, Or. 63, [01. 456b, l. 15. AI-FasT, Sllifii', ii, 73; al-Nuwayri , Nihiiyat ai-arab, Cairo 1374/1955, xvi, 31. 15Ibn al-Kalbi, Djamhara, fols. 51a inf.-51b sup. 16See e.g. Ibn ~utayba, al-Ma'iini "l-kabir, Hyderabad 1368/1949, 998, l. 4; Muhammad b. Hablb, al-Muhabbar, 178; al-Hazimi, al-I'tibiir [i bayiin al-niisik_h wa 'l-mansu/;;/> min al-iiiliiir, Hyderabad 1359, 150; Ibn al-Kalbi, Djamhara, fols. 48b-49a sup.; al-Fasi, Shifii', ii, 41; Yaknt, S.v. Makka; al-Bakri, Mu'djam mii 'sta'djam, ed. al-Sakka, Cairo 1364/1945, 245; Ibn al-Fakth, al-Buldiin, cd. de Goeje, Leiden 1885, 18. 17Yakut, s.v. Manat: Ibn 'Arabi, Muhii4arat al-abriir, Beirut 1388/1968, i, 415; Ps, Asma'T, al-Shiimil, the section Tawiir;;/;;/> al-anbiyii', Ms. B.M., Or. 1493, fo!' 27a; Muhammad b. Habtb, al-Muhabbar, 318. 18'Muhammad' b. J:IabTb, al~Munamma~, 280.
13 14
Ktuizc:«
5
tum waladan uia-kunnii walidii when he came to ask for his help against the Banu Bakr and Kuraysh.l" According to one tradition, when the Prophet was on his hidjra to Medina he met Burayda b. al-Husayb al-AslamI [q.v.] with a large group of his people. Burayda and his people then embraced Islam and prayed behind the Prophet. These Aslam, a branch of the Khuza'a, very early allied themselves to the Prophet, and As1am warriors participated in his campaigns. The Prophet's agreements with the Aslam/" are evidence of the friendly relations which existed between the Prophet and the Aslam. After the murder of those who went on the Bi'r Ma'una [q.v.] expedition, the Prophet invoked God's blessing for the Aslam.r! When the Prophet mobilised the forces for the conquest of Mecca he summoned the Aslam, who dwelt in the neighbourhood of Medina, to present themselves in the town. In fact, 400 Aslam warriors, among them 30 riders, took part in the conquest of Mecca. Aslam's two standard bearers ofthe conquest were Burayda b. al-Husayb and Nadjiya b. a1-A'cljam.22 The Aslam, along with the Ghifar, Muzayna and Djuhayna, were pointed out by the Prophet as having surpassed in virtue the mighty tribes of the TamIm, Asad, 'A.mir b. Sa'sa'a and Gl1atafan.23 Haditl: commentators are unanimous in saying that this high position was granted to them because they had rushed to embrace Islam. The stand taken by the Mustalik, another branch of the Khuza'a allied with the Banu Mudlidj of Kinana and included in the Ahabish organization linked with the I~uraysh, was, however, quite different towards the Muslim commonwealth of Medina. Their leader, al-Harith b. AbI Dirar, gathered his tribe's forces for an assault on Medina but was defeated by the Prophet's men who attacked them at MuraysI' in 5/627 and defeated them, taking captives and booty. The Prophet married the captured daughter of the leader, Djuwayriya.e? Another branch of the Khuza'a, the Ka'b b. 'Arm, played a decisive role in the struggle between Mecca and the Prophet. The discord and clashes between the Ka'b and their neighbours, the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat, led the Ka'b b. 'Amr to opt for an alliance with the Prophet in the pact of al-Hudaybiya, whereas the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat allied themselves with
19
Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyun
ol-attvar ji: [utiiin. al-maghazi
wa 'I-shamii'il
wa 'I-siyar,
Cairo 1356, ii, 164-5, 182. 20 See Hamidullah, MadJmu'at al-waillii'ik al-siyiisiyya Ii 'I-'ahd al-nabawi wa '1Iffiilafa al-riish.uia, Cairo 1376/1956, 191-4, nos. 165-70. 21 Wa-Aslam salamahii 'llahu; al-Wakidi, al-Maghazi, ed. Marsden Jones, Oxford 1966, 350. 22 AI-FasI, SlJifa', ii, 123; Ibn Hacljar, al-Isiiba, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bidjawi, Cairo 1392/1972, vi, 398, no. 8647; al- WakidI, 799-800. 23 Al-Kast.allanr, Irshiid al-siiri, Cairo 1327, vi, 11-13; Ibn Hadjar, Fath al-bari, Cairo 1301, vi, 395-7. 24 AI-Wa~idI, 403-13.
6 Mecca. A group of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat clandestinely helped by some Kuraysh leaders attacked the Ka'b b. 'Amr at al- Watir, killing several of them. The orator of the Ka'b, 'Amr b. Salim, appeared at the court of the Prophet in Medina and addressed him, reminding him of the alliance of the Ka'b with 'Abd al-Muttalib. He drew attention to the killings of the Ka'b at al-Watrr and urged him to avenge his allies. The Prophet responded with a promise of aid for victory (nu$ra). The request of a man from the 'AdI b. 'Arnr, the brethren of the Ka'b b. 'Amr, to be included in the promise was answered by the Prophet's remark that the Ka'b and 'AdI are one corporate body.25 It is evident that the tendency of this tradition is to establish the position of the 'AdI b. 'Amr in the Prophet's invocation and stress their role in the expedition against Mecca. Whether the Ka'b b. 'Amr were already Muslims when they asked for help is disputed by scholars.P" According to some commentators ofthe Kur'an, vv .13-15 of Siirai al- Tawba ordering battle against those who had broken their solemn pledges (ala tu~atilUna ~awman nakath:u aymanahum ... ) were revealed in connection with the wicked attack by the Banu Bakr b. 'Abd Manat against the Ka'b b. 'Amr.27 When the Prophet set out against Mecca, he was joined by those Ka'b tribesmen who had remained in Medina. The main Ka'b troop joined the Prophet's forces in Kudayd, The Ka'b troop numbere 500 warriors and had three standards carried by Busr b. Sufyan, Abu ShurayJ:t28 and 'Amr b. Salim. It is noteworthy that the Prophet permitted the Ka'b to continue fighting the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat in Mecca for some additional hours after he had ordered all other troops to stop.29 It may be remarked that a group of the Bakr b. 'Abd Manat hastened to join the Prophet's forces. When Abu Sufyan looked at the marching troops of the Prophet and noticed Bakr's forces, he remarked sadly: "By God, they are an inauspicious people; because of them Muhammad raided us" .30
25 Wa-hal 'Adiyyun iWi Ka'b wa-Ka'bun illii 'Ad,: Niir al-Drn al-Haythami, Madjma' al-zawii'id, Beirut 1967, vi, 164; Ibn al-Bakkal, al-Fawii'id al-munta~iit, Ms.-?ahiriyya, madjrnfla, 60, fol. 85b; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'ti.jam al-~afl'>'r, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman, Cairo 1388/1968, ii, 73-5. 26 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, ii, 182, penult. says that they were unbelievers; al-Kala'I, alIktijii', ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid, Cairo 1389/1970, ii, 288, says that they were Muslims; and see Ibn Hisham, op.cit., iv, 36, n. 4. 27 Al-Tabarr, Tajs,r, ed. Shakir, Cairo 1958, xiv, 158-62 (nos. 16535-16547); alSuyutt, al-Durr al-manlliur, iii, 214-15; idem, Lubiib al-nu~ul, Cairo 1373/1954, 114; al-Kurtubi, Tofstr, viii, 86-7; al-Farra', Ma'iin, I-~ur'iin, ed. Ahmad Ytlsuf al-Nadjatt and Muhammad 'All al-Nadjdjar, Cairo 1374/1955, i, 425. 28 Ibn' 'Asakir, Ta'r,klr-, Damascus 1349, vi, 400; Ibn Sa'd, Taba~iit, Beirut 1377/1957, iv, 294-5; al-Wakidl, 801 ('Ibn Shurayl,l' in ibid., I. 2 is an error). 29 See ibid., 839, al-Makrfzr, op. cit., i, 388; al-Fasl, Shifii', ii, 144, al-Hazimf, alI'tibiir, 153; 'All b. Burhan al-Dln, al-Siro: al-~alabiyya, iii, 97 inf. 30 Al-Wakidt, 820; Ibn 'Asakir, vi, 401.
Khuzii'a
7
The meritorious attitude of the Khuza'a towards the Prophet is fairly reflected in Muslim tradition. The Prophet is reported to have stated that the Khuza'a were intimately linked to him.31 The Kur'an is said to have been revealed to the Prophet in the dialect (lugha) ofthe two Ka'bs, Ka'b b. Lu'ayy and Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Luhayy, because they shared the same abode.F The Prophet granted a special privilege to the Khuza'a by awarding them the rank of muhadjirun while permitting them to remain in their territory.33 It was a Khuza'I, Tamim b. Usayd, whom the Prophet entrusted with the restoration of the border-marking stones (an.~iib) of the lJ,aram of Mecca.i'" The leader of the Ka'b, Busr b. Sufyan, according to one tradition, was appointed by the Prophet as the tax-collector of the Ka'b, In 9/630 they were prevented from handing over their taxes by groups of the Banu 'l-'Anbar and Banu 'l-Hudjaym'" of the Tamim. The Prophet then sent out a troop commanded by 'Uyayna b. I:Ii1?nagainst these Tamlmls.36 In the account, it is emphasized that the Ka'b were believers, paying the sadaka willingly. A special tax-collector was also sent to the other branch of the Khuza'a, the Banu MU1?tali~.37 'Umar b. al-Khattab used to carry the dfwiin of the Khuza'a to Kudayd and there distributed payments to the people of the tribe.38 Khuza'I warriors participated in the Islamic conquests and groups of the Khuza'a settled in the various provinces of the Arab empire. Some members of the Khuza'a took part in the revolt against 'Uthman in Medina.i'? Groups of the Khuza'a joined 'All and fought on his side in the Battle of Siffln, and some Khuza'ts in Khurasan were among the 'Abbasid agents who paved the way for the new dynasty.
31 Khuza'atu minni wa-ana minhum; Khuzii.'atu l-uiiilidu. wa-ana 'l-waladu: see e.g. al-Daylami, Firdaws al-aicl!bar, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3037, fol. 78b; 'All b. Burhan alDIn, al-Stro al-~alabiyya, iii, 83; al-Muttaki al-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, xiii, 55, no. 316. 32AI-FasI, Shi/a', ii, 55; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Inbii.h, 99. 33Ibid., 100. 34Mughaltay, al-Zahr al-bii.sim fi sirat Abi 'l-~asim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 319ainf.-319b; al-Fasi, al-' Ikd al-t/!am.n, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo 1383/1964, iii, 387, no. 861. 35 'Ibn al-'Vtayr' and 'Banil Djuhaym' in al-Wakidr, 974 are errors. 36AI-Wa~idI, 974f. 37Ibn Sa'd, iii, 440 inf. 38AI-Baladhuri, Futii~ al-buldan, ed. 'Abd Allah and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut 1377/1957, 634; Ibn Sa'd, iii, 298. 39Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-'I~d al-farid, ed. Ahmad AmIn, Ahmad al-Zayn, Ibrahim al-Abyarl, Cairo 1381/1962, iv, 300, I. 19.
8 Bibliography: In addition to references mentioned above: al-'AmirI, Bahrljat ol-moliafil, Cairo 1331, i, 212, 398 f.; al-Azrakl, Ta'rzklJ, Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, Leipzig 1858, 51-66; Dahlan, al-Sira alnabawiyya, Cairo 1310, ii, 75 f.; al-Diyarbakrt, Ta'rikh al-khamzs, Cairo 1283, i, 109-112, 153-56, 335, ii, 77 f.; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, ol-Durar fi 'khti$iir 'I-maghiizz wa 'I-siyar, ed. Shawki Dayf, Cairo 1386-1966, 224-5; Ibn KathIr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al- Wal,tid, Cairo 1384/1964, i, 94-100, iii, 526-34, 5461. 10,580; Ibn Nasir aI-Din, Djtimi' al-tit;fltir fi mawlid al-nabf al-mukhttir, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 913, fols. 112b inf.-115b; al-MadjlisI, Bihiir al-tmuuir, Tehran 1384, xxi, 10010, 124-5; Ibn Shahrashub~- Manti~ib tu AM Ttilib, al-Nadjaf 1376/1956, i, 173, 177; al-Makdisi, ai-Bad' wa 'l-ta'rzkh, ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1919, iv, 125-6, 232-3; al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasti'il ila ma'riJat al-awti'il, Ms. Cambridge, Qq 33 (10) fols. 29b, 61a, 81b-82a, 102a-b; aI-I:IarbI, al-Manasik, ed. Hamad al-Djasir, al-Riyad 1389/1969, index; al-Suyiltl, al-Kha$a'i$ ol-kubrii; ed. Muhammad Khalil Haras, Cairo 1386/1967, ii, 77; al-Salihi, Subul al-hudii wa 'l-rashiid. fi sirat khayr al-'ibad, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal,tid, Cairo 1394/1974, ii, 241-2; al-rabarI, Ta'rzkh, index; al-Zurkani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, Cairo 1325, ii, 288 f.; W. Caskel, Gamharat an-Nasab, das genealogische Werk des Hisiim ibn Muluunmad al-Kalbz, Leiden 1966, ii, 39-40; Mukatil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet iii, 74/i, fols. 150b-151a; Ibn AbI Shayba, Ta'rikh, Ms. Berlin, 9409 (Sprenger 104), fols. 76a-78a; al-Samarkandi, Tcfsir, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3668, i, fols. 264b-265b; al-ShiblI, Ma~iisin al-wasii'il fi ma'ri/at al-awii'il, Ms. B.M., Or. 1530, fols. 59b-61b; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1953, 1956, indices; F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, repr. Heidelberg 1955, 279-80, 304-5. Further references in sources already mentioned in the article: alKala'I, al-Ikti/ii', i, 71-80; al-Kazarunr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, fo1. 246ab; 'AIr b. Burhan al-Dm, ol-Siro. al-~alabiyya, ii, 81-121; al-BaladhurI, Futu~ al-buldiin, index; idem, Ansiib al-ashrii/, i, index; Nur al-Drn alHaythamI, Marljma' al-zawa'id, vi, 161 f.; Ibn 'Arabi, Mu~ii¢arat alobriir , i, 335-6, 427, ii, 292 1. 1, 36-42, 291; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira alnabawiyya, index; al-Tsaml, Simt al-nurljum al-'awiilz, i, 159 f., 181-6, ii, 123-4, 173-4; al-BakrI, Mu'rljam mii 'sta'rljam, index; al-Muttaki al-HindI, Kanz al-'ummiil, x, nos. 2085, 2092, 2114, 2123, xiii, nos. 338-46, 395-6, 402-5, 409, 425; Muhammad b. ij:abIb, al-Mu~abbar, ol-Muncmmok, indices; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishti~ii~, index; al-Fasr, Shi/a' al-ghariim, i, 359-78, ii, 44-59; al- Wakidt, al-Maghiizz, index.
BistamEI.pdf Bisá¹Äm b. Ḳays b. MasÊ¿Å«d b. Ḳays, Abu ʾl-á¹¢ahbÄʾ or AbÅ« Zīḳ (according to Ibn
al-KalbÄ«, Djamhara 203, nicknamed âal-Mutaḳammirâ)âpre-Islamic hero, poet and sayyid of the Banu ShaybÄn. His family was considered one of the three most noble and aristocratic Bedouin families (al-AghÄnÄ«, xvii, 105). His father is known (al-Muḥabbar, 253) as one of the âdhawÅ« Él-ÄkÄlâ (enjoying grants of the foreign rulers) and was granted by the SÄsÄnid kings as a fee Ubulla and the adjacent border territories (Ṭaff SafawÄn) against the obligation to prevent marauding raids of his tribesmen. Failing to fulfill his obligation in face of the opposition in his own tribe, and being suspected of plotting with Arab chiefs against Persian rule, he was imprisoned and died in a Persian gaol (al-AghÄnÄ«, xx, 140). It is a significant fact, that Bisá¹Äm did not avenge the death of his father. On the contrary, Persian diplomacy succeeded, despite the Arab victory at DhÅ« ḲÄr, in assuring the collaboration of Bisá¹Äm, and a fairly trustworthy tradition (al-NaḳÄʾiá¸, 580) shows that the ShaybÄnÄ« troops were equipped by the Persian Ê¿Ämil at ÉAyn al-Tamr. Born in the last quarter of the 6th century A.D. (T. Nöldeke, in Der Islam, xiv, 125) Bisá¹Äm became a leader of his tribe at the age of twenty (Ibn al-KalbÄ«, op. cit.) and succeeded in uniting his tribe: he is known as one of the âdjarrÄrÅ«nâ (al-Muḥabbar, 250). Abandoning the idea of fighting the Persians he directed all his activities against his neighbours of the BanÅ« TamÄ«m. His first raid against the BanÅ« YarbÅ«É, a branch of the BanÅ« TamÄ«m, wasâaccording to al-BalÄdhurÄ«âat al-AÉshÄsh (AnsÄb, x, 998 b). The ShaybÄnÄ« troops were defeated, Bisá¹Äm himself was captured and released without ransom. His second raid was probably at ḲushÄwa (AnsÄb, x, 1003b). Here it is clearly mentioned that Bisá¹Äm commanded the attacking troops, but the raid itself was insignificant and ended with seizing of camels of a clan of the BanÅ« SalÄ«á¹. To the same early period belongs apparently the encounter
with al-AḳraÉ b. ḤÄbis at SalmÄn, in which al-AḳraÉ was captured. A more serious enterprise was the raid of GhabÄ«á¹ al-Madara (known as the Yawm Baá¹n Faldj). A tribal federation of the ThaÉÄlib was attacked and overcome by the troops of Bisá¹Äm, but when the attackers proceeded against the BanÅ« MÄlik b. Hanáºala, they met resistance and were put to flight with the aid of warriors of BanÅ« YarbÅ«É. Bisá¹Äm, captured by ÉUtayba b. al-ḤÄrith, had to pay a very high ransom and was compelled to promise not to attack the clan of ÉUtayba any more (AnsÄb, 998a, 988a, 995b, 996a). Breaking his promise he attacked after a short time the camp of ÉUtayba's son at DhÅ« ḲÄr (AnsÄb 995b, 998a) and succeeded in seizing the camels (the raid is also known as Yawm FayḥÄn). Not content with this victory, he prepared an attack on the BanÅ« TamÄ«m in order to capture ÉUtayba; but he was defeated in this battle at al-á¹¢amd (or DhÅ« Ṭulūḥ) and barely escaped with his life (AnsÄb, 998a). A further battle at al-UfÄḳa (known as the battle of al-GhabÄ«á¹ayn or al-ÉUáºÄla), prepared and aided by the Persian Ê¿Ämil at ÉAyn al-Tamr, ended with the defeat of the attackers and with the escape of Bisá¹Äm (AnsÄb, 1004 b). Bisá¹Äm fought his last battle at Naá¸³Ä al-Ḥasan. He was killed by a half-witted abbÄ«,
ÉÄá¹£im b. KhalÄ«fa, who is said to have boasted of his deed at the court of ÉUthmÄn. The date of his death may be fixed at circa 615 A.D. Very little is known about the posterity of Biá¹£á¹Äm. His grand-daughter ḤadrÄÉ, the daughter of his son Zīḳ was about to marry al-Farazdaḳ but died before the appointed date. Bisá¹Äm is said to have been a Christian. He was the sayyid of his tribe; when the news of his death reached his tribe, they pulled down their tents as an expression of their sorrow. Many elegies were composed on his death, and his person was glorified as the ideal of Bedouin courage and bravery. But in the times of al-DjÄḥiáº, in the urban mixed society of the towns of ÉIrÄḳ, his glory faded away and the common people preferred to
listen to the story of ÉAntara (al-BayÄn, i, 34) which came closer to their social equalitarian tendencies (cf. EI, s.v. Ê¿Antara, R. Blachère). (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Sources quoted in E. Bräunlich, Bisá¹Äm b. Ḳays, Leipzig 1923 and by Th. Nöldeke, in his review of Bräunlich's book in Isl. xiv, 123 Ibn al-KalbÄ«: Djamharat al-Nasab, MS Brit. Mus. No. Add. 23297 (reported by Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b), 203 al-BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb, MS., x, 988a, 995b, 998a, 1003b, 1004b al-DjÄḥiáº, al-BayÄn (ed. SandÅ«bÄ«) index Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar (ed. Lichtenstaedter) index al-SuwaydÄ«, SabÄʾik, BaghdÄd 1280, 103, 112, 113 al-ÄmidÄ«, al-Muʾtalif, 64, 141 al-MarzubÄnÄ«, MuÊ¿djam al-ShuÊ¿arÄʾ (ed. Krenkow) 300, 324, 405 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamhara (ed. Lévi-Provençal), 306 DjawÄd ÉAlÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, BaghdÄd 1955, 362-3, 370 R. Blachère, A propos de trois poètes arabes d'époque archaïque in Arabica, iv, 231-249 W. Caskel, AijÄm al-Ê¿Arab, in Islamica, iii, 1-100
Muḥammad b. ZiyÄd al-AÉrÄbÄ«, AsmÄʾ al-Khayl (ed. Levi della Vida), 60, 89 AbuÉl-BaḳÄÉ HÄ«bat AllÄh, al-ManÄḳib (B.M. MS. 23296), 36a, 38b, 42a, 44a, 111b al-DjÄḥiáº, al-ḤayawÄn (ed. ÉA. S. HÄrÅ«n), i, 330, ii, 104. [Print Version: Volume I, page 1247, column 2] Citation: Kister, M.J. âBisá¹Äm b. Ḳays b. MasÉÅ«d b. Ḳays, Abu Él-á¹¢ahbÄÉ or AbÅ« Zīḳ.â Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.
crowns.pdf "THE CROWNS OF THIS COMMUNITy" ... SOME NOTES oN THE TURBAN IN THE MUSLIM TRADITION M.J. Kister
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
I The tradition recorded in Nabia Abbot's Studies in Arabic Papyri III was only conjecturally read by the author: balaghana anna rasula llahi salla llahu `alayhi wa-sallama qala: tijanu hadhihi l-ummati l-`amalu [] yaquluha fi l-`idayni wa-yauma I-jum`ati. Professor Abbot described the papyrus as a document written in the late second century of the hijra; she assumed that the author- of the· papyrus was Qutayba b. Sa`ld al-Balkhi (d. 240/854).2 This partly deciphered statement, attributed to the Prophet and transmitted in various versions in the compendia of hadith, is often coupled with two or three additional statements ascribed to the Prophet. The first phrase of the combined statement, often quoted separately, and provided with explanations and comments, was transmitted in a concise form: al-`ama'imu tijanu I-`arabi, "The turbans are the crowns of the Arabs."3 This seems to be with all probability the correct reading of
1 Qur'anic Commentary and Tradition, The University of Chicago, Oriental Institute Publications, vol. 76, 11, 1967, Document 3, verso, 11.15-16. 2 Ibid., pp. 143-145. 3See e.g., Ibn Hajar al-`AsqalanI, Fada'ilu l-qur'ani l-karim, al-Sayyid al-Jamili, ed. (Beirut, 1986), p. 144: wa-huwa ka-qawihim: al-'ama'imu tfjanu l-'arabi li-kauniha taqllmu maqama l·tfjani; and see `Abd ai-Malik b. Mul]ammad alTha`aIibI, Thimaru l-quillb /f l-mudaJ wa-l-manfllb, MUl}ammadAbu I-Fa4I IbrahIm, ed. (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 159 (see the references of the editor). MUQammad DarwIsh ai-Hut, Ama I-matalib /f a/}aduha mukhtaliJati I-maratib, Khalil ai-Mays, ed. (Beirut, 1403/1983), p; 208, no. 942 stresses the weak character of the tradition: turuquhu kulluha da`fjatun, Wa-!lunua min kalami l-zuhri kama dhakarahu l-ba!lhaqi. Mul]ammad b. Al]mad b. Jiira11iihal-~afadr I-YamanI, al-Nawajilu I-`atira /f l-a/}oduhi I-mu.htahira, Mul]ammad `Abd al-Qadir `A~ii,ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 207, no. 1130 (see also the references of the editor); Mul}ammad b. `Abd al-Ralpnan al-SakhiiwI, al·Maqofidu l./}a.ana ji-ba!lani kathfrin min al·a/}aduhi l·mu.htahira `ala l-al,ina, `Abdallah MUl}ammad al-~q and 'Abd al-Wahhiib `Abd al-La~if, eds. (Beirut, 1399/1979),291, no. 717; (see the various versions and the references). Abu Sa'd 'Abd ai-Malik b. Mul]ammad al-Wii`i~ al-KhargiishI, al-Bi,hara wa-l-nidhara /f ta`biri l-ru'!la wa-l-muraqaba, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 6262, fo!' 127a: wa-aula l-ki.wati bi-taqdfmi I-dhikri al·'amo'imu Ja-innaha tfjanu I-'arabi ... ; al-Raghib al-¥ahanI, Mu/}adaratu I·udabii' (Beirut, 1961), vo!' 4, p. 371; Abu Bakr Al]mad b. `Abdallah al-
217
218
M.J, Kister
the short phrase of the tradition, as given in the papyrus: tZjiinu hiidhihi l-ummati l-camii'imu, "The crowns of this people are the turbans." This statement is attributed in several early sources to 'Umar b. alKhattab." It is recorded in Mughultay's al-Zahr al-biisim and is attributed to cAll b. AbI Talib, though Mughultay mentions that it was attributed to the Prophet as well.5 This notion of equating turbans with crowns was rooted in the society of the Arab peninsula in the period of the Jahiliyya. Wearing a turban implied strength and honour, symbolized the authority of a clan or tribal group and reflected high military position and leadership. MuCammam or muiassab, "dressed in a turban," referred to a man appointed as chief of his people. It corresponds to the expressions tuwwija, "he was crowned," or suwwida, "he was granted the control of a tribal group," which are used regarding the non-Arabs." The expression almu' ammam also entailed the responsibility ofthe appointed chief: every offense committed by a member of the tribe was figuratively fastened to his turban; he was responsible for the evil deeds of the members of his clan or tribe." Before the advent ofIslam, only the Arabs (i.e., the tribal society of the Arab peninsula-k) wore turbans, the crowns of the Arabs.8 The Bedouin provenance of the above statement - "The Crowns of the Arabs" is clearly reflected in CAlIb. Ahmad al-cAzlzI's explanation of the tradition: "The turbans are like the crowns for the kings of the Arabs, because the majority of the Arabs (i.e., the Bedouins-k] are bareheaded and turbans are scarce among them."?
Kindt al-Samdf al-NazwI, al-Mufannaf, 'Abd al-Mun'im 'Amir and Jadallah Ahmad, eds.(Cairo, 1979), 12, p. 70; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, Subhl l-Salih, ed. (Damascus, 1381/1961), vol. 2, p. 739. 4 AI-Ja\:li~, al-Bayan wa-l-ta~yfn, 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Harlin, ed., n.p., n.d. (probably Beirut, fourth edition), vol. 3, p. 100 and vol. 2, p. 88; al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, Mu~at/arilt al-udaba', vo\. 3-4, p. 371. 5 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fo\' 219b. And see Ibn alDayba', Taysfr al-wuful ila jami' I-Uful min ~adfthi l-rasiil (Cairo, 1390/1970), vo\. 4, p. 186. 6 See L'A, s.v. 'mm: ('ammama) wa-'ummima l-rajul, suwwida, Ii-anna tfjana l-'arabi l-'ama'imu, [a-kullamii qua if l-'ajami tuwwija, tpia if l-'arabi 'ummima. And see Hamza al-~fahanI, al-Durra al-fakhira if l-amthiili l-sa'ira, 'Abd al-Majjd Qa~amish, ed. (Cairo, 1971), vo\. 1, p. 123, no. 115: fa-ka-anna 'ummima bi-iza'i ma yuqalu if l-'ajami tuwwija. 7l;Iamza al-Isfahanf', al-Durra al-fakhira, vo\. 1, p. 123; and see al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~at/arat al-udaba', vo\. 3-4, p. 371: wa-qau/uhum "sayyidun mu'ammamun, mu'aHabun" ifhi ta'Wfiani a~aduhuma huuia l-muta'aHabu bijara'iri qaumihi uia-l-iikh aru bi-ma'na I-sharafi. 8 Ibn N~ir al-Dm, Jami' al-iiihiir , MS., Cambridge Or. 913, fo\' 204a: amma fa~ibu l-taj, [a-qiila abu I-fat/I 'iyat/ [a-l-muriid bihi l-'imama, lam takun ~fna'idhin ilia li-l-i arabi ; and see al-MajJisI, Bi~aru 1-IJnwar, vo\. 16, p. 131, Jawad al-'AlawI and Muhammad al-AkhundI, eds.(Tehran, 1379): wa-amma I-taju [a-l-murnd bihi l-'imamatu, wa-lam yakun ~fna'idhin ilia li-I-'arabi. 9 'Alf b. Ahmad al-'AzIzI, al-Siraj al-munfr, shar~ 'ala I-jami' I-lJaghfr if a~adfthi
The Turban in the Muslim Tradition
219
According to tradition, several' eminent persons in Mecca, such as the leaders of tribal clans, attained a conspicuous privilege: when the leader wore a turban of a certain colour, no one else in Mecca had the right to wear one of the same colour. For instance, in the late period of the Jjihiliyya, SacId b. al_c.A~ Umayya who received the sobriquet dhii b. l-cimiima was granted such a privilege.l? According to a verse recorded in Hamsa al-Isfahani's ol-Durra al fiikhira, a poet praised Sa'Id b. al-c.A~, saying: "When Abii-cUl].ayl].a,(i.e., Sa'Id b. al-'.A~-k), puts the turban on his head (in his characteristic way -k}, any man who imitates him will be beaten, even if he is a man of wealth and [has a] large number" (scil. of relatives and allies). 11 A tradition recorded by al-.AbI12provides a vivid description of the rivalry between Sa'Id b. al-c.A~and the renowned warrior who distinguished himself in the battle of al-Fijar, al-Zubayr b. cAbd al-Muttalib. AI-Zubayr was the leader of the Hashimi branch of Quraysh in the war of Fijar. He initiated the confederation of the ~ilf al-fu¢.iil, and was appointed by his father as his heir and trustee and became a mediator in the complicated problems of conflicts and peace making. He was the uncle of the Prophet and was highly respected in Mecca.P According
I-bashir l-nadlur li-Jaliili i.ot« I-Suy11tf (Cairo, 1377/1957), vol. 2, p. 474: al'amii'imu tfjiinu I·' arabi, ay hiya lahum bi-manzilati I.tfjiini li-l-mulUki, li-annahu aktharu mii yakununa bi-I-bawiidf, ru'usuhum makshuJatun, wa-I-'amii'imu fihim qalilatun; cr. al-Kinanf', al-Di'iima li-ma'riJati a/]kiimi sunnati I-'imiima (Damascus, 1342), p. 6, ll. 1-3. 10 See Abu 'Ubayda Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna, Kitiib al-dibiij, 'Abdallah b. Sulayrnan al-Jarbu' and 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sulayman al-'Uthaymin, eds. (Cairo, 1411/1991), p.130. ll.l:lamza al-Isfahant, al-Durra al-Jiikhira, vol. 1, p, 122: Abu U/]ay/]ata man ya'tammu 'immatahu ywjrab, wa-in kiina dhii miilin wa-dhii 'adadi. See also the reference of the editor. For more on Sa'Id b. al-'A~, nicknamed dhu I-'imiimati, see Muhammad b. Hablb, al-Mu/]abbar, lise Lichtenstaedter, ed. (Hyderabad, 1361/1942), p. 165; and see Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shiblt, Ma/]iisin al-wasii'il :If ma'riJati I-awii'il, Muhammad al-TunjI, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 241; al-Jahis, al-Bayiin wa-I-tabyfn, 'Abd al-Salam Mul}ammad Harun, ed., vol. 3, p. 97; al-Jahis, al- Tiij:lf akhliiqi I-muluki, Al}madZakI Pasha, ed. (Cairo, 1732/1914), pp. 47, p. 196. Ibn Hajar al~'AsqalanI, al-Ifiiba :If tamyfzi I-fa/]iiba, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1970), vol. 3, p. 289 inf., no. 3768; al-BaladhurI, Ansiib al-ashriiJ vol. 1, Muhammad Hamtdullah, ed. (Cairo, 1959), index; Abu Dawud al-Sijistani, alMariisil, 'Abd al-'AzIz 'Izzu l-Drn al-Sayrawan, ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), 241, no. 98, 3; Abu Bakr passed by the grave of Sa'td b. al-'A, and cursed him because he opposed God (kiina mU/]iiddan li-lliihi) and His apostle. A son of Sa'Id b. al-'A~ replied by cursing Abu Bakr's father. The Prophet then prohibited the cursing of individual unbelievers, as this may enrage the living (descendants or relatives -k). However, he permitted the cursing of unbelievers as a group. See also Ahmad b. 'All al-QashanI b. Babah, Ra'su miili I-nadfmi :If tawiin'khi a'yiini ahli I-isliim, Suhayl Zakkar, ed., Beirut, 1418/1997, p. 111. 12 Mansur b. al-Husayn al-AbI, Nathr al-durr, Muhammad 'All Qarna and 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, eds.(Cairo, 1380), vol. 1, p. 395-6. 13 For more on him, see: Abu Hilal al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah al-'AskarI, al-Awii'il
220
M.J. Kister
to the story recorded by al-AbI, al-Zubayr b. cAbd al-Muttalib returned from a journey in Syria and went to. his dwelling. When he lay down, putting his head on the bosom of his maid-servant who combed his hair, he was surprised by her question: "Are you not frightened by the story?" She told him that Sa'Id b. al-cAI!!orbade any distinguished QurashI (alf abta~i -k) to wear a turban (similar to his own -k) on the same day that he wore it. AI-Zubayr, shocked by the news, seized the lock of his hair from the hand of the servant, ordered her to bring him his turban ("the long one"), jumped hastily on the saddled horse and hurriedly traversed the wadI in order to apprehend Sa'Id b. al_cA~. When Sa'Id received the news concerning al-Zubayr b. "Abd al-Muttalib, he fled in haste to al-Ta'if. Since the imiima was a symbol of strength and power, apostles, saints and prophets are said to have been granted the privilege of wearing the Cimiima among their insignia. "I was ordered to wear the cimiima, the sandals, and the seal," said the Prophet.l" According to a tradition recorded by al-Zurqani, one of the titles of the Prophet mentioned in the Gospel (inju) was ~ii~ibu l-tiij, which is glossed by the author ~iihibu
C
l_cimiima.15
In the traditions concerning the imiima, there is an evident tendency to praise the value of Bedouin dress, customs and weapons. The story of the appointment of CAllas the head of the expedition against some Arab tribes, reported by Abu 'Ubayda al-Hima, contains a peculiar passage concerning the Prophet's attitude towards the Bedouins. The Prophet dtessed CAllb. Abi TaIib in a black Cimiimaj he put the (fringes -k) of the cimiima on his back (or on his shoulder -k) and said: "You should use the Arab spears [i.e., the Bedouin ones -k) and Arab bows (al-qisiyy al-Cambiyya). By the means of these (weapons -k) God will grant victory to your faith (yan~uru lliihu di7U.Ikum) and will aid you in conquering the lands (wa-yafta~u lakumu l-biliida) .16
(Beirut, 1"407/1987), 37-38: .â¢. wa-qala l-zubayru, wa-kana fa~iba hadha 1-~iljL .. ; Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqat al-kubra (Beirut, 1380/1960), vol. 1, p. 85 inC.: ... wa-qala 'Abdu I-Muttalibi jf dhalika: sa-u§f Zubayran in tawaJat maniyyatf: bi-imsaki ma baynl wa·bayna banI 'amri wa·an ya~Jafi 1-~iIJa lladhf sanna shaykhuhu: wa-lti yu/~idan jfhi bi-fu/min wa·la ghadri qiila: Ja·au~ii 'Abdu I-Muttalibi ilii 'bnihi I·Zubayri bni 'Abdi I·Muffa/ibi, wa-au§a I-Zubayru ilii Abf Talibin, wa-aufii Abu rsuu« ilii 1·'Abbasi bni l-Muttalibi. 14 AI-NazwI, al-Mu~annaJ, h, 70. Cf. Al}mad b. Mul}ammad al-MaghribI, Fat~ almuta'iil jf mad~i I-ni'iil (Hyderabad, 1334), p. 101: wa-fihi annahu fii~ibu I-mi¢ra'ati wa-I-'imiimati wa-hiya I-tiiju, wa-I-hariiwati, wa-hiya I-qa¢lbu. And see the statement of Malik (b. Anas) in al-'AynI's' Umdat al-qiirf, shar~ fa~i1}i I·Bukhtirf (Beirut, 1348), vol. 21, p. 307:' al-'immatu wa-I-i~tibii'u wa·l-inti'iil min 'amali I-'arabi. 15 AI-Zurqaru, Shar~ 'alii I-mawiihibi I-Iaduniyya li-I-Qastalliinf (Cairo, 1326), vol. 3, p. 135, I. 4. 16 Ibn ~ajar al-'Asqalaru, al-Ifoba jf tamyfzi I-fa~iiba, 'All Muhammad al-BijawI,
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
221
The debate over the quality of Arab weapons is repeated some seven centuries after the death of the Prophet. According to this report, the people of Khurasan claimed that it is useless to fight with the Arab bow; the most useful and efficientweapon being the Persian bow. People in.the border areas of the Muslim empire found the Persian bow incomparable to any other weapon because of its fine quality. A I],adfth of the Prophet was quoted in order to refute the erroneous opinion as to the preference of the Persian bow; it is, in fact, the I],adfth quoted in the preceding story with some minor changes.!" The importance of caring for the Bedouins' welfare is emphasized in the will of 'Umar, who named the Bedouins "the root of the Arabs and their mainstay." 18 In another letter of 'Umar, which he sent to the Muslim warriors in Adharbayjan, he summoned them to follow the ways of their ancestor Isma'Il, to wear the iziir, the ridii' and the sandals,
ed. (Cairo, 1971), vol. 4, p. 25; and see another version, ibid.: The Prophet dressed 'AlI in an 'imama on the day of GhadIr Khumm. See also al-Maqrfzr, Imta'u 1aama' bi-ma li-l-raauli mina l-anba'i wa-l-amwali wa-l-I}afadati wa-l-mata', Mahmud Muhammad Shakir, ed. (Cairo, 1941), vol. 1, p. 502: The Prophet sent 'All at the head of a troop to Yemen; he took a turban ('imama), rolled it two or four times, placed it on a spear and handed it over to 'All as a flag. He then dressed 'All in a .black turban, and wound it three times around his head, letting (the fringe of the imama -k) hang one .cubit in front of him and a certain distance (shibr) from behind him. The Prophet then said: "This is the proper way of winding the 'imama" (hakadha l-'imamatu). And see the version recorded in Dhahabr's Mfzan al-i'tidal, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 2, pp. 396-7. The Prophet stated that the angels sent by God to aid him on the day of Hunayn and on the day of Badr were clad in turbans wound in this fashion. He further remarked that the turbans distinguish between the Muslims and the unbelievers, Glancing at the attending people, the Prophet noticed a man with an Arab bow, and another with a Persian bow. The Prophet recommended the Arab bow and the Arab spears; by these God will aid the believers on Earth. See another version of the story of 'All who was sent by the Prophet on the day of Bi'r Khumm (the correct name of the place is evidently "Ghadlr Khumm" -k) with a group of warriors. The Prophet noticed a man with a Persian bow and another with an Arab bow among the warriors. The Prophet addressed the man with the Persian bow saying: "Throwaway this bow, as it is a cursed bow and cursed is the man who carries it. You have to carry the Arab bow." The Prophet enjoined the use of Arab bows and Arab spears; by these weapons God will strengthen the faith (of Islam -k) and make your grip on the land firm (wa-biha yumakkinu llahu jf l-bilad), in Abu Dawnd Sulayman b. al-Ash'ath alSijistani, al-Marasil, 'Abd al-'Azlz 'Izzu l-Din al-Sayrawan, ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), p. 182, no. 28; and see Ibn Abll;!atim, 'Ilal al-I}adfth (Cairo, 1343), vol. 1, p. 486, no. 1457. l7lbn Taymiyya, Iqtitja'u l-firati l-mustaqfm mukhalafatu afl}abi l-jal}fm, Muhammad I;!a:mid al-Fiqt, ed. (Cairo, 1369/1950), p. 140. Note the expression, rimal} ol-qan« in this version; and see the interesting remark of the editor concerning the need to improve the weapons of the Muslims. Cf. the tradition in al-Bayhaqr's al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad, 1355), vol. 10, p, 14-15. 18 See 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, Fahrm Muhammad Shalttlt, ed. (Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), vol. 3, p, 937: ... wa-u§ikum bi-l-
a'rabi, facinnahum
aflukum wa-maddatukum
....
222
M.J. Kister
to throwaway the trousers (al-sariiwiliit) and the boots (al-khifiif), to enjoy (the warmth of) the sun as that of a bath, and to stay away from alien fashions (ziyy al-Cajam) and luxuries (tanaCum). He advised them to live frugally, to gallop on horses and to engage in target practice with arrows. 19 The pious among the Umayyad governors demanded justice for the Bedouins. The famous ascetic, cA~a.)b. Abi Rabal}., a black slave in Mecca, was one of the great scholars widely respected for his knowledge of lJaduh and fiqh as well as his integrity. According to a report recorded in the Tadhkira of Ibn Hamdiin, cA~a.)entered the court of Sulayman b. cAbd al-Malik; when asked about his wishes, he bade the ruler to act according to the will of the Prophet. He asked to give the sons of the Muhii.jirun and the sons of the Anlllar their pay, and to care for the welfare of the desert dwellers (al-biidiya), since they are the mainstay (miiddatun) of the Arabs. He also requested that Sulayman alleviate the khariij tax levied on the dhimmis, since they help defend the ruler from the Muslim community's enemies as well as their own. In addition, he asked to extend help to the people of the frontiers (ahl al-thughiir), because they serve by defending the community (fa-innahu yudfaCu bihini
an hiidhihi l-umma).2o
The Prophet is said to have predicted that after his death there will ensue vehement civil wars (fitan) in which the dwellers of the deserts (ahlu l-bawiidi) will not be wet by the blood of the people nor by the seizing of their possessions. 21 _ The "imiima remained a symbol of strength, power, dignity, and honour. ''The turban denotes the dignity of the believer and the strength of the Arabs; if they remove their turbans, they will lose their strength." 22
19 Al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al·kubra, vol.. 10, p. 14inf.j and see the explanation of some of the expressions in the letter of 'Umar: aI-Sar-arInI, Ghidha'u l-albab li-8har~i man~umati l-adab (Cairo, 1325), vol, 2, pp. 280-82; and see another version of this letter in Ibn al-JauzI, Manaqib amiri l-mu'minina 'umara bni l-khattabi, Zaynab Ibrahtm aI-Qiiriit, ed. (Beirut, 1402/1982), 127 inf.-128 sup. 20 Muhammad b. aI-ijasan (Ibn Hamdan), al· Tadhkira al·~amduniyya, Il;tsan 'Abbas, ed. (Beirut-Tripoli [Tunis], 1984), vol. 2, p. 92j cf. aI-FasI, al-'/qd althamin fi ta'n'khi l-baladi I-amin (Cairo, 1386/1966), vol. 6, p. 92; and see Abii Yiisuf, Wafiyyat Abi YU8UJ/i-Hanin al·Ra,hid, Mul;tammad b. ibrahIm al-Banna, ed. (Cairo, 1971), p. 25, no. 31. 21 Sulaymiin b. Al;tmad aI-TabaranI, Mu.nad al-.hamiyyin, ijamdr 'Abd aI·MajId aI-Silall, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 394, no. 1562. 22 See aI-Mawardi, al-Amthal wa-l-~ikam, Fu'iid 'Abd aI-Mun'im Al;tmad, ed. (aIDauhe, 1403/1983), p, 133, no. 554 (191): i'tammu tazdadu ~ilman. And see Anonymous, Mal]allin al-ma,a'ifi manaqib al-Auza'i p. 54. (The saying is attributed to aIAuza'I). Cf. al-Raghib aI-~ahiinI; Mu~a4arat al-udaba', vol. 3-4, p, 371 (attributed to the Prophet); al-NazwI, al-MufannaJ, /2, p. 10 (attributed to the Prophet; another version, 'ilman is also recorded). This tradition was considered as "a weak one" by al-Bukharr, but was considered sound by aI-ijakim; see the discussion in ZurqiinI's Shar~ al-mawahib, vol. 5, p. 14 11.8-9. The tradition which claims that believers who
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
223
The Bedouin customs were considered worthy of imitation. The Prophet himself is said to have approved of them. Al-Sharif al-Hadi quotes the prophetic statements concerning the crowns of the Arabs, coupled with the saying about the fashion of sitting peculiar to the Arabs (scil. the Bedouins -k): al-i/.ltiba' /.latan al-carab. In this style of sitting, the Bedouin places the palms of his hands, or a part of his garment which is fastened to his shoulders, under his thighs while sitting on his heels. This manner of sitting, called i/.ltiba', corresponds to the way the sedentary people sit, leaning their backs against a wall.23 A tradition recorded in al-Tirmidhi's Au~af al-nabi says that the Prophet used to sit in the mosque in the i/.ltibii' manner. 24 A widely circulated saying describes the carab in the following way: "God distinguished the Bedouins by four (favourable -k) features: the turbans are their crowns, their customary way of sitting (i/.ltibii') does not require walls, their swords are their clothing (sijanuha), and poetry is their dawan.,,25 The meaning ofthe statement al-suyiifu sajanuha can be gauged from a response given by one of the Shri imams: if a man has no garment (thaub), but is in the possessionof a sword, he is permitted to gird himself with the sword and pray.26 The same meaning is indicated in a statement of CAll . Abi Talib: "The sword has the status of a cloth; b the prayer of the believer is permitted if he is (merely -k) girded with a sword, except if he finds blood on it.,,27 The word "imiima implies the idea of nobility and dignity, corresponding to the idea of crowns (tijan) of the non-Arab kings. The Arabs therefore say: "Never did an cimama-wearing man lose his mind" (ma
remove their turbans will lose their strength is recorded in al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 36b: i'tammu tazdadu Qilman wa-waqaran, fa-idha tarakat ummatf l-a'immata tarakat 'izzaha wa-waqaraha; al-Munawt, Faytju l-qadir vol. 4, p. 392: al-'ama'imu tfjanu I-'arabi, fa-idha watja'u I-'ama'ima watja'u 'izzahum; alTha'alibt, Thimiiru I-qulub, Muhammed Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, ed. (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 159, no. 222; ja'a jf I-khabar: inna I-'ama'ima tfjanu I-'arabi fa-idha watja'uha
al-Majazat al-nabawiyya, Mahmud Mu~~aIa, ed. (Cairo, 1356/1937), pp. 152-3, no. 156; and see Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyunu l-akhbiir (Cairo, 1964), vol. 1, p. 300; and see the detailed explanation of this manner of sitting in Lane's Dictionary, s.v. Qbw. 24 Al- Tirmidhl, Au~af ai-nab! (I?), Samih 'Abbas, ed. (Beirut-Cairo, 1405/1985), p. 128, no. 122; and see the description of the iQtiba' manner of sitting supplied by the editor. 25 Al-Zamakhsharr, Rabi'u l-abriir , MS. Br. Mus. 6511, fol. 106b; on sfjan see Abu 'Umar Yusuf al-Qurtubi, Bahjat al-majalis wa-unsu l-rnujiilis , Muhammad Mursi al-Khulf and 'Abd al-Qadir al-Qi~~, ed. (Cairo, 1969), vol. 2, pp. 59-60; and see a slightly different version: "People used to say: the Arabs were singled out from among the other peoples by four features: the turbans are their crowns, the coats of mail (ai-duro') are their walls, the swords are their clothing (al-suyufu sfjanuha) and the poetry is their dfwan," in al- Tha'alibi, Tbimiir ol-quliib, p. 159, no. 222. 26 AI-MajlisI, BiQaru I-anwar, vol. 83, p. 191. 27 AI-MajlisI, BiQaru I-anwar, vol. 83, p. 189.
wada'a lliihu 'izzahum. 23 AI-Sharif al-Radi,
224
safiha mu'tamim
M.J. Kister
qattu). In accordance with this perception, al-Sharif al-Radl explains the versElof al-Farasdaq: idhii miilikun alqii l-ciiniimata /(j-~dharfj: bawiidira kaffay miilikin ~fna yaghf!,abu
"When Malik discards the 'imiima, beware of the fits of passion of his hands when he becomes angry." AI-Sharifal-Ra4i explains convincingly that when the man is dressed in a turban his behaviour is quiet, without any fits of violence. In the same way he explains the famous verse:
anii bnu jalii wa-talliicu l-thaniiya: mata af!,aci l-cimamata tacri/iinf.
The verse implies a threat of violence when the man removes the
cimiima.28
II
A substantial change in the significance of the "imiima took place with the advent ofIslam. When the Prophet brought the clothes ofthe sadoqo and divided them among the Companions, he ordered them to wear the camii'im, in order to distinguish themselves from the people who preceded them.29 This prophetic injunction clearly implies that the "imiima is the headgear of the believers: the unbelievers of old did not wear
camii'im.
Another tradition with an obvious Muslim tendency contains the dictum about the camii'im as crowns of the Arabs and the statement about the il}tibii'; the third phrase of the tradition says: the sitting of the believer in the mosque is his ribat (i.e., his military station in which he expects to receive the order to fight the unbelievers _k).3o This segment of the tradition is indeed innovative and surprising. The ancient
28 AI-Shari1'al-RaQ1, al·Majazat al-nabawiyya, pp. 152-153, no. 156; see the editor's critical remark claiming that in this verse "mata alja'i l-imama" means: "when I put on the 'imama," and not "when I remove the 'imama." In the preceding verse I read "yaghljabu," following the edition of the Diwan of al-Farazdaq by 'Abdallah Isma'Il al-$&wI (Cairo, 1354/1936), p. 31, penult. instead of tU'fabu, as read by aI-Sharif al·RaQi. On Ibn Jala, see L'A, vol. 14, pp. 152-3, s.v. jala. 29, All b. Mul}.ammad b. 'Ariiq al-KinanI, TanzIh al-.han ...⢠al-marfii' a 'ani l-akMan a I-.hani'ati I·maulju'a, 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-La~if and 'Abdallah Mul}.ammad al-Slddrq, ed. (Beirut, 1399/1979), vol. 2, p. 272: ... i'tammu khalifii l·umama qablakum .... sOShIrawayh b. Shahridar, Firdaull al-akhbar, Fawwiiz al-Zimirli and Muhammad al-Mu't~im bi-llah (Beirut, 1407/1987), ed., vol. 3, p. 117, no. 4110; al-MunawI, Faylju I.qadir, vol. 4, p, 392, no. 5723; el-Shauksnr, al-Fawa'idu l-majmu'a fi 1al}adfthi l-maulju'a, 'Abd al-RaI].miin b. YaI}.ya1- Mu'allamII-YamanI, ed. (Beirut, 1393), p. 187, no. 538; al-'AjlUnI al-JarraJ:ir, Kashf al·khafa', vol. 2, p. 72, no. 1783: ... wa·l-iljtija'u fi 1- ma,iijidi ribiitu l-mu'min. 'All al-QarI, Ri.ala I}awiya li-masa'ila mu.htamilatin 'ala l·'imama wa-l· 'adhaba kammiyyatan wa·kayfiyyatan, MS. Hebrew University, Yahuda Ar., 990, 8, fol. 20 b, II. 3-4.
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
225
customs of Bedouin society are mentioned in this tradition jointly with a Muslim virtue. A tradition recorded by al- Tirmidhi states that the 'imiima forms a sign which separates the Muslims from the unbelievers; Muslims wear turbans, unbelievers do not.31 A more detailed tradition says that what marks the difference between the believers and the unbelievers are the turbans placed on the caps of the believers.V Since turbans are exclusively worn by believers, the privilege of wearing them should not be granted to the unbelievers. This is exemplified by the treatment meted out by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Azlz to the delegation of the Christian Banii Taghlib. They entered the court of 'Umar wearing turbans like those of the (Muslim -k) Arabs. They asked the Caliph to attach them to the heads of the Arabs (al~iqnii bi-l- 'ambi). The Caliph asked: "So who are you?" They answered: "Weare the Banii Taghlib." Then 'Umar inquired: "Are you not from among the noble Arabs?" (a-wa-Iastum min awiisiti l-'ambi?) They replied suecintly: "We are Christians." Then 'Umar ordered to bring him shears (al-jalam); he cut a part of their forelocks, removed their turbans and cut a part (shibr) of their dress (ridii'). He enjoined them to refrain from riding on saddles (al"suriij), and ordered them to put both their legs on one side of the riding beast.33
31 Al-Kinani, al-Di'Bma, 6 inf.: ... al- 'imama I}ajizatun bayna l-kufri wa-I-fmani, bayna I-muslimfna uia-l-mushrikin . Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Matiilibu I-'iiliya bizawii'idi I-masiinfdi I-thamiiniya, Yusuf 'Abdal-Hahman al-Mar'ashi, ed. (Beirut, 1407/1987), vol. 2, p. 257, nos. 2158-59; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI,Fatl}u t-ss«, sharI} ~al}fl}i l-Bukhiiri, Bulaq, 1301 (repr. Beirut) vol. 10, p. 232; al-'AynI, 'Umdatu I-qiirf, sh arb. ~al}fI}iI-Bukhiirf, vol. 21, p. 308 ... anna rasiila lliihi da'ii 'Alf b.Abf '!'iilib (r) yauma Ghadtri KhummJa-'ammamahu wa-arkhii 'adhabata l-'imiimati min khalfihi, thumma qiila: hiikadha la-i'tammu, [a-inna I-'ama'ima sfma'u I-islami wa-hiya 1I}ajizu bayna I-muslimfna uia-l-mushrikina, 32 Al-Kinanr, al-Di'Bma, 6-7; Ibn al-Dayba', Taysfru al-wu~iil ila jami'i l-usiil min I}adfthi l-rasiil (Cairo, 1390), vol. 4, p. 186; Ibn Qayyim a1-Jauziyya, Al}kiimahli I-dhimma, vol. 2, .p, 739 (and see the references of the editor); al-Munawl, FaytJu 1qadtr (Beirut, 1391/1972), vol. 4, p. 392, no. 5725 (and see the comments of Munawi;
al-Munawt, Sharl}u I-shama'ili li-I-tirmidhf ('alii .hamishi jam'i I-wasii'il If sharl}i 1shama'il li·l-tirmidhf li-'alf I-qarf) Cairo, 1318 (repr. Beirut), p. 165; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kobir , Harndf 'Abd al-Majld al-Silafi, ed. (n.p., 1405/1984), vol. 5, p.
71, no. 4614. 33 Ibn Taymiyya,
and see ibid. 429, no. 5849, and see the important explication of al-Munawt, ibid.); al-Dhahabi, Mfziin al-i'tidal, 'AlI Muhammad al-Bijawf, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 3, p. 546, no. 7522; al-Suyu~I, al-fliiwf li-I-Iatiiwf, Muhammad MUQyI I-Din 'Abd al-Hamrd, ed. (Cairo, 1378/1959), vol, 1, p. 111; 'All b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Sira al-I}alabiyya (Insan al-'uyUn jf sfrati I-amfnil-ma'mun) (Cairo, 1382/1962), vol. 3, p. 379; Ibn Hajar aJ-'AsqalanI, al-Iljaba jf tamyfzi I-Ijal}aba, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawl, ed .. (Cairo, 1971), vol. 6, p. 336; CC. al-Daylamr, Musnad al-firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty no. 3037, fol. 190 b: lii tazalu ummatf 'ala I-fitrati mii labisu I-'ama'ima 'ala l-qaliinisi; Ibn 'Araq, Tanzilui I-shari'a, vol. 2, p. 272; 'Abd al-Ra'ijf
lqtitja'u
I-lJiriiti I-mustaqfm,
Muhammad
l;Iamid al-FaqqI,
ed.
226
M.J. Kister
The change in the significance of the turban and its practical benefits, usually related in the books of adab,34 is evident in a tradition transmitted by Malik b. Anas. Malik recommends that the believers wear the turban and the striped garment (like that worn by the Prophet -k) on the two feasts (Ii l-efdayn) and on Friday, because the Prophet used to wear such clothes on these days. Malik quotes the saying of the Prophet: "God strengthened Islam by the turbans and the flags.,,35 He himself urged the people to wear turbans; he began to wear the eimama when he was very young and he did not have even one hair on his face. He reported on the authority of cAbd al-eAzlzb. al-Mu~~alib36 that he had been severely admonished by his father when he entered the mosque without an eimama.37 Malik relates that in the court of Rabi'a b. eAbd al-RaIpna.n38 he saw more than thirty people wearing t.urbans.39 In the mosque of the Prophet (in Medina -k), he met seventy men wearing turbans fastened under their chins (sabefna mu~annakan). All were righteous people: if one of them were to be put in charge of the treasury, he would be trustworthy (amfn). Malik did not begin to issue /atwas before he was granted the permission (ijaza) of forty men wearing turbans fastened under their chins.4o He reiterated his support for the fastening of the turban under the chin when he was asked about a believer who failed to fasten his turban in this manner. He disapproved of this act, stating that this is the fashion of the Nabatheans
(Cairo, 1369), p. 123; and see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kiim ahli I-dhimma, Subl}I l-~alil}, ed. (Damascus 1381/1961), vol. 2, pp. 742-44. 34 See e.g., Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiinu l·akhbiir (Cairo, 1383/1963), I, 300: A Bedouin was asked why he frequently (tukthiru) wears the turban; he answered: a bone containing (the organs of-k) hearing and seeing indeed deserveti to be guarded from heat and cold. When the turban was mentioned in Abu I-Aswad al-Du'alI's presence, he stated: "The turban is a form of protection in war. It insulates both in cases of heat and cold, it raises one's stature (ziyiidatun ji.l-qiima) and is indeed a habit of the Arabs (' iidatun min 'iidiiti 1-'arab). 35 Malik b. Anas, Ri,ala j11·,unan wa-l-mawii'if wa-l.iidab, 'Abdallah Al}mad Abu ZIna, ed. (Cairo, 1983). inf: in i,ta~a'ta allii ta4a'a l·'imiimata wa-l-burda j11-'fdayni wa-l.jumu'atiJa-f'al; balaghanf 'ani I-nabiyyi (~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam) annahu kiina yalba,u l·'imiimata wa-l-burda j11-'fdayni wa-l-jumu'ati wa-qiila: inna llaha ta'ala a'azza l-i.liima bi-l-'amii'imi wa-l-alwiyati. 36See on him: Ibn l;Iajar al-'AsqaliinI, Tahdhibu l·tahdhib (Hyderabad, 1326), vol. 6, p. 357, no. 682; and see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, al·qi,mu I-mutammim li-tiibi'f ahli I-madfna, Ziyad Mui}ammad M~ur, ed. (al-MadIna al-munawwara, 1408/1987),460, no. 392 (and see the references of the editor). 37Waki', Akhbiiru l-qu4iit, 'Abd al-'AzIz Mu,~ al-Maragru, ed. (Cairo, 1366/1947), vol. 1, p. 202. 3S See on him Ibn Sa'd, al- Taooqiit al-kubra, al-qillm al-mutammim, p. 320 (and see the abundant references of the editor). 39Waki', Akhbiiru l-qu4at vol. 1, p. 202; and see Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit, al-qiam al·mutammim, p, 321. 40 AI-ShaukanI, Naylu I-aufar, .har~ muntaqii I·akhbarmin a~iidfthi l-akhyar (Cairo, 1372/1953), vol. 2, pp. 121-22.
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
227
and not the fashion of the people (i.e., the believers -k). Only when the turban is a small one, and its fringes do. not reach the chin, or in the case of illness, is the believer permitted to refrain from fastening them under his chin and to remain at home. When Malik was asked about letting down the fringes of the "imiima behind the back of the believer, he stated that he knew only one man from among his contemporaries (mimman adraktuhu), who wore the turban in this way, namely cAmir b. "Abdallah b. al-Zubayr.t! "This fashion of wearing the turban is not forbidden (laysa dhiilika bi-I}ariim), but (it is preferable -k) to let the fringes down on the front (bayna yadayhi).42 Shici tradition asserts that a prayer recited by a believer wearing a turban not fastened under his chin is disliked.P The Shl'I imiims urged their followers to observe the custom of fastening the turban under their chin. The Prophet is said to have stated: "The distinction between the Muslims and the unbelievers is the fastening of the turbans under their chin.,,44 Another tradition attributed to the Prophet says that he enjoined the fastening of the turban under the chin and prohibited the wearing of the turban otherwise (wa-qad nuqila anhu (~aICam) annahu amara bi-l-talal}l}i wa-nahii cani l-iqtiCiit) .45 A very early statement transmitted by "Abd al-Hazzaq on the authority of Ma'mar-Layth- Tawus says that a believer who does not fasten the turban under his chin wears it in a satanic fashion (hiidhihi "immatu l-shaytiin).46 There is indeed a description of Satan fitting the description given in the utterance of Tawiis: when Iblis Was sent down from Heaven, he wore a turban not fastened under his chin, he was one eyed (aCwar), and wore a sandal (na I) on one of his legs.47 A turban worn by a believer who did not fasten it under his chin is called al-i imiima al-muqaCCata (or muqtaCita). This manner of wearing the turban is said to have been common among the people of Liit and
C C
41 See on him: Al-Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah b. al-Mus'ab, al-ZubayrI, Nasab quraysh, E. Levi Provencal, ed. (Cairo, 1953), p. 243, 1. 12; and see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Toh dhibu I-tahdhib, vol. 5, p. 74, no. 117. 42 Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qan, vol. 21, p. 307; and see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Fatly ai-barf, sharI} ~al}il}i l-Bukhiiri; vol. 10, p. 232,1. 10. 43 Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. 'All al-TusI, al-Nihaya if mujarradi I-fiqhi wa-IJatiiwa, Beirut, p. 98: wa-yukrahu li-I-insani an yu~alliya Jf'imamatin Iii lyunuko lahii. 44 Al-Majlisf, Bil}aru l-anwar, vol. 83, p. 194: ... wa-qala I-nabiyyu sollii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: al-Jarqu bayna I-muslimina uia-i-mushrikina al-talal}l}f bi-I'ama'imi. 45 Al-Majlist, Bil}aru I-anwiir, vol. 83, p. 194; al-Jauharf identifies the verbal noun al-talal}l}f with al-tal}annuk. 46 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Hammam al-San'anr, al-Mul/annaJ, Habrbu l-Rahman alA'!?amI, ed. (Beirut, 1392/1972), vol. 11, p. 80, no. 19978; and see Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalifi I-I}adfthi, p. 422. 47 Al-Tha'Iabi, 'Ara'is al-majalis, (Qillal! al-anbiya'), n.p., n.d., p. 50 ult.
228
M.J. Kister
was forbidden by the Prophet.48 A Shi"I statement, recorded on the authority of the imam al-Sadiq says: "He who wore the "imiittu: and did not fasten it under his chin, let him not blame anyone except himself if he is inflicted with a pain for which there is no remedy."49 The opinions of the scholars who urged the fastening of the "imiima under the chin are contradicted by ShaficI scholars who did not consider the fastening of the Cimama under the chin as sunna.50 Some reservations concerning the fastening of the cimama's fringe under the chin can be discerned in the formulation of the ~adfth attributed to the Prophet, which states that the fastening of the fringe of the cimama under the chin marks the difference between the believers and the unbelievers. 51 The peculiar additional phrase in this ~adfth indicates the possibility of change in the future: "This ~adfth was uttered at the beginning of Islam and in its first period."52 It is this phrase which becomes problematic for the scholars of ~adfth, since they are confronted by traditions urging believers to wear the cimiima with the ends hanging loose on their backs or on their chests. 53 The ta~annuk is "nowadays" practiced only by the descendants of al-Husayn in Bahrayn; it is a practice inherited from their ancestors. 54 The superiority of Islam over other religious communities, and the injunctions which claim that the Muslims differ in their lifestyle from others, was the main reason for the restrictions imposed on the ahl aldhimma in their dress, including the wearing of the 'imiima. The utterance according to which "contempt and humiliation became the lot of those who disobey my order" is said to refer to ahl al-dhimmaj they surpass other people in their disobedience of God's orders and in their insubordination. Therefore they ought to be singled out by a humiliating sign in their dress (al-ghiyar). On the other hand, God singled out the believers by dress which emphasizes their obedience to God and to His messenger. In accordance with the statement of the Prophet: "He who
48 AI-TurtushI, Kitiib al·~awiidith wa-I-bida', Mul}ammad aI-TiilibI, ed., Tunis, 1959, pp. 65-66. 49 Yusu{ aI-Bal,triinI, al.lfadii'iqu l-niitJira, Muhammad T~ aI-AyrawiinI, ed. (NajaC, 1379), vol. 7, p, 126; aI-MajlIsI, Bi~iir al-anwiir, vol. 83, p. 194. 50 AI-Sayyid al-Bakrf, ['iinat al·tiilibin 'alii ~alli al/ii:;/at~i l-mu'in, n.d., vol. 2, p. 82 inC: ... 1Oa-liiYU6annu ta~niku l·'imiimati 'inda 1-6hiiJi'iyyati .... 51 See above, note 47. 52 AI-Bal;IrinI, al-Ifadii'iqu l-niitJira, vol. 7, p, 126, I. 15: .â¢. lOa-dhiilika fi alO1Oali I·ialiimi wa-btidii'ihi. 53See e.g., al-Bal,triinI, al·lfadii'iqu l-niitJira, vol. 7, p. 127: ... aqulu: wa-'indi;lf mii dhakariihu hunii min i8ti~biibi l.ta~annuk dii'iman i,hkiilun Ii-anna dhiilika lOa-in kiina huwa :;iihiru l·akhbiiri l-mutaqaddimati illii anna hunii jumlatan mina l-akhbiiri Â¥iihirati l-munii/iiti li-dhiilika, ~aythu anna Â¥iihirahii anna l-mu.ta~abb li-I-mu'tammi dii'iman innamii huwa l-i.diilu duna l-ta~annuki. And see the discussion on this topic in al-Sayyid al-Bakrr'e ['iinat al-tiilibin, vol. 2, p. 83 seq. 54 AI-Bal;IriinI, al-I]adii'iq al·niitJira, vol. 7, p. 129, II. 6-7.
The Turban in the Muslim
Tradition
229
assimilates himself to a people becomes one of them" (man tashabbaha biqaumin fa-huwa minhum) ;55believers ought to dress like believers, and the disobedient ahl al-dhimma must also dress in a distinctive fashion.56 According to some traditions, the Prophet stated: "Disagree with the Jews and do not wear turbans that are not fastened under the chin, or with their fringes not let down (on their backs -k), as this fashion of wearing the turban (ta~mim) is the fashion of the Jews."57 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya forbade the ahl al-dhimma to wear the turbans in the fashion of the Prophet and the Companions. His prohibition is based on historical facts: the turbans were the crowns of the Arabs and their glory (Cizzuha). By wearing them they surpassed other peoples. The Prophet and the Companions wore this headdress; the turbans were thus the dress of the Arabs in the "old time" (qadiman) and became the headdress of the Muslims. Turbans were not worn by Banu Isra'Il, they Werethe headdress of the Arabs. Ibn Qayyim quotes the opinion of Abu l-Qasim al-Tabarani, who stated that a dhimmf is not allowed to wear the turban because he has no honour (La cizza Lahtt) in the abode of Islam, and this headdress is not (a part -k) of his dress.58 Ibn Qayyim further traces the opinions of later scholars who were prepared to allow the ahl al-dhimma to wear turbans on the condition that they be marked by special pieces of cloth, clearly indicating that they are not Muslims.P? If ahl al-dhimma are allowed to wear the turban, they are forbidden to fasten it under their chin (al-tala~~i), or to let its fringes hang loosely behind their backs (La yursiliina atrafa l-'imamati khalfa ~uhiirihim).60 A particular version offashion restrictions imposed on ahl al-dhimma
55 See e.g., al-Munawt, Fayt/u l-qadfr, vol. 6, p. 104, no. 8593 and the thorough explanation of the statement by Munawf; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli 1dhimma vol. 2, p. 736; M. J. Kister, "Do Not Assimilate Yourselves ... " JSAI 12 (1989): 321-353. 56 See e.g., Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kam ahli l-dhimma, Subhr al-Salih, ed. (Damascus, 1381/1961), vol. 2, pp. 737-739. 57 Al-Safarrnr, Ghidha'u l-nlbiib li-sharryi man~iimati l-adab (Cairo, 1325), vol. 2, p. 207, penult.: khaliJii l-yahiid wa-Ia tu~ammimii [a-inno ta~mfma !-'amii'imi min ziyyi ahli I-kitiib; and another tradition: a'iidhu bi-lliihi min 'imiimatin §ammii'; 'All al-Qarr, al-A sriir ol-rnarjii" a If 1-akhbari l-maut/ii' a, Muhammad al-Sabbagh, ed. (Beirut, 1391/1971), p. 190, no. 184: a'iidhu bi-llahi min 'imiimatin §ammii', ibid. p. 100, no. 47 (and see the explanation of the word §amma', glossed on page 190, note 4: al-'imama al-§ammii' hiya al- 'imiima lIatf la 'adhabata laha). 58 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, A~kiim ahli-I-dhimma, 739-40. 59 Ibn Qayyim, A{ikiim ahli I-dhimma, 740-45. 60 Ibn Qayyim, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, 745-46. And see the thorough discussion on the subject of fastening the fringes of the 'imama under the chin, or letting them down on the believer's back. It is noteworthy that there is another way of combining the fastening of the fringes of the 'imama under the chin, while letting the other end hang down on the back, which was a perfectly acceptable way of wearing the 'imama. However, this manner of wearing the 'imama became obsolete and is disapproved of by the religious scholars. Ibn al-Hajj, al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), vol, 1, pp. 134-37.
230
M.J. Kister
is concerned with the cap (al-qalansuwa). They took upon themselves to refrain from wearing caps similar to those worn by the Prophet and his Companions. In later times the cap was worn by distinguished scholars, judges, lawyers (Juqahii'), nobles (al-ashriif) and preachers. This fashion of wearing the cap was continued until the end of Salah al-Din's dynasty.P! The difference between the appearance of the believers and the unbelievers is the shape of the turbans worn over their caps.62 It was thus essential to order the ahl al-dhimma to change the fashion or the colour of their caps. 63 The first person who wore the turbanwas Adam after he was expelled from Paradise and descended to dwell on Earth. Jibril descended from Heaven and dressed him in an cimiima.64 Likewise Dhii l-Qarnayn wore an "imiima; he was compelled to wear it in an attempt to conceal the horns on his head.65 According to a traditionofthe Prophet, transmitted by cA'isha, the majority of the angels whom the Prophet saw in Paradise also wore turbans.P'' The traditions concerning the colour of the turbans worn by the angels sent by God to support the Muslim forces on the day of Badr are not unanimous. Some of the early scholars reported that the angels wore white turbans; the fringe of their turbans hung down on their backs (qad arsaliihii fi ~uhiirihim); others reported that on the day of Hunayn the angels wore red turbans.67 The tradition of the white turbans conforms to the widely circulated statement of the Prophet, in which he recommended the living wear white clothes and to bury the dead in white.68 A peculiar tradition says that Jibril descended on the day of Badr wearing a yellow turban; this headdress was in the style of
61 Ibn Qayyim, A~kam ahli I-dhimma, pp. 737-8. 62 See al-Shaukani, al-Fauui'Ldu I-majmii' a fi-I-a~adfthi I-maul/ii' a, 'Abd alRahman b. Ya~ya l-Mu'allimt l-Yamanf, ed. (Judda, 1380), p. 188, no. 540; and see the references of the editor. Cf. Ibn Qayyim, A~kiim, pp. 738-39. 63 See e.g., Ibrahim b. 'Arr b. Yusuf al-FayriizabadI al-Shafi'I, al-Muhadhdhab jf fiqhi l-Imiimi l-Shafi'f, Beirut, 1379/1959 (repr.) vol. 2, p. 355 sup., where some special features of dress which should be imposed on ahl al-dhimma are suggested. 64 Al-Kinanr, al-Di'amajf al}kami sunnati I-'imama, 5 sup.; in Paradise Adam wore a crown on his head. 65 Al-Kinani, op. cit., p. 5. 66 Al-Suytiti, Jam'u I-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), vol. 1, p. 531. 67 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthiir jf l-tajsfri bi-I-ma'thiir, Cairo, 1314, [repr. Tehran), vol. 2, p. 70 sup.: wa-akhraja ibn Isl}aq wa-l- Tabarani 'ani bni 'Abbiisin qiila: kiinat sfma I-mala'ikati yauma badrin 'ama'ima btl/an, qad arsaliihij. jf fuhiirihim, wa-yauma ~unaynin 'ama'ima l}umran ... ; and see the early Tajsfr of Muqatil b. Sulayrnan, 'Abdallah Mahmud Shahatah, ed. (Cairo, 1979), I, 299: '" musawwimiina: ya'nf mu'allamiima bi-l-~iifi l-abyal/i jf nawa~f l-khayli wa-adhnabiha, 'alayha I-bayal/u, mu'tammiina bi-I-bayal/i wa-qad arkhau atriija 1'ama'imi bayna aktiifihim. ... ; and see Ibn Kathir, Tajstra l-qur'ani l-'affm (Beirut, 1385/1966), vol. 2, p. 108. 68 Al- Tabarani, Musnad al-shamiyyfn, Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silafi, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 332, no. 1439: ... Ii-yalbasi I-bayal/a al}yii'ukum wa-yukaffinii
The Turban in the Muslim Tradition
231
al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam, who wore a yellow turban on this day.69 According to another tradition, all the angels who were ordered to attend the battle of Badr wore yellow turbans following the fashion of al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam. It is not surprising that the tradition was transmitted by 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr."? A harmonizing tradition, traced back to 'Abbad b. 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, claims that the angels attending the battle of Badr descended as white birds, wearing yellow turbans, like that of Abu 'Abdallah. The Prophet affirmed the tradition. On the day of Badr he himself wore a yellow turban."! Yellow seems to have implied beauty and emphasized the high position of the person who wore it.72 In some cases it symbolized the believer's hope that his prayers would be fulfilled. This notion is implied in the tradition attributed to Ibn 'Abbas: "He who wears a yellow sandal (na'l), his prayer will be granted and his needs will be fulfilled." The author of the tafsir hesitates as to the validJfhii mautiihum; Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani, Mukhta~ar al-shamii'il almul]ammadiyya li-t-imnm aba 'fsii mul]ammadi bni saurata I-tirmidhf ('Amman-alRiyad, 1406), p. 50, nos. 54, 55: ... 'alaykum bi-l-bayii4i mina I-thiyiibi, li-yalbas-hii al]yii'ukum wa-kaffinu ./Ihii mautiikum, Ja-innahii min khayri thiyiibikum and: ilbasu l-bayii4a, Ja-innahii atharu wa-atyabu wa-kaffinu ./Ihii mautiikum; cf., Ibn KathIr, Tajsir al-qur'iin al-'a:ffm (Beirut, 1385/1966), vol. 3, p. 161 sup.; al-Dimyati, Kitab mukht as ar Jf strati I-nabiyyi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, MS. Chester Beatty no. 3332, fol. 55a, inf. 556; BIbI bint 'Abd al-Samad al-Harawiyya al-Harthamiyya, Juz', 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-Jabbar al-Fartwa'I, ed. (Kuwayt, 1406/1986), p. 51, no. 47: 'All b. Balaban al-Farisf, al-Il]siin bi-tartfbi ~al]fl]i bni I]ibbiin, Kamal Yusuf al-I;Iut, ed. (Beirut, 1407/1987), vol. 7, p. 393, no. 5399; al-MundhirI, al- Targhfb wal-Larhib mina I-I]adfthi l-sharfJ, Muhammad Muhyt I-DIn 'Abd al-Harnrd, ed. (Cairo, 1380/1961), vol. 4, p. 157, nos. 2947-8; Ibn al-Jauzt, Kitiib al-I]adii'iq ./I 'ilmi 1I]adfthi wa-I-zuhdiyyiit, Mu~tafa l-Sabkr, ed. (Beirut, 1408/1988), vol. 3, p. 24; al-Shaukani, Naylu I-autiir bi sharl]i muntaqii l-akhbiir min al]iidfthi I-akhyiir (Cairo, 1372/1953), vol. 2, pp. 110-111; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tobaqiit al-kubrii (Beirut, 1380/1960), vol. 1, pp. 449-50; al-DhahabI, Mfziin al-i'tidiil, vol. 4, p. 346, no. 9400; Nur al-Dtn al-Haytharni, Mawiirid al-:fam'iin ilii zawii'idi bni I]ibbiin, Muhammad 'Abd al-Razzaq Hamza, ed. (Cairo, n.d.), p. 348, no. 1339; Ibn I;Iajaral-HaytamI, alFatiiwa al-I]adfthiyya (Cairo, 1390/1970), p. 172; al-Katakant, al-Burhiin ./I taJsfri I-qur'iin, Mahmud b. Ja'far al-Musawi al-Zarandl, ed. (Tehran, 1375), vol. 1, p. 312. Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. Ibrahim al-Shafi'r, Kitiib al-Jawii'id, al-shahir bil-ghuiiniyyiit, Hilmf Karnil As'ad 'Abd al-Hadt, ed. (al-Riyad, 1417/1997), vol. 1, p. 133, no. 89: ... Mul]ammad b. Hiliil: ra'aytu 'Air b. al-IJusayn (r) ya'tammu bi'jmiima bay4ii'a yurkhf'imiimatahu min warii'i :fahrihi; and see on white dress and white turbans: al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam ol-kabir , vol. 7, nos. 6759-62 and nos. 697577; al-Munawi, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 2, pp. 155-56, no. 1583, vol. 4, p. 337, no. 5517; al-Suyuti, al-Hawi, vol. 2, p. 116 imp., 117 sup. 69 Al-Tabarant, al-Mu'jam ol-kabir , vol. 1, p. 120, no. 230. 70 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthur, vol. 2, p. 70; cf. al-Hasan b. Muhammad b. alHusayn al-QummI al-Naysaburi, Gharii'ibu I-qur'iin wa-raghii'ibu l-furqiin; Ibrahrm 'Atwa 'Awad, ed. (Cairo, 1381/1962), vol. 4, p. 60; al- Tabarf, Tafsir (Jiimi' al-bayiin 'an ta'wui iiyi I"qur'iin), Mahmnd and Ahmad Shakir, ed. (Cairo, Dar al-Ma'arif, n.d.) vol. 2, pp, 188-9, nos. 7786-90. 71 Al-Suyutr, al-Durrol-mantbur, vol. 2, p. 70; al-Zamakhshari, Rabi'u I-abriir, Salim al-Nu'aymI, ed. (Baghdad, 1982), vol. 4, p. 38. 72 See e.g., the article "zbrq" in L,'A.
232
M.J. Kister
ity of this statement, but mentions the opinion of some commentators, who claim that God satisfied the needs of the Banii Isra'Il because of the commandment of the yellow cow ala baqaratin ~afra'). The angels clad in yellow turbans let their fringes hang down between their shoulders. 73 Waqidi records an anonymous tradition claiming that on the day of Badr, the fighters' turbans were green, yellow (~ufr) and red.?" A single tradition, transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, says that on the day of Uhud the angels wore red turbans; on the day of Badr they wore black turbans.f" Wearing black garments carried pejorative connotations. AI-SafarInI records the opinion of Ahmad b. Hanbal, who states that black was the colour of the people of the sultan and of the wrong-doers (~alama). Some scholars. were of the opinion that the black clothes of the deceased had to be burnt after the burial. Black clothes were worn fOTthe first time in the period of the Abbasids; the first person who wore them was 'Abdallah b. 'All b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas. Black was worn as a sign of mourning, as a symbol of grief and disaster. The Abbasids began to wear black after the murder of the Abbasid imam Ibrahlm.76 It may be mentioned that on the day of 'Uthmau's murder the Companions delivered their eulogies wearing black turbans."? Although 'All b. AbI Talib wore black on that day, he generally advised to refrain from wearing black clothes, because they are the dress of Fir'aun.18 But Jibril, who participated in the drowning of Fir'aun, was also dad in a black 'imama on that day. 79 A rare tradition concerning the fate of the Abbasid dynasty was transmitted by a rather unreliable muf:iaddith, Shah b. ShIT Mamiyan.80 Jibril came to the Prophet clad in a black gown with full sleeves (alqaba')' and informed him about the descendants of 'Abbas: they will be leaders of the people and will be followed by the people of Khurasan. They will rule the world (yamlik~ unildu l-'abbasi al-wabar wa-l-madar
r
73 Abu Bakr Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, known as Ibn al-'ArabI A~kiimu I-qur'iin, 'All Muhammad al-Bijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1387/1967), vol. 1, p. 297. 74 AI-WaqidI, Kitiib al-maghiizf, Marsden Johns, ed. (Oxford, 1966), vol. 1, p. 75. 75 Al-Suyu~I, al-Durr al-manthur, vol. 7, p. 70, 1. 1; Ibn Kathrr, Tajsfr, vol. 2,
p.108.
Al-SafarInI, Ghidhii'u l-albiib, vol. 2, pp. 146-7. Al-Munawt, Shar~ 'alii jam'j I-wasii'il if shar~i l-shamii'il (Cairo, 1318), vol. 1, p. 165; al-Suytitr, al-Jfawf li-I-jatiiwf, Muhyr I-DIn 'Abd al-Hamld, ed. (Cairo, 1378/1959), vol. 1, p. 119: on the day of 'Utbman's murder 'All wore a black 'imiima. 78 Al-Bahranr, al-Jfiidii'iqu l-nodira, vol. 7, p. 116: Iii talbosa l-sawiida ja-innahu libiisu fir' auna. ' 79 Al-Suyutf, al-Jfawf, vol. 1, p. 121; Roberto Tottoli, "11 Faraone nella traditioni Islamiche: Akuna note in margine alla questione della sua conversione," Quaderni di Studi Arabi 14 (1996): p. 21; Burhan al-Dtn al-Halabr, Insiin al-'uyun jf siraii I-amfni l-ma'mun (al-Sfra al-~alabiyya) (Cairo, 1391/1971), vol. 3, p. 379. 80 See on him al-Dhahabr, Mfziin al-i'tidiil if naqdi l-rijii]; 'All Muhammad alBijawr, ed. (Cairo, 1382/1963), vol. 2, p. 260, no. 3650 (Shah b. Shir Bamiyan),
76 77
The Turban in the Muslim Tradition
233
wa-l-sanr wa-l.minbar) until the day of resurrection/" A version of this tradition recorded by (All al-QarI contains a passage which emphasizes its pro-Abbasid tendency. When the Prophet asked Jibril about his unusual dress, JibrIl answered that it is the dress of the descendants of cAbbas, the kings.82 The Prophet inquired whether they would be righteous and JibrIl affirmed that they would. The Prophet then asked to forgive them theirsins.83 According to reports of some Abbasid caliphs (the sons of al-Mu'tasim] the Prophet granted al-cAbbas an (imama and this is indeed the (imama with which the chosen caliphs were crowned. This "imiima is currently in possession of the caliphs' descendants in Egypt.S4 The tradition of the black cimama, which the Prophet put on the head of CAlIwhen he sent him with the mission of conquering Khaybar,85 and other reports on the black 'imama of (All, caused a new series of stories concerning Shns wearing black turbans. Shn scholars also permitted praying in black turbans and in black boots.86 A noteworthy tradition concerning the details of the turban is recorded.on the authority of the Companion of the Prophet, Abu Umama: The Prophet did not appoint a governor (kana ta yuwaUiwiiliyan) without dressing him in an cimama, letting down its fringes, the "adhaba, on the back of the appointed governor on his right side in the direction.of his (right) ear (wa-yurkM laha cadhabatan min al-janibi l-ayman nalJ.wal_udhun).81 The tradition implies that the Prophet invested the appointed governor (or the military leader) with authority by dressing him in the turban, letting down its fringe (or fringes), the "odhaba. The custom of dressing an appointed governor in a turban, practiced by the Prophet, is in fact a continuation of the customs of the Persian rulers, who invested their provincial governors with authority in this way in the Arab peninsula. The (imama was a headdress of the aristocratic leaders
81 Ibn I:Iajar aI-'AsqaIiini, Li,iin al-mfziin, Hyderabad, 1330, (second edition Beirut, 1390/1971), veil. 3, p. 136, no. 472. 82 See this prediction in Abil Nu'aym al-Isfahanf, Ifilyat al-auliyii' (Beirut, 1387/1967), vol. 1, p. 316 sup. 83 'AlI al-QarI, Jam'u I-wasii'il/f sharl}i I-shamii'il, Cairo, 1318, (repr. Beirut) vol. 1, p. 167. 84 'All al-QiirI, Jam'u l-wasii'il, vol. 1, p. 166. 85 Al-Suyutr, al.lfiiwr, vol. 1, p. 118 inC.; al-Shaukanf, Naylu l-autar bi-sharl}i muntaqii l-akhbiir min al}iidrthi sayyidi l-akhYiir (Cairo, 1312/1953), vol. 2, p. 121 (the end of the 'imiima hung down behind his back, or on his left shoulder); and see ibid.: a maula of 'AlI reporting that he saw 'AlI wearing a black 'imiima, and he let the ends hang down in front of him (i.e., on his chest -k] and on his back. 86 Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. aI-I;iasan aI-TilsI, al-Nihiiya jr mujarradi l-jiqhi waI-fatiiwii, Agha Buzurg al-Tahrant, ed. (Beirut, 1390/1970), 97; Ibn BabuyahalQummI, Kitiibu l·khifiil, 'AlI Akbar aI-Ghaflan, ed. (Tehran, 1389), 148, no. 179; aI-Ba.I:}riinI, al·lfadii'iqu l-niieJira,vol. 7, p. 116; al-Sar--anru,Ghidhii'u I·albiib, vol. 2, p. 146; al-MajlisI; Bil}iiru l-anwiir, vol. 83, p.249. 87 AI-SafiirInI, Ghidhii'u l-albiib', vol. 2, p. 205; aI-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiirf, vol. 21, pp. 307-8; Nilr al-Dtn aI-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 5, p. 120, penult.
234
M.J. Kister
of the Meccan community, and later of the commanders of the troops sent by the Prophet to raid the forces of the rebellious tribes and to conquer enemy territory. During the following generations, the cimama became the dress of the pious successors (tabictln), the distinguished scholars of the Muslim community, the judges, scribes and clerks in the offices of the rulers and governors. The scholars and judges wore fringes of the Cimama let down between the shoulders on their backs, or on their chests (bayna yadayhi wa-min khalfihi).88 The letting down of the cadhaba was included in the injunction of the Prophet concerning the wearing of the "imiima: "You shall wear the turbans, as they are the characteristic features (sIma) of the angels, and let down their ends on your backs."89 The Prophet is said to have referred to the graces granted to him by Allah, and mentioned among them the cadhaba of the cimama.9o The letting down of the cadhaba became a part of the prophetic sunna.91 AI-Suyii~i marks the cadhaba as one of the exclusive features (kha§a'z§) granted the Prophet (and his community -k): this is in fact one of the features (of the dress -k) of the angels.92 According to a tradition recorded by Ibn Taymiyya, the Prophet saw God in his dream. God asked him: "0 Muhammad, what is the subject debated by the angels in Heaven?" (if ma yakhta§imu l-mala'» l-aCla?). When the Prophet responded that he does not know the answer, Allah put His hand between the shoulders of the Prophet and apprised him of everything between heaven and earth. On that day the Prophet adopted the dress of the cadhaba (in the text: the shu'aba -k) hanging down between his
88 Al-Suyu~, al-Jfii.wf, vol. 1, pp. 117-19; al-SaIannf, Ghidhii.'u l-albii.b, vol. 2, pp.204·5. 89 Al-Salarinf, Ghidhii.'u l-albii.b, vol. 2, pp. ·204-5sup.: "'alaykun bi-l-'amii.'imi, Jainnahii. ,amii.'u l-malii.'ikati, fa-arkhuhii. khalfa tfuhurikum; Nnr ai-Din al-l;Ia.ythami, Majma' al·zawii.'id wa-manba' al-Jawii.'id (Beirut, 1967), vol. 5, p. 120; and see the story of al-I;lajjiij who wore the 'imii.ma letting down the 'adhaba behind his back, and entered the mosque in this fashion: al-FasawI, al-Ma'riJa wa·l-ta'n1ch, Akram Qiya' al-'Umari, ed. (Baghdad, 1401/1981), vol. 2, p. 481 sup.: Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'n1ch, vol. 4, p. 55; al-Shibli, Ma~ii.,in al-wasii.'il, p. 203; Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqii.t al-kubrii., vol. 6, pp. 282-83: ra'aytu ibrii.hfma (al-Nakha'a-k) ya'tammu wa yurkhf dhanabahii. (perhaps: dhu'ii.batahii.? -k) khalfahu. 90 'Ali b. Burhiin al-DIn al-l;lalabI, Insii.nu I-'uyun jf ,arati l-aman al-ma'mun (alSara al.i}alabiyya), (Cairo, 1382/1962), vol. 3, p. 343: ... wa-u'tftu I-cadhabata jf l-cimii.ma ... , 91 See the description in 'Ali al-Qiiri Jam'u I-wasii.'il jf shari}i I-shamii.'il, Cairo, 1318, (repr. Beirutvn.d.}, vol. 1, p, 167, on margin (the notes of al-Munawt]: ... wakii.na bnu' Umara yaralu dhii.lika, ya'na annahu sunnatun mu'akkadatun mai}fii.lFatun lam yartja l·~ulai}ii.'u tarkahii. .... 92 Al-Suyu~i, al-I(hafii.'ifu l-kubrii. =KiJii.yatu I·tillibi 1·labib jf khafii.'ifi I-i}abib, Muhammad Khalil Haras, ed.,(Cairo, 1386/1967), vol. 3, p. 199, I. 1: ... bii.bu ikhtifii.fihi ,alcam bi- 1- 'adhabati jf I-'imii.ma; and see ibid.: 'alaykum bi-l·camii.'imi wa-arkhiihii. khalfa 'fuhiirikum, Ja-innahii. samii.'u l-malii.'ikati.
The Turban in the Muslim Tradition
235
shoulders.P'' The prophetic injunction on letting down the fringes of the 'imiima seems to have been considered by some scholars only as a recommendation: it was up to the believer to observe this practice or to refrain from it. Neither was considered a bid' a. (wa-laysa tarku l-'adhabati bid'atan, ballahu fi'luhu wa-tarkuhu).94 A case of investing a military leader with authority by granting him a turban can be seen in the story of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf. He was a faithful Companion and was ordered to march against Dumat al-Janda1. According to the plan of the raid, 'Abd al-Rahman was instructed to leave Medina at night with a force of some 700 warriors. He put a black "imiima made of cotton on his head (wa-qad i'tiimma bi-'imiimatin min kariibis) and intended to set out in the direction of Dumat al-Jandal. When he came to see the Prophet the next morning, he explained that he had ordered his force to set out and wait for him in al-Juruf.95 He came to say farewell to the Prophet dressed in military attire. The Prophet removed the turban from his head and dressed him in a black (or, according to another version, in a white -k) turban, the fringes of which he let hang down between his shoulders. "That is the way to wear the 'imiima," remarked the Prophet.P" The investiture of 'Abd al93 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad jf hadyi khayri I·'ibad (Beirut, repr., n.d.], vol. 1, pp. 34-35; this dream was transmitted by al- TirmidhI; see also the story in 'All al-QarI, Jam'u I-wasa'il jf sharM I-shama'il, vol. 1, pp. 167-68 (and see al-Munawt's notes on the story on the margin. Some scholars denounced the story as forged because of its anthropomorphic implications); see also the same story in al-Zurqanr's Shari}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya li-I-Qastallanf (Cairo, 1326), vol. 5, p. 11 inf.-12. 94 AI-NawawI, al-Manthurat, ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'A~a, ed., p. 44, no. 70. 95 See on Juruf: al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'ista'jama min asma'i I-biladi wa-I-mawatji', MU!1~afal-Saqqa, ed. (Cairo, 1364/1945), vol. 2, p. 377; and see the important note:
wa-hunaka kana I-muslimuna
96
yu'askiriina
idha aradu I-ghazwa.
Muhammad b. 'Umar al- WaqidI, K itab al-maghazf, Marsden Johns, ed. (Oxford, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 560-62; cf. al-ZamakhsharI, Rabi'u I-abrar, vol. 4, p. 39; al-WazIr al-Maghribl, al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni Hishiim, shari}uha, Suhayl Zakkar, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), vol. 2, pp. 1047-48; and see al- Taberant, Musnad alshamiyyfn, Muhammad 'Abd ai-Majid al-Silaff, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p, 391, no. 1558; cf. al-Suyfi~I, al-IJawf li-I-fatawf, vol. 1, p. 469-70; Ibrahlm b. .Muhammad b. Harnsa al-Husaynf, al-Bayan wa-I-ta'nf jf asbabi wuriidi l-hadith; l-shcri] (Beirut, 1400/1980), vol. 2, p. 304-6, no. 982; Ibn AbI Hatirn, 'llal al-Eadith; vol. 1, p. 487, no. 1458; Nur al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 5, p. 120; 'All al-QarI, Risala i}awiya li-masa'il mujtami'a 'ala I-'imama wa-I-'adhaba, MS. Yahuda Ar. 990, fol. 23a inf.-23b sup. (quotes the tradition from al- Tabaranr's alAusat and comments on the expression: fa-innahu a'rab wa-a~san: wa-jfhi ish'arun
bi-anna I-'imamata ma'a I-'adhabati ai}sanu, fa-yadullu 'ala i}usni I-'imamati biduni I-'adhabati; fa·yakunu jfhi raddun 'ala man qala bi-l-karahati ... ); Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibll, Mai}asin al-wasa'il jf-ma' rifati I-awa'il, Muhammad al- Ttinjr, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), 189-91 sup.; Ibn al-Dayba', Taysfru I-wu~ul ila jami'i 1u~ul min i}adfthi l-rasiil (~), vol. 4, p. 186: .. , 'Abdu I-Rai}man b. 'Auf: 'ammamanf rasulu llah bi-'imamatin fa-sadalaha bayna yadayya wa-min khaljf a~abi' a ... ; 'Amru bnu lfuraythin: ra'aytu rasula llahi (~) wa-'alayhi 'imamatun sauda'u qad arkha tarafayha bayna mankibayhi. See on 'Amr b. Hurayth: Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-
236
M.J. Kister
Rahman b. (Auf was an impressive ceremony: the Prophet performed the prayer standing behind (Abd al-Rahman b. (Auf and solemnly said: "A Prophet never died without praying behind a righteous believer." 97 This statement clearly indicates the high position granted to (Abd al-Hahman b. (Auf by the Prophet. 'Abd al-Hahman was urged by the Prophet to fight the unbelievers for the cause of Islam, while observing the rules enunciated by Islam. The Prophet also told him to marry the daughter of the ruler of Diimat alJandal; the Prophet meant al-Asbagh b. 'Amr al-Kalbi, (Abd al-Rahman indeed succeeded to convince the Christian chief of Dumat al-Jandal, alAsbagh b. 'Amrel-Kelbi, to embrace Islam; and al-Aebagh consented to give him his daughter, Turnadir bint al-Asbagh in marriage.98 She bore (Abd al-Rehman b. cAuf several of his children;99 It was Tumadir who advised 'Uthman to marry one of her relatives, Na'ila bint al-Furafisa. It was a happy marriage. Na'ila remained faithful to the memory of 'Uthman; following his death, she refused to marry Mu'awiya.1oo The black turban became a popular headdress as early as the first Islamic century. The I)adfth describes some Companions of the Prophet as wearing black turbans.lO! The Prophet himself is said to stand on the
Ifiiba if tamyfzi I-fa~iiba, vol. 4, p. 619, no. 5812; al-BaghawI, al-Anwiir if shamii'ili l-nabiyyi l-mukhiiir , IbriihIm el-Ya'qnbt, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 2, p. 534, no. 730; and see the references of the editor. 'Abdallah b. Muhammed al-Isfahanf, known as Abu I-Shaykh, Akhliiqu I-nabiyyi wa-iidiibuhu, I~amu I-Din Sayyid alSabiibItI, ed, (Cairo, 1411/1991), 122, no. 303. 97 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, vol. 3, p. 129: '" mii qubi~a nabiyyun ~attii YUfalliya khalfa rajulin fiili~in min ummatihi. 98 AI-Wiiqidr, op: cit., vol. 2, pp. 511-12; Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-ghiiba if ma'rifati l-fa~iiba, al-Matba'a al-wahbiyya, 1286, (repr. Tehran), vol. 3, pp. 313-14; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib if ma'rifati l-af~iib, 'All Muhammad al-BijawI, ed. (Cairo), vol. 2, p. 844, no. 1447; al-Balsdhurt, Ansiib al-ashriif , Muhammad I:Iamidu\lah, ed. (Cairo, 1959), vol. I, p. 378; al-Tibrizi, Mi8hkiit al-mafiibl~, p.374, penult.; Nnr al-Dtn alHaythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 5, p. 120. 99 See e.g., Khalifa b. Khayya~, Kitiib al-tabaqiit, Akram I/iya' al-'Umari, ed. (Baghdad, 1387/1967),242; and cf. M.J. Kister, "The Wife of the Goldsmith from Fadak and her Progeny," Le Museon 92 (1979): 321-30(repr. Variorum Series, Society and Religion from Jiihiliyya to Islam, no. V); and see Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Salliim, Kitiib al-nasab, Mariam Mul}ammad Khayru I-Dir', ed. (Beirut, 1411/1989), p. 363; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 127-38, vol. 8, pp. 298-300; Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Al}mad b. I:Iadida al-An~ri, al-Mifbii~ al-mu~" if kuttiib al-nabiyyi warU8ulihi ilii muliiki l-ar4i min 'arabiyyin wa-'ajamiyyfn, Muhammad 'A~imu l-Dln, ed. (Beirut, 1405/1985), vol. 2, pp. 224-5: ... wa-hiya ukhtu l-Nu'miini bni 1Mundhiri li-ummihi. 100 Al}mad b. Muhammadb. 'Abd Rabbihi, al-'Iqd al-fand, Al}mad Amin, Ibrahim al-Abyari 'Abd al-Saliim Harlin, ed. (Cairo, 1368/1949), vol. 6, p. 91. 101 See al-Taberanr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr vol. I, p. 240 no. 665 (ra'aytu Anasa bna Miilik ... wa-'imiimatuhu saudii'u lahii dhu'iibatun min khalfihi ... ); Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 7, p. 208 Abu Nadra wore a black 'imiima; vol. 6, p. 210 (worn by Abu 'Ubayda b. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud), vol. 7, p. 179 (worn by al-Hasan b. Abi l-Hasan]: vol. 7, p. 23; Anas b. Miilik wore an 'imiima of silk; it was a black
The Turban in the Muslim Tradition
237
IRinbar clad in a black cimiima, with its two fringes hanging down between his shoulders.l02 Jibril descended to the Prophet wearing a black cimiima.103 The most instructive report concerning the black "imiima is recorded in Abu Ytisuf''s Kitiib al-iithiir: it is transmitted by Abu Hanifa on the authority of one of his Companions and states that Jibril, dressed in a black cimiima, came to the Prophet. He dressed the Prophet in a black "imiima and let its fringes hang down behind his back.l04 The date of Abu Yiisuf''s death (182 A. H.), indicates that the l}adith is a very early one. It also implies that Jibril accomplished his mission to dress the Prophet in a black "imiima, The black "itniima was thus a symbol of prophetic authority granted to Muhammad by God. The Caliphs followed the path of the Prophet and used to dress their governors and officials in black turbans. Some pious believers seem to have been used to wearing black turbans. The black 'imama indicated piety and sincerity of belief. This can be deduced from the harsh words with which 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzIz rebuked 'Adl b. Ar~at: you deceived me by your black 'imiima, Jour keeping company with the qurrii', your letting down the fringe of the 'imiima on your back .... " 105 Some $ufi believers disliked wearing black turbans. lOG In some ShI'I leading circles black clothing was considered the dress of the Shl'a's enemies.l''? As the black turbans beCC â¢â¢â¢
"imama; p. 24: he let down the end of the 'imama on his back ( ... arkhaha min ~alfihi); Abu Nu'aym 81- I~ahanI, /filyat al-auliya', vol. 9, p. 134: [Mu'awiya on his death bed, clad in a black 'imama); al-FasawI, al-Ma'riJa wa-I-ta'rIkh, vol. 2, p. 110 and p. 226 [al-Hasan al-Basrt wore a black 'imiima); Ibn AbI l;Iatim, 'Ilal al-!}adith (Cairo, 1343),' vol. 1, p. 482, no. 1444: Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab wore a black "imama, letting the end hang on his back. 102 See e.g., al-Suytitl, al-/fawi, vol. 1, p. 118: ... 'an Jabir qiila: kiina li-I-nabiyyi (f) 'imamatun sauda'u yalbasuha fr I-'idayin wa-yurkhiha khalJahu: Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zadu I-ma'ad fr hadyi khayri I-'ibiid (Beirut, n.d.), vol. 1, p.34 inf.: â¢.. 'Amr b. /furayth qala: ra'aytu rasula llahi (f) 'ala I-minbar wa-'alayhi 'imamatun aaudii'u qad arkha faraJayha bayna katiJayhi; al-Shaukani, Nayl al-awtiir, vol. 2, p. 120: ... wa-'alayhi 'imamatun saudii'u qad arkhii taraJahii bayna katiJayhi, the verb sadala is glossed by arkha in some of the quoted !}adIths. 103 Nur al-Dtn al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 5, p. 120; al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir, vol. 2, p. 121; al-Suyutr, al-/fiiw., vol. 1, p. 118.
104 Abu Yusuf Ya'qub b. Ibrahim al-Ansarr, Kitab al-iithiir , Abu I-Wala, ed. (Cairo, 1355), p. 128, no. 588. 105 'Abd al-Raszaq, al-MufannaJ, Habibu l-Rahman aI-A'~mI, ed. (Johannesburg, 1390/1970.) 106 See, 'Ala'u I-DIn 'AlI b. Balaban, al-I!}8an bi-tartibi fa!}i!}i'bni /fibbiin, Kamal Yiisuf al-Hut , ed. (Beirut, 1407/1986), vol. 7, p. 393: '.' dhikru ibii!}ati lubsi l-mar'j
l-
Tighten Thy Grip on Mudar.pdf and Journalof the Economic SocialHistoryof the Orient,Vol. XXIV, Part III
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR...
Somesocio-economic religious and aspects an early of .hadith*
BY
M.J.KISTER
To Professor D. Goitein S. a humble tribute.
The widely current utterances attributed to the Prophet concerning his eponymous ancestor Mudar and his progeny are usually couched in very favourable terms. Tradition stresses that the angel Jibril himself told the Prophet of his descendance from Mudar 1); the Prophet, recording his pedigree, thus stated explicitly that he was of Mudar 2). Mudar is obviously counted in Muslim tradition among the highly praised ancestors of the Prophet, chosen by God from amongst the whole of mankind and singled out by Him from among the Arabs 3). The very early traditions emphasized that Quraysh preserved and kept the monotheistic tradition of Ismd'il and Ibrahim and that the guardians and champions of this belief were the eponymous ancestors of the Prophet; widely current is the utterance attributed to the Prophet according to which Mudar was a Muslim and it is not lawful to curse him 4). The ancestors of the Prophet are said to have stuck to their
* A summary of this paper was read in a meeting of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities in Jerusalem on December 2, 1975. i) Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, XIII, 51, no. 297; cf. Muhammad Anwar al-Kashmiri al-Diwabandi Fayd al-bari cald 1-bukhbri, Cairo I357/1938, IV, izi21 inf.:... innama kina banz7tamimin min qaumi sah.hib 1-nabiyyili-anna 1-nabiyyakana min mudarawa-ha'ula'i aydan mudariyyfn... z) Al-Wdqidi, Maghdzg, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, p. ioii; al-Shdfici, al-Umm, Cairo (Bfilq) 1321 (reprint), VI, 215. 3) See e.g. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 36-38, nos. 225, 233-234. 4) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo I959, I, 3 I; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 51, no. 294; and see ib. the version that both Rabica and Mudar embraced Isldm; and see this version: al-Shibli, Maha-sinal-wasa'il ft
0 GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
243
Arab faith, without converting to Judaism, Zoroastrianismor Christianity5). In line with this notion the Prophet is said to have enjoined
to follow (the descendants of-K) Mudar whenever there was a dissension among the believers, as Mudar would always be on the right path and act justly 6). Mudar were indeed granted prophethood and caliphate, Islam gained power and strength through Mudar and great conquests were made after Mudar embraced Islam, says Ibn Sa'id in his Nasbwat al-tarab7). The favourable traditions about Mudar are confronted by a few unpropitious utterances also attributed to the Prophet; these unfavourable sayings refer, however, either to the coarse Bedouin traits of character of Mudar or are cast in the form of prophecies concerning the wicked role of Mudar as an oppressive element in the government of the Muslim Empire which persecutes and harms the believers 8). Of some importance seems to be a peculiar tradition according to which the Prophet invoked God asking Him to afflict Mudar with years of drought like those at the time of Joseph. "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mudar", the Prophet invoked, "Turn barren years upon
ma'rifatil-awd'il, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1530, fol. 54a; and see another version of this tradition: al-Naysdbiri, Ghard'ibal-qur'dn ed. al-furqdn, Ibrahim cAtwa wa-raghd'ib 'Iwad, Cairo 1386/1967, XVIII, 31; and see I. Goldziher, MuslimStudies,ed. S. M. Stern, London 1967, I, 83-84, note 5. cald ed. Thaldthu 5) Cf. rasd'il(al-radd 1-nasdrd), J. Finkel. Cairo1344, P. 15: kdnatal-nasrdniyyatu fdshiyatanwa-'alayhd ...wa-ukhrd wa-hiya fthd ghdal-J.hiz, anna -'caraba wa-lamtafshu libatan,illa mudara, wa-ldmdjdsiyyatun, yahdidyyatun fa-lam taghlib'alayhd thumma wa-lamtacrif mudaru dina1-'arabi, 1-islima. illa fiha1-nasrdninyyatu... 6) Ibn Abi 1-Dunyi, al- Ishrifft mandzilal-ashrdf,Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69b; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi,op.cit., XIII, 51, no. 295-296; Goldziher,op.cit., I, 84, note 5. ntaha1-sharafu wa-17) Ms. Tiibingen I, fol. 94: ... ilayba (i.e. al-mudariyya--K) awwalan wa-dkhiran 'iddatu wa-l-khildfati wa-khassaha wa-bihdCazza lldhubi-l-nubuwwati i-isldmu .. lammadakhalatfihiafwdjan. wa-cazumatfutzihuhu Ta'rikhWdsit, 8) See al-Hdkim,al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 470; Balhshal, ed. Gurguis 'Awwad, Baghdad 1386/1967, p. 262; al-Tah1wi, Mushkil al-dthdr, min Hyderabad 1333, I, 435-436; Yisuf b. Mnasial-Hanafi,al-Muctasar al-mukhtasar min mushkilal-dthdr, Hyderabad 1362, II, 385; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op cit., XIII, 51, no. 298; and see ib., p. 42, no. 259: wa-mudaru cindausfzliadhndbi 1-ibilihaythuyatla'u rabi'ata wa; qarnu 1-shaytan... and see ib., no. 263:... wa-l-jafd'u fihddhayni l-hayyayni ed. Cairos.v. m d r: ... ; Ibn al-Athir,al-Nihdyafigharhb al-hadith, al-Tandhi, mudara... mudaru, fa-qdia: tuqdtilu ... wa-dhakara macaha maddaraha fl1-ndri. khurutja c'aishata lldhu
244
M. J. KISTER
them like the famine years of Joseph" 9). There are divergent and even contradictory opinions of hadith scholars, Qur'an commentators and biographers of the Prophet about the circumstances in which the Prophet uttered this invocation. The period during which the Prophet pronounced the invocation is disputed and so are also the prayers in the course of which the invocation was performed, the curses and blessings linked with the invocation, whether the invocation was continuous, whether it was abrogated and consequently whether it is, or is not permissible to use invocations during prayers. A closer examination of these diverse traditions about the Mudar invocation and a scrutiny of some traditions referring to other events of that period may grant us a clue for a better understanding of the Prophet's attitude towards the different tribal groups and towards the various factions in Mecca, to elucidate some of the economic and political decisions which he took during his struggle with the hostile tribal divisions and during negotiations with his enemies. The analysis of these traditions may help us to get a more adequate assessment of the changes which took place in the perception of invocations and supplications during the prayers and to form a better evaluation of the political situation in Mecca and Medina in the decisive period preceding the conquest of Mecca.
9) Ibn Sacid, op.cit.,fol. 94r., inf.; cf. Ibn Farak, Mushkil al-hadith,Hyderabad Hyderabad1332, II, 33; al-Mubarrad, 1362,p. 97; al-Marzfiqi, al-AZmina wa-l-amkina, Beirut al-Kdmil,ed. Muhammad Abia 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo; Ibn Sacd, al-Tabaqdt, Sunan,ed. cAbdallahHdshim Yamini, al-Madina 1376/1957, II, 53; al-Diraqutni, al-munawwara,1386/i966, II, 38, no. 7; Mahmid MuhammadKhattSb, al-Manhal al-maurfid abi al-cadhb sharhsunanal-imdmi ddwfd,Cairo 1394, VIII, 80; Aba 1-Layth Cairo 1347, P. 197 inf.; Ibn Majah,Sunan Tanbih al-ghdfilin, al-Samarqandi, Cairo 1349, I, 375; al-Bayhaqi,al-Sunan al-mus.tafd, al-kubrd,Hyderabad 1346, II, 197-198, zoo, 21o; Ibn Shahrdshib,Mandqib dlabitalib,Najaf 376/1956,I, 72 (the Prophetinvoked against Mudar according to the request of Khabbdbb. al-Aratt), I89; Shahriddrb. Shirawayh al-Daylami, Musnad al-firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. I36b; al-Thacilibi, Thimdr al-qulzb,ed. MuhammadAbfi 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1384/1956, p. 49, no. 57. Ibn IHajaral-'Asqalni, al-Arba'una l-mutabcyinatu 1-asinidiwaMs. 1-mutfin, Hebrew Univ. Yahuda Ar. zo, I, fol. i7a-b (the persons against whom the Prophet invoked were: Aba Jahl, cUtba b. Rabia, Shayba b. Rabl'a, alWalid b. 'Utba, cUqbab. abi Mucayt,Umayyab. Khalaf and a manwhose nameis not disclosed).
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
245
I
According to a traditionrecordedby 'Abd al-Razziqon the authority of his teacherMa'marb. Rashid(d. 15o H), the Prophet respondedto a requestby a man of Mudarto pray for them for rain, afterthe man had describedto the Prophet the grave situation of his tribe as a result of a
drought;afterthe prayerof the Propheta greatdeal of rainpoured
down 10). Two other traditions indicate that the drought had been caused by a previous invocation of the Prophet11). The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar was, according to a tradition, their stubborn refusalto embraceIslam, their disobedience,arrogance and unbelief12). Some Muslim scholarsexplainedthat the Prophet'sinvocation was merely addressedagainst the evil-doers of Mudar, not against the whole of this tribal confederation 13), others however out that the curse afflictednot only the evil-doers of Mudar, pointed since the Prophet and his Companionswere also hit by the famine14). records15) the name of the man of Mudar who asked the Al-HIJakim Prophet to prayfor rain: Ka'b b. Murraal-Bahzi(scil. from the Mudari
tribeof Sulaym-K) 16).
The extent of the drought by which the Mudar tribes were affected
ed. io) 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Habibu 1-Rahmdnal-Aczami, Beirut 1390/ 1971, III, 90, no. 4908. ii) 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, nos. 4907, 4909. 12) See e.g. Ibn Sacid,op. cit., fol. 94 r., inf.: ...wa-qad kdnarasilu llhi (s)yashkf shdud... ild rabbihimin 'isyanihim wa-culuwwihim qla llthumma hatta~ 13) See e.g. Yasuf b. Mvis~ al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 320: ... wa-shdud wat'ataka 'ali mudara, ay: Cali man lamyu'min minhum...; ib., p. 385: ... wa-minhu qauluhu ... min min wa-shdud wa-huwa wa-kathbrun al-sahiba wa-sallamfiqunfitihi: salla ll/thualayhi mankana minhum khil/fi 1-tariqati mudara, ; wa-l-murtdu: 1-mustaqima... and see Cala al-Tahdwi,Mushkilal-dthjr,I, 436. 14) Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalif al-hadith,Cairo 1326, p. 318: ... wa-qaddact rasil/u lithi (s) alda shdud Cal/ mudara, fa-qjla: Ilkihumma wa.tpataka mudara...fa-njia dhilika 1-jadbu rasila llihi wa-asihbahu wa-bi-ducj)ihiCuqib*b shadda1-muslimina hatta Cald butinihim min al-hijarata alfj'Ci. 15) op. cit., I,328. See on him ed. 16) Al-H.kim Ibn Hajar, al-Isa;ba, 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijdwi, Cairo 1392/ 1972, V, 6iz, no. 1439 (Ka'b b. Murramerely saw the man who asked the Prophet to invoke for rain).
246
M. J. KISTER
can be gauged from a report recordedby al-Jdhiz17) and quoted by alBayhaqis18);as a result of the curse rain stopped, trees died, flocks and cattle perished, pastures diminished and people were compelled to eat 'ilhib, a mixfure of blood and hair and hides. Then HJjib b. Zurdra set out to Kisrd, complaining of the hard19) and asking the king to grant his tribe permission to graze their ship flocks in the region of Sawid al-'Iraq;he left his bow as a pledge that his people would not harassthe subjectsof the Persianruler.When the sufferingof Mudar reached its point of culmination,and divine proof the reached its predestined conclusion (balaghat mablaghahd) al-.hqija and rain poured Prophet made a new invocation intercedingfor them down. The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar, as given in this report, was the allegationraisedby Qurayshand the Arab tribes that the Prophet was a liar, causing him harm and the fact that they decided to expend their wealth in order to fight him 20). The two Mudar tribes mentioned in this report are Quraysh and Tamim21). It is evident from the reports that when the Prophet cursed Mudar he cursed the Mudar tribes; when he prayed for rain he asked for rain and fertility for these Mudar tribes (Tamim and Sulaym) on which their flocks were dependentand on which the supplyof their vital needs of grain depended.It is obvious that the supply of grain and meatby the allied tribes for the Meccan Qurashiteswas vital for the very existence of Mecca. The link between the curse of the Prophet and Qurayshis apparentin the comment by al-Batalyisi22) on the nickname sakhina
17) Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3138 (Mukhtarat al-Jthiz) fol. i zb. fuisl ed. Ibrdhim b. Muhammad al-Bayhaqi,al-Mahasinwa-l-masawi, Muhammad I8) Cairo I380/I96I, I, 24-25; and see cAbd al-Jabbdr, Tathbit Abid 1-Fadl ed. Ibr.him, dala'il al-nubuwwa, cAbd al-Karim 'Uthmdn, Beirut 1386/1966, I, 80 inf.-8i sup. 19) See on him: EI2 s.v. HIdjib b. Zurdra. 1-musta20) Ibrdhimb. Muhammadal-Bayhaqi,op. cit., I, 24: ... thumma duc'auhu wa-1anna1-nabiyya lammdlaqya min qurayshin lladhW ta'khira fhi, wa-dhalika la (s) jabu lahuwa-takdhibihim adhihum minshiddati calayhi bi-l-amwdli wa-stic'natihim iyyahu 'arabi bildduhum... dacaan tajdiba al-farid,ed. Ahmad 21) See a slightly differentversion: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-cIqd Amin, Ahmad al-Zayn, al-Abydri,Cairo 1375/ 1956, II, 20-21. Ibr.him ft 22) Ibn al-Sid al-BatalyTsi,al-Iqtiiddb sharh adab al-kuttdb,Beirut 1973 (re-
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
247
applied to Quraysh: when Qurayshrefused to embraceIslam, though summoned by the Prophet, the Prophet invoked God against them: alldhumma shdud sininaka-siniyifsufa. wat'atakawa-j'alhd'alayhim They sufferedfrom droughtfor seven yearsduringwhich time they nourished on 'ilhiz and on a thin gruel of coarse flour calledsakhina In some 23). the people of Mecca)are mentioned24). cases, indeed, only Quraysh(or The course of events connectedwith the Prophet's curse is the usual one: Quraysh refused to embrace Islam; the Prophet invoked God against them and they were afflicted by hardship and famine; they repentedand were relieved, but lapsed into unbelief and were punished on the Day of Badr. This sequenceof events is indicated in the verse: ..."upon the day when We shall assault most mightily, then we shall take Our vengeance"25). Another version seems to point to the direct and indirectobjectsof the curse:the cursewas directedagainstQuraysh, but the invocation of the Prophet to lift the curse and his prayerfor rain were performed on the request of men from Mudar and for the benefit of their tribes26). Numerous traditionsindicate clearlythat the stubborn refusal of Quraysh to follow the Prophet, the curse of the Prophet, the drought and hunger, the Prophet's prayer for them, God's help and the reversionof Qurayshto unbelief-all these happened before the hbira;Quraysh were punished by God and they suffered defeat on the Day of Badr (AH 2). Some versions of this tradition state that it was Abi Sufy.n who
print), p. 46; al-Baghdddi,KhiZinatal-adab,ed. cAbd al-Salm Hdrin, Cairo 1397/ 1977, VI, 527-528 (from al-Iqtidab). 23) Cf. L CA, s.v. s kh n. 24) Cf. Ibn Ndqiydal-Juminft tashbihat al-qur')n, ed. Ahmad al-Matlfb, Khadija Baghddd 1387/1968, p. 347; and see al-Nayssbflri, op. cit., XXX, 188. al-IHadithi, 25) Cf. Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet III, no. 74/2, fol. 84b-85a;al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il ed. al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Rahmin Muhammad cUthmdn, Cairo 1389/1969, II, 87 inf.--88 sup.; al-Suyati, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd,ed. MuhammadKhalil Harris, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 369 inf.-370 sup.; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir (= al-Jdmic li-ahkim al-qur'tn) Cairo 1387/1967, XII, I35, XVI, i31; al-Khazin, Tafsir (= Lubib al-ta'wil), Cairo 1381/repr.)V, 33; al-Baghawi, Tafsir(=Macdlim al-tanzil,on margin of al-Khdzin's Cairo I328. VIII. 34. Tafsir), V, 33; Hayydn, Tafsfrul-bahri1-muhit,, Cairo 1314, VI, 28; Ibn Kathir,Tafsir, 26) See e.g. al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthzfr, Aba. Beirut 1385/1966, VI, 246.
248
M. J. KISTER
came to the Prophet and recountedthe plight of Quraysh(scil. asking him to pray for them-K) 27). In some versions of this tradition it is mentioned that certain Qurashites joined Abi Sufyan when he was on his way to the Prophet. Muqdtilrecords the names of the members of the Qurashitedelegation to the Prophet led by Abii Sufydn: 'Utba b. Rabi'a, al-'As b. Wd'il, Mut'im b. 'Adi, Suhaylb. 'Amr and Shayba b. Rabi'a 28). The members of the delegation were indeed the leaders of the Meccan opposition against the Prophet; they were capturedor killed in the battle of Badr. Some traditions explicitly say that the delegation headed by Abii Sufydn came to the Prophet when he was still in Mecca, before he left on his hbjra Medina29). These traditions, to possessing as they do fine narrative structure,belong to the type of miracle-traditions which encompassesa well-known cycle of edifying stories: the Prophet calls to a group of people to embrace the true religion, his call is harshly rejected, God punished them in answer to the Prophet's request, then the Prophet's invocation rescues the unvelievers who, after a short period of repentance, soon revert to unbelief and are severely punished. But though they are vague and imprecise, these traditions seem to contain some historical details which may be elucidatedfrom other versions of this event. It is the Muslim scholars themselves, aware of the incongruity of these traditions, who transmitted diverse reports about the circumstances of the curse of Mudar, some of them more tallying with the historicalevents and more reliable.
al-kubra,I, 370; idem, II, 27) Al-HIkim, al-Mustadrak, 394; al-Khasa'is al-Durr al-manthfzr, z8; al-Khdzin, op.cit., V, 34; al-Baghawi, op.cit., V. 34; alVI, al-Suy.ti, II, Bayhaqi Dalj'il al-nubuwwa, 89, 90 inf.; Abi Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Dala'il alHyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 382-383; al-'Ayni, 'Umdatal-qdir,Cairo 1348, nubuwwa, VII, 27-28, 45-46; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 31 inf.-3z sup.; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 5912, I, fol. 192b; al-Naysdbfri, op. cit., XXV, 66. 28) Muqitil, op. cit., Ms. 74/II, fol. 146a-b. h~dhacaldanna1-qi?ata 29) Al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 28, 1.9: ... wa-dalla k/nat qabla Cairon.d., IV, 103, 1.2 (and see ib., p. Ioz) ... al-iljhbyya, 1-hijrati ; al-Jamal,al-Futihadt and see the comments of al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 45 : .. . wa-kana qabla1-hijrati majPuhu 1-madinata anna ... wa-lamJyunqal abasufydna qablabadrin(commenting on the qadima refers to the Muslim victory at Badr). interpretationthat al-batsha 1-kubra
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
249
II
Al-Bayhaqi refers to a tradition according to which Aba Sufydn came to the Prophet in Medina asking him to pray for the Qurashites afflicted by famine as a result of the Prophet's curse and remarks with some reservation that he came to him twice: once when the Prophet stayed in Mecca and the other time in Medina30). Al-Jamal. commenting on the interpretations of al-Jaldlaynon S-ra XXIII, states that this verse and the two following ones were revealed to the Prophet in Medinaand that Qurayshwere afflictedby the Prophet's curse when he emigratedto Medina; hence Abi Sufyan came to the Prophet to Medina. Al-Jamal records a version of the talk of Aba Sufydn with the Prophet as reported by al-Bay~dwi: Aba Sufyan reproachesthe Prophet by reminding him of his claim to have been sent as a mercy for the people of the world, while he has killed the fathers (scil. from among Quraysh-K) by the sword and the children by famine31). The tradition affirms the assumption of al-Jamal and indicates clearly that Abi Sufydn set out to Medina to intercede on behalf of his people after a military encounter between the forces of the Prophet and those of Qurayshbrought about the defeat of the Qurashitesand caused a numberof them to be killed; at the same time children in Mecca were dying of hunger caused by some actions of the Prophet which are however not specifiedin the tradition. The clash between the forces of the Prophet and those of Mecca, the results of the militaryand economic actions of the Prophet against Mecca and her tribal allies are fairly reflectedin a commentaryof Sara XVI, 11 2: Ibn 'Abbds, Mujdhidand Qatddaare quoted as stating that the verse refersto the seven years of famineto which the Meccanswere exposed; they also were in fear of the Prophet and his Companions who were attacking their caravans;these events took place when the Prophet uttered his invocation: "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mu30) Al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il, II, 91, 1i. 1-z. 31) Al-Jamal, op. cit., III, 198 inf.-199.
250
M. J. KISTER
dar..." 32), More detailed and concrete is the version recorded by al-Tha'labi in his Tafsir: the Qurashites suffered hunger for seven years and the Arab tribes cut off their food-supplies according to the order of the Prophet (... ibtaldhd bi-l-ji'i sab'asininawa-qata'a l-'arabu The Meccan delegation, including bi-amril-nabiyyi). 'anhumu 1-mirata Aba Sufyan, describedthe sufferingsof the people and the unjustified pain of the children; they asked the Prophet to invoke God for them, which the Prophet indeed did. Then the Prophet permitted to carry food to them (i.e. to Mecca), while they (i.e. the people of Mecca-K) were still unbelievers (... fa-da'd lahumrasi~lu Ildhiwa-adhina li-l-ndsi This report is quite wa-hum bi-hamli 33). ilayhim ba'dumushrikin) 1-ta'dmi about the situation in Mecca: a tribal group obedient to the explicit Prophet cut off the food supply of Mecca on the order of the Prophet and the population of Mecca were afflictedby hunger. The Prophet's permission to resume food supplies to Mecca for the unbelievers of Quraysh is forcefully formulated in this account. Similar reports are recorded in the commentaries of al-Rizi 34). al-Baghawi35) and alJdwi 36). Tabari records in his commentary (Sira XVI, 113-115) a slightly divergent tradition referringto the story of the curse and the hunger; he records however an additional comment on the phrase: Ildhu..., according to which the phrase l ...fa-kulf mimmd razaqakumu refers to the provisions which the Prophet sent, out of mercy, for the unbelievers of Mecca when they were afflicted by drought and hunger37). The detail about the dispatching of food to Mecca by the Prophet out of mercy is indicated in the report recorded in the Tafsir of al-Jiyvni:the Prophet sent to them alms for the poor and goods a3). wa-mdlin) The very early comilayhimbi-sadaqatin (... fa-badatha of al-Farrd'(d. 207 AH) describes the hunger suffered by mentary
Beirut Al-Tabarsi, Majmacal-bayan, 138o/1961, XIV, 132. 33) Al-Tha'1abi,Ms. Vatican, Ar. 1394, fol. 8a. Cairo I357/1938, XX, 128-130. 34) Al-Rizi, Mafdtibal-ghayb, cit., IV, 98-99; al-Khdzin,op. cit., IV, 98-99. 35) Al-Baghawi, op. Marablabid,Cairo n.d., I, 467. 36) Al-Tabari, (Bulq) XIV, z25-i 37) Al-J.wi, TafsTr 26. 38) Abfi Hayyln, op. cit., VIII, 34.
32)
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
251I
Quraysh,their fear of the raids of the Prophet'stroops and states that
the Prophet sent to them food out of mercy, while they remained unbelievers 39). Another account mentions the messenger who carried the Prophet's gifts to Mecca; it was 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri 40), a wellknown Companion of the Prophet, whom the Prophet happened to entrust with some special missions 41). Al-Qurtubi records explicitly the invocation against Mudar and quotes fragments of the different versions mentioning the plight of Quraysh, their fear as a result of the raids of the forces of the Prophet, the talk of the Meccan delegation with the Prophet, Abi Sufydn's pledge and the order of the Prophet to
carryfood to Meccain order to divide it among them 42). The date of the boycott against Mecca is indicatedin the commentaries of the Qur'ln, Sira XXIII, 76: "We alreadyseized them with the chastisement...": the boycott of food supplies was carried out by Thumamab. Uthi~43) who stopped it after some time by an order of theProphet44). Ibn Kathir gives a very concise summaryof the relations between the Prophet and Quraysh:when they refused to convert to Islam and
ed. 39) Macdn7 l-qur'dn, Muhammad'Ali al-Najjdr,Cairo 1972, II, 114: ... thumma inna1-nabiyya raqqalahum mushrikfina. (1) fa-hamalailayhimal-ta'amawa-hum 40) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib, Ms. fol. 896a: ... wa-ba'atha rasztluldhi 'amranild mushriki bi-silatinwa-qadaqhatfi hattd akalzf1-rimmata wa-jahad7 qurayshin wa-l-'ilhiza. 41) See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba,IV, 602-603, no. 5769; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lim al-nubala',ed. Ascad Talas, Cairo i962, III, 40, 1.12; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiba, Cairo 1280, IV, 86.
42)
Al-Qurtubi,
43) Al-Tabari, Tafsir (Billq) XVIII, 34-35; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XII, 143; cf. Cairo I388/1968, p. 211; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthz7r, al-Wihidi, Asbab al-nulz7l, and see Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V. 550: ...fa-adayyaqa qurayshin fa-lamyada' V, 13; 'ald Ibn IHajar, habbatan mina l-yamamati; ta't~him al-Isaba,I, 411: ... wa-man'uhu 'an al-mirata... ; and see ib., on the Yamdma: ... wa-kanat ahli makkata. qurayshin r7fa and see F. McGraw Donner, Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad'sBoycott, JESHO, XX, 249-266. ed. 'Ali al-Bij wi, Cairo 138o/ 44) Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Istzlib fi ma'rifati ... wa-kinat miratuqurayshin I-a.shib, thumma min 196o, I, 215: wa-manfic'uhhum al-yaammati, ... ; according mi kinaya'tihimminmiratihim kharaja fa-habasa'anhum wa-mantif'ihim to this narrative the Qurashites sent a letter to the Prophet asking him to order Thumdmato lift the boycott; the Prophet responded to their request; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, 247. I,
op. cit., X. 194-195.
252
M.
J.
KISTER
recognize the mission of the Prophet they were afflictedby drought and hunger, according to the Prophet's curse; after the hyirathey sufferedfrom the attacks of the Muslim troops; after their conversion to Islam the situation changed: they became leaders and rulers of the
people 45).
III The Prophet's invocation against Mudar is in some traditions linked with the qunfzt-invocation during the prayer. The one uttered by the Prophet is said to have contained either blessings (scil. for the oppressed believers-K) or curses (against the unbelieving enemies of the Prophet-K) or blessings and curses coming both together46). These qunfzt-invocations which refer to some historical
events may be useful for establishing the date when boycott was imposed and of the time when it was lifted, following the appeasement. 'Abd al-Razzaq records three names of the persecuted believers
in Mecca: 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a 47), Salama b. Hisham 48), and al-Walid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira 49), quoting the formula of the Prophet's
45) Ibn Kathir, Tafsir,IV, 230-231. 46) Al-Mundwi, Fayd al-qadir,sharhal-jjmic al-saghir,Cairo, 1391/1972, V, 96, no. 6554. (On the efficacyof such an invocation see 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no. 4030: A dog passed a group of people praying behind the Prophet; one of the people made an invocation againstthe dog and it immediatelyfell dead on the ground. The Prophet remarked that had this person made an invocation against a whole people, God would have responded to his invocation (and the people would have perished-K). al-Isdba,IV, 750, no. 6127; al-Zurqini, Sharh cald 47) See on him: Ibn IHajar, Cairo I328, VII, 344. al-laduniyya, 1-mawdhib 48) See on him Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 130-131; Ibn cAbd al-Barr,op. cit., p. 643, no. Io32; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, I55-156, no. 3405; ed. al-cIqdad-thamin akhbaral-baladal-amzn, Fu'Id Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, IV, ft 599-600o,no. 1325; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikhal-Islim, Cairo i367, I, 379. 49) See on him: Ibn Hajar,al-Isiba,VI, 619, no. 9157; al-Zurqdni,op.cit., VII, 344; al-Wdqidi,Maghazi p. 46 records another account: the Prophet made an invocation b. on behalf of Salamab. Hisham, CAyydsh Rabicaand other unprotectedand oppressed (literally:"weak") believers (scil. in Mecca-K); this happenedwhen the Prophet was on his way to Badr. Al-Wdqidi stresses that another invocation, namely for al-Walid b. al-Walid was uttered by the Prophet later, as al-Walidb. al-Walid was
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
25 3
invocation for them, which is linked with the invocation against
Mudar 50). The date of the escape of these three believers from Mecca
and their arrival in Medina is given either "after Uhud" 51) or after the Battle of the Ditch 52). Accordingly the date of the Prophet's invocation may be establishedeitherafterthe year 3H (Uhud) or afterthe year five (the Battle of the Ditch). Some traditions link the story of the Prophet's invocation with the revelation of Sura III, I28:..."no part of the matter is thine, whether He turns towards them again or chastisesthem, for they are evildoers". As the Prophet made an invocation for the believers and uttered a curse against Mudar, God revealed the verse mentioned above:..."no part of the matter is thine..." 53). Other traditions commenton the verse differently: Prophetused to curse certainperthe sons of the mundafiqin duringthe morningprayer;then the versementioned above was revealedand the Prophet was implicitly bidden to cease to curse these persons54). One of the traditions mentions that four persons,whose names are not specified,were cursed by the Prophet55). A tradition traced to Ibn 'Umar gives a list of the three unbelievers b. Hishdm against whom the Prophet invoked: Abif Sufyan, al-.Hirith and Safwanb. Umayya;the verse..."no part of the matteris thine"...
captured by the forces of the Prophet at Badr; he was released, embraced Islam and returned to Mecca. There he was put in shackles and imprisoned; cf. al-Dhahabi, no. io. Siyar acljm, I, 228, cAbd al-Razz5q, op. cit., II, 446-447, nos. 4028, 4031-4032; 50) Nor al-Din alHaythami, Majmac al-Zawr'id wa-manbac al-faw'aid, Beirut 1967 (reprint), II, 137 inf.-i-38.; al-Suyiati, al-Durr al-manthzfr,II, 71; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khdliq Afghini, Hyderabad 1387/1967, II, 316-317; al-Nahhds, al-Ndsikh wa-l-mansikh, Cairo 1357/1938, P. 91; Ibn cAsdkir, Tahdbibta'rikh dimashq,Damascus 1349, VI, 234-235. 5 i) See al-Balddhuri, Ansab, I, 208 penult. 52) See al-Balddhuri, Ansib, I, 20o8, i1. 4-5; and cf., ib., pp. 209-211; al-Dhahabi, Siyar acldm, I, 228, no. io. 53) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 201, no. 7820 (and see ib., the references of the Editors). 54) Al-Nahhis, op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Wdhidi, op. cit., pp. 8o-81; cAbdallah b. al-Mubdrak, Kit. al-jibhd, ed. Nazih Hammdd, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 58, no. 58; Ibn cAsdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. 55) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 199, no. 7818.
254
M. J. KISTER
was revealed in connection with this invocation (and the Prophet ceased to curse them-K) 56). In the list given by 'Abdallah b. althe names of the three persons are different: Safwdn b. Mub.rak Suhayl b. Umayya, 'Amr and al-Hdrithb. Hisham; the name of Abii Sufydnis missing57).Al-Suydti mentions Safwln b. Umayya,al-HTrith b. Hisham, Abii Sufydnand the fourth man against whom the Prophet invoked (at the Day of Uhud) Suhayl b. 'Amr 58). Noteworthy is the additional phrase in al-Suyatti'stradition: God accepted their repentance (fa-tiba 'alayhim kullihim),and, as one may deduce, He forgave them their sins 59). These persons were indeed the leaders of Quraysh; they remainedamong the leading personalitiesof the community after they had embracedIslam and they participatedim some of the decisive events in Islam. The utterance of the Prophet about their repentance being accepted made their conversion easier and enabledthem to keep their high positions in society, their former enmity to the Prophet being forgotten. The traditionsin which the curse of Mudaris linked to the Battle of Uhud are contradicted by a report according to which the Prophet wounded in the battle and stained with blood made an invocation only against those who attacked and wounded him. God, however, did not respond to his invocation and forbade to curse the wicked people60). Peculiar is a tradition which states that the Prophet intended to curse the people who fled from the battle-field at Uhud. He was preventedfrom doing it by the revelationof the verse: ..."no part of the matteris thine"61). The tendencyof this traditionis evident
56) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir,VII, no. 7819 (and see the referencesgiven by the Editors); Ibn op. cit., VI, 429; cf. Shahridaral-Daylami, op. cit., Ms 'As.kir, Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 136b, Ii 1-2. IV, al-thamin, 57) cAbdallahb. al-Mubdrak,op. cit., p. 58, no. 57; al-'lIqd al-F.si, 35-36; Ibn 'Asdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. no. 3575. See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 213 sup., 58) II, 59) Al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthfdr, 71. nos.
281.
7805-7817; al-Zurqini, 6o) See e.g. al-Tabari, Tafsfr, ed. Shdkir, VII, 194-199, op. cit., VII, 343 ult.--344, 11. 1-3; Ibn IHajar,Fath al-bdri, Cairo 1301 (reprint) VII,
6 1) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XVII, I55, 1. 14.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
255
from the phrase which it contains, according to which one of the people who forsook the Prophet in this battle was 'Uthmanb. 'Aff~n. The majority of scholars are said to have been of the opinion that the verse "no part of the matteris thine" was revealedafter the battle of Uhud 62).
IV
The invocation against Mudar can hardly be related either to the Meccan period, or to the battle of Uhud. In the Meccan period the Prophet and his Companions suffered from the persecutions of the Qurashitesand only in some rarecases were the Qurashitescompelled to act in agreement with their tribal allies63); in the battle of Uhkud the Qurashiteswere those who fought the Muslimforces and wounded the Prophet, while the Mudar alliance is not mentioned as an active factor in the preparations that battle. The invocation of the Prophet for could only be uttered in the period when the tribes of the Mudar federation, the allies of Mecca, acted in cooperation with Quraysh against the Muslim community harasshing,attacking, damaging and killing. Such was the case with the expedition of Bi'r Ma'tina.In some traditions the curse of Mudaris actually reportedto have taken place after the massacreof the Companionsby the tribal groups of Sulaym and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'awhich were allied with Mecca and acted in close cooperationwith the Qurashiteenemies of the Prophet. According to these traditions the curse was linked with the invocation for the three Companions oppressed in Mecca by the unbelievers64). In some of
annahanazalat bi-sababi 6z) Al-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, i i. 9-10: ... wa-1-sawab qiSati ubud ... wa-qala "l-lubabi";ttafaqa aktharu 1-culama'i cald nuzflihaft s.hibu qissati hbud. 63) See e.g. Ibn Hazm, Hajjat al-wadai, ed. Mahmfid Haqqi, Beirut 1966, p. 148; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qdsidi ummi 1-qurd, ed. Mustafi 1-Saqd, Cairo Cairo 1382/1962, III, 198, 1390/1970, P. 547; cAli b. Burhdn al-Din, al-Siraal--halabiyya, 3 from bottom; and see JESHO, I972, p. 64, note 3. I. ed. 64) See e.g. al-Tahdwi, Sharh macidn 1-adthar, Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjdr, Cairo 1388/1966, I, 241-244; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344-345; al-W op. cit., p. 81; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 316 inf.-3 7 sup.; al-Daraqutni, Sunan, II, 38, no. 7; .hidi, al-Tabari, Tafsir, VII, zoz, no. 7821 (and see the references of the Editors); cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., II, 53; cf. al-Shafiri, Musnad, Arah I306/i889, p. io8.
256
M. J. KISTER
the Prophet's invocations the curse is directed against the wicked tribal groups without any mention of Mudar at all 65). The account of Muqatil links the verse Sara III, I28:.. ."no part of the matter is thine"... with SairaXCIV (a-lam nashra.h). According to this comment both the passages refer to the massacre of Bi'r Ma'una. The story recorded by Muqatil differs in many details from the current reports: there were four hundred Companions known as ahl al-suffawho lived on the alms given to them; they gave the surplus of these alms to other poor persons. They had no relatives in Medina. They went out as a and fought the Banii Sulaym (who were military force (mujayyashin) unbelievers-K). Seventy warriors of this group (i.e. the ahl al-szffa) were killed. The Prophet made an invocation against the evildoers (scil. of Sulaym) praying to God to punish them. But God revealed to him the verse: . . . "no part of the matter is thine" and, since it was obviously predestined that they would embrace Islam, the text of Saira XCIV, i seq. was revealed 66). In some cases the invocation against the wicked tribal groups goes together with a blessing bestowed on Ghifhr and Aslam 67), the two tribal groups which supported the Prophet at a
65) See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no 4029; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., II, 78; Burhdn al-Din, op. cit., III, 196-197; Nor al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VI, i25; Cairo I372/1953, II, 390, no. 8; al-Suyiti, al-Durr alal-Shaukdni,Nayl al-au.tAr, manthfr,II, 71; Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, 'Uyfn al-athar,Cairo 1356, II, 47, I. 24; Ibn Abi Shayba,op.cit., II, 31o; Aba Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Hilyat al-aullya',Cairo 1387/1967, III, 113 inf.; (and see the peculiar invocation against cUsayya: ... sami'tu rasgila bi-ban Cusdayyata, lljhiyaq/lu ft qunf7tihi: ummamildamcalayki fa-innahum yl 'asauIddha al-Khatib al-Baghdddi,Mfidih wa-rasilahu, Hyderabad 1379/ al-jam'wa-l-tafriq, auham i96o, II, 2); cf. al-Majlisi,Bihdral-anwar,Tehran 1386, LX, 232 (the curse here is uttered inter alia against Ricl, Dhakw~n, cAdl, Lihydn, those from among Asad and GhatafSninflicted by elephantiasis,Abei Sufydnb. Harb, Suhayl ["the man with the teeth"; in the text "Shahbal" instead of "Suhayl"], the two sons of Mulayka b. Jizyam, Marwdn[evidently: b. al-IHakam,-K], Haudha andHauna. The traditionis quoted from al-Kafi]). 66) Muqdtil,op. cit., 74/II, fol. 243a-b;and see al-'Ayni, op.cit., XVII, I 5, I. I5; wamin bani sulaymincusayyata wa-qlla inna ashiba 1-suffatikharaj ild qabllatayni arba'ina .... sabdhan fa-qutil2fa-da'c 'calayhim dhakwana I, 67) Al-Tahawi, Sharhma'ini 1-dthdr, 243 sup., 267 sup; Nir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., II, 138; al-Daylami, Firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. io8a; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 317 inf.; al-Wdqidi,op. cit., pp. 349 inf.-3 50.
Ibn IHajar,Fath al-birz, VII,
282
sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, II, 199, 206; cAli b.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
257
very early period 68). Al-Tahlwi analyses the divergent traditions, emphasizes the contradictory interpretations concerning the period in which the Prophet's utterance was given and surveys its circumstances, but does not reach a decisive conclusion 69). The statement that the invocation against the evildoers who had committed the massacre at Bi'r Ma'dna was the first time that the Prophet uttered a qunft-invocation during prayer 70) is of some importance for establishing the circumstances of this invocation and its date. It is in character with the custom of hadith scholars that they tried to bridge between the various versions of the tradition about the curse of Mudar. Some of them were of the opinion that the period of drought and hunger did not last seven years, but only a year or
even less. Thus, for instance, the formula: ... .' alhd 'alayhim sinina was interpretedas referring either to the harshness of ka-sini yrsufa the chastisementor to the period of drought: days, weeks, months or years71). The most reliablereportabout the Prophet'scurse of Mudarappears to be the one stating that the Prophet uttered if after the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina. The close relations between Quraysh and their Mudar allies can be gauged from a significant passage of the report about this expedition: when the Muslim warrior 'Amr b. Umayya alwas capturedby 'Amir b. al-Tufayl,the man who planned and carried .Damri out the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina, he was asked about his pedigree. When he stated that he was from Mudar, 'Amir b. al-Tufayl freed him and let him go, saying that he would not like to harm a man from Mudar72). 'Amir's decision was, of course, in line with the ideas
Misr, ed. C. Torrey, Leiden-New Haven, 1920-22, 68) Ibn cAbdal-Hakam,Futfrh p. 303 sup.; Ibn Hajar,Fath al-brZ, II, 410, 11. 16-23. I, 69) Al-Tahawi, Mushkilal-dthdr, 236-23870) A1-Zurqani,op. cit., II, 78, I. 17; al-HIkim, op. cit., I, 226 sup. 71) A1-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, II. 2I-22: wat'ataka... Cala [kuffir qurayshin, au ... au al-sin7na al-qyyjm... ; Ibn Hajar, aulddi] jcalhd ay muadara allihumma al-wa.tata min l-mashriqi yauma'idhin mudara Fath al-bari,II, 410, iI. I2-I4: ... wa-ahlu mukhaliffinalahu... Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 46a, al-nasab, 72) See e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharat i: ... fa-lamyuflit ahadun bnu camiru 1-tufayli hina qdla lahu ghayruhu khallasabilahu I.
17
258
M. J. KISTER
of tribal loyalty according to which he was expected to refrainfrom killing a memberof the Mudarfederationeven though the latter might participatein an expedition of a hostile troop. On the other hand, the individualsand groups who joined the Muslim communitycut their bonds with their tribes, keeping their loyalty and solidarityexclusively for their religious leaders and the community of the faithful. V Abfi SufyIn was one of the prominent leaders of Quraysh, a stubborn opponent of the Prophet during his stay at Mecca and the head of the active struggle against him after he moved to Medina. Abai Sufyanplayed a considerablerole in three decisive encountersbetween Quraysh and the Muslim forces: in the Battle of Badr (anno 2 H), in the Battle of Uhud (anno 3H) and in the Battle of the Ditch (anno 5H). Traditiondoes not mention any meeting during the Prophet'sMedinan period between the Prophetand Abi Sufydnfor negotaitionsexcept the latter's visit to the Prophet as a single delegate of Quraysh a short time before the Prophet set out on his expedition to conquer Mecca (anno 8H). There are, however, a few reports which indicate contacts between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn during a relatively long period before the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet. According to a tradition recorded by Muqatil, the leading hypocrites of Medina, 'Abdallah b. Ubayy 73), 'Abdallah b. Sa'd b. Abi a Sarh74) and Tu'ma b. Ubayriq75) cunninglyarranged meetingbetween the Prophet and the leaders of the unbelievers of Mecca: Abi Sufyan, 'Ikrimab. Abi Jahl and Abii l-A'war al-Sulami76). The Prophetrefused
inni min mudar; about the position of the chiefs of the Mudari tribes see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 488: ... fa-dakhala cuyqynatubnu hisnin al-faztriyyu ald 1-nabiyyi(s) wacindahu'a'ishatufa-dakhala bi-ghqyriidhnin,fa-qila lahu raszilul/lthi: fa-ayna 1-isti'dhdn? fa-q7la: yd rasila lldhi ma sta'dhantu cald rajulin min mudaramundhuadraktu. .. 73) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Alldh b. Ubayy b. Salkl (W. Montgomery Watt). 74) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Allah b. Sacd (C. H. Becker). 75) See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiba, III, 518, no. 4249; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, III, 52-53. IV, 641, no. 5855 (cAmr b. Sufydn); Ibn 76) See on him Ibn IHajar, no. 2849; CAbd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 6oo, al-Is.dba, Khalifa b. Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Khayy.t,
O GOD, TIGHTEN
THY GRIP ON MUDAR
259
to accept the requests of the mixed Hypocrite-Qurashi delegation that should acknowledge the power of the idols to grant intercession he (sharf'a,scil. with God for the unbelievers-K). He pacifiedthe enraged 'Umar who was about to kill the membersof the arrogantdelegation and granted them a letter of safe-conduct, enabling them to return
safely to their homes
77).
This event is said to have been hinted at
in Stira XXXIII, 1-3: "O Prophet, fear God and obey not the unbelievers and the hypocrites. God is All-knowing, All-wise. And of follow what is revealedto thee from thy Lord"... (Translation A. J.
Arberry).
al-Minqari, Waq-at Diyv' al-Din, Baghdid 1387/1967, p. 5I; Nasr b. Muz.him SiffPn,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hirfin, Cairo 1382/1962, index (Sufyin b. 'Amr al-Sulami). bint Abai 1-Acwar was a halif of Abf Sufydn. Abfi -A'war's grandmother was Arw. b. cAbdshams. And see on him El2, s.v. Abi 1-Acwar (H. Lammens). Umayya 77) Muqitil, op. cit., Ahmet III, 74/II, fols. 85b-86a; and see a shorter version: al-Wihidi, op. cit., p. 236 with an explicit statement that the event took place after the battle of Uhud; and see al-Baghawi, op. cit., V, 189; al-Khizin, op. cit., V, 18919o; al-Nasafi, Tafsir, Cairo n.d., III, 292. The earliest version recorded by alFarr.', Ma'dni l-Qur'ln II, 334 states that the Prophet forbade to kill the Meccan members of the delegation, as there was a peace-treaty (muwtda'a) between them. Al-Samarqandi gives the report of Muqdtil, but also records the account of Ibn alKalbi, according to which the Meccan delegates alighted in the courts of 'Abdallah b. Ubayy, Mucattib b. Qushayr (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 175, no. 8125) and Jadd b. Qays (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 468, no. i 12). According to this version it was the Prophet himself who intended to (order to-K) kill the arrogant Meccan delegates; but God forbade him to violate the pact (...wa-'aradz7 calayhi ashydaafa-karihaha minhum,fa-hamma bihim rasz7u lluhi (s) an yaqtulzhum (!) ild 1-muddatiwa-la tutic al-kafirina min ahli makkata). Another account says that the Muslims intended to kill the Meccan delegates, but the verses of Sara XXXIII, revealed at that time, prevented them from carrying out of their plan (al-Samarqandi, Tafsir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, vol. II, i29a). There is a curious tradition recorded by al-Suy~iti, Lubdb al-nuqzlfi asbabi l-nuZil, Cairo 1374/1954, P. 174: it makes no mention of the delegation, but speaks of the stipulations made by the Prophet's the Jews and the Hypocrites in enemies (also mentioned in other sources-K): Medina threaten to kill the Prophet if he does not abandon his ideas, while the Meccans promise to grant the Prophet half of their property if he retracts. The tradition, traced back to al-Dahhbik, mentions among the persons who summoned the Prophet to relinquish his call al-Walid b. al-Mughira and Shayba b. Rabi'a. The latter was killed in the battle of Badr; consequently the event has to go back, according to this tradition, to the period of the first two years after the hijra. And see this tradition: V, al-Suylti, al-Durr al-manthbir, i8o, II. 25-27.
lladhibaynaka wa-baynahum ttaqi 1-'ahda 1-nabiyyu Ilha wa-latanqudi fa-nazala:yj ayyuha
26o
M. J. KISTER
The reports do not specify the date of the arrival of the Meccan delegation in Medina; the only indication as to its time is the remark that it took place after Uhud. The style of the narrative and the circumstances of the visit, viz. the stratagem by which the Medinan hypocrites got the Prophet's consent to meet the delegation, the demand of the delegation and 'Umar's sharp reaction, all this seems to indicate that the delegation came to Medina after the Battle of the Ditch. The
battle itself was a defeatfor the Qurashitesand some of them probably realized that the Meccans would not be able to destroy the Muslim community in Medina and that they should set up a relationshipwith Medina based on the new balance of power. Some of the Qurashite leaders perceived that they were unable to resume their commercial activities without securing their trade routes from the attacks of the Muslim forces, and that it was necessaryto gain a recognition by the Prophetof the pagan deities of the Ka'ba in orderto preservethe authority of Qurayshas keepersof the House and to securean uninterrupted flow of pagan pilgrims to Mecca. The Qurashiteswere exhausted by the heavy war-expendituresand weakened by the lack of loyalty of some allied tribal groups who joined Muhammad. The boycott of Thumdmab. Uthdl, who at the Prophet's order cut off food-supplies from the Yamdmawas causing the population of Mecca serious hardship 78). The situationwas aggravatedby a severe drought in the same year, anno 6H 79). It is precisely the drought often mentioned in the sources. Lack of economic stability seems to have prevailed until anno 8H, when people complained of high prices (of food-K) and asked the Prophet to fix the prices and control them, a requestwhich the Prophet refusedso).In this situationthe Qurashiteswere compelled
78) See e.g. al-Baldhuri, Ans7b, I, 367; al-Zurq5ni, op. cit., II, 144-146; alCairo I283, II, 2-3; cAll b. Burhdnal-Din, op. cit., III, Diyvrbakri,Ta'rikhal-khamis, 197-199. 79) 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 288, p. 88: ... wa-f? 1-sanati(i.e. anno 6th H.) ajdaba1-ndsu hddhihi fa-stasqdlahumrasfzlu jadban shadidan bnu Ildhi(s) ft ramaddna...; al-cAyni,op. cit., VII, 34, I. i : ... wa-dhakara hibbdna: sanatasittinminal-hijrati. ft li-l-istisqd' shahriramaaddna (s) kdnakhurtjuhu ild 1-musalla 1-sanati anno 8th(i.e. 80) cAbdal-Malikb. Habib, op. cit., p. 90: ... wa-fthcidhihi
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
26I
to cometo the Prophet askfor somerecognition the idols,their and of aimbeingto tryandsavetheirpositionandauthority amongthe tribes. The Prophet couldnot accept theirrequest. callto his Companions His was to believein the one God and any concession madeto Quraysh wouldmeanthathe waswillingto associate idolswiththeone God.His was decision intransigent, he givenout of a positionof strength; refused to discussthe requests the delegation. couldwiselyforeseethat of He and a moderate moreflexible factionwouldarisein Mecca, whichmight strivefor a peacewiththe Muslim in and community Medina its leader, the Prophet.As a result,Meccamightbe torn by discussionand the would be weakend.It is clearthat the Prophet position of Quraysh triedto win over the leaders this moderate of groupin orderto assert his influencein Mecca and preparefor the conquestof the town. The tradition aboutthe exchange gifts betweenthe Prophetand of is recorded Abai'Ubaydon the authority 'Ikrima: of by Abfi Sufydn The Prophet to Abi Sufydn Mecca'ajwa-dates askedhimto sent in and send in returnas gift hides.Abi' carried the request. out Abli Sufy.n that the exchangeof gifts 'Ubaydanalysesthe traditionconcluding at betweenthe Prophetand the happened the time of the armistice people of Mecca,beforeMeccawas conquered the Prophet A 81). by dateis attached the eventrecorded Abi 'Ubayd:afterthe to precise by The were at thatperiodunbelievers, pact of al-Hudaybiyya. Meccans but this did not preventthe Prophetfrom exchanging gifts with his formerenemy,Abi Sufydn. Abi 'Ubaydis rightin deducing fromthis the incident general thattheProphet law accepted fromunbelievers gifts when they werenot in warwith the Muslims. Anotherversionof this story,also tracedback to 'Ikrima, gives a construction the events, recordssome additional to slightlydifferent
Cf. IK) ghald1-sicrujiddan. al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 36, i. Io from bottom: wa-qdla sanata cashrin qadimawafdusaladmna fa-qila fa-shakauilayhi1-jadba wdqidi:wa-lammd rasz7lu/ (s) bi-yadayhi... ldhi 81) Abfa cUbayd, al-Amwdl, ed. Muhammad al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, PPBurdur 257-258, no. 631; Ibn Zanjawayh,al-Amwdl,Ms. .H-Imid 183, fol. 96a; Ibn HIajar, al-Isaba, III, 413, no. 4050 (the messenger was 'Amr b. Umayya al-DIamri);on see Berlin 1897 (reprint), p. 229. Beduinenleben, cajwa-dates G. Jacob, Altarabisches
262
M. J. KISTER
details and sheds some light on the split within Quraysh as a result of the policy of the Prophet. The Prophet, says the tradition, sent to some goods (ba'athabi-shay'in) Abii Sufyan, and to some of the unbelievers in Mecca. Some of them accepted, some of them Qurashi returned (the things sent by the Prophet-K). Abi Sufydn said: "I shall accept it and shall not send it back". Then he sent to the Prophet weapons and other things which the Prophet accepted. Then the Prophet sent him 'ajwa-datesand Abui Sufyan sent him in return
hides82).
It is evident that this traditionabout the exchangeof goods between from that of Abai'Ubayd: the Prophetand Abi SufyIn is quite different it was not dates which were sent in exchange for hides for private usage; the weapons sent to the Prophet were obviously intendedfor the use of the Muslim forces and Medinan dates were quite as obviously sent for the unbelieving Qurashites.This conspicous exchange of weapons for food could only have happened when Abfi Sufyan hadlost his hope of Mecca'svictory over the Medinancommunityand it was most probablyprecededby negotiations between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn.A report related on the authority of Abai Hurayraadds more details about the first steps of the appeasementand how the relations between the Prophet and Abfi Sufyan were resumed. The Prophet sent to Quraysh a man with money to be distributedamong them; they were at that time unbelievers,adds the report.AbuiSufydn, with a group of Quraysh,asked the messengerto hand them over the money which Qurayshrefusedto accept.The messengerreturnedto the Prophet asking for instructions.The Prophet's reply was clear: "Why didn't you hand over (the money-K) to those of them who agreed to accept it" 83)? Another tradition, this one too recorded by al-Fakihi, mentions the name of the messengerwho carriedthe money: 'Amr b. al-Faghwi' al-Khuzi'i. The Prophet warned the messengerof 'Amr b. Umayyaal-Damriwho tried, as foretold by the Prophet, to attack'Amr b. al-Faghwd'and rob him of the money. The messenger escaped and
82) Ibn 'Asjkir, Tahdhib Ta'rikh,VI, 395.
83) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 397a.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
263
succeeded to reach Mecca and to hand over the money to Abfi Sufy n 84).
A tradition traced back to 'Abdallah, the son of 'Alqama b. alFaghwd' (the brother of 'Amr b. al-Faghwd') states that it was his father (not his uncle-K) who was dispatched by the Prophet with money to be distributedto the poor among the unbelieversof Quraysh in order to gain their sympathy (scil. for the Prophet and Islam, yata'allafuhum-K). As in the former tradition, 'Amr b. Umayya alDamri joins the messenger and tries to rob him of his money, but 'Alqamasucceedsin escaping. Abfi Sufydn remarks(scil. after receiving of the money-K): "I have not seen anyone more pious (abarr) and more generous towards the kindred (ausal)than this man (i.e. the Prophet). We fight him and try to shed his blood, while he beneficently sends us gifts" 85). AbLi Sufyan's remark about the Prophet reflects in a true manner the attitude of the unbelievers towards the generosity displayedby the Prophet with regardto his opponents. Some utterancesof the nonbeliever Qurashites, expressing admiration for the clemency of the Prophet and his generosity are recorded in the reports about the conquest of Mecca; they are indeed similar to the utterance of Abi Sufydn mentioned above. The report names the social group which refused to accept the money sent by the Prophet and thus objected to collaboration, or even contact, with him: they were the ashraf,the notables, whose attitude of deep devotion to the ancestralrites, and their firm adherenceto the acceptedmould of relationsbetween tribes, based as it was on the loyalty and allegianceto the Ka'ba and its pagan rites, are reflectedin their staunch opposition to any peaceful contact
84) Al-Fdkihi. op. cit., fol. 397a (reported on the authority of the son of the messenger, cAbdallah b. cAmr b. al-Faghwa); but see the version saying that the Prophet sent the gifts after the conquest of Mecca: Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 296; Ibn al-Athir,
Jdmic al-uswl, ed. Muhammad
al-Kharqa'shi,
Sharafal-mus.tafd, III, 0zo; 85) See Ibn Hajar,al-Isaba,IV, 559, no. 5680; al-Dhahabi, Siyaracldim, al-tahdhib, Tahdhib al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit., IX, 104, no. 943; and cf. Ibn V, 340. no. 58o. .Hajar,
XII, IHImid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3014, fol. 7za.
361, no. 9435;
264
M. J. KISTER
with the Muslim body politic headed by the Prophet. They were confronted by a group of Qurayshunder the leadershipof Abi Sufyan who made a shrewd assessment of the situation of Qurayshafter the defeat of the Battle of the Ditch and the exterminationof the Banfi Qurayza. As already pointed out above, he knew that establishing relations and creating economic contacts with Muhammad and his community was unavoidable. He believed that Mecca could no more face the Prophet in war and thereforedid not hesitateto send weapons to the Prophet. As a result, there is a dramaticchange in the attitude of the Prophet towards Abii Sufyan, and it is admirably reflected in the narrativereviewed above: after the bloody events of al-Raji' and Bi'r Ma':inathe Prophet sent 'Amr b. Umayyaal-IDamri ordering him to kill Abi Sufydn86) in retaliationfor Abiu Sufydn'sattempt to kill the Prophet by an assassin. Now, after the Battle of the Ditch, the Prophet strived to gain the co-operation of the leader of Quraysh, Abii Sufydn. The man who accompaniedthe Prophet's messenger to Abui Sufydnwas the very man whom the Prophet had sent two years before to kill him: 'Amr b. Umayya al-.Damri. Other reports about the actions of Abii Sufydn seem to confirm the reports about the contacts between the Prophet and Abi Sufyan during that period. The Prophet married Umm Habiba (Ramla), the daughterof Abfi Sufyin anno 6H, the year of the peace of Hudaybiyya; Abti Sufyan is said, according to some reports, to have given his approval. Other accounts say that the permission to marry her was granted the Prophet by Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As or by 'Uthman b. 'Affan87). A tradition recordedby Muslim states that Abai Sufyan put
86) See e.g. al-Diyvrbakri,op. cit., I, 459; al-Zurqdni, op. cit., II, 177-179; al1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1969, II, 542-545. Tabari, Ta'rzkh,ed. AbeT 87) See e.g. the various reports about the marriage:al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 20-23; Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provengal, Cairo 1953, p. I22; alMaqrizi, Imta⢠al-asmic, ed. Mahmfd Mahammad Shdkir, Cairo I941, I, 325, 358 al-Bal1dhuri, Ansib, I, inf.-359 sup.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 653-654, III, G65; ed. hid, 438-439;Ibn Kathir,al-Siraal-nabawiyya, MustafdcAbdal-W~ Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 273, 275 ult.-276; Ibn Sayyid 'Uy7n al-athar,II, 3o6-3o7;o;YVsinb. al-nisd',ed. Raji' Mahmad alal-rauda al-N.s, tawdrikh Khayrallah,Muhadhdhab al-fayhaft Baghdid 1386/1966, pp. 117-120zo. S.marrP'i,
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
26J
forth three requests in his talk with the Prophet: to let him marry his to appoint his son Mu'awiya daughter, Umm Habiba bint Abi Sufy.n, as a scribe of the Prophet, and that the Prophet should appoint him to fight the unbelievers with the same zeal as he had when fighting the Muslims 88). Orthodox scholars discussed at length the tradition according to which it was Abai Sufyan who gave his daughter in marriage to the Prophet. It is evident that they found it hard to accept the tradition as sound, although it was recorded by Muslim, since according to Muslim law an unbeliever has no authority over the legal acts of any of his family who has converted to Islam. Consequently the unbeliever Abui Sufyan could not either permit or prohibit the marriage of his believing daughter. The scholars had therefore recourse to harmonizing interpretations, attaching to the marriage request a quite different meaning: Aba Sufyan's intention was not to grant permission to the Prophet's marriage with his daughter, but rather, as the setting of the tradition was placed at the conquest of Mecca, when Aba Sufy.n had converted to Islam, the tradition was interpreted as meaning that Aba Sufydn gave confirmation and legitimacy to the marriage 89). One is inclied to assume that during the negotiations between the Prophet and AbT Sufyan, which preceded the exchange of goods between them, some decisions about the position of Aba Sufydn and of his family had been reached, including an agreement concerning the Prophet's marriage with Umm IHabiba.The Prophet indeed appointed Muc'wiya as his scribe and Aba formerly the violent opponent of Islam, Sufy.n, was entrusted with responsible tasks, and put in charge of the collection of taxes in certain districts 90). The co-operation between the Prophet and Abu SufyIn in the period of the Hudaybiyya agreement can be gauged from some traditions saying that Mu'~wiya went out from Mecca in the company of 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr and other
88) Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, op. cir., II, 307.; cf. Ibn 'As1kir, op. cit., VI, 399, 404 inf. 89) See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, JalE'u 1-afham -saldti wa-l-salam cali khayri ft 1-andmed. Tdhd Ytisuf Yasin, Kuwayt-Beirut 1977, pp. 128-135. 90) See e.g. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashraf, ed. M. Schloessinger, IVA, p. 6 (and see the references supplied by the Editor); Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 404 inf.-405 sup.
266
M. J. KISTER
Qurashi youths before the conquest of Mecca in order to meet the Prophet and convert to Islam91).There is no mention of Abai Sufydn's nor after activity during the negotiationsover the pactof al-.Hudaybiyya, the pact was signed. The changein his attitudetowardsthe Prophetwas, however, fully reflectedin his censureof the aggressive action of some the allies of the Prophet92). It is Qurashi leaders against Khuz.'a, plausible that no else than Aba Sufyin was the person sent to the Prophet in Medinain order to prevent the Prophet'sexpeditionagainst in the Meccaand to reaffirm pact of al-JHudaybiyya spite of the violation of one of its paragraphsthrough the attack against Khuzd'a. Abfi SufySn could not prevent the expedition against Mecca and its conquest by the Muslims, but he contributed much to the peaceful surrender of the city. He was in reward given a great privilege by the Prophet: to anyone being in his court when the Muslim troops occupy Mecca was to be granted safety. The feelings of anger and contempt at his role in the Muslim conquest of Mecca were clearlyexpressedby his wife Hind bint 'Utba: "Kill this fat greasy bladder of lard!"--she cried when Abi Sufydn announced on behalf of the Prophet safety for those who would enter his court. "What a rotten protector of the people" 93)! The kindness of the Prophet towards Aba Sufyin, the favours granted him, the appointmentof Mu'iwiya as secretaryof the Prophet, and the appointment of Yazid as tax collector94) were important factors in creating a favourableMuslim attitude towards Aba Sufydnand his family.The caliphswho succeededthe Prophetcontinued to employ members of Abu Sufyin's family in high posts. To this crucial period in the relations between Abu Sufyin and the Prophet seems to refer the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "The faith (scil. Islam-K) has been continually aided by Aba Sufyan
91) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley Marsh. 384, fol. i iIa, penult.; al-Fisi, al-'lqd al-thamin, V, 371; Ibn Hajar, al-lsdba, IV, 326, ii. 1-4. 92) See e.g. al-Waqidi, op. cit., pp. 785-788. 93) A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, Oxford 1955 (reprint), p. 548; al-Fisi, Cairo 1956, II, z 6. Shifd'al-gharjm, See e.g. Ibn IHajar,al-Isdba, VI, 658 inf., no. 9271. 94)
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
267
both before and after his conversion to Islam"95). The affectionand
sympathy of the Prophet is exposed in a prediction attributed to the
Prophet about the events of the Day of Judgment: Abd Sufyin will
expect the Prophet when he will return from the Presence of Allah and
friend 96).
serve him with a drink from a glass of red sapphiresaying: Drink, my VI The qunz7t-invocation during prayer was the subject of heated discussions among the orthodox scholars. Some of them considered the
abrogated the verseof Sira III, 128: ... "no part qunz7t-invocation by
of the matter is thine"...; the Prophet used to curse some persons during the morning prayerand this practiceis said to have been abrogated by this verse. Other scholarsarguedthat the verse did not abroit gate the qunz7t-invocation; merely stressed God's exclusive authority to decree on the fate of man97). A divergent tradition says that the Prophet merely intended to curse some wicked personsfrom among the unbelievers; after the revelation of the verse; . .. "no part..." the Prophet invoked God in the style of (the invocations of) one of the prophets (i.e. Jesus-K): "God, forgive my people, because they do not know" (what they do-K) 98). Some scholars tried to detach invocation from prayerby arguing that anything not grounded in the Qur'~n cannot be considered as part of the prayer99); it is not surprising to find some scholars who used to read certain chapters of the Qur' n coupling the reading with supplications(... kdnayaqnutu bi-arba'idydtin... or: kdnayaqnutubi-hdtayni ..) 1-sifratayni. 100). The transition from the quniftas practised by the Prophet after the massacreof the Muslim troop at Bi'r Ma'iina to one which was supplicatoryin its form and content is vividly depicted in a tradition
95) Ibn 'Asdkir,op. cit., VI, 405 ult. 96) Ibn cAsdkir,op. cit., VI, 406 sup. 97) op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 2oo. Al-Qurtubi, 98) Al-Nahh.s, op. cit., IV, 199-zoo. 99) Al-Nahhds, op. cit., p. 91. Ioo) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 114, no. 4978 and 116, no. 4983.
268
M. J. KISTER
traced back to Khilid b. abi 'Imrin 101).While the Prophet was making
on the report a clearline betweendu'dand qunfit, commenting Al-Tah.wi that used to practisequniftduringthe morningprayer.He Aba Hurayra
argues that this account indicates that Abai Hurayra considered as abrogated the invocation (du'd) against persons whom the Prophet
an invocation against Mudar, the angel Jibril descended, bidding him be silent, ordered him to cease to curse Mudar.The angel then taught him another qunift, which contains elements of prayer, praise of God, supplication and expressions of submission to God 102). It is in connection with this change in the meaning of qunift that al-Suyati found himself unable to answer the question whether the Prophet's invocation againstsome people during thirty days followed or preceded the (new-K) qunift formula:all/humma draws hdind... 103).
cursed (innamdkdnahzuwa 1-du'd'a 'ald man da'd 'alayhi raslu ladhi sdalld but considered as valid and obliging the quniit lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam), is linked with it 104); qunuzt thus conceived here as supplicationand this
supplication,indeed, remainedvalid. Some scholars stated by analogy with the qunztthat the invocation for a sneezing person during prayer is permissible; the blessing of a sneezer belongs to the type of blessing or curse practised by the
Prophet during prayer and is therefore permissible 105)'
Certain reports seem to consider qunfitas an invocation against
enemies, which the Prophet practised only for a number of days 106),for
Tahdhib al-tahdhib,III, i1o, no. 20s. Ioi) See on him Ibn JHajar, 102) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 201; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan,II, zio inf.; ... baynd rasfilu Ildhi (s) yadc cal/amudara ja'ahu jibrilu fa-auma'ailayhian uskutfa-sakata, idh bacathaka wa-il lacanan inna fa-qdla muhammadu lldhalam ya yabCathka wa-innama sabbaban ... thumma laka minal-amri wa-lam shay'un laysa rahmatan 'allamahu yab'athka'adhdban, bika wawa-nastaghfiruka wa-nu'minu hadhda-qunflta: allihumma inna nastazcnuka man wa-natruku yakfuruka, alldhumma laka wa-nakhlacu wanakhdar'u iyydkana'budu laka nusalli... 1-Din cAbd ed. 10o3)Al-Suyati, al- HawZ li-l-fataw7, MuhammadMuhyl Cairo 1959, I, 532 sup. al-.Hamid, 1-dthdr, 248. I, 104) A1-Tahdwi,Sharhma'anz ed. G. Vitestam, 105) Aba cAsim al-cAbbddi. Tabaqdtal-fuqahd'al-shdficiyya, Leiden 1964, P. 43. o06) 'Abd al-Razzaq,op. cit., III, 105, no. 4945.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
269
twenty days107), directedagainst the rebelling tribes and which he later ceased to practise.108) Consequentlytraditions of this kind emphasize that the Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet did not utter the qunit in their prayers109). But certaintraditionsin conflict with the former until he died 110); ones said that the Prophetcontinuedto practisequnift accounts should be interpretedas using qunfitin the sense of these supplications, and not as invocations directed agaisnt specific people or as blessings addressedto specific individuals.A peculiarreason for the prohibition of qunftas practisedby the Prophet in the first period, when it was used to curse or bless individuals or groups is indicated in certain reports: it was considered odious to specify persons or as groups in qunift done initially by the Prophet"'). Another reason mentionedwhy the invocation in favour of the oppressedbelieverswas discontinued was the fact that the oppressed believers manage to escape and reach Medina. During fifteen days (i.e. from the I 5th of Ramaddnuntil the Yaum al-Fitr) the Prophet made invocations for them 112); after their arrivalin Medinathere was no more reasonto do which this 113). Another interpretationsays that the qunz7t-invocation
I, 107) Al-Tahiwi, Sharbmacani, 244, 1.18, 247, 1.3 from bottom. io8) Al-Tahdwi, Sharh macini, I, 244-245, 248; and see al-Dhahabi, MiZdnalictiddl,ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi,Cairo 1382/1963,II, 653, no. 5196 (the tradition is cald rasfzlu (s) thaldthina yadc'z l-nasisammdhum markedas a laylatan qanata Ilahi innamd mandkir tradition). o09) See e.g. cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, Ioy-Io6, nos. 4946-4952; al-Tah1wi Sharhmacini,I, 246. I, Siio)See e.g. al-Tahdwi, SharhmacdnZ, 243, 11. 15-17; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, zo2, II. 14-15. op. I I I) See e.g. cAbdal--Razzdq, cit., II, 447 no. 4032, 454, no. 4058; al-Shaukini, op.cit., VIII, 82, II. 20-22; Ibn Abi Nayl II, 389, 1.9; MahmiidMuhammad (Aba ft 1-rajuli 1-duad Khatt.b, Shayba, op. cit., II, 317, 1.7; and see ib., 441-442: ft tasmiyati l-Dardi' performed invocations for seventy of his brethren while prostrating in prayer; cAli used to name the persons for whom he invoked after the prayer; alSha'bi and al-Hasanwere of the opinion that the invocation is left to the discretionof the believer in his prayer). See Ibn Abi Shayba, op.cit., II, 30s-306; wa-l-bidac, al-Hawadith I12) ed. M. Talbi, Tunis 1959, p. 56, i1. 4-6. al-Turt.ashi, See Sharbal-macani, 242, 1.3; MahmMd Muhammad I, II3) cit., VIII, 82, 11. 14-15; cf. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 121, no. 4996; and see op. Khatt.b al-Tah.wi,
270
M. J. KISTER
contained both curses and blessings became redundantwhen the oppressed believers managed to come to Medina while the unbelievers
repented and embraced Islam 14). The opinion that qziniftwas abro-
gated in all the prayers of the day though retained in the morning prayer led to an unrestrainedattack on al-Shdfi'i, who championed
it 11n). Some scholars considered quniftin the morning prayer a bid'a 116)
and we have lively discussions of the problem whether qunfit to be was
practised after performing the prescribed rak'as or before 11'), and whether the invocation was practised before and after the rak'as 18).
Accordingto some traditionsthe believersused to practisequnfit during
the night-prayer of the 15th of RamadIn 119). Some scholars recommend the quniit during the whole year 120).
Orthodox scholarstried to bridge between the two conflicting sets of traditions, the one reporting that the Prophet was followed by until the day of their the Guided Caliphs,who used to practise qzunft death, and the other, denying this practise to both the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs. The harmonizing interpretation said that the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs continued to practise the kind of qunatwhich was a personal prayer in which they asked God for guidance and grace "2). Several invocations traced back to the Prophet, Ubayy b. Ka'b, 'Umar and al-IHasan are moulded in this style 122). The early formulae of quniftwere revived again during the bloody in op. al-Turtashi, cit.,p. 56, i1. 7-10 andp.57, I1. 8-15 (aboutthe qunz7t the second halfof Ramaddn). Nayl, II, 387: 114) See e.g. al-Zurqini,op.cit., VII, 345, II.g -20; al-Shaukdni, man min wa-khalusz7 al-asriwa-aslama lamma tarakahu ... thumma qadima da'c lahum man wa-ja:lc dacacalayhim ti'ibina... op. 115) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, zz; cf. al-Turtashi, cit., p. 57, I1.2-3; and see op. al-ShIfi'i, cit.,VII, 235, 285. I I6) Al-cAyni, cit., VII, 22, 1.3.frombottom,23 ult.; cf. Abza op. Yasuf,Ikhtildf Cairo1357, P. I1I ult. Abi wa-Bni Layld,ed. Aba l-Waf ' 1-Afghani, AbI HIanifa macan,I, 248; Abfi Nucaym,op. cit., IX, 19, 21. i17) Al-Tahawi, Sharh op. i18) See e.g. Aba Nucaym, cit.,IX, 33. op. S19)See al-Turtiishi, cit.,p. 56 ult. op. cit., p. 57. op. 120) See cAbdal-Razzdq, cit., III, I21, II. 2-3; al-Turtashi,
II. I-2.
op. z121) Seee.g. al-Shaukani, cit.,II,
387, 11. 15-20.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
271
struggle between 'All and Mu'dwiya.The two early scholars, 'Alqama and al-Aswad123) stated that the Prophet used to practise qunft only when he fought, and then he did so in all his prayers; Aba Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthmdn did not practise quniftuntil their death; 'Ali started to practise invocation only when he fought Mu'iwiya and then he did so in all the prayers.The samething was done by Mu'iwiya and they cursed each other (scil. in every prayer-K) 124). Ali's adherents probably disapproved of his invocation against Mu'cwiya, considering it perhaps as bid'a; 'Ali, trying to justify it, explains his qunift as being merely an invocation for God's help against the as enemy 125). cAli, says a report,did not practisequnift long as he stayed in the Arab peninsula; he started to practise it when he moved to 'Irdq 126). 'Ali is said to have invokedagainstMu'dwiyacursing him of for forty days; he did it in imitation of the qunut the Prophet127).
of Anotheraccount,recordedon the authority AbgiMikhnaf, speci-
fies the names of the persons against whom 'Ali invoked: Mu'dwiya, b. Maslama,'Abd 'Amr (b. al-'As), Aba l-A'war al-Sulami, b. 'Uqba; Mu'dwiya b. .Habib al-Rahmdn Khdlid(b. al-Walid) and al-Walid retaliated cursing in his qunft 'Ali, JHasan, HIusayn,Ibn 'Abbds and al-Ashtar 28). The question whether it is permissible to curse the
122) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, io8, no. 4957, 110, no. 4968-4969, 114, no. 4978, 1i6, nos. 4982-4983. Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 276, no. 484, I, 342, no. 625I. 123) See on them Ibn IHajar, 124) cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, o107,n . 4953; Muhmad Muhammad Khatt.b, 4-8; Abd Yisuf, Kitab al-dthar,ed. Abi 1l-Wafi,Cairo 1355, op. cit., VIII, 85, â¢1. p. 71, no. 352; idem, Ikhtilif, pp. iii inf-ii2, I.i. Ibn Abi Shayba,op. cit., II, 310, i1, 6-8. IzS) 126) Al-Shaukdni,op. cit., II, 385; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 311. I27) Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rlkh,Ms. ZShiriyya,IX, fol. I28a (for the invocation during fourty days cf. Ab-aYrisuf, Ikhtilif, p. ii 2, note i, 1.7). annacallyyan abz7 Ibn S128) Junghul, op. cit., II, fol. 185b: ... wa-dhakara mikhnafin camrun kanayalcanu qunfitihi waft wa-camran ma lammabalaghahu facala muc'wiyata bna khalidinwa-1bna maslamata acwara1-sulamiyya wa-~abda wa-habiba aba I-rahmani dhblikamucdwiyata walidabna cuqbata, yalcanu ft qunztihi fa-lammabalagha kanaaycan and see another Shici quntit:alwa-bna'abbisin wa-l-ashtara; wa-husaynan caliyyan Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, I28, no. ioi; and see e.g. the formula of Muc'wiya's invocation against cAli: Muhammad b. cAqil al-cAlawi 1-Husayni, al-Nasda'i al-kdfiya li-manyatawalla mucawiya, Najaf 1386/1966, pp. 86 inf.-87, 95-97.
272
M. J. KISTER
Companions of the Prophet became subject of extensive discussions in
Shi'i compilations129).
In the second half of the second century there were still heated discussions as to whether the qunfzt-invocation is permitted during prayer, in which part of the prayer it may be uttered and during which of the prayers the invocation may be performed 130). In some circles the qunzit was even considered as a kind of a voluntary private invocation and a scholar could remark that he disliked quniftas an established formula of invocation 131). The legitimacy of the qunint a private invoas cation during the formal prayer is seen in a tradition reported on the authority of 'A'isha. The Prophet, making an invocation in the morning prayer before performing of the rak'a, said: "I merely invoke in front of you in order that you invoke (your) God and ask Him to grant you your needs" 132). The quniftin fact changed during the following centuries to become a supplication during calamities and disasters and a private invocation of the believer in which he implored God to fulfil his wishes and to give success to himself and his kindred. The scrutiny of the traditions about the invocation against Mudar has helped us to lineate the changes which the perception of this invocation underwent in the Muslim community against the background of the Prophet's struggle with the unbelievers of Quraysh and of the later discussions between the factions of the nascent Muslim Empire at the time of 'Ali and Mu'awiya. In later centuries it turned into a private supplication for guidance and success. The scrutiny of this material gives us a clue for a better assessment
I29) Cf. e.g. Sadr al-Din cAli Khan -al-Shirdzi, al-Darajat al-rafica ft tabaqit al-shica, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. ii-o20. 130) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq, op. cit., II, 448-449, nos. 4033-4035, 4039-4041 131) Aba Yasuf, al-Athdr, p. 70, no. 348: akrahu an ajcala fi l-qunz7tidu'a'an ma climan. hishami bni curwata,Ms. Zihiriyya, 13z) Hish~m b. 'Urwa,Juf' fihi min majmf'a 61, fol. 188a: ... innamd aqnutu bikum li-tadcz' rabbakum wa-tas'alhzuihacaw.lihadithi wa'ijakum.
O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR
273
of the economic pressure carried out on the Prophet's order against the unbelievers of Mecca by cutting off their food supplies from the Ydmamaandby the raidson the Mudartribalgroups allied with Mecca. Under this pressure Aba Sufydn, convinced that Mecca could not stand against the growing forces of the Prophet, decided to enterinto peaceful co-operationwith the Prophet and to initiate a commercial exchange of goods. Abui Sufyan's change of attitude towards the Prophet explainswhy he acceptedthe money sent by the Prophet, why he refrainedfrom aiding the Qurashiattackagainst Khuzd'a(the allies of the Prophet),why he consentedto the marriageof his daughterto the Prophet and why he went out to Medinato intercedewith the Prophet on behalf of Quraysh.Only in the light of these events does one get an insight into the privileges and concessions granted him and his family by the Prophet: safety for all who entered his court on the day of the conquestof Mecca,the missionsandofficeswith which he was entrusted by the Prophet and the appointment of Mu'dwiya as the secretary of the Prophet.It is significantthat the Muslimcommunityacceptedthe decisions of the Prophet without reservationand Abii Sufydnregained his leading position in the Muslim society. His sons were appointedby Abi Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman and hold high positions in the Muslim state. Mu'dwiya,the son of the leaderof the Mudaralliance,became the founder of the Umayyaddynastywhich held sway over the Muslim Empire for a very long time.
18
Mecca and Tamim.pdf MECCA AND TAMIM
(ASPECTS OF THEIR RELATIONS)
BY
M. J. KISTER
Jerusalem
The history of Tamim in the times of the Jihiliyya is of special importance.Informationabout Tamimin Arabiansourcespoint clearlyto the close relationsof the leadersof Tamimwith the kings of al-Hira.But there was another centre as well, with which Tamim was closely connected: it was Mecca.It maybe venturedto say that Tamimplayeda considerablerole in the history of Mecca in the times of the Jdhiliyyaand were quite helpful in the establishmentof the dominantposition of this city in the tribal society of the Arabianpeninsula. The examinationof the contactsbetween Meccaand Tamimmay shed some light on the origin of the "tribalcommonwealth" underthe leaderof Meccaand on the ways of Meccandiplomacyin its tribalenvironship ment. A scrutinyof these data may lead to a revision of some opinions about the relationsbetweenMeccaandthe tribesand to an elucidationof some events during the period of the struggle between the Prophet and Mecca. The discussion of the relations between Mecca and Tamim may be preceded by some remarksabout the relationsbetween the Arab tribes and al-Hiraat the end of the sixth century. The second half of the 6th centurywas a period of fundamental chanin the relationsbetween the tribes of North-EastArabiaandal-Hira. ges The defeat of the forces of al-IHira, who took part in the raids against tribes and fought in the inter-tribalencounters-undermined the prestige of the rulers in the opinion of the tribes. Privileges of guarding of caravansgrantedto some chiefs causedjealousyand conflictbetween the tribes andled to clashesbetweenthem. Discontentedtribesrose in rebellion againstal-Hira.Raids on caravansof the rulersoccurredfrequently
JEsHo, VIII
II3
8
114
M.
J. KISTER
and roads of commerce became unsafe; the rulers of began to al-.Hira lose control of the commercialroads and their prestige dwindled. The weaknessof the rulersof and their Persianmasterswas apparent; al-.Hira took partin some battleson the side troops of the Persiangarrisonswho of the loyal tribes were defeated. A case of this kind is recordedby alBalddhuri.
Bakru 'AmribniTamimin 'ald Wa-aghdrat bnuWd'ilin BanZ yauma ndsun al-Asdwirati, Banif wa-ma'ahum min 1-Salibi fa-hazamathum ra'sa Tar7fun '1-Asdwirati, 'Amrin,wa-qatala fa-qdla: Wa-lauld nisd'u 'ttirddi bi-1-Salibi bayna lasuwwiqat: undsin Durnd wa-Bdriqi "Andthe Bakrb. Wd'ilattacked Banii'Amr(of Tamim)at the the "Day of al-Salib". Withthemwere men from the Asdwira. The Banif'Amrdefeated themand Tarifkilledthe chief of the Asdwira said: and it Were not mydriveat al-Salib-therewouldhavebeendriven womenof men betweenDurndandBdriq" 1). to by Equipment supplied the Persians loyaltribeswastakenas booty the victorioushostiletribes2). by the of Meanwhile disintegration the Persian Empireat the end of the musthavebeenfelt at al-Hira. 6th century the Al-Nu'mdn, last rulerof with the Arabsand it is plausible seemsto have sympathised al-.Hira, havecomein touchwithsomeleaders tribes, of thathe might attempting to makecommoncausewith the strongtribes.In an apocryphal story the followingsayingis attributed al-Nu'mdn: to innamd rajulun minand wa-md malaktu bi-makdnikum yutakhawwafu wa-innamd min kum, wa-'azaztu ... anna md niahiyatikumli-ya'lama 'l-'Araba'aldghayri .annaau.haddatha of stressed factthatthe dynasty Lakhm the nafsahu...3). N6ldeke rightly
i) al-Baladhuri:Ansib, ms. f. IoI5b. z) See Naqd'id, p. 581: wa-kinatBakruntahtayadi Kisra wa-Fdrisa. Qdla:fa-kdnf7 min 'indi 'dmili 'Ayni 'I-Tamri...etc. wa-yujahhi-zfnahum. yuqawwimznahurm Fa-aqbalzr ("Bakr were under the control of Kisrd and the Perisans. They used to strengthen them and to equip them. They came from the governor (of Kisrd) of 'Ayn al-Tamr... "). 3) Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'Iqd al-faridI, I69.
MECCA AND TAMIN
115
seems to have become too independentin their attitude for Kisrd 1). Rothstein quotes a passage from al-Dinawariin which Kisra is said to have arguedthat he killed al-Nu'man becauseal-Nu'min andhis family made common causewith the Arabs2). According to a tradition,recorded by Abu 'l-Baqd',Kisrdintendedafterthe death of al-Mundhirto send a Persiangovernor with i2,000 Asawirato al-Hira.He changedhis mind and decided to appoint one of the children of al-Mundhirafter a talk with 'Adiyy b. Zayd3). Poetry of the Jihiliyya fairly reflectsthe resistance of the tribesto foreign rule; poets praisetheirclans that they fought the kings 4) and killed them 5). Al-Nu'mdnn must have been aware of chaos in the Persian Empire and of the rise of the power of the Arab tribes and might have planned a new line in his policy which did not accord with Persian interests. There must be a grain of truth in the suspicions of Kisra. It seems that the dynasty of Lakhm was abolished becauseit could not be trusted. The Lakhmidsbecameunableto secure the ways of commerce.They failedto preventthe Arab tribesto raidthe territoriesof the PersianEmpire. Nidldekesuggests that the abolition of the dynasty of Lakhm facilitated the raidsof the territoryof by the Arab tribes6). Brockelmann considers the defeat of the al-.Hiraforces at Dhii Qdr as a consePersian quence of the abolition of this dynasty7). Levi della Vida assumesthat "with the fall of this bufferstate the door was opened to Arabiansfor invasion" 8). But the door was in fact opened to Arab invasion because of the decline of the PersianEmpireand of the rise of power of the Arab
T. N61ldeke:Geschichte Perseru. Araber,p. 332z, I. der n. Rothstein: Die Dynastieder pp. Lahmiden, II16-I 7. Abi 'l-Baq"': Mandqib, f. io6a. ms. See Levi della Vida: Pre-IslamicArabia (The Arab Heritage),p. 50. See al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh z6: I, sab'atan Al-qdtilinaminal-Manddhiri ft 'l-kahfifauqa wasa'idi1-rayvhni are (said in praise of the BanaIHarmala.The al-Manddhira explained as "al-Nu'min b. al-Mundhirand his kin"). 6) T. Noldeke, op. cit., ib. 7) C. Brockelmann:Historyof theIslamicPeoples,p. 8. 8) Levi della Vida, op. cit., p. 1i. I) z) 3) 4) 5)
II6
M. J. KISTER
tribes. Persiangarrisonswere not able to prevent the raidsof the tribes and Persiantroops were defeated by troops of Arab tribes. The Arab tribes, disappointedby the policy of al-Hiraand Persia,and aware of the weakness of the client kingdom began to look for a body politic of theirown with a competentleadership.This was createdby the association,basedon common emergenceof a new idea of an eqalitarian interest: "The Commonwealthof Mecca". The traditionsabout this period of the establishmentof the power of Mecca, although scanty, give us a rough idea of the stages of this development. A concise account of Muhammadb. Salldm1) furnishesan introduction the problem. The Quraysh were merchants.Their trade did not, however, exceed the boundaries of Mecca. The foreign merchants and brought their merchandise the merchantsof Meccasold the waresto the inhabitantsof Mecca and the neighbouring tribes. Such was their trade till Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf went to Syria and alighted (in the territory) of the Emperor (Qaysar). He slaughteredevery day a sheep and prepareda broth with crumbledbreadfor the neighbouringpeople. Thus he gained his nickname"Hdshim","the crumblerof the breadin the broth" 2). (His name was in fact 'Amr.) He was invited by the Emperor and used to visit him. When he realisedthat he had gained his favour, he asked him to give the merchantsof Mecca a letter of safe conduct for themselves and their merchandise. They would bring leathersand clothes from the Hijdzto Syria,which would be cheaperfor the inhabitantsof Syria.The Emperor grantedhim the requestedletter of safe conduct for the merchantsfrom Mecca,visiting Syria.On his way back he met the chiefs of the tribeshe passed,and securedfrom them the the ldaf, pact of securityin their tribal areas,yet without concluding an
i) al-Qili: Dbayl al-amdli, p. zoo; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 207-209; Muhammad
Hamidullah: Al-/ldf ou les rapports economic-diplomatiques de la Mecque pre II, of Islamique (MilangesLouis Massignon, 293 seq.); idem: MuslimConduct State, 102; al-Qdsimi: al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'indt ghayru 'l-mashrkta, RAAD, XXXIV, pp.
243-25 2)
For another explanation of this nickname see Caetani: Annali I,
5. .Zfir
109-
1io(90).
MECCA AND TAMIN
117
alliance. The merchantsof Quraysh would carry the goods to Syria, paying the Bedouinstheircapitaland theirprofit (scil. for theirgoods) 1). Hdshimhimself went out with the merchantsof Meccain order to carry out the provisions of the treatiesconcluded with the tribes. He led the Meccanmerchants Syriaand settledthem in Syriantowns. He died on to this journey at Ghazza. Al-Muttalibb. 'Abd Manif went to al-Yaman and gained a similar charter for the merchantsof Quraysh from the rulers of al-Yamanand 7/if from the chiefs. He died in Radmin. 'Abd Shamsb. 'Abd Manif went to Abyssiniaand on his way gained the 7l/f. Naufal, the youngest of the brothers, got the charterfrom the Persian Emperor (Kisrd)and 7laffrom the tribal chiefs (on the way to Persia). He then went back to 'Iriq and died in Salmdn.Quraysh afterwards developed theirtrade. Qurayshdevelopedtheirtradein the period of the Jdhiliyyaand their wealth increased. It was the Bani 'Abd Manif to whom Quraysh in Jihiliyya were mostly indebted (for their deed). Ibn Sa'd recordsthe story of Hashimwho got the 7Iifand the charters of the rulers2). The chartersof the rulersare renderedby al-Qgli 'abdor amin. Ibn Sa'd uses the term hilf. Muh. b. Habib uses (in the chapterof the dlaf) word 7iaffor the chartersand the agreementswith the chiefs the
of the tribes 3).
for Al-Balddhuri uses in his report about the 71af expression'isam the
tahmilu lahum(so in the text I) Muh. Hamidullahtranslateswa-'aldanna Qurayshan of al-Munammaq; text of al-Qali has ilayhim)baidd'i'a the fa-yakfinahumhumidnaha ru'Rsa as amwilihim ilayhim wa-yu'addfna wa-ribhabum follows: ,,ct leur remettraientla prix realisee, sans pour autant les charger des pais ou deduire des commisions. ."; he rendersthe passage into English as follows: "..promised.. to carrytheir goods as agents without commission for commercial purposes or otherwise concluded treaties of friendship.." This translationseems to be inaccurate. z) Ibn Sa'd: TabaqdtI, 75-80 (ed. Beirut); a tradition told on the authority of 'Abdallah b. Naufal b. al-Hâ¢arith(see Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 4994) states that Hdshim wrote to al-Najishi (the king of Abyssinia) asking him to grant a charter for the merchantsof Mecca. The economic base of the ildfis here recordedas follows: ... .ald an tahmila Qurayshun baada'i'ahum wa-ldkird'a 'ald ahli 1-tariqi(p. 78). This helps to understandthe passage discussed in the preceding note. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, I6z seq. p.
II8
M. J. KISTER
the chartersof the rulers. Naufal b. 'Abd Mandfis said to have got the Al-Tabariuses the words 'isdmand hablto denote the charter.Naufal and from the Chosroes (al-Akdsira) they (i.e. the merchants got the .habl of Quraysh)frequentedal-'Irdqand Persia2). took the la7f from the enemies 3). records that Al-Tha'I~libi H.shim This phrase about the zlaf taken from the enemies is recorded by al-Tha'dlibi in another report, which essentially deviates from the narratives about the ildf mentioned above 4). Quraysh--reports alTha'clibi-used to trade only with merchants who frequented the marketsof Dhii Majdzand 'Ukdz during the sacred months and came to Mecca. The reasonfor this was, that Qurayshwere devoted to their and their baytand used to serve the visitors of dinand loved their .haram Mecca to their advantage.The first, who went out to Syriaand visited kings and made far journeysand passed by enemies (i.e. hostile tribes) and took from them the zlafmentioned by Allah (in the Qur'-n) was mentions his two trips (to the 'Ab;hila in alHdshim. Al-Tha',libi in Yaman and al-Yaksiam Abyssinia in winter; to Syriaand Byzantium from the heads of in summer)and says about the la7f: he took the ladf the tribes and the chieftainsfor two reasons: becausethe people of the haramand others were not safe (of the attacks) of the "wolves of the Arabs"and the Bedouin brigandsand men of raidsand people involved
see i) al-Baladhuri:Ansab, I, 59; for the word 'umsum al-A'sha: Diiwn, p. 29. al-Tabari: Ta'rikhII, i2. p. 5 (ed. de Jong, 1867). 3) al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar p. 4) al-Tha'dlibi:La.ta'ifal-ma'drif, 89 seq. The exclusiveness of the ilif for Qural-qulbb, aysh is attested in the report by the verses of Musdwirb. Hind:
2)
'isam from the kings of al-'Irdq 1).
lahum lakumil/fi7. ilfunwa-laysa Uld'ika i~minmj7i'an wa-khaufan wa-qadja'atBanfiAsadinwa-khiff. See Hamasa(Sharhal-Marzfiqi ed. A. S. Hdrin), p. 1449, No. 6o5; comp. al-BalIdhuri: Ansib I, 89 (Nutayla about her son Dirdr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib): sannali-Fihrinsunnata 'l-ldfi and see al-Hamddnial-Iklil I/II, ms. f. 26a: Ma'addan, innafibd Fa-ld tuqsfi 'l-saminu. il/dfa 'lahi wa-l-amru
Za'amtum anna ikhwatakumQurayshun
MECCA AND TAMIN
119
in long-lastingactions of revenge and becausetherewere tribesthat like the tribes of Tayy, Khath'amand Qudl'a, did not respectthe sanctityof the and the sacredmonths whilst the other tribes performedthe .haram, the Ka'ba and respectedthe House. The ladf, recordsalpilgrimageto meant a sum thatwas grantedby Hshim to the heads of the Tha'clibi, tribes as profit while he undertookthe transportof their wares together with his own and drove for them camelsalong with his camels,in order to relieve them of the hardshipsof the journey and to relieve Quraysh from the fear of the enemies. That was an advantagefor both sides; the staying (scil. the Bedouins) were profiting, the journeying(Qurashites-scil.) were safe (guarded).Conditions of Qurayshimproved. Ibn Abi 'l-lHadid records two accounts:1) the account given by recorded in his Fadl Hishim cald al-Qali and an account of al-J.hiz is explicit about the shares of 'Abd Shams This account of 2). al-J.hiz the chiefs of the tribes by Hdshim.(. .wa-sharika tjdratibi profit given ft aala lahumma'aburib.han ...) ru'asid'a'l-qabi'ili min al-'Arabi... wa-j recordsanotherversion about the 71if:Hdshimimposedtaxes onAl-J.hiz of the chiefs of the tribes. These sums collectedby Hdshim the heads enabled him to organise the defence for the people of Mecca from brigandsand tribes who did not respect the sanctity of Mecca3). The account of al-Ya'qubi4) gives the already mentioned version about the four brothers who gained the /laf. The account contains, however, a sentence, which gives a clue for the assessment of the concluded by Hdshim: After validity of these agreements of the ladf, the death of Hshim-says al-Ya'qftbi-Quraysh were afraid that the Bedouin tribes might get the upper hand. This sentence indicates that the 7laf agreementshad not been actually carriedout. Quraysh feared that some tribes might refrainfrom carryingout the terms of the pacts. It was the energetic action of the sons of 'Abd Manif and the profits grantedthe chiefs which causedthat the chiefs kept their obligations in
connection with the 7lif.
III, al-baligha 454, 458. i) Ibn Abi '1-Hadid:Sharbnabhj Rasd'il, p. 70 (ed. Sandfibi). 2) al-J.ihiz: 4) al-Ya'quibi:Ta'rikhI, 278 (ed. Najaf I, 200).
3) ib.
120
M. J. KISTER
Lexical explanationsof the word ildf examinedby Birkelandrender the word as "protection","a pact providing security"etc. 1) Birkeland states that the meaning of the word "protection" is not given in the of commentaries the Qur'In, exceptAlilsi. This explanationis, however, n 2). Abii Hayyin quotes the opinion of al-Naqqish, given by Abti .Hayy~ that there were 4 journeys(i.e. they sent 4 caravans:to Syria,Abyssinia, al-Yaman and Persia).Abii does not agree with the refutation .Hayyin of Ibn 'Atiyya and quotes for his argumentthe story of the 4 sons of 'Abd Manif, who got the 7ladf. Abfi Hayydnquotes the explanationof and b. al-Azhariof the word ladf, the verses of Matraid Ka'b. (translated by Birkeland)3). The explanationof al-Azhariis given as well in the to commentaryof the Ma'dbid al-tans7s the verses of Musdwirb. Hind.4):
of "akindof protection means guarding by (Shibbu 'l-dijratibi-l-khafdra)". It maybe saidthat the accountsaboutthe dlaf outlinesthe essential in a of phenomena the changes Mecca.Mecca, smallcentrefor distribution of goods for the Bedouintribesin the vicinityof the city, rose to
the position of an importantcentreof transittrade.It was the merchants
of Mecca, who carriedthe wares to Syria,Abyssinia,al-'Iraqand
al-Yaman.The family who laid the foundations for the revolutionary
was changewasthatof 'AbdManif.Thetradebasedon thepactsof 7ldf of a joint enterprise the clans of Qurayshheadedby the family of The pacts concludedwith the tribes were based on a 'Abd Mandf.
hitherto unknown principle of trade interest. It was not an alliance (hi/f) with obligationsof mutualhelp and protection.It was not an obligation of the tribes to guard the caravans of Quraysh against payment practisedby the tribes in their relationswith the caravansof The laifagreementswere set up on a base of share in profit al-JHira. for the heads of the tribes and apparentlyemployment of the men of the tribes as escort of the caravans.
i) H. Birkeland: The Lord Guideth,p. Io6-107; comp. al-Zamakhshari:al-Fd'iq I, 40 (ed. Muh. Aba 'l-Fadl Ibrdhim-Bijawi). li-ilfi Qurayshin). VIII, 5i5 (SlOrat 2) Abfi HIayyin:al-Bahral-mubhit 3) Birkeland,op. cit., p. i19; see al-Qli: Amali I, 241; al-Bakri: p. 547-50; Sirt, al-Sharifal-Murtadâ¢: Amall IV, 178-79. I, 4) al-'Abbdsi: Ma'dhidal-tans7s 95 (Cairo I316 AH).
MECCA AND TAMIN
121
One may assume that the il7f must have contained a paragraph concerning the observation of the sacred months, namely the keeping of peace during these months and respecting the sanctity of Mecca (or ratherthe inviolabilityof Mecca).The ilaf meant in fact the acceptance of the "Pax Meccana"by the tribes, the acknowledgment of the position of the Meccans and the Meccan trade and the setting up of an economic co-operation based on common interest. That explains the peculiar passage in the account of al-Tha'~libiabout the pacts with the (hitherto)hostile tribes. Birkeland,discussing the historicalbackgroundof the verses i-2 of stresses the importanceof the iladf pacts and states that "their Sfira ao6, financialskill and their possession of the sacredterritory (i.e. Quraysh) had made them the economic masters of Western Arabia about a hundredyearsbefore the Prophet1)". But the statement of Birkeland may be extendedto EasternArabiaas well. The dimensionsof the trade of Quraysh were very large 2). It is conceivable, that the tribal chiefs might have preferred to collaborate with the merchantsof Mecca. In their co-operation with Quraysh their profits were more stable, they could establish closer relationswith them and actuallydid so. They were welcomed in Mecca and could enter it without fear. In al-Hira they were submissive and servile, in Mecca they could negotiate as equals. The impressionmade by the enterpriseof Meccais vividly described in a story recordedby al-Ya'qibi 3): A Kalbi tribesmanin the service of a Kalbi woman (a merchant) on the Syrian border witnessed the arrivalof a Meccancaravanin Syria.He gives details about the personality of Hdshimand his dignity, about the respect shown to him by the chiefs of Mecca, about his generosity and remarks: "By God, that is the true splendour,not the splendourof the Banai Jafna".It is a sentence which is remarkable: glory of the Qurashileader, his mannersand the
I) Birkeland,op. cit., p. 22zseq. z) See E. R. Wolf: The social organization of Mecca and the origins of Islam, Southwestern Journalof Anthropology, 5I, pp. 330-337. 19 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikhI, 280 (2oi ed. Najaf).
I22
M.
J. KISTER
behaviourwere much more akin to the Kalbi Bedouin than the aloofness of the Jafni ruler. It is a sentence forming a prelude for the future. A peculiartradition,which seems to throw some light on the situation in Meccain the times of Hdshimdeservesto be examined.This tradition, of quoted by al-Suyiiti from the Muwaffaqiyydt al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr1) is told on the authority of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. According to this tradition the nobles of Quraysh u'sed to practice in the Jdhiliya the i'tifd 2). I'tifdd-records al-Suyfiti-meant that when they lost their propertythey used to leave for the deserts,where they pitched tents and patiently awaited death "one after another" (tandwabif)till they died, before people might know about their plight. So things went on till Hdshim grew up and became a man of influence among his people. He summonedQurayshand said: "O Quraysh,might goes with abundance, and you became the richest of the Arabs and the mightiest and the i'tifddruined many of you". He put forwardhis proposition which was acceptedby Quraysh,to attach to every rich Qurashia poor man. The poor would help the rich in his journeys with the caravansand "live in his shade by the redundanceof his property".That would be the means to stop the custom of i'tifdd. They agreed and Hdshim brought the people together (i.e. the rich and the poor). When the event of Elephant occurred (that was the key of the Prophecy and the commencementof the splendourof Quraysh,so that all people respect them; in this year the Prophet was born) and when later revelations were revealed to the Prophet-God revealed to the Prophet ordering him to inform his people what he did for them and how He helped them against the people of the Elephant. "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the owners of the Elephant?"3). Then He said: "And why did I do it, O Muhammad,for your people, whilst they were at that time worshippers of idols? So He said to them: Li-ldfi Qurayshin It means: Because of their mutual feeling of mercy and 4).
VI, I) al-Suyati: al-Durr al-manthgr 397 (Sara io6). 2) in text ihtifad,which must be a mistake. CV. 3) Safra CVI. 4) Sfara
MECCA AND TAMIN
123
their mutual help. They were pagans. He freed them from the fear of the Elephant. "He fed them against hunger" means the hunger of i' tcifid. The tendency of the tradition is to render the word li-zldfi Quraysh as denoting li-tardbumi But wa-tawdsulihim. the story itself, Qurayshin rather loosely connected with the interpretationof the aya, seems in fact, to reflect the situation before the ila7f. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdrhad an outstanding knowledge of the social and economic situation of Mecca in the times of Jdhiliyya and this story may contain a good deal of truth. The tradition points to the fact, that before the action of Hdshim the caravanswere sent by individuals. Before the ilaf were concluded the sending of caravans seems to have been very risky and in case of an attackof brigandsor of a hostile tribe the tradesman, who invested all his capital, lost everything. It was the la7f which made the journeyssecure. The proposition of Hdshim to include the poor in the enterprise of the caravanswas a bold one. It meant to give the poor some shares in the profits as payment for their work or, probably, against investment of small sums by poor relatives. This trend seems to be echoed in one of the verses of Matriid b. Ka'b: ') bi-faqirihim Wa-l-khdli.tina ghaniyyahum faqirubum ka-l-kdJf .attdyakfina their rich with their "And who mix poor till their poor becomes like an able (man to bestow his favour on needy)". This idea of "mixing of the poor" (or inferior people) with rich and wealthywas an ideal of the Jdhilisociety and is attestedby verses 2).
x) See above p. I20 n. 3; and see these verses as well: Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhadarat al-abrdr II, i ig; al-Tabarsi: Majma' al-baydn (Sara io6); al-Baladhuri: Ansdb
I, 58; al-Ya'qtibi: Ta'r7kh I, 202 (ed. Najaf); al-Diyvrbakri: Ta'rikh al-Khamis I, 156. 2) Comp. al-Qdli: Amdli II, 158; al-Bakri: p. 548; Ibn Sharaf: Rasd'il (Rasd'il al-bulaghd' 334) (Khirniq): Sim.t al-intiqdd p.
124
M.
J. KISTER
It is a significanttraditionin which the ideal of the Jihiliyya is reflected in care for the needy of the clan, whereas the embracing of Islam is consideredas deviation from this ideal. Nu'aym b. 'Abdallah ) of the 'Uwayj (of the 'Adiyy Quraysh) embracedIslam. His father used to feed the poor of the 'Adiyy. After Nu'aym had embraced Islam he was met by al-Walid b. al-Mughira who said to him: "O son of 'Abdallah,you pulled down al-Makhzfimi what your father built and you cut what he linked (by his favours), when you followed Muhammad" 2). a about the HIilfal-Fuadflmentionsspecial The accountof al-Balddhuri
obligationto help the needy arrivingat Meccawith the surplusof the propertyof the people who enteredthe alliance(...Ta'dqada waradaMakkata bi-fu4zli ahli 'ald... wa-muwdsdti 'l-fdqatimimman 3). amwdlihim") b. An Ansdripoet, al-Nu'mdn 'Ajldnwhile boastingof the deeds of the Ansdrfor the Muhdjirfin, says: bikum marhaban hajarfi: li-qaumin Wa-qulnd
min wa-ahlan qad wa-sahlan, amintum al-faqri
nahitabum bi-nuddrihim Wa-l-khdli.ina bi-dhi'l-faqri wa-dhawi minhum 'l-gbind and see Ibn al-Shajari:al-Hamdsa,p. 56 ('Amr b. Itnaba): bi sariâ¢ihim Wa-l-khdlifina wa-l-bddbilina li-l-sa'ili .halifahum 'ata'ahbum and see al-Khilidiyydni: al-Ashbdb 20zo; I, Hassdn: Diwdn p. 308: ghaniyyabum bi-faqfrihim Wa-l-khli.tina 'ald wa-l-mun'imina 'l-faqiri1-murmili and comp. al-A'sha: Diwdn III, 35: Wa-ahdna sdlihamilihi li-faqirihd wa-sd'alahd wa-asd,wa-aslaha baynabd, and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Isti'db,p. 300 (al-Nu'man b. Bashir): sharikaka 'l-ghind Fa-ld ta'dudi'l-mauld f sharikuka 'l-'udmi. wa-lakirnnama ft 'l-mauld al-IsabaNo. 8777 (he cared for the widows of the I) See about him: Ibn Banii 'Adiyy). .Hajar: z) al-Bilddhuri: Ansdb,ms. f. 869a. 3) Idem: op. cit., ms. f. i44a; another version is given in the Sira of Ibn Hisham I, 141.
MECCA AND TAMIN
I 25
amwdland Nuqdsimukum wa-diydrand 1) ka-qismati aysdri'l-jaz#ri'ald 1-shatri "And we said to the people who immigratedto us: Welcome and securedare you from poverty We shall share with you our propertyand abode who divide (in shares)the slaughtered like the gamblersof maysir, camel". Traditions about Hakim b. Hizam record that he used to distribute the profits of his caravansamong the poor and needy of his clan2). The traditions quoted above seem to reflect clearly the tendency of care for poor and needy in the clan. Hdshim, establishing the ldf, could successfullyexpand the trade; rich and poor participatedin the caravan.A caravanbecame a joint enterprise.Even if a merchantsent on his own risk a caravan-other merchants tried to join him and invest in his caravan3). The following remarkof al-Qummi about the social conceptions of the Meccans and their care for the poor is remarkable. Wa-kdnat Qurayshun yatafahabasna .hdlati'l-fuqard'iwa-yasuddina 'an khallata'l-mahdw~ji 4). Hdshim seems to have expandedthe tendency of care for the needy into a social principle.Al-Diyvrbakrirecordsa traditionabout Hashim on the authority of Ibn 'Abbds, reporting that the people of Mecca were in a state of needinesstill they were ralliedby Hlshim for sending of the caravans to Syria and al-Yaman. They used to divide their profits among the rich and poor, so that the poor became like the rich 5). Ibn lHabib, says reportingabout the men of the ladf that through them Allah raised the Quraysh and turned rich their poor". (Ashdbu
i) Ibn Hajar:al-Isiba, No. 8747; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Istlcdb,p. 298. I, 2) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:Nasab uraysh 367 (No. 644). 3) Idem: op. cit., I, 371 (No. 645, 646). 4) al Qummi: Ghard'ib al-Qur'dn margin of Tabari's Tafsir, BelIq 1229 AH) (on XXX, 169. I, 5) al-Diyvrbakri:Ta'rikhal-Khamis 156.
126
M. J. KISTER
'Iladhina wa-na'asha rafa'a ' ldhu bihimQurayshan 1-zldfimin ,Qurayshin abd fuqard' . .) 1). One is inclined to find some resemblancebetween the "mixing of the poor and the rich" (mukhilata)and the mu'dkhdt 2). The conclusion of the i'af agreements was accompanied by the improvement of the internal conditions in Mecca and the provision of amenities for the pilgrims. The first houses in Mecca were built by Qusayy3). It may be assumed that these houses were very modest. The cutting of the trees in Mecca formed a serious problem, because of the sanctity of Mecca. But Qusayy ordered to cut the trees and to build the houses 4). The houses seem to have been circular in order to avoid the imitation of the shape of the Ka'ba5). Mu'arrijal-Sadiisi reports that Zubayr b. al-Hirith b. Asad was the first who covered a house (with a roof). Qurayshdemolishedthe house out of reverence for the Ka'ba 6). It was JHumayd Zubayrb. al-HIrithb. Asad b. 'Abd b. al-'Uzzd who built the first square house in Mecca7). When he built his house Quraysh feared the punishment (of Allah). The rajaz poets composed verses: yubndli-HIumaydin Al-yauma baytuh wa-immd mautub. Immd .haydtuhu "Today for Humayd his house is built (This means for him) either his life or his death"8). When he was not afflictedby punishment Quraysh started to build squarehouses.
p. I) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I62. sal'am) yanbasitu z) Comp. al-Sulami: Addb al-subrba 50: . . wa-kdna p. (al-nabiyyu fi m/li Ab7 Bakrinkam f fthi f! milihi wa-yahkumu kama yaihkumu m/libi". yanbasi.tu ms. f. a. 85 3) See Abfi Mandqib, See Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 71 (ed. Beirut); al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,I, 58; Caetani: 'l-Baq.': 4) I, Annali L o3 (78); al-Ya'qibi: Ta'rikb I, 197 (ed. Najaf); al-IHalabi:Insin I, I, al-'uy7in 14. al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar al-qulib,p. 13. 5) nasab 6) Mu'arrijal-Sadfisi:al-HIadbfmin p. Quraysb, 54. I, 7) al-Zubayrb. Bakkir: NasabQuraysb 4438) These verses are attributedto Duwayd: see al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., ib.
n. 2.
MECCA AND TAMIN
127
If this traditionbe time of the changesin building of houses true--the6th was the second half of the century. The sister of this lHumayd was the mother of Hakim b. Hizdm. The son of JHumayd, 'Abdallah b. Humayd fought at Uhud 1). The time of the significantchangesin the building of houses may thus be fixed in the last decades of the 6th century. The nobles of Mecca vied in providing amenities for the pilgrims. Hdshim is said to have taken care to supply the pilgrims with food 2), 'Abd al-Muttalibto have been the first who provided them with sweet The water of Zamzam,although having medicinalKisr. qualities5) was not and was mixed by 'Abd al-Muttalib with raisins. He also palatable gave the pilgrims milk with honey 6). 'Abbdscontinued the tradition of 'Abd al-Muttalib and supplied drinking water for the pilgrims. The Prophet drank from his siqayaand the drinking from the siqaya of the family of 'Abbdsis consideredas sunna There are traditions 7). about digging of wells and rivalry between nobles of Mecca in providing drinks for pilgrims8). Suwayd b. Harmi is said to have been the first who gave the pilgrims milk (to drink)9). Abti Umayya b. al-Mughira al-Makhzimi (Zdd al-rakb) and Abi Wadd'a al-Sahmi
gave the pilgrims honey 10) water 3). He dug the well of Zamzam in the times of b. Qubddh 4).
The traditions about the ilaf, about the improvements in Mecca, about the provisions of food and drinksfor the pilgrims-all this points to the efforts to increase the prestige of the city and to secure the
i) See Ibn Hisham: Sira III, 135; al-Balddhuri: Ansab I, 3 I9: he made an oath
to kill the Prophet at Uhud. z) al-Balddhuri:Ansab I, 6o-6i; al-Azraqi: Akhbar p. 67 (Wiistenfeld). II, 3) al-Mas'idi: Murj" 46; 4) ib. 5) Rathjens: Die Pilgerfahrt, 42, 45. pp. (ed. Br6nnle). III, 7) See al-Suy0ti: al-Durr al-manthir 219.
Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. I77.
6) Al-Azraqi; Akhbdr p. 70 (ed. Wiistenfeld); comp. Abai Dharr: Sharb, p. 42 8) Comp. al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh, pp. 32, 197-198.
9) ib. p. 342; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 53a.
128
M.
J. KISTER
pilgrimage and trade. Special arrangementswere made for individual merchantsproceedingto Meccafor a pilgrimage1). Elaborateprovisions were made for the caravansfor which consent of the tribes was gained. In this system Tamim played a considerablerole. This can be gauged from some passages of the report about the markets of the Jahiliyya,
recorded by Muh. b. Habib 2).
states Reporting about the market of Diimat al-Jandal Ibn that "every merchantwho set out from al-Yamanand the.Habibasked Hijiz for the escort of Qurayshas long as he travelledin the abode of Mudar; for the Mudar did not harass Mudari merchants,nor were they (i.e. the merchants)troubled by an ally of Mudar. That was the accepted custom between them. So did Kalb not trouble them, because of their alliance with Tamim3). The Tayy also did not harass them because of their alliance with the Asad. Mudar used to say: "Qurayshcarried out for us the obligation of religious duties inherited to us by
Ismd'il" 4) (i.e. bequeathed to us).
This report is recorded in al-Marziiqi's Amkina with important
i) al-Marziqi: al-AmkinaII, 66; see the translationin Muh. Hamidullah:Leprophite de l'Islam II, 6o6. 2) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 264-265. pp. 3) Hamidullahin Muslimconduct state p. 54 (o01); "as they were allied (i.e. the of Kalb) to the Bani Jusham" (evidently a misprint). 4) Hamidullah translates: Les Mudarites avaient l'habitude de dire (avec fierte) "Les Quraichites ont pay6 la dette de honte que nous avions contractee au nom d'Isma=l(parles guerresfraticideset par le bellum omnium contra omnes)" - Le Prophbtede l'Islam, II, 6oo--This translationseems however to be inaccurate.In order to translate"que nous avions contract6eau nom d'Ismal"--Hamidullah must have read mdaurathnd Ismdla which is an error. The phrase has to be read: ma aurathand The sentence is of the greatest importance for the understanding of the IsmdWu. attitude of the tribes towards Quraysh.For the correct interpretationof the sentence a passage from al-Kall'i's al-Iktifd' (I, I5o) may be quoted. Al-KalV'i,discussing the qualities of Quraysh, records the following passage: . . wa-kdnfi 'ald irthin min dini Ibrdhima wa-Ismd'ila min qird 1-dayfiwa-rifdi 'l-hajji wa-ta'imi 'lfhi wa-man'ihi al-baghyi wa-l-ilhidiwa-qam'i'l-zdlimiwa-man'i'l-magzlfmi. min The passage commencing with min qird is an explanation of irthinmin din Ibrahim .harami wa-Ismadil.-The passage in Marzaqi's AmkinalI, I6z does not leave any doubt "what our father about the meaning of the sentence: ma aurathand abtind IsmaWilu, inherited us" (bequeathedto us). And comp. al-Majlisi:Bihdral(ancestor) Ismi'il
anwdr VI, 42.
MECCA AND TAMIN
129
variants1). Qurayshused to set out (to Diimat al-Jandal)from Mecca. If they took the way of al-Hazn2) they did not requirethe protection of any of the tribes till they came back, and that was becauseMudar... etc. 3). And when they departed from al-Hazn or went to al-Hazn they reachedthe waters (i.e. the abode, the pasturing places) of Kalb. Kalb were allies of Tamim and therefore they did not harass them. When they went on to the lowland they passed the Asad and arrived at the Tayy..." The account of Marziqi supplements the report of Ibn Habib. The vague expressionof Ibn is fi bilddMudlar here more precise. .Habib The road leading from Mecca to al-Hazn4), which was under the control of the tribes of Mudar. The lHaznitself was the territory of
Tamim 5).
The two significant accounts, of Ibn Habib and al-Marziiqigive some idea: how the system set up by Mecca worked in the areaof Mecca-al-Hazn and its extension. Two tribal units of Mudar, closely linked with Mecca by the Mudar alliance, Tamim and Asad-made it possible, due to the alliance of Tamim with Kalb (Qu~d'a)and the alliance of Asad with Tayy (Qahtini), to Quraysh to send in full security their caravans and to control the trade on these routes. It is these two tribes-Tayy and Kalb-who were especially dangerous for Mecca, as the majority of these two tribes did not respect the sanctity of Mecca and of the sacred months. It is significant that alMarziiqi records about the Tayy: "..and (arriving in the territory of Tayy) they (i.e. the merchants)gave them some pay and they (i.e. Tayy) guided them (in the direction) wherever they wanted"6).
i) al-Marzaqi:al-Amkina,II, 16z. Hamidullah translatesfa-in akhadhat'ald 1-hazni"et s'ils prenaient le chemin montagneux" (Le Proph/te,II, 604). That seems, however, not to be accurate. 3) There is perhaps some misprint or error; perhaps one has to read "au 'alau 'l-Hazn". 4) See Thilo: Die Ortsnamen 56; and see Ydqct: Buldinand al-Bakri- MuaYam p. ma 'stabjam, s.v. See von Oppenheim-Caskel:Die Beduinen I64. ".Hazn". III, 5) 6) al-Marzuqi:al-Amkina II, I6z.
2) JESHO,VIII 9
130
M. J. KISTER
The attitude of the Tayy and Kalb towards Mecca will be touched upon later. of Merchantsproceeding to the importanttrade-centre al-Mushaqqar had also to requirethe escort of Quraysh,becausethe road led through the territory of Mudar. This harbour-city frequented by merchants from Persia, an importantbase of Persianrule-had a marketgoverned by men from Tamim 1). In examination of the accounts about Diimat al-Jandal2) one may assume that the Tamim played a most important role in the control of the roads to these two markets and in securing of the caravans of Mecca. Some Tamimis frequented Mecca for trade. An iniquity committed to a Tamimi visiting Mecca caused a conflict between the leaders of Quraysh. The story is recorded by Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid on the authority of al-Wdqidi3). Abdallahb. Ja'farcontestedin glory Yazid b. Mu'cwiya in the presence of Mu'cwiya4). He asked him: "By which of your ancestors do you rival in pride? By JHarb, whom we sheltered or by Umayya..?" We are here concerned with the story of Harb sheltered by 'Abd al-Muttalib,which is given as follows: Quraysh had the privilege of priority in passing the 'Aqaba, when travelling. Anybody had to wait till they passed. Harb went out one night and when passing the 'Aqaba he met a man from the family of lHIjib b. Zurara, proceeding to Mecca for business. Harb leaned forward and announced his name and so did the Tamimi. He stated to be the "son" of b. Zurdra.The Tamimi passed the 'Aqaba .Hijib together with Harb. Harb was enraged and swore that he would never allow him to stay in Mecca as long as he lived. The Tamimi spent some time outside Mecca. But-as his business was in Mecca (wa-kdnamatjarubu bi-Makkata)-he decided to enter and enquired
p. I) Ibn Habib: al-Mubabbar, z65. of z) See the article D#mat al-Jandal L. Veccia Vaglieri in EI2. Sharhnahjal-baldgha 465; Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikb VII, 329. III, 3) Ibn Abi 1-HIadid: 4) See the account of this event in Dahldn's Sira I, zz (on the margin of "Insdn al-'qyfn"):the talk was between Ibn 'Abbds and Mu'dwiya; and see Ibn al-'Arabi: I, Mubhdarat al-abrdr 179.
MECCA AND TAMIN
13 I
The about the man, who could give him protection against .Harb. to Tamimi (the "son" of Zurdrd)entered Mecca at night and went the house of 'Abd al-Muttalib.He recited a poem in which the event was recorded and the protection of al Zubayr b. Abd al-Muttalib 1) was requested.He was grantedthe requestedprotection.In the morning al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib summoned his brother, al-Ghaydiq, and they went out girded with swords, escorting the Tamimi. Harb met them, assaultedthe Tamimi and slappedhim on his face.A quarrel ensued between the sons of 'Abd al-Muttaliband Harb managed .Harb. to escape and sought refuge in the house of Abd al-Muttalib who grantedhim protection. Hashim This narrativeprobablypoints to relationsbetween the BanOi and the Darim. Traditionmentionsthe namesof some people of Darim, who were in touch with the Banfi Hdshim. One of them was the
of hirmiyy the Prophet. The prestigeenjoyedby the Tamimin Meccawas based mainly on their strengthand their servicesfor the externaltradeof Mecca. The Tamim were strong and their leaderswere highly respected. The prestigeof the leadersof Tamim(of the branchof the Darim)is reflected in a remarkable anecdote attributedto the Prophet: A man (a Muslim)marrieda womanfrom a lower social classandwas The was by reproached his brother. Prophet told aboutit, he was told as well aboutthe virtuesof the womanwhom he married. saidin He a talk with the husband: for "You are not to be blamed not marrying a woman(so aristocratic) the daughter Hijib b. Zurdra. as of Allah broughtIslamandmadeall menequal.A Muslimis not to berebuked" 2). (for sucha marriage) Some groups of Tamimwere even includedin the body politic of Mecca.They were given a sharein the Meccandominanceand to contributed increasethe influenceof Meccain the tribal society
I) Al-Zubayrb. 'Abd al-Muttalibwas the leader of the BanafHashim at the "Day of al-Fijdr";see Muh. b. IHabib: Mubabbar, 169; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqaq, 47; al p. p. al-Balddhuri: AnsdbI, 102. 2) Al-Fisi: Shifdal-gharam (Wiistenfeld, II, 141).
132
M. J. KISTER
and its prestige. The organization we refer to is the organization of the Hums. Ibn Sa'd counts as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and people of the Arabs "born by Quraysh". (According to another version of Ibn Sa'd: "and the allies of Quraysh")1). Ibn Ish1q records as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and Kindna; Ibn HishZm adds (on the authority of Abfi 'Ubayda al-Nahwi)the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a2). Ibn Qutayba mentions in his Ma'drif as lHumsQuraysh and people from 3). But in his al-Ma'adnal-Kabr he counts as Hums: Kin.na descendantsand their allies their Quraysh 4). counts as Hums: Quraysh, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Al-JIhiz al-.Hirith b. Ka'b 5). Al-Anbdri6) and al-Marziiqi 7) count: Quraysh, Kindna, Khuzd'aand
'Amirb. Sa'sa'a.
in his commentary of the Qur'dn has the following Abai .Hayyan list: Quraysh, Kinina, Khuza'a, Thaqif, Khath'am, Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Nasr b. Mu'cwiya8). An almostidenticallist is given by al-Qurtubi;
instead of Khath'am-he has Jusham 9).
The L. 'A. records as Hums: Quraysh and "whom Quraysh had born" (i.e. descendants of men or women from Quraysh), Kindna,
Fahm, 'Adwdn, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Khuzd'a 10).
The lists of the Hums quoted above are contradictory.The examinaincluded the Quraysh, tion of these lists shows doubtless that .Hums Mecca. According to the inhabitants of Mecca, and people outside
I, i) Ibn Sa'd:Tabdqdt, 72.
Ibn Hisham: Sira I,
212; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 272. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 269. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'nit 'l-Kabir, p. 989. al-Jahiz: Mukhtdrditfusil, ms. f. 2o8 b. al-Mufaddaliyydt XXXIV, 14 (Lyall). al-Marziiqi: Sharh al- Hamisa, p. 31. Ab Hayyin: al-Babr al-muhâ¢itII, 63. . 9) al-Qurtubi: al-Jdmi' li-ah~im al-Qur'dnII, 345 (Sura II, 189); and see Blachbre: CoranII, 782, n. 185. 2)
3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8)
IO) L. 'A., s.v. "Hms".
MECCA AND TAMIN
133
Arendonk: "The Hums is the name traditionallygiven to the inhabitants of Mecca at Muhamad'sappearancein so far as they were distinguishedby specialcustoms during the Ihrim from the othertribes, who were together known as al-Hilla". )--This definition has to be altered. A detailedlist of the tribes of the Hums is given by Muh. b. Habib. "Hums were-reports Ibn Habib-all Quraysh, Khuzi'a (because they had dwelled in Mecca and were neighbours of Quraysh),people being descendents of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh"), clans dwelling in Mecca. Descendants of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh") were: Kil~b, Ka'b, 'Amir and Kalb i.e. the BantiRabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a.Their mother was Majd bint Taym b. Gh.ilib b. Fihr. To her referredLabid saying: band Saqdqaum7 Majdinwa-asqd
min Numayran wa-l-qabd'ila Hildli2). b. and b. b. and al-HIrith 'Abd Mandt Kindna Mudlijb. Murra 'Abd And 'Amirb. 'Abd theirdwellingnearMecca. due Mandt Kindna to b. Man-t b. Kindnaand Milik and Milkdnb. Kindnaand Thaqifand and b. AndYarbil' Hanzala MIzinb. Milikb. 'Amrb. Tamim, 'Adwdn. bint Fihr b. Mdlikb. whose mother(of both of them) was Jandala are that al-Nadr Somemaintain all the 'Amir(i.e. 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a) 3). becausetheir brethren,the Rabi'ab. 'Amir becameJHums. Hums, b. Qudd'a.And b. And 'Ilcf i.e. Rabbdn Hulwdnb. 'Imrin b. al-.Hif 4), Jandbb. Hubal b. Abdallah from Kalb. His motherwas Amina
p. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: al-Inbdh, 87; Labid: Diwdn, p. 93 (ed. I. 'Abbas); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 120 b. (In Jambara:Majd bint Taymb. Murrab. Ghdlib is b. Fibr. The term used inJamhara of interest:wa-hiya '1latihammasat Bani 'Amirin, Humsan). ja'alathum 3) Jandala bint Fihr b. Malik b. al-Nadr b. Kindna was the wife of Hanzala b. Malik b. Zayd Mandtb. Tamim. She gave birth to Qays, Yarbi', Rabi'a and 'Amr-b. Malik b. Zayd Mandt. After the death of 1Hanzala Malik b. the sons of b. she married.Hanzala 'Amr b. Tamim and gave birth to Mazin, Ghaylan, Aslam and Milik GhassZn--the sons of Malik b. 'Amr. See: Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. ff. 62a, 90a; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 958b.
4) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, p. 540. i) EI, s.v. "Hums".
134
M.
J. KISTER
bint Rabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; her mother was Majd bint Taym
al-Adram b. Ghdlib b. Fihr" 1).
The list of Ibn Habib shows a peculiarfact: the tribes allied in the organizationof the Hums are of differentorigin and belong to various tribal divisions. The 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a are Mudarites. Kalb belonged to Qu$d'a. The origin of Thaqif is disputed. (According to some traditionsthey are consideredas descendantsof Qays 'Ayldn). 'Adwdn belonged to Qays 'Aylhn, Khuzi'a were of South-Arabianorigin 2). The more important is the fact, that these tribes lived in different areas of the peninsula. The Thaqif dwelt to the South-East of Mecca, the Kinina to the South, controlling the route Mecca-al-Yaman,the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ato the North East of Mecca, the Quda'a (Kalb) in the and North, controlling the trade-routeto Syria;YarbiY' Mizin controlled the route to al-Hiraand Persia. Of special interest is the case of Zuhayr b. Jandb al-Kalbi. The Ghatafdn decided--according to tradition-to establish a haramlike that of Mecca. Zuhayr b. Jandb raided them and destroyed their haram ). This tradition explains why the group of Janib of Kalb were included in the organizationof the Hums One may find some connection between the ilaf discussed above and the Hums. The expression of al-Tha'dlibithat Hdshim "took the /laffrom the enemies"4) meansin fact, that the 7lafwere a complementary system for the Hums. The laf were intended for tribes who did not respect the sacred months, or-although performing the pilgrimage-were in the sphere of influence of the client kingdoms. These clans and tribes-like Tayy, Khath'am, clans of Quda'a5), Ghifir from the Kindna6) were given some shares of profit and gave
p. z) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 468 seq. 3) AghdniXII, 121; XXI, 63. al-Qulib, p. 89. 4) Thimadr al-Baladhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 9oob; al-Jabiz: Iayawdn VII, 216; see al5) Balldhuri: Ansdb, ms. 366a: the talk between Mu'dwiya and 'Adiyy b. I tim in al-. which Mu'dwiya accused Tayy of not respecting the sanctity of Mecca. Tayy and Khath'am did not perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and were called al-Afjardni. al-shahra 'II, 6) See al-Dhahabi: Siyara'ldmal-nubald 34 (wa-kdndfyubill7na /-hardma); and see Usdal-ghdba 16o. I,
i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muzhabbar, 178-179. p.
MECCA AND TAMIN
13
security to the caravans. How much Mecca was dependent on these tribes and eager to carryout the terms of the 7lafcan be gauged from some records preserved. Al-'Abbas was present when Abii Dharr was beaten violently in Mecca after he had embraced Islam. He reproachedhis people saying: "Woe to you, you are about to kill a man from Ghifir whilst your business and your passing by is through the territory of Ghifar". They let him go 1). Thumima b. Uthil of the Hanifa could threaten Quraysh with cutting of supplies from the and even realizedhis threat2). Sa'd b. Mu'rdh could threaten YamTma the Abi Jahl, that if he prevents him to circumambulate Ka'ba-he would cut his trade with Syria3). One is even tempted to think that there is some connection between the term allafabum "he concluded
pactsof ildf with them",and the term al-mu'allafa "people qulifbuhum whose hearts were gained (for Islam) by some gifts". But .Hums denotespeople strong in their convictionof the sanctityof Mecca, position of Quraysh,enjoyinga special admittingthe distinguished in the rites of the status and readyto strugglefor their ideas. Some featuresof the .hajj can be gauged from the chaptersof .Hums dealingwith the virturesof Quraysh. Al-JIhiz recordsthat al-J.hiz a Qurashi neverdid allegehis originto anothertribe,whilsttill today "nobleArabs-like Bani Murrab. 'Auf, some of the Bani Sulaym, Khuzd'aand others-allege being of Qurashiorigin. Qurayshdid never bury their (female)babies alive. That was followed by the inhabitants al-Ti'if, because they were neighboursand related of with them by marriage and becausethey were lHums,and it was who madethemlHums.." 4). Quraysh When Islam appeared--continues al-Jbhiz-therewas no Qurashi womanwho hadbeentakencaptiveby the Arabtribes,nor was there
I) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald'II; 37 (taqtulfnarajulanmin Ghifdrinwa'ald wa-mamarrukum Ghifdr?). matjarukum
Insdnal-'uyun 198. XII, 143; al-IHalabi: III, al-Qur'dn, al-Jimi' li-abhkdm al-abrdrII, 266; Sifat al-safwa I, 37 3) Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhddarat (la-aq.ta'anna ild matjaraka 'l-Shdmi). ms. 4) al-Jdhiz: Mukhtdrdtfusz~l, f. zoz seq.
IrshidVI, 433; al-Qurtubi: p. al-Isti'db, 79; al-Qastallini: z) Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:
136
M. J. KISTER
any captive among them whose mother was a Qurashi woman. The Qurayshdistinguishedthemselves from other tribes, that they did not give their daughters in marriageto the nobles of other tribes, unless they had got an assurance,that they would embrancethe idea of the the daughters Hums. (They themselves-stresses al-J.hiz--married them.) These of other tribes without conditions to be imposed on tribes were: 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif, Khuz!'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. and They were people of devotion (wakdnfl dayyJdnna) therefore they renouncedraiding.That was in orderto avoid pillage, injustice,robbery and rape". In another passage al-Jdhiz, discussing the qualities of Quraysh, remarksthat Quraysh remained generous although their profits were not big sincethey refrainedfrom raiding.Al-Jlhiz emphasizesthe hospitality of Quraysh,their carefor the pilgrimsand their care for kinsfolk. They allotted the men of the tribes to the differentclans of Mecca-says Ghatafdn were assigned to (the care of) al-Mughira (i.e. al-J.hiz. al-Makhziiimi),Banfi 'Amir went to someone else, the Tamim to somebody else. They (i.e. the Quraysh) compelled them to perform
the ritesand caredfor all theirneedsx).
stresses Quraysh that Al-J.hiz
ms. Gha.tafdn i) fa-taki#nu Mukhtadrdtfusil, f. 2o4a (. .fa-yaqtasimznabum, li-kadhd..). In al-Zubayr b. al-J.hiz: li-l-Mughiratiwa-Banf 'Amirin li-kadhd, wa-Tamimun Bakkar'sNasabpQuraysh, f. 128 b. an interestingreportis given about the allotment ms. of the clans of Quraysh. They (i.e. the Quraysh)used to give them clothes in which the they used to circumambulate Ka'ba; they (i.e. the Bedouins) used to throw away the clothes which they wore when they came to Mecca. The host (i.e. the clan who lodged the Bedouins frequenting Mecca) used to get (scil. a share of) the meat of the slaughteredcamels. The Bana Fazdra alighted in the house of al-Mughira b. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. Makhziim. The first who prevented him (i.e. alMughira)to get (his share of) the slaughteredcamel was Khushaynb. La'y al-Fazari al-Shamkhi.. ; comp. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-balighaIV, 296; and see Ibn not The word harim recordedin the vocabularies z282z Durayd:al-Ishtiqdqp. as "payment for Quraysh from the alighting Bedouins" is recorded in the story of (Z.uwaylim). Zuwaylim reported by al-Baladhuriin his Ansdb, ms. f. i i oia. The quoted verse is of interest: mana'nd Ouraysbin harimahd Wa-nahnu amin bi-Makkata,ayydma wa-1-nabri 'l-tahdluqi Al-Balddhurirecords also the story of 'Amr b. Jdbir b. Khushayn who used to get b. from every captive of the Ghatafan z camels. That was stopped by 'Arin (comp. the version of Ibn Durayd, ib.). .Zuwaylim
MECCA AND TAMIN
137
remainedLaqdh,independent. They did not pay any tax and to them were entrustedthe functions of rifida, siqaya,etc. In a third passage repeatsonce more that all Qurayshwere al-J.hiz Hums, devoted to their din,a fact which prevented them from raiding, capture, intercoursewith captive women and from burying alive their female babies. Once more al-Jaihiz emphasizesthat the Quraysh gave not their daughtersin marriage unless on the condition that the children would become They were compelled--dwelling in a barren .Hums. valley-to find means of livelihood and they got the 1ldfand made
journeys to kings.." 1).
In a fourth passageof al-J~ihiz reportabout the lHumsis repeated. the But there are some details which deserve attention. Mentioning the reports that the merchants went to (the land of) caravans-al-J.hiz Qaysar in Byzantium,to al-Najashiin Abyssinia, and to al-Muqauqis in Egypt. It is the only case in which Egypt is mentionedas destination of the merchantsof Mecca.Al-Jahizdrawsin this passagea line between the Hums of Qurayshand the converted of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. The Quraysh, being Hums, refrained from .Hums raiding, whereas the tribes who accepted the ideas of the Hums continued to raid, to have intercoursewith capturedwomen and to take spoils. But Quraysh remained courageous 2). Ibn al-Faqih's account records that KhuzI'a, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif and "men of tribes" embraced the creed of the Hums. He records the tradition about the condition imposed on the nobles of the tribes marryingthe daughters of Qurayshand gives details about the restrictionsimposed on the pilgrims, not belonging to the lHums. They had to leave their travelling provision when entering Mecca, to take off their clothes which they wore outside the area of Mecca and to wear clothes of the lHaram(buying the clothes or borrowing them or as gifts). If they did not find clothes of the they per.Haram
ms. f. I6b. seq. i) Mukhtaratfus.il, al-qulib, z) al-J.hiz: Mukbhtdrtffuil,ms. f. 20o8b.seq.; comp. al-Tha'alibi:Thimdr al-J.hiz: p. 8 seq. (Ablu 'lldb); (significant is the expression wa-sird bi-ajma'ihim tujjdran kbulata' a).
138
M. J. KISTER
naked.They obliged the pilgrims to start formed the circumambulation the ifda?a from al-Muzdalifa.They were laqdh, they did not pay any tax,
nor did any king rule over them 1).
Y~qditmentions the Hums. According to him Quraysh gained for the idea of the lHums: Kindna, Jadilat Qays, Fahm and 'Adwdn, Thaqif and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. He records the hardship which they imposed on themselves, the restrictions imposed on the pilgrims, and emphasizesthat the people of Mecca were laqdh. Kings of Himyar, Kinda, Ghassdnand Lakhm used to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and obeyed the lHumsof Quraysh, considering as obliging to respect
them.. 2).
Mecca is mentioned as Ddr al-Hums in the verses attributed to a Kahin of the Lihb 3) in the record of al-Halabi.Al-Halabimentionsthe conditions of marriageof the Qurayshand their renouncingof raiding, which is connected with pillaging and rape4). Sources give details about the rites of the IHumsand of the imposed hardships5). They performed the wuqzifat al-Muzdalifainstead of at to 'Arafdt6). They confined themselves during the .hajj the boundaries of the IHaram. During the hajj they did not eat meat, nor did they preparecurd, they did not stay in the shade of a house, they did not enter their houses through their doors 7), etc. It is evident that by the hardship imposed on themselves they wanted to express their connects veneration for the Ka'ba and the Haram. Al-Zamakhshari with the root hrm. They acquiredtheir distinct position the root .hms
i) Ibn al-Faqih: Kitabal-buldin,p. i8. s.v. al-bulddn, Makka. Yiqait: Muy/am 3) The Lihb were known as men of special knowledge in augury (from the flight of birds) see: Wellhausen: Reste,p. i34; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 491; al-Suhayli: p. al-Raudal-unufI, I 18. I, 4) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uy~n1 242. s.v. al-bulddn, "Makka"; p. 5) See Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, i80; Ydqat: Mutjam al-abrdr 162, 150. Ibn al-'Arabi: Alubhdarat I, pp. 6) See Wellhausen: Reste,p. 77; Rathjens:Die Pilgerfahrt, 72-73; but the Prophet did not follow the Hums in their wuqzff-see: al-Dhahabi: Ta'rikhal-IsldmI, 49. 7) But see the contradictory traditions in al-Tabari's Tafs7r(Sztra II, 189) and I, al-Suyati: al-Durr al-imanthzfr 204 seq.
2)
MECCA AND TAMIN
139
of sanctitybecausethey dwelt in the Haram.They calledthemselves Ahlu 'lldh That the idea of Hums was in fact connectedwith the 1). cult of the Ka'bais plainlyattested thefact,thattheKa'bawascalled by al-Hamsi' 2). It is evidentthat this link betweenQuraysh the tribesattached and to the Humsinfluenced theirrelations. Caskelremarks the 'Amir that b. Sa'sa'a,being Hums, were on good termswith the inhabitants of Mecca An 'Amiri poet and chief, 'Auf b. al-Ahwasb. Ja'far b. 3). the Kildb,swearson the sacredmonth4) of the BandUmayya, sacred of Quraysh, sacrificed the b. Ja'far,the uncle victims5). Khilid places of 'Auf, is said to have been the first who coveredthe Ka'bawith brocade whichhe got froma caravan lootedby him6). TheKa'b (dibdj) and Kildbof the 'Amirwere calledKa'b and Quraysh KildbQuraysh 7). b. Nuwayraof the Yarbfi'(of Tamim),who belongedto the M~lik Hums, mentionsa group of horsemenwho informedQuraysh(as aboutsomebattle8). 'Ummdr) The Prophethimselfbelongedto the Hums9). He was the .irm7 of 'Iyâ¢d b. Himdral-Mujdshi'i 'l-Tamimi.The Prophetlent him his clothesand 'Iyâ¢d used to perform circumambulation the Ka'ba the of in the clothesof the Prophet 10).
2) al-Fayrizibddi: al-Qdmzs,s.v. hms. A curious explanation is given for the in al-Maghribi's Inds, ms. f. 26b: "They were called IHums, because they refrained .Hums from the service of labour.." 3) EI2, s.v. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. 4) i.e. Dhf 'l-hijja. XXXV, 4-5 (ed. Lyall): 5) al-Dabbi: al-Mufa4daliyydt wa-inni wa-'lladhi Qurayshun hajjat Hird'u mabdrimah' wa-mdjama'at Ban7Umayyata Wa-shabri wa-l-hadayd idbabubisat mudarrjahba 'l-dima'u 6) al-Suhayli: al-Raudal-unufI, 77; al-Alasi: Bulzghal-arabI, 234. 7) al-Dabbi: al-Mufaddaliyydt, 2z59(ed. Lyall). p. XXVI, 3 (ed. Ahlwardt); Ibn Abi 8) al-Asma'zyydt Sbarhnahj al-Baldgha IV, 292. 'l-.Hadid: 9) See al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld) I, 124; al-Suyiti: al-Durr al-manthzir I,
204
al-Fa'iq,s.v. hums. I) al-Zamakhshari:
p. io) See: Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I8i; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 147;
seq.
140
M. J. KISTER
From the traditions quoted above one can gain a rough idea about the Hums. The fundamentalprinciples of the Hums were the inviolathe independence') and neutrality bility of the area of the .Haram, of Mecca. The feeling of security in Mecca is described by one of the nobles of Mecca in the following verses: lahd Fakharnd wa-l-umfiru qardrun
bi-Makkatind wa-bi-l-baladi 'l-bardmi. land Wa-annd ldyurdmu harimun wa-annd nurawwa'u'l-mandmi. fi Id land Wa-annd tusdqu ki'dbun ld 1-khiddmi. khildla 'l-naq'i bddiyatu wa-hddhd ' Ma'ddhalldhiminhddhd 2). fa-inna'Illdha lahfb laysa musdm7 A Bedouincould not accustomhimselfto the quiet life of Mecca;
Qays b. Zuhayral-'Absi said:
ma'dshiru Qurayshin min Tufdkhirun7
bi-Ka'batihim wa-bi-l-bayti 'l-hardmi
Fa-akrim fdkhariwa-ldkin bi-'lladhi 'l-kildmi. ddmiyatu maghdi'l-khayli kulla nun Wa-ta' ft '1-'ajajati yaumin
nubfzra 'l-khaylibi 'l-asali1-dawm'i. A.habbu ilayyamin'ayshin rakhiyyin
al-Muijam al-saghir, p. 3; Ibn al-Jrrid: al-Muntaqi, p. 5oo; al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 98Ia; Ibn HIazm:Jawdmi' al-sira,p. 25 (reporting that he was a cousin of al-Aqra' b. Hdbis); Ibn Hazm: Jambarat ansdb al-'Arab, p. zI9; Ydqfit: Mu'jam al-buldin, s.v. haram; Ibn al-Isdba, N. 6123; Abia Nu'aym: Hilya II, 16 (mentioned as one of the Ahl al-Suffa). .Hajar: Nasab Quraysh, ms. f. 76b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysb, p. 2zo; L.'A., s.v. lqI: Abi 'l-Baq': Manidqib,ms. f. to b; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansdb IV B, i26 (and see
p. Abo 'Ubayd: Kit. al-amwdl, 256; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 66a; al-Tabarini:
x) The fierce reaction of the Meccans when their independence was threatened can be gauged from the story of 'Uthmn b. Huwayrith. See al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: "Annotations").
2)
al-Baldhuri:
Ansdb, ms. f. 1094a.
MECCA AND TAMIN
14I
ma'a 'l-Qurashiyyi Harbinau Hishami. bi-'ayshin Wa-md'ayshu'kbniJud'dnin '1-baladi 1) yajurru'I-kha.zafi 'l-tibhmi The observation of some rites and customs was in fact an expression of their veneration of the sanctuaryof Mecca. This organization,including different tribal units-among them units of Tamim, who dwelled in different areas of the peninsula, had a militant character. They were ready to struggle for their ideas of the sanctity of Mecca. The zlif seem to have been built up on the base of Hums. The .Hums were the elite group distinct by their close relationswith the Meccans, by their rites and customs. Both the organizations, the Hums and had economic significance. The religious "colouring" is not surila1f prising 2). were "Hilla".The lHilla includedPeople not belonging to the IHums according to the report of Ibn JHabib-all the Tamim (except Yarbi', Mdzin, I)abba, IHumays,Z'dina, al-Ghauth b. Murr), all the Qays 'Ayldn (except Thaqif, 'Adw~n and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a), all Rabi'a b. Nizdr, all Qudd'a (except 'IlIf and Jandb), the Ansdr, Khath'am, Bajila, Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt b. Kindna (other divisions of Kindna were Hums), Hudhayl, Asad, Tayy and Bdriq3). These JHilla-when different in their rites during the performing the .hajj--were quite and during the tawaf. A third group mentioned by Ibn Habib i.hrdm were the Tuls, including tribes from al-Yaman and Hadramaut, 'Akk, Ujayb and Iyid 4). The division into the threegroups--Hums, Tuls-is confronted I.illa,
2) Comp. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt,p. 8o (.."Teilweise religi6s getarnt.."). 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 179. p. 4) ib.; A special group, which deserves to be mentioned, were the Basl. The word basl denotes ideas similar to the ideas inherent in the word hums:courage, bravery, intrepid fighting on one hand, and the haramthe forbidden on the other hand. The Basl were the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy (or 'Aut b. Lu'ayy, or Murra b. 'Auf b. Lu'ayy). They maintained,that the number of the sacredmonths is 8. The tribes grantedthem security during these months. See al-Kald'i:al-Iktifd', I, 78; Ibn Kathir: al-Bidajya II,
204; I) Ib.
Quraysh, because they were the people of Mecca and Mecca is haram).
L.'A., s.v. bsl; Abfi Dharr: Sharh al-sira (ed. Br6nnle) p. 233 (the Basl were
142
M. J. KISTER
by another division. This scheme divides the tribes according to their
recognition of the sanctity of Mecca: (i) the muhrimfinand (2) the
The muhrimfn included the Hums and these tribes of the muhillun. did not IHillawho in fact performed the pilgrimage. The mu.hillâ¢n the sanctityof Meccanor did they respectthe sacredmonths. recognize constituted a real danger for Mecca. These mu.billzin
all Al-Jdhiz counts as mu.hilliin the Tayy and Khath'am(mimman kdina Muhillin says Idyard li-l-.haramiwa-ldli-l-shahri 'l-.hardmi.hurmatan). and as well manyclansof Yashkur, al-J.hiz--werewere enemiesbecauseQud.'a, (different) and their din al-H.rith of their b. Ka'b. They 1). pedigree (different) his uttered famour the thesemuhillfn intercalator declaration, Against of lawfulthe shedding theirblood. "I makelawfulto shedthe making Kill them, whereveryou blood of the Tayy and Khath'am. mu.hilliin, themif they harass meet you"2). mentionsas muhillifn, people who consideredas lawful Al-Ya'qfbi to commitiniquitiesin these markets. They were groupsfrom Asad, b. and 3). Tayy,Bakrb. 'Abd Mandt Kindna of 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a to It is evident,that it was necessary take some steps to guardthe free markets of Meccafrom hostile tribesand unrulyelementslike 4) and robbers. brigands
In fact al-Ya'qiibi states: And among the tribes there were people, to who condemned this and devoted themselves (nasabif anfusahum) the help of oppressed and to prevent bloodshed and committing of iniVII, I) al-Jahiz: al-IHIayawin 216 seq.; comp. al-Najirami:Aymin al-'Arab, p. 12; Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 319 inf. p. min Ansib, ms. f. 9oob (..wa-inni qad ahlaltudimd'a'l-muhillina 2) al-Bal.dhuri: fa-'qtulfihum lakum); of interest wajadtumizhum 'aradlI Tayyinwa-Khath'am idhd haythu is the following verse of al-Hutay'a. Alam akunmuhrimanfa-yakina bayni 'l-mawaddatu wa-baynakumu wa-l-ikhd'u 40, 1.7.). The commentarysays: (Diwdn (ed. T-h-) al-musalimu 'alaykawa-damuka yakramudamubu 'alayhi. 'lladhi al-muhrimu I, z22 (ed. Najaf). 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikb 4) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar 267 (wa-lam takunfihi (i.e. 'Ukdz) p. wa-ld ,ush/i;run kbufdratun).
MECCA AND TAMIN
143
and refrain from it and haram kill. (2) people .haram, respectthe sacredmonths(yz.hrimina (3) 'I-ashhura 'l-.huruma). people set b. sharingthe principle up 3) by Sulsulb. Aus b. Mukhdshin Mu'd-
(The quities. They were called al-Dhdda al-Mu.hrimina Mu.hrimfn, "the Defenders"). They were from the 'Amr b. Tamim, the Banti b. Zayd Mandt (b. Tamim), Hudhayl, Shaybdn and Kalb .Hanzala They used to carry weapons (in the sacred months). The b. Wabara. tribes were divided into people who took off their weapons during the sacred months and (lacuna; apparently:people who carried arms during these months-K). This report of al-Ya'qiibi is of importance;it sheds some light on the role of some groups of Tamim who served in an inter-tribalmilitia, set up to defend Mecca and the marketsof Mecca. One may recall the remarkablepassage of al-Jbhizquoted above 1), in which ilif was explainedas a tax, imposed on the tribes in order to defend Mecca from the "wolves of the tribes", brigands and hostile tribes. It cannot be ruled out that the /lafmight have included some point about a pay for the militia to guard the markets and to guard Mecca. Additional details about this militia are given by al-Marziqi 2): The tribes (al-'Arab) were divided according to three different conunlawful ceptions about the sacredmonths: (i) people who perpetrated these are the who do not respect the sanctity of the deeds; stealin the mu.hillfn, who
Rasa'il runs as follows: i) See p. 119 n. 2 above; the passage in al-Jdhhiz's dhdiika. Wa-qadfassarahu qaumun hi-ghayri ja'ala 'ala ru'iAsi QdjI: innaHdshiman yu'addzfnahd ilayhili-yahmiya ahlaMakkata.Fa-innadhu'biha 'l-qabd'ii'dard'iba bina i-'Arabi wa-sa'dika 'i-abyd'i wa-ashdba kdnf Idyu'manina Cald 'i-.tawd'ili wa-ndsun al-'Arabi kdn7ldyarauna min 'l-barami;It siyydma li-1-harami wawa-ld li-l-shahri'l-hardmiqadran, wa-Khath'amin .urmatan mithluTayyin wa-Qudad'ata bni ba'diBalhdrithi Ka'bin". al-AmkinaII, i66. 2) al-Marzicqi: The translationof Hamidullah(Le Prophite,p. 605) is not accurate.He renders 3) the text as follows:.. mais les gens se partageaienten trois groupes a ce propos: ceux qui pratiquaient l'abomination...ceux qui s'en abstenaient..et enfin les fantaisistes (ahl al-ahwd'),partisans du Tamimite.." The text tells about three conceptions according to which people were divided. Wa-kandt al-'Arabuflasbhuri
144
M. J. KISTER
wiya b. Shurayfof the 'Amr b. Tamim; it is he who made lawful for them the fight of the mu.hillfn. This tradition transmittedby Ibn al-Kalbi (on the authority of his father)is refuted by Ibn al-Kalbi and Abi Khirdsh.They state: "That is the claim of the Banii Tamim. Certainis in our opinion that it was the Qalammasand his ancestors. And it was he who intercalatedthe months". The refutation of Ibn al-Kalbi and Abii Khirish does not refer to the whole tradition about Sulsul. It refers only to the phrase "and he made lawful to fight the muhilahallaqitdla'l-muhillin fa-innahu
utteredby the interseemsto referto the declaration al-Kalbi lin."Ibn who utteredthis declaration. It was in fact the intercalator calator. out who But it was the group of Sulsul,the mu.hrimifn-dhdda carried
the implicationof this declaration. A peculiartradition recordedby al-Shahrastdni (al-Milal,p. 443-ed.
claimsthat the Qalammas text al-Mutalammis)Umayya b. (in Cureton) was al-Kindn7 of the dinof Tamim('alad ban! dini Tamim). seems The traditionabout the mu.hrimzin-dhdda to be trustworthy.
The Usayyid, the clan of Sulsul, were in close connections with Mecca. Some of the Bani Usayyid came to Mecca, became allies of influential
of families,and families, daughters aristocratic gainedwealth,married was citizensof Mecca.Influential the Usayyidi became family respected
of Nabbdsh.Their houses were in the vicinity of the Ka'ba1). Al-A'shd b. Zurdrab. al-NabbdshmournedNubayh and Munabbih,the two sons
b. of al-Hajjdj 'Amir,killedat Badr The motherof Baghidb. 'Amir 2).
b. Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf b. 'Abd al-Dar was the daughter of al-
ahlu ha wan shara 'a bu .wa-minhum.. minbum.. iabwd'in: '/-hajti'aldthaldthat .wa-minhum The expression The group set up by Sulsul were not "fantaisistes". lahum Sulsul. ... is ahluhawan not peiorative; it is equal in its denotation to the expression used for the preceding groups. i) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 88b; al-Fdsi: Shifd' al-ghardn (Wiistenfeld, II, I40 seq.). 2) Ibn Hishdm: Sira III, 16; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 182 b; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghint XVI, 6o.
MECCA AND TAMIN
145
Nabbash b. Zurdra One of the mountains of Mecca belonged to 1). Ban& Nabbdsh2). A spurious tradition-which may, however, the contain some grain of truth-claims that Aktham b. Sayfi, the famous sage of the Usayyid, acquiredhis wisdom from Qusayy, 'Abd Manif, Hdshim and Abil 3). Another spurious tradition claims that T.lib from 'Abd al Muttalib4). To the Usayyid Aktham learned nasab belonged as well the first (or second) husband of Khadija,Abii Hila. The family of Aus b. Mukhdshinwas a noble one. The descendants of Aus b. Mukhdshinwere the guardiansof the sanctuaryof Shums, the idol worshippedby the Dabba, Tamim, 'Ukl, 'Adiyy and Thaur6). This idol was pulled down by Hind, the son of Khadijaand by Safwin b. Usayyidof the Mukhdshin This SafwdnmarriedDurra,the daugh6). ter of Aba Lahab, and she gave birth to two of his sons Auf and alQa'qd" Mukhashin b. Mu'dwiya b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was called 7). b. al-Hkrithb. Mukhdshinb. Mu'dwiya Dbh 'I-a'wVd8). Sayfi b. Riy.h b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, the father of Aktham was called Dhb or '-.hilm Dhib'l-aubdr of the copious herds he possessed)9). Rabi'a b. (because Mukhdshinand his father were respected "judges of the Mukh.shin tribes" 10). is attributedwas Sulsul to whom the setting up of the mu.hrimin-dhida in very close relations with Mecca: he was in charge of the mausim
and a judge at 'Ukz x11).
al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., ms. f. 89b; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri:Nasab Quraysh in Suhayli's al-Raud p. 254; and see the discussion about the writer of the saâ¢ifa al-unuf I, 2 32. z) al-Azraqi: Akhbdr (Wiistenfeld I, 490); Yqfiqt: Buldin, s.v. Sbayba. 3) al-Majlisi:Bihdral-anwdr 39. VI, 4) Abu l-BaqI': Maniqib,ms. f. 96a. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 316. p. 5)
I)
ansib al-'Arab, p. 199, inf. .Hajar: 7) Ibn Hazm:Jambarat al-Hamddni:Iklil I/II, ms. f. 178a (Mukhdshin);Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 8) p. 134 (Rabi'a b. Mukhdshin). al-Anbdri: Mufaddalyydt (Lyall) 447 (Rabi'd); al-Ya'qabi: Ta'rikh I, 214 (ed. Najaf: Mukhlshin); al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 503, n. 2; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharbnabjal-Baldgha 427. III, 9) al-Hamdani:ib. Ibn al-Athir; al-Murassa'(ed. Seybold) p. 82 (also attributed to Aktham). Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 134; al-'Askari: Jamharatal-amthil,p. Io04. p.
i i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 182.
JESHO, VIII Io
6) ib; and see Ibn
al-Isdba, No. 4067, 4071.
146
M. J. KISTER
The duties entrustedto Tamimin Meccaand in the marketsof Mecca are a convincing evidence of the important role played by Tamim in establishingof the economic power of Mecca. Tamim were invested in with the ifd/da Mecca itself and with the control of the market of 'Ukdz. 'Ukdz was one of the importantmarketsbecauseherethe public opinion of the tribes could express itself in its literary, political and social aspects1). It was the co-operation with Tamim in the market which helped Qurayshto avoid competition and secured for of the'Uk.z Qurayshthe influencein these markets2). The share of Tamim in the Meccan system is defined by Ibn JHabib as follows: "The leaders (A' imma) of the tribes (after 'Amir b. al-Zarib) in the mawasim and their judges at Tamim. The guardiansof their dinand the 'Ukdz were the BanLY trustees of their qiblawere the Quraysh.The authoritativeinterpreters of the din were the Band Mdlik b. Kindna 3)". Ibn Habib gives a list of chiefs of Tamim who acted both as leaders of the mausim and as (i) Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (2) Uanzala b. judges of 'Uk.z. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (3) Dhu'ayb b. Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (4) Mdzin b. Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (5) Tha'laba b. Yarbii' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt,(6) Mu'dwiyab. Shurayfb. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (7) al-Adbat b. Quray' b. 'Auf b. Ka'b b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt,(8) Sulsul b. Aus b. Mukhdshinb. Mu'~wiyab. Shurayf b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, (9) Sufydnb. Mujdshi'; Sufyan was the last man who combined the two functions: of a judge and a leaderof the mausim. After his death these duties were performedby two differentpersons. Muhammadb. Sufydnperformedthe duties of a judge at 'Ukdz. At the appearanceof Islam the judge was al-Aqra' b. HJbis b. 'Iqdl b. Muhammadb. Sufydnb. Mujdshi'.After Sulsul the "ijdza"of the mausim was entrusted to 'AllIq b. Shihdbb. La'y of the 'Uwdfa (of the Banti
i) Comp. al-Marzu-qi:al-Amkina II, I65, 170; al-Marziiqi: Sharb al-Hamisa, pp. p. 15 14; Wellhausen: Reste,p. 84-87; Buhl: Das LebenMubammeds, 49-50, 105. p. 2) The opinion of Rathjens (Die Pilgerfahrt, 70), that there was competition between the market of Mecca and 'Ukdz seems to be without basis. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 18x inf.; the Mdlik b. Kinana were the clan p. of the intercalators.
MECCA AND TAMIN
147
in IbnHazmreports a chapter in omitted theeditionof LeviProvengal6), thatthe Tamimgot the duty of the judgesat 'Ukdzandthe ifdda after it had been performedby 'Adwdn. The last of the 'Adwin were the and The 'Amirb. al-Zarib AbaiSayydra. last manwho performed of ifddaat the appearance Islamwas Karibb. Safwin; the last judge was al-Aqra'b. IHbis. The Tamiminheritedthe duties of the raminy, nafrandthe ijddafrom Siifa-reportsIbn lHazm. Tamimi by poets recallin theirpoemsthe dutiesperformed Tamim. boastsof the duty of the by Al-Farazdaq performed one of his .hakam ancestors: Wa-'ammin 'khtdrat 'lladhi hukfmatan Ma'addun idhwafau 'ald'l-ndsi ma'd 'Ukdzabihd Huwa'l-Aqra'u kdna 'l-khayru 'lladhJ yabtan7 thdbitin majdin awdkhiya 7) anyunazza'd
i) Zaynab bint 'Allaq b. Shihib b. 'Amr of the Banf 'Uwifa b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandtwas the grandmotherof 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (see Ibn al-Mubabbar, p. 27; al-Baladhuri: Ansib, ms. f. Io049 b). His son 'Attab got the.Habib: pay ('a.td') of z,500 dirham by 'Umar (al-Balidhuri, op. cit. f. I05oa; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 83a). 'Alliq is said to have believed in God and in the Day of Resurrection(al-Shahrastani, al-Milal, p. 439, ed. Cureton). 2) See Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara,ms. f. 8Ia; Ibn Hazm: Jamharatansdbal-'Arab, p. 208; al-Balidhuri: Ansib, ms. f. o1044a, 957a; Damra b. Jibir b. Nahshal married his daughter Hind (al-Dabbi: Amthal al-'Arab, p. 8). 3) al-Balidhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1044 b (but Mdzin is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; Sulsul is followed by 'Allaq). 4) Naqd'i~d438 (Tha'laba b. Yarba' is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; but Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf is followed by Jurwa b. Usayyid. That is apparently an error; read for thumma: bn). 5) al-Marzfqi: al-AmkinaII, I67. 6) al-Jdsir: Na.ratun ft kitdbiJambaratiansibi 1-'Arabi, RAAD, 95o0, .Hamd p. 248 seq. 7) al-Farazdaq:Divwn, p. 50oz(ed. Sawi).
Sa'd) '). The last man who performedthe duty of "ijlza" when Islam appearedwas Karib b. Safwdn2). on The list of the Tamimi judges given by al-Balddhuri the authority of Ibn Kundsais almostidenticalwith the list of 3). Identical al-Mu.habbar are as well the lists of the Naqdi'id4) and al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5).
148
M. J. KISTER
The function of the judge boasts as well Jarir:
'/-hikimrfna Quldkhin 'aald Wa-nahnu dhd 1) wa-l-musdba kafaynd 'l-jarfrati 'ald (Thereis a variant:Wa-nabhnu 2). 'l-.hJkimina 'Ukdzin) A significant verseof Hassdn Thdbit b. refersto the dutiesof Tamim in the markets: min Wa-afd/alu niltum al-majdi md wa-l-'uld 'inda 3) ridafatund '.htiddri 'l-mawdsimi "Andthebestwhichyou gainedfromgloryandloftiness Is (to be) ourhelpersat the attending markets." of This verse is the 14th of a poem of which was an answer .Hass-n, to the poemof the delegation Tamim,whichcameto Meccato meet of the prophet anno 9 H. Arafatanalysedthe poem 4) and came to the conclusion thoughattributed Hassdn, wasactually that it to compoin Arafat not analyse did sed by an Ansdri a laterperiod.Unfortunately as this verse. The conclusion Arafatis, however,not acceptable far of that as this verseis concerned. Takingfor granted therewas an Ansdri this to interested insultthe Tamim-he would not have recalled poet were relationof the Tamimwith Mecca.In latertimeswhen Quraysh for highly respectedin the Islamicsociety-the riddfa Qurayshwas not an insult. "is clearlydivided into Arafatremarksthat the poem of .Hassdn two sections.The firsteightlinesareboastingin the firstpersonplural the in preciselythe same mannerwhich characterizes poems of the The remaining to someof whichwereattributed laterAnsdris .Hassdn. Ddrim" to six lines are threatsand insults addressed the Banfi 5). of the poemcontaining withthe eightverses We areherenot concerned
See Naqd'id, p. 438; Jarir: Diwan, ib.; Ydqfit: Buldtn, s.v. Qulkh. 3) Diwan p. 385 (ed. Barqfiqi). 4) W. Arafat: "An interpretation of the different accounts of the visit of the .Hassan: Tamim delegation to the Prophet A.H. 9", BSOAS '955, PP. 416-25.
2)
i) Jarir: Diwan, p. 67; Naqd'id, p. 437.
5) ib. p. 422.
MECCA AND TAMIN
149
praises of the Ansdr and stressingthe aid of the Ansir for the Prophet. Arafat may be right assuming that these verses were composed by an Ansdriof a later generation.But why did an Ansdriof a later generation slanderthe Tamim in such a vehement manner. To start with, one may observe that the six verses of Hassln (9-14) are an answerfor the poem of al-Zibriqin b. Badr1). In the four verses recorded al-Zibriqdnpraises his tribe and their deeds. The verses of for lHassinform, in fact, an answer, a naqkla the verses of al-Zibriqdn. The verse of quoted above forms an answer for the first verse .Hassin of al-Zibriqdn: Atayndkakaymiya'lama'l-ndsu fadland 'inda idhd 'l-mawdsimi '.htiddri came to "We'.htafalIzyou in order that people may know our excellence When they rally attending the markets". The verse seems to point to the duty of the Tamim performed in the markets. The answer of Hassdn-on behalf of the Prophet-is explicit: you were merely our chamberlains, ardaf, at these markets. That is the utmost of excellence which you could attain. It would be, in fact, probablybetterto put this verse afterverse io of the poem. That refutesthe claim of the excellence would give 3 verses in which IHassdn
of the Tamim. The three other verses (11-13) would form the unity
of threat and urge to embraceIslam. The violent insults in the verses of IHassdnare not surprising. was known as the poet who mentioned in his verses in the .Hass~n defense of the Prophet the faults of his opponents, their lost battles and some flaws in their pedigree2). Arafat refuting the authenticity of the verses of Hassin remarks: "However, it is doubtful whether it would be in keeping with the
i) Ibn Hishim: Sira IV, z Ii; two verses are quoted in al-Marzubdni's Mudjam al-sbu'ard',p. 299 and attributedto 'Ut~ridb. IHjib (attributedas well to al-Aqra'
b. Habis). III, II, 376; al-Zurqdni: Sbarbal-mawabib 2) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald' 376.
150O
M. J. KISTER
of character the Prophet, alwaysa great statesman,to allow such insults and threats to be used on such an occasion against the well known
of of representatives a greattribe"1). The argument Arafatis a sound answerto the one. But thereis a reportwhichmay give a reasonable to by According an accountgiven in the questionput forward Arafat. of therewas a contestbetweenal-Aqra' the Tamim SiraJHalabiyya 3) 2) which and Hassan(mufdkhara), was attended the Prophet. by Al-Aqra' with his naqida. Prophet, The recitedhis poem and responded the verses of.Hassan said to al-Aqra':"You did not need hearing .Hass-n, to of kunta (laqad ghaniyyan) be reminded thingswhichyou understand that people alreadyforgot". This utteranceof the Prophet-says alKalbi-was more gravefor al-Aqra'than the versesof was .Hassan. that It is not surprising this verse(14)of Hassan omittedin later sources.The duty of Tamimfell in oblivionand was mentioned only had ceasedto The old markets already by earlyIslamicTamimipoets. of exist. The verse could not serveas argument boastingor of insult. of The moderncommentary Barqi-qi gives the followingexplanation: becauseif you embrace "It is betterfor you (says Islam-you .Hassan) because would gain the highestglory (sharaf), you will attendwith us and all gatherings thatis the best thingyou striveat"4). This explanamd does not denotefuture, tion is hardlyacceptable. Wa-aftdalu niltum anno but past. The versewas, in fact, an insultin the time of .Hassan, in 9 H.: you were merelyhelpersof ours (of Quraysh) the markets. of the seconddivision)describe VersesI -Iz of the poem (verse 3 "If a realsituation. you havecometo saveyourlives andyourproperty lest you be dividedamongthe booty, then admitno rivalto God, and attireto thatof foreigners" and becomeMuslims wearnot a similar 5).
x) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. z) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uyin,III, 228-29. 3) It is more plausible that the verses of the Tamimi poet may be attributed to al-Aqra' or 'Utirid b. HIjib. It is hardly conceivable that the Sa'di ka-Dirimi. al-Zibriq.n The verses would have praised the Ddrim: wa-anlaysaft ardi '1Ij.diZi of Hassin are as well addressed to the Ddrim: Bani Darimin, d tafkharz. 4) IHassin: Divwn, ib. 5) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423.
MECCA AND TAMIN
15 I
in The situationreferred in these versesis plainlymentioned the to that The versesof al-Farazdaq. threatof Hassdn the Tamimiprisoners as have been sold in the markets-cannotbe considered a void might threat.Al-Farazdaq boastsof the Ddrim: rasili 'ldhi idhshadda Wa-'inda qabdahu addhimuh wa-mulli'a asrdTamimin min Farajnd 'l-asrd 'l-addhima md ba'da 'ani wa-'shtaddat shakd'imuh 1) 'alayhim takhamma.ta that In another stresses the freeingof the captives poem al-Farazdaq of was due to the intercession al-Aqra'with the Prophetfor them.
sawwdrin 'l-majdi, ild .hdyimi. bi-khu.t.tati Lahfatlaqa '1-asrd fi .hibdlihi 'llati
' HIdbisin Wa-'inda rasili 'lldhiqdmabnu
f7 mughallaqatan a'ndquhd 'I-addhimi. 'calayhim Kafdummahdti 'l-khd'Jifina ausihdma 'ald'a1-mufddZ 1-musdhimi2).
A tradition recorded on the authorityof al-Kalbi (forming a for of commentary these verses) states that al-Aqra'interceded the b. captivesof the 'Amr b. Jundabb. al-'Anbar 'Amr b. Tamimand The Prophetfreed the captivesand promisedto pay the bloodwit. al-Aqra'paid the bloodwiton behalfof his people3). The verses of Hassin aboutTamimseemto be authentic. One may agreewith Arafataboutthe inferiority these versesof of that is not a sufficient proof that these verseswere not .Hassdn-but JHassin. in Suchversesare not surprising politicalha-d'. composedby The problemof the delegationof Tamimdeservesto be treated separately. The seculardutiesof Tamimat the market,discussedabove, were
i) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 767; Naqd'ia4, 748. p. a'niquhd). z) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 862; Naqd'id, p. 747 (mughallalatan 3) Naqi'id, p. 747; it is significant that versions "L", "O" of the Naqa'id have au sibhma resembling closely the expression of the verse of 1-muqdsimi .HassZn.
152
M. J. KISTER
complemented by remarkableduties performed by the relatives of Tamim during the festivities of the pilgrimage.The SPraof Ibn Hishdm supplies the following account about the Tamimi leaders at the pilgrimage festivities: "Al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd b. al-Ya's b. Mudar used to give permission to men on pilgrimageto leave 'Arafa,and this function descended to his children after him. He and his sons used to be called Safa. Al-Ghauth used to exercise this function because his mother was a woman of Jurhum who had been barren and vowed to Allah that if she bore a son she would give him to the Ka'ba as a slave to serve it and to look after it. In course of time she gave birth to al-Ghauthand he used to look after the Ka'ba in early times with his Jurhum uncles and presided over the order of departurefrom 'Arafa because of the office which he held in the Ka'ba. His sons carriedon the practiceuntil they were cut off. Murr b. Udd, referring to the fulfilment of the mother's oath, said: O Lord, I have made one of my sons A devotee in Mecca the exalted. So bless me for the vow fulfilled, And make him the best of creaturesto my credit. Al-Ghauth, so they allege, used to say when he sent the people away: O God I am following the example of others. If that is wrong the fault is Qudj'a's. Yahyd b. 'Abbdd b. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayrfrom his father 'Abbid said: Soifaused to send the people away from 'Arafa and give them permission to depart when they left Mini. When the day of departure arrivedthey used to come to throw pebbles, and a man of Siifa used to throw for the men, none throwing until he had thrown. Those who had urgent business used to come and say to him: "Get up and throw so that we may throw with you", and he would say, "No, by God, not until the sun goes down"; and those who wanted to leave quickly used to throw stones at him to hurry him, saying, "Confound you,
MECCA AND TAMIN
153
get up and throw". But he refused until the sun went down and then he would get up and throw while the men threw stones with him. When they had finished the stoning and wanted to leave Mini, fa held both sides of the hill and kept the men back. They said: "Give .Sthe order to depart, Safa". No one left until they had gone first. When Safa left and had passed on, men were left to go their own way and followed them. This was the practiceuntil they were cut off. After them the next of kin inherited. They were of B. Sa'd in the family of b. Shijna. It was Safwdn who gave permission Safwdn b. to the pilgrims to depart from 'Arafa, and this right was maintained al-.HIrith them up to Islam, the last being Karib b. Safwdn. by Aus b. Tamim b. Maghrd'al-Sa'di said: The pilgrims do not quit their halting-placeat 'Arafa Until it is said, "Give permission O family of Safwdn1)". The verses of Aba Maghrd' are often quoted and the importance of the duty of Karib b. SafwIn is stressed2). It is a significantverse of Aus b. Maghri':
Tard thindnd,idhd mdjdi'a, bad'ahumrn in 'wa-bad'uhum, atdnd, kina thunydnda3)
The yijda of Safa is mentioned in the verses of Murra b. Khulayf:
Idhidmd ajiat min athu 'l-naqbar Minan .Sf fauqahi safa'u 'l-dami wa-/dhaqutdrun
wa-taba"athat 'ajilan 'l-i'dba Ra'aytu
'alaiya dan'd'inli-l-Rabdbi wa-Kalthami4)
The two poets of Tamim, al-Farazdaqand Jarir mention boasting
i) Ibn Hisham: Sira I, I25 seq.; the translationof the whole quoted passage is taken from Guillaume: The Life of Muhammad, 49-50; comp. Ibn Kathir: al-Bip. dayaII, 20o6. 2) al-Mubarrad:Nasab, p. 9; Muh. b. Habib: al-MAluabbar, I83; al-Baldhuri: p. Amdi, II, 176; al-Bakri:Simt, p. 795-96; Ibn Qutavba: Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-QMli: al-Shi'r, p. 264; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'lqd al-faridII, 222; Ibn Abi 'l-IHadid: Sharh III, nahjal-baldgha 426. Ibn Walldd:al-Maqsr7r wa-/-mamd7id, 24. p. 4) al-Marzubini: Muijam al-shu'ard', p. 382. 3) L. 'A., s.v. th . n ._y.
154
M.
J.
KISTER
the y*da of their tribe 1) in Mecca. A verse of al-Farazdaqabout the of iydZa Tamim was considered as unsurpassed(afkhar)in boasting:
min 'l-ndsu habata 'l-Muhassaba Minan Idhd
min yaumi 'l-nahri .haythu 'arraff# 'ashiyyata Tard'l-ndsa sirnd md yasfrzrna khalfand
nahnu ild wa-in 2) waqqafzi auma'nd '-na-si
Jarir says:
'l-bajfji 'alaykum land Wa-jawwdZu 'l-makdrimi wa-l-mandri 3) wa-'ddidyyu
(called al-Rabit, or Sifa) is recorded by Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 6oa (they perished; Muh. b. Habib: Mukhtalifal-qabd'il; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 956b; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 34 (al-Ghauth b. Murr moved to al-Yaman and were called Siifa);al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd',I, 132 seq.; and see Wellhausen:Reste,p. 77; Caetani: Annali I, p. Io5 (79). There are however contradictory traditions about Sfifa. Al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld, I, iz8) reports that the men, who were entrusted with the duty of the ifjda were descendants of Sifa, whose name was Akhzam; he was from the Mdzin b. Asad. Al-Ghauth b. Sffa, the son of Slfa and a woman from Jurhum,was entrusted of the Khuzd'a. His descendants performed the ifdc/a with the ijada by in the times of Jurhum and Khuzi'a till they perished. In the times of Quraysh .Hubshiyya the ifjIda passed to the 'Adwtn (of Qays 'Aylhn), to Zayd b. 'Adwan. The last man, who performed this duty when Islam appearedwas Abfi Sayyara. Al-Maqdisi (Kit. al-Bad' IV, I z7-ed. Huart) records that Sofa were a group from Jurhum, given the privilege of the yijaa. They were defeated in the battle with Qusayy. was in the beginning entrustedto people from Khuzd'a, Ydqft reportsthat the yij/za to 'AdwAn and became the privilege of Abai SayyAra;finally it became the passed s.v. Thabir). privilege of al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd (al-Bulddn, In another passage Ydqft reports that a group of Jurhum, called Stfia, used to perform the yijda. The poet said about them: Wa-ld ft yarimdna '/-ta'rjfimauqi'abum dia hattadyuqdla: "aizzgd S'zafdnd" s.v. Makka).The privilege passed to Khuzd'a,was latertransferred (Yaqiat:al-Buldan, to 'Adwvn (Abil Sayydra).Qusayy removed Abca Sayyara and his people. p. According to al-Sijistdni(al-Mu'ammarin, 5i ed. Goldziher) Sfifaperformedthe duty of the yijda one day; on another day the duty was performed by 'Adwdn. (see n. 34 of Goldziher.) z) Ibn Rashiq: al-'UmdaII, I37; al-'Askari: Diwdn al-Ma'dni,I, 78; al-Farazdaq: Diwan, p. 5667 (ed. al-SAwi; there is a misprint: auma'ndild 'l-ndri,instead of ild 'l-ndsi);but see al-Qdli: al-Amali (Dhayl I19 inf.) and Ibn Rashiq:al-'UmdaII, z69. 3) Jarir: Diwdn, p. 298.
I) The tradition stating that Siifa were the descendants of al-Ghauth b. Murr
MECCA AND TAMIN
15T
of the Al 'Ajjajsaysdescribing multitude the pilgrims: idhd fitru HFattd mi .hdna 'l-suwwami iun lam 1) yfiqami minnajda' ajdZa Theseversesof the Tamimi pointto the aboveco-operapoetsclearly tion between Qurayshand Tamim.The fact that Qurayshinvested Tamim with the two most importantduties in their religions and economiclife: the and the Ji-Za shows thatthe Tamimwere 2) .hukima and renderedconsiderable servicesto in fact strong and influential Mecca. The suggestionof Wellhausen, the granting the !i/dato Stifa of that laterto Tamim-K) shows,thatMeccawas not the centerof the (and seems not to be adequate.Qurayshceded their authorityor .hajja) a clan with invested some dutiesin their territory in the territory or in whichthe exertionof influence vitalfor Quraysh markets), was (the becausethey could in this way more efficiently controlthe activities of the tribesandgainthe security theirterritory. of Therewereprecedents of this kind and this principle already was appliedby the rulers of the borderkingdoms Aboutthe investment somedutiesin the of 4). market,we can gauge from a significantpassage in al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5): bi-tilka Wa-kdna ashrafu yatawafauna ma'a 'l-tujjdri 'l-'Arabi 'l-aswdqi minajlianna kinattardakhu 'l-mulzka li-kullisharzfin li-l-ashrdji, bi-sahbmin
i) al-'Ajjdj:Diwan, p. 6o (ed. Ahlwardt). Festivals, 32-33:Wellhausen: 2) For the ijyaasee: von Grunebaum:Mubammadan p. Reste,pp. 57, 75-8o; about ashriqThabirsee Aba Mishal: Nawadir,p. 452; and see L. 'A., s.v. th b r and Sh r q. 3) Wellhausen: Reste, p. 77: "Das Recht, das Zeichen zum Beginne des Laufes zu geben, die sogenannte IdiZa stand in alter Zeit den Cufa d. i. den Al (afwan zu, nicht den Quraisch (B. Hischdm 7712, 8o5, 825, vrgl, Agh. III, 417, seq.). Das ist bemerkenswert. Hitte Mekka im Mittelpunkt gestanden, so hitten es auch die Quraisch getan; statt dessen wird berichtet, dass sie in der heidnischen Zeit sich gar nicht an der Festversammlung zu 'Arafa beteiligten, sondern erst an einem spiteren Punkte zu der Prozession stiessen". 4) Comp. Ibn al-mughtdlin (Nawrdir al-makt.itat,ed. A. S. Haroin Asmad' 6, 221). But perhaps to read mulayknot malik (ay laysa bi-l-maliki1-timmi). .Habib: 5) al-Marzfqi: al-Amkina,II, 166.
56
M. J. KISTER
shai-lfuku/lli baladin siqa baladihi,illd mrinal-arbdahi. Fa-kadna ya.hkduru bihd 'Uktda,fa-inntahuim yatandaifauna minkulli aubin. kdin "And the nobles (leadersof the tribes) used to frequentthese markets with the merchants, because the kings used to allot to every leader (sharif,noble), a share of the profits. The leader of every area used to attend the market of this district, except 'Ukdz, as they flocked to 'Ukaz from every side". This passagegives some idea about the relations between the rulers and the Bedouin chiefs. They were granted some share in the profits. Such apparently was the situation in DMmatal-Jandal, at Hajar, at Suhlr-at Dabd and in other markets, controlled by rulers of client kingdoms in which there were taxes levied. In the same way Quraysh invested the Tamim with the privilege of the leadershipof the market of But this was not based on some paltry reward. was a 'Uk.z this 'Uk.z. free marketwhere no taxes were paid. There is no indication what reward was. The expression a'immatal-'Arab points to some principle of mutual co-operation. As an ideological base served the principle of the respect for the sanctuary of Mecca and the sacred months. It is clearthat the consent of the tribes was necessaryfor the performing of this duty. The control of the marketsand the yidzawere of importancenot only for the tribes. It was of the concern of some rulersas well. This can be gauged from a significanttradition reported by Suhayli: wa-qdla ba'.du kdinat qibalimul/ki Kindata. min inna 'l-Ghauthi naqalati'l-akhbdri wildyata "Some transmittersof historical records say that the appointment of al-Ghauth(b. Murr)was done by the kings of Kinda"1).These Ghauth b. Murr are said to have left for al-Yaman2). The traditions that alGhauth b. Murr emigratedto al-Yamanpoint clearly to their connections with South Arabia. According to tradition, after Sifa were exrith tinguished, the duty was inheritedby the Safwdnb. al-TH~ b. Shijna of the Sa'd, who were next in kin (fa warithahum ba'dihim dhdlikammin One may rememberthat this family had close connections bi-l-qu'dudi).
I) al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf I, 84 inf. 2) See above, p. 154, n. i.
MECCA AND TAMIN
I
57
with the Kinda family.It was Uwayrb. Shijnawho shelteredsome members of the defeated family of Kinda and was praisedby Imru 'l-Qays. It was Karib b. Safwdnwho refused to join the other clans of Tamim in their attackagainstthe 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a,who belonged to the at the battle of Jabala.One may venture to suggest that there is a grain .Hums, of truth in this tradition. The Kinda co-operatedwith Qurayshin the escort of caravans1) and it is plausible that they influenced at least the appointment of the man and the clan who performed the idzJa. A Sa'di leader and poet, al-Zibriqdnb. Badr, reproacheda man who dared to slanderAbfi Jahl. He said: Abd AtadrJmanhajauta H.abibin salilakhaddrimin sakanfi 'l-bitdha A "Zdda'l-Rakbi"tadhkuru Hishdman am wa-bayta 'lldhi wa-l-balada
1-laqd.ha
2)
The versesexpressloyaltyand respectto the aristocratic Qurashite (AbaiJahl)anddevotionfor Mecca.
The branch of Tamim to whom the function of the judge at
was entrusted werethe Mujdshi' the Ddrim,a claninfluentialUkz. of at the courtof al-Hira 3).
The tradition discussed in this paper give us a rough idea how the clans of Tamim became linked with Mecca: some of them by the organizationof the Hums, some of them by the pacts of 7lif, some of them by getting the authority at the markets and in performing of
the rites of the hajj,some of them by participating the intertribal in militiato guardMecca.
It is plausible that we find in Mecca men from Tamim as and .hulafd' of Tamimi chiefs marriedby leaders of Meccan clans. This daughters
factmaydeserve be stressed. to to According sometraditions, Quraysh
I) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 267 (about the market of al-Rdbiya in Hadramaut): "..the Quraysh used to request the escort of Kinda..and the BanQ Akil al-Mur;r gained power, owing to Quraysh, over other people".. 2) Ydqfit: Bulddn, s.v. Makka. 3) See Oppenheim - Caskel: Die Beduinen,III, i66.
158
M. J. KISTER
bint refrained from marrying daughters of some tribes. was the of Kalb, the wife of 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'AufTum.dir first al-Asbagh Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite. Qurayshdid not enter into marriageswith Kalb 1). About a family of Tamim tradition emphasizes that Quraysh entered into marriageswith this family 2). The wife of the noble Makhzamite, Hisham b. al-Mughira, the
b. motherof the famousAbi Jahl,was Asma'bint Mukharriba Jandal
b. Ubayr b. Nahshalb. Ddrim. She was as well the mother of 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a and (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a 3). (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a4)
b. b. Mukharriba Jandals).'Abdallahb. bint married Asm.' Rabi'amarriedHind bint Mutarrifb. Salamab. MukharSal.ma b. Abi 'Ayyash
riba 6). (Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a marriedthe daughter of the Tamimi
the b. b. leader (Utdrid HTjib ZurdraLayl1 Abi!Jahlmarried daugh7).
ter of 'Umayr b. Ma(bad b. Zurdra (Ubaydullah b. 'Umar b. al8). bint Khaula married Asmd'bint 'Utdridb. HIjib b. Zurdra9). KhattOb al-Qa('q8b. Ma(badb. Zurdrab. 'Udas marriedTalha b. 'Ubaydallah; her second marriage was with AbTiJahm b. Hudhayfa10). Layli bint
I) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 267; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab ms. f. 95 b. Quraysh, 2) al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 989 b: . .kdna sharifanwa-qadnakahatilayhiQurayshun .. fubil al-shu'ard', 3) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 36a, 67b; al-Jumahi: Tabaqdt ms. p. 123; al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh, f. 35a, 140 b; al-Mus'abal-Zubayri: I, pp. NasabOuraysh, 317, 301; al-Wdqidi:Maghdzi, 83-84; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghdni pp. Ansdb,ms. f. 986 b, 804a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 29 seq.; Naqd'iai,p. 607; al-Balddhuri: al-IsdbaVIII, al-Isti'db, p. 495; al-Balddhuri;Ansdb I, 298, 209, 235; Ibn IHajar: Io (No. women). 55 8. al-Isaba,No. 611x 4) See about him: Ibn IHajar: Ibn Hishdm: Szra I, 273; Ibn (Abd al-Barr: al-Isti'(b, p. 705; al-Mus'ab al5) Nasab Quraysh,ms. Zubayri: Nasab 9uraysh, pp. 267, 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakk.r: f. 96a. V, 6) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh,p. 319; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 28. 7) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar: Nasab Ansib, ms. f. 804 b. ms. .Quraysh, f. 14Ia; Ibn Hajar:al-IsdbaVIII, 182; al-Balddhuri: al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: op. cit., p. 312; al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit. f. I35 b. 8) p. 9) al-Jumahi: Tabaqitfuihilal-shu'ard', 488 n. 3. Ansib, ms. Io) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., ms. f. i i8a, 17Ia; al-Bal.dhuri: f. 871a; al-Mus(ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 372, 281; Ibn IHajar: al-Isiba VIII, 71 III (No. 371); Ibn Said: Tabaqdt I, 152; V, 120; VI, 147 (ed. Leiden).
MECCA AND TAMIN
I 59
Mas'id b. Khdlid b. MIlik b. Rib'i b. Sulmi b. Jandal b. Nahshal married 'Ali b. Abi Tdlib; her second marriage was with 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Abi Tdlib 1). 'Aqil b. Abi Tdlib married the daughter of the Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt2). The daughters of Sindnb. al-.Hautakiyya of al-Zibriqdn b. Badr married Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, al-Musawwir b. Makhramaal-Zuhri, 'Amr b. Umayya b. al-Haal-.HJrith al-.Damri, kam b. Abi 'l-'As b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, 'Uthmdnb. Abi 'l-'As, b. Abi 'l-'As, Umayyab. Abi 'l-'As 3). al-.Hakam al-Asghar,'Abd Umayya,Naufal and Ama were the children Umayya of 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Mandf, born by his wife, 'Abla bint 'Ubayd b. Jddhilb. Qays b. Hanzalab. Malikb. Zayd Mandt;their descendants
were called al-'AbalJt 4). Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy married
Fukayhabint Jandalb. Ubayrb. Nahshalb. Ddrim5). One of the wives of al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy was Umm al-HJIrith bint b. Yarbi' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt6). b. Salit al-.Hirith Khalaf married a Tamimi woman, Salmd bint 'Auf; she b. Umayya gave birth to 'Ali b. Umayya killed at Badr7). Wahb b. 'Uthmdn b. Abi Talha of the 'Abd al-Ddr b. Qusayy marriedSu'da bint Zayd b. Laqit of the Mdzin b. 'Amr b. Tamim8). Harb b. Umayya married
a Tamimi woman 9).
Ndfi' b. Tarif b. 'Amr b. Naufal b. 'Abd MandfmarriedGhaniyya bint Abi Ihdb b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abd
b. Ddrim 10). Abfi Ihab was a descendant of Suwayd b. Rabi'a who
i) Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, ms. f. 9a: al-Bal1dhuri's Ansdb, ms. f. 153a: al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn JHajar: al-Isdba No. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 2) al-Bal1dhuri: Ansib, ms. f. 154a, 105 oa. al-Sadfisi: Hadhf, p. 30; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansab, ms. f. 345, 8o6; Abft 'l-Faraj: Aghdn I,
3) al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 169. ms. 4) Ibn al-KalbiJamhara, f. i16; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 98; Mu'arrij
82. 5) al-Mus'abal-Zubayri:op. cit., p. 198; al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 8o8a(Kuhayfa bint Jandal-not Fukayha); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 2ia. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 2o; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn
IHajar:al-IsidbaNo. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 7) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., f. 176 b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 387 inc.
8) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., f. 88a. 9) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 123.
io) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 204.
I6o
M.
J. KISTER
killed a son of the ruler of al-Hira and escaped to Mlecca.He became an ally of the Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf. The grandfatherof Ghaniyya, 'Aziz b. Qays marriedFdkhitabint 'Amir b. Naufal b. 'Abd Manif 1). AbCiIhdb b. 'Aziz, the father of Ghaniyya married Durra bint Abi Lahab, the uncle of the prophet2). The daughterof Abii Ihdb married 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'Attdb b. Asid b. Abi 'l-'ls b. Umayya b. 'Abd
Shams 3).
The granddaughterof Abii Lahab, Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab marrieda Tamimi: Hind b. Hind b. Abi HIla the grandson of Khadija from her first (or second) husband, the Tamimi Abri Hdla4). The daughter of Naufal b. al-Hdrith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib5) married the Tamimi Hanzalab. al-Rabi'a,the secretaryof the Prophet6), the nephew
of Aktham b. Sayfi 7).
The list of the Tamimi women who married the men of the aristocratic families of Quraysh is not comprehensive at all. There seems to have been a considerable number of Tamimi women who married the sons of distinguished families of Mecca. It points to the close relations between Quraysh and Tamim. These marriages may have been intended to strengthen the ties with the chiefs of Tamim, who contributed considerably to strengthen the position of Mecca
in the tribalsociety.
i) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 204, 420; al-Zubayr. b. Bakkar, op. cit., f. I86a; AbO'l-Baqd', op. cit., f. i5ob. 2) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. ii6 b. 3) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 193. 4) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamnhara, ms. f. i i 8b. 5) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 8827. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. i i 8a. 7) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isaba, No. 1855.
BIBLIOGRAPHY al-'Abbdsi: Ma'ahbid al-tansis,Cairo I3 I6 A.H. Abfi 'l-Baqd' Hibatu 'llh: al-Maniqibal-mazyadyya akhbdr ms. al-mulfkal-asadiyya, fi Br. Mus., add. 23, 296. Abfi Dharr: Sharhal-Siraed. Bronnle, Cairo 19 1. ed. Abi H2Itim al-Sijistdni:Kitabal-Mulammarii, I. Goldziher, Leiden 1899. I-VIII, Cairo 1328 A.H. al-muhit, Hayydn: Tafsira/-bahr Abi
MECCA AND TAMIN
161
Abd al-WahhIbb. Harish;al-Nawddir, 'IzzatHasan, Damascus 1961. ed. Aba Mislhal, AbC Nu'aym al-Isbahbni:Hilyat al-awliyd, I-X, Cairo 1932-1938. Abii 'Ubayd: Kitib al-amwil, Cairo 1353 A.H. al-'Ajjij: Diwdn, ed. W. Ahlwardt, Berlin 1903. al-Alfisi: Bul/ghal-Arab, Cairo 1940. W. Arafat: "An Interpretationof the Different Accounts of the Visit of the Tamim al-A'shi: Diwdn, ed. R. Geyer, Wien 1928 (Gibb Memorial Series, VI). I-II, Cairo 1352 A.H. al-'Askari: Diwan al-ma'dni, ed. W. Ahlwardt, al-Asmaciyjdt, der al-Azraqi: Akhbdr Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld Die Chroniken Stadt Mekka), Leipzig 1858. al-Bakri,Abfi 'Ubayd cAbdallahb. 'Abd al-'Aziz: Mujam ma'stayam, ed. M. al---: Ahmad b. Yahyd: Ansib al-ashrif, ms. Ashir Efendi, 597/8, Istanbul; al-Balddhuri, vol. I, ed. Muh. Hamidulldh, Cairo 1959; vol. IV/B, ed. M. Schloessinger, SaqqA, Cairo 1945-195 i. Simt al-la'dli, ed. cAbd al-'Aziz al-Maymani, Cairo 1936. Delegation to the Prophet in A.H. 9", BSOAS (1955), PP. 416-425.
L. Caetani: Annali dell'Islam, I-II, Milano 1905-1907. al-lDabbi:Amtbhlal-'Arab, Constantinople, 13oo A.H.
H. Birkeland: TheLord Guideth, Oslo 1956. trans. H. H. Schaeder,Heidelberg 1955. F. Buhl: Das LebenMuhammeds,
Jerusalem 1938; vol. V, ed. S. D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936.
on Dahlin: al-Sira al-nabawiyya, margin of al-Halabi's Insdnal-cUyifn,I-III, Cairo al-Din al-Munajjid I. al-Abyari, Sal.h - --: Ta'rikhal-Islam,I-V, Cairo 1367-1369A.H. b. Muh.: Ta'rikhal-Khamis, I-II, Cairo 1283 A.H. al-Diyvrbakri, Diwdn, ed. al-Sdwi, Cairo 1936. .Husayn al-Farazdaq: al-Fisi, Abi 'l-Tayyib, Muh b. Abdallahb. Ali: Shifl'u 'l-gharam,ed. F. Wiistenfeld der (Die Chroniken Stadt Mekka), Leipzig 1859. G. von Grunebaum:Muhammadan Festivals,New York 1951. A. Guillaume: TheLife of Muhammad, Oxford University Press, 195 5. al-Dhahabi: Siyar aildm al-nubali', I-II, ed.
Cairo 1956-1957. 1932-1935.
al-Halabi, 'Ali b. Burhin al-Din: Insin al-'uyfin, I-III, Cairo 1932-1935. al-HamdIni: al-Iklil, I-II, ms. facsimile, Berlin 1943-- -: Muslim Conductof State, Lahore 1961. Le Prophbtede l'Islam, Paris 1959. --:
M. Hamidullah: "al-Illf ou les rapports Cconomico-diplomatiquesde la Mecque Louis Massignon, p. 293 sep. II, pre-Islamique",Milanges
Hassn b. Thdbit: Diwan, ed. A.R. al-Barquqi,Cairo 1929. Diwdn ed. A.R. al-Barqfqi, Cairo 1929. al-.Hutay'a:Diwan, ed. N. A. Tdhd, Cairo 1958. al-Hutay'a: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Inbdh qabi'il al-ruwdh, cald Cairo 135o A.H.
- -:
Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-clqdal-Farid,I-IV, Cairo 1935.
f al-Istidrib ma'rifat al-ashtb, Hyderabad 1336 A.H.
Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-baligha,I-IV, Cairo 1329 A.H. Ibn al-cArabi:Mubhdarat al-Abrdr,I-II, Cairo 1906.
JESHO, VIII 1I
Ibn al-Jauzi: Sifat al-Safwa, Hyderabad 135 5-57 A.H.
i62
M. J. KISTER
ed. Ibn al-Athir: al-Murassa', C. F. Seybold, Weimar I896. Ibn al-Faqih: Kitab al-buldan, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1885.
Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, ed. A. S. Harun, Cairo 1958. Ibn IHabib, Muhammad: al-mughtdlinmin al-ashr~f, ed. A. S. Hdron (Nawddir Asmt' al-makhtu.ttitVI). al-Mubabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstidter, Hyderabad 1942. -----: Muktalif al-qabi'il, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, G6ttingen I85o. ibn Hajar: al-lsdbafi tamyiz al-sabiba, I-VIII, Cairo 1323-I327 A.H. Ibn Hazm: Jamharat ans7b al-'Arab, ed. E. L6vi-Provengal, Cairo 1948. - Ndsir al-Din al-Asad, A.M. Shdkir. ----:Jawimic al-sira, ed. I. cAbbds Ibn Hisham: al-Sira al-nabawriya,I-IV, ed. MustafA al-Saqq -- Ibrdhim al-Abydri -
CAbd al-Hdfiz Shalabi.
Ibn al-Jdrfid: al-Muntaqj, Hyderabad I309 A.H. Ibn al-Kalbi, Hishim b. Muh.: Jambarat al-nasab, ms. Br. Mus. add. 23297. Ibn Kathir: al-Biddya wa-l-nihbya,I-XIV, Cairo 135 I- 1358 A.H.
Ibn Qutayba: al-Macdni 'l-Kabir, I-III, Hyderabad1949.
--: Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn
al-Macdrif, Cairo 193 5. --: ed. al-Shi'r wal-l'shucarda), M. al-Saqqd, Cairo 1932. ed. M. Muhyi 'l-Din cAbd al-Hamid, Cairo 1934. Rashiq: al-'Umda, I-II, Sa'd: al- Tabaqdt al-Kubra, I-VIII, ed. Beirut i96o. al-Shajari: al-H amasa, Hyderabad 1345 A.H. Sharaf: Rasa'il al-intiqdd (in Rasd'il al-bulagha', ed. Muhammad Kurd 'Ali, Cairo 1946). I-VII, ed. A. S. Hriin, Cairo 1938-1945. al-Ji.hiiz: al-Hqayawan, --: Mukbhtart fustil al-Jdaiz, ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3183 (Catalogue Rieu, suppl. P. 709). S--: Rasdail, ed. H. al-Sandiibi, Cairo 1933. Jarir: Diwan, ed. al-S~wi, Cairo 1353 A.H. al-Jumahi: Tabaqatfufil al-shucarda,ed. M. M. Shdkir, Cairo 1952. al-Kaldci, Abii 'l-Rabic Sulaymanb. Slim: Kitab al-Iktifa', I, ed. H. Masse, Alger al-Khdlidiyydni: al-Ashbh wa-l-na..Z'ir, ed. Muh. Yaisuf, Cairo 1958. Labid: Diwin, ed. I. 'Abbas, Kuwayt 1962. Princeton 1944.
1931.
G. Levi della Vida: "Pre-IslamicArabia" in N. A. Faris (ed.), The Arab Heritage,
b. al-Maghribi,al-Wazir,al-IHusayn cAli: al-Inasbi-cilmi'l-ansib,ms. Br. Mus., Or.
3620. al-Majlisi: Biâ¢dr al-anwar, vol. VI, 1302 A.H. al-Maqdisi, Mutahhar b. Tdhir: al-Badc wa-l-ta'rikh, ed. U. Huart, Paris 1899-I919. al-Marzubdni: Mujam al-shucard', ed. F. Krenkow, Cairo i354 A.H. A.H. al-Marzftqi: al-Azmina wa-l-amkina, I-II, Hyderabad 1332 : Sharh diwan al-hamasa, ed. A. Amin - A. S. HdrCin,Cairo 1953.
Cairo I357 A.H. al-Din 'Abd al-IHamid, ed.Muh. Mulhyi al-Dhahab, al-Mas'cdi: Muruj Quraysh, ed. Sallh al-Din al-Munajjid,Cairo Mu'arrijal-Sadisi: al- Hadhf min nasab
96o0. al-Mubarrad: Nasab cAdnen wa-Qabtdn, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Maymani, Cairo 1936. ed. C. Lyall, Oxford 1918-1921; ed. A. M. al-Mufaddal A. S. Hrtin, Cairo 1952. Shdkir -al-.Dabbi: al-Mufaddlaliyydt,
MECCA AND TAMIN
163
ed. Mucsab b. 'Abdallahal-Zubayri:NasabQuraysh, E. Levi-Provengal,Cairo I953. ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, Cairo 1928. al-Najirami:Aymdnal-cArab,
NaqaPidJarir wa-l-Farazdaq, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1905-1912. 1939-195 2.
der T. Nl61deke:Geschichte PerserundAraberZurZeit derSassaniden, Leiden 1879. M. von Oppenheim - W. Caskel - E. Briunlich: Die Beduinen, I-III, Wiesbaden al-Qdli: Dhayl al-amdli,and "Nawadir",ed. 'Abd al-cAziz al-Maymani,Cairo 1926.
1323-I329
al-Qummi- Ghard'ib al-qur'an, on margin of Tabari's Tafsir, Billq al-Qurtubi: al-Jamini al-qurl'n,ed. Cairo, 193 5-46. li-ahkdm
A.H.
C. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt nachMecca,Hamburg 1948. in G. Rothstein: Die DynastiederLahmiden al-Hira, Berlin 1899. ed. al-Shahrastdni: al-Milal wa-l-nihal, W. Cureton, London I846.
al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf, I-II, Cairo
1914.
al-Durr al-manthfirfi I-VI, Teheran 1377 A.H. 'l-tafsirbi-l-ma'thzfr, al-SuyCiti:
al-Tabarani: al-Mujam al-sagbir, Delhi 1311 A.H.
al-Tabari,Muh. b. Jarir: Ta'rikhal-umam I-VIII, Cairo 1939. wa-l-mulzk, al-Tabarsi:Majma'al-bayin,I-XXX, Beirut 1957. ed. al-Tha'llibi: La/ta'ifal-macdni, de Jong, Leiden I867. in U. Thilo: Die Ortsnamen deraltarabischen Poesie,Wiesbaden 1958. ed. al-Wdqidi:al-MaghdzI, A. von Kremer, Calcutta1856. Berlin 1887. Heidentums, J. Wellhausen: Restearabischen E. R. Wolf: "The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origins of Islam", Southal-Yacqabi:Ta'rikh,I-III, al-Najaf 1358 A.H. Ydqat: MuJamal-buldin,I-VIII, Cairo 1906. RAAD, XXXIV. ghayru Zdfir al-Qdsimi:al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'acnt 'l-mashrk.ta, ms. nasab wa-akhbdrihd, Bodley. Marsh. 384; al-Zubayrb. Bakkar:Janmharat Quraysh vol. I, ed. MahmaidMuh. Shakir,Cairo 1381 A.H.
al-Zurqdni: Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I325-I328 A.H. western Journal of Anthropology (19 5 ), 330- 337. - - : Thimar al-qulib ft 'l-muddaf wa-l-mansfb, Cairo 19o8.