"al-Aḳraʿ b. Ḥābis"

akra'.pdf al-Aḳraʿ b. Ḥābis b. ʿIḳāl b. Muḥammad b. Sufyān b. Mudjāshiʿ b. Dārim, Tamīmite warrior. Al-Aḳraʿ is an epithet (“bald”); his proper name (Firās? ull?) is disputed. He is said to have been the last judge in the djāhiliyya at ɈUkāẓ, having inherited this office (which was a privilege of Tamīm) from his ancestors; he performed this duty until the rise of Islam, giving his judgments in sadjʿ (al-Djāḥiẓ, Bayān, i, 236). He is said also to have been the first to prohibit games of chance (ḳimār), but was accused of partiality in the controversy between Badjīla and Kalb. He took part, and was captured, in the battle of Zubāla (or Salmān, according to al-Balādhurī and Yāḳūṭ) and was freed by Bisṭām b. Ḳays. Another exploit of al-AḳraɈ was the raid on Nadjrān after the battle of al-Kulāb al-thānī (see al-Naḳāʾiḍ, 46, 448; Ibn Ḥabīb's statement (Muḥabbar, 247) that he took part in al-Kulāb al-awwal is due to a confusion with his ancestor Sufyān: see Aghānī, xi, 61). Ibn Ḥabīb also states that he was one of the djarrārūn, who succeeded in uniting a whole branch of his tribe, the Banū Ḥanẓala, under his banner. According to Ibn Ḳutayba (al-Maʿārif, 194) and Ibn al-Kalbī (quoted in the Iṣāba) he was a Zoroastrian (madjūsī); this is of importance for the estimation of Persian influence on some sections of Tamīm. Nothing is known of his attitude towards Muḥammad up to the time when he joined the Prophet in al-Suḳyā during the expedition to Mecca in 8/630. He took part in the conquest of Mecca and was one of al-muʾallafa ḳulūbuhum who were presented with gifts, which gave occasion to a famous verse of ɈAbbās b. Mirdās. He took part also in the battle of Ḥunayn and refused to return his booty, in spite of the Prophet's request. (For Muḥammad's somewhat negative opinion of him see also Ibn Hishām, iv, 139.) He participated later in the deputation of Tamīm to the Prophet, the traditional account stressing his arrogant conduct; nevertheless, he was appointed to collect the ṣadaḳāt of part of the Banū Ḥanẓala (al-Ansāb, x, 970r). Together with other chiefs of Tamīm, he interceded for the captives of the Banu 'l-ɈAnbar, and was a witness to a letter despatched by the Prophet to Nadjrān. During the ridda, according to Sayf (al-Ṭabarī, i, 1920), al-AḳraɈ and al-Zibriḳān proposed to Abū Bakr to guarantee the allegiance of Tamīm against the grant of the kharādj of Baḥrayn, and it was only ɈUmar who prevented Abū Bakr from accepting the proposal. In view of the situation of Tamīm at this period, this tradition does not seem trustworthy, but it may reflect ɈUmar's attitude to al-AḳraɈ (cf. Bayān, i, 253, and ʿUyūn al-Akhbār (Cairo), i, 85). Sayf relates also that he took part in the battle of the ridda alongside Khālid b. al-Walīd, and was in the vanguard at the battles of Dūmat alDjandal and al-Anbār. His name is last mentioned in 32/652-3, when he was sent by alAḥnaf b. Ḳays to subdue Djūzdjān; he must have been a very old man at that time. AlBalādhurī mentions that his descendants lived in Khurāsān. (M.J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn Hishām, Sīra, index Bukhārī, ch. on Wafd Banī Tamīm, iii, 65 Naḳāʾiḍ (Bevan), index Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamharat al-Ansāb, B. M. 1202, 65 Balādhurī, Futūḥ, Cairo 1319, 414 idem, Ansāb al-Ashrāf, MS, x, 969v-970r Ḥassān b. Thābit, Diwān, Cairo 1929, 243-52, 353 v Ibn SaɈd, index Mubarrad, Kāmil, Cairo 1355, i, 133 Djāḥiẓ, Bayān, i, 236, 253 Ibn Ḥabīb, Muḥabbar, 134, 182, 247, 473 Ibn Ḳutayba, Maʿārif, Cairo 1935, 194, 305 Ṭabarī, index Aghānī, Tables Ibn ɈAbd Rabbihi, ʿIḳd, Cairo 1940 f., index Ibn Rashīḳ, ʿUmda, ii, 160 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamhara, 219 Ibn ɈAsākir, iii, 86-91 Yāḳūṭ, s. vv. Salmān, Djūzdjān Ibn al-Athīr, index LA, s.v. ḳaraʿa Ibn Ḥadjar, Iṣāba, s.v. al-AḳraɈ E. Bräunlich, Bisṭām b. Qais, Leipzig 1923, 46 Maḳrīzī, Imtāʿ al-Asmāʿ, Cairo 1941, index. [Print Version: Volume I, page 343, column 1] Citation: Kister, M.J. "al-AḳraɈ b. Ḥābis b. ɈIḳāl b. Muḥammad b. Sufyān b. MudjāshiɈ b. Dārim." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.

al-Mundhir b. Sāwā

MundhirEI.pdf al-Mundhir b. Sāwā (or Sāwī) b. ɈAbd Allāh b. Zayd b. ɈAbd Allāh, a chief of the tribal division of Dārim of Tamīm. The tribal branch of the ɈAbd Allah b. Zayd were, according to tradition, called al-Ispadhiyyūn. This name, obviously of Persian origin, is said to have referred to this people because they worshipped a horse (asp); according to another tradition, they were called so because they came from a place called Ispadh. A third tradition assumed that this name was attached to a group of scattered tribal factions joined together and united (al-djummāʿ). Some Western scholars have assumed that the word is derived from the Persian Ispahbadh; this may indicate that this group served as a force of the Ispahbadh of Baḥrayn. There is indeed a report according to which the Ispadhiyyūn were a force stationed in the fortress of alMushaḳḳar (see LA, s.v. s-b- dh). The tribal division Dārim of Tamīm were in close relations with the Persians. AlMundhir b. Sāwā is mentioned in the Arabic sources as the “Master of Hadjar” (ṣāḥib Hadjar) or as the “King of Hadjar” (malik Hadjar). These “kings”, says Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb in al-Muḥabbar, were appointed by the kings of Persia and controlled the market of Hadjar. One of the traditions says explicitly that al-Mundhir b. Sāwā was appointed by the Persians to control the Arab tribes (kāna ʿala ʾl-ʿarabi min ḳibali ʾl-fursi; alBalādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ms. ɈĀshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a; and see idem, Futūḥ albuldān, 106). After his conversion to Islam, the Prophet is said to have appointed him as governor (ʿāmil) of al- Baḥrayn. Reports of the sīra compilations mention unanimously that the Prophet sent ɈAlāɇ b. alḤa ramī with a letter to al-Mundhir b. Sāwā summoning him to embrace Islam. They differ, however, as to the date of the event: whether it took place in the year 6 H. or in 8 H. The exact date cannot be established. But it is plausible to assume that the Prophet sent his emissary to Mundhir after his conquest of Mecca; the conquest strengthened his position in the Arab peninsula considerably and he could, due to his newly acquired authority, widen his influence in some districts which were remote from Mecca and which, though they formed part of the Persian empire, were entrusted by the Persian kings to Arab leaders. The plan to dispatch the messenger was probably stimulated by the fact that the merchants setting out to Hadjar (literally: to alMushaḳḳar) had to cross the territory of Mu arī tribes and had to get the protection of Ḳuraysh (sc. of the Meccans). Without this protection, the merchants could not reach Hadjar with their merchandise (see Ibn Ḥabīb, op. cit.). Mundhir responded by stating that he had embraced Islam, that he had read the letter of the Prophet to the people of Hadjar and that some of them converted to Islam, while others refused to do it. Some traditions say that the Arabs of Baḥrayn embraced Islam. Mundhir asked the Prophet for instructions as to the positions of the Jews and the Magians in Baḥrayn. The Prophet decreed that the djizya should be imposed on them if they stuck to their faiths. In another letter of the Prophet, written to the Magians of Hadjar, the Prophet added two stipulations: the believers should not marry Magian women and should not eat meat of animals slaughtered by the Magians. The Prophet is said to have sent to ɈAlāɇ a list of the mandatory taxes levied as ṣadaḳa from camels, cattle, sheep and fruits. The poll tax was imposed according to the social position of the taxpayer: people who had no landed property had to pay four dirham a year and deliver a striped cloak (ʿabāʾa) made of hair or wool; others had to pay a dīnār. It is noteworthy that the poll-tax imposed on the people of the garrison of Hadjar (al-waḍāʾiʿ) who had been settled there by Kisrā, with whom a separate treaty was concluded by the Muslim authorities, also amounted to one dīnār. The Prophet is said to have dispatched special emissaries (mentioned are Abū Hurayra, Abū ɈUbayda b. al-Djarrāḥ and ɈAlāɇ b. Djāriya alThaḳafī) who would carry out the functions of tax- collectors and instructors in the performance of religious duties. The full authority of the Prophet in the area can be gauged from a particular phrase in the letter of the Prophet to al-Mundhir: “... as long as you act rightly we shall not depose you”. Certain cases of deviation and disloyalty seem to have taken place; this is implied in an utterance of the Prophet saying that “... he had the ability to drive them (i.e. the people of al-Mundhir b. Sāwā) out from Hadjar”. The Prophet enjoined the converts to Islam to obey his messengers and to aid them in carrying out their mission. The Prophet kept direct contacts with the believers of Hadjar; he is said to have received a deputation of the believers of al-Baḥrayn and to have welcomed them. Another tradition mentions that the Prophet met some believers from Hadjar and interceded in favour of Mundhir. The messengers of the Prophet in Hadjar passed favourable reports about Mundhir to the Prophet. The tradition saying that al-Mundhir b. Sāwā came with a group of believers to visit the Prophet was refuted by the majority of the scholars of the sīra. Another tradition says that “the king of Ḥadjar” sent Zuhra b. Ḥawiyya as his envoy to the Prophet; Zuhra embraced Islam and became a faithful believer. Mundhir is said to have died shortly after the death of the Prophet. A rare tradition says that at the Prophet's death the governor of Baḥrayn was Abān b. SaɈīd b. al-ɈĀṣī b. Umayya. The position of al-Mundhir b. Sāwā and his peculiar relation with the Prophet is examined by Ibn Ḥazm in his Fiṣal. Mundhir is included in the list of the “Kings of the Arabs” who deliberately and voluntarily embraced Islam, became sincere believers and gave up their authority and prerogatives transferring them to the messengers of the Prophet. Their forces, says Ibn Ḥazm, were much stronger than those of the Prophet and their territory was vaster than that of the Prophet. The letters of the Prophet to al-Mundhir b. Sāwā in which the Magians of Baḥrayn were granted the right to stick to their religion and were obliged to pay the poll tax, djizya, are in fact the earliest documents reporting on this decision of the Prophet. This ruling of the Prophet is said to have stirred a wave of discontent and anger among the Hypocrites (al-Munāfiḳūn) of Medina and is reflected in one of the earliest commentaries of the Ḳurɇān, the tafsīr of Muḳātil. The Hypocrites were enraged and argued that the Prophet had violated his own decision to accept the djizya only from People of the Book; they complained bitterly that on the basis of that ruling the forces of the Prophet had fought and killed their fathers and brethren. The believers were perturbed by these arguments and informed the Prophet about it. Then the well known verse of sūra II, 256, lā ikrāha fi ʾl-dīn, explicitly forbidding to compel anyone to change his faith, was revealed. Another verse of the Ḳurɇān, sūra V, 105, yā ayyuhā ʾlladhīna āmanū ʿalaykum anfusakum lā yaḍurrukum man ḍalla idhā ʾhtadaytum was also revealed in connection with the claim of the Hypocrites; the very early tafsīr of Muḳātil glosses the passage lā yaḍurrukum man ḍalla by min ahli hadjar. Later scholars tried to present the stipulations of the agreements concerning the position of the non-Muslim population on a broader ideological basis. Ibn Ḥazm states in his al-Muḥallā that the djizya of Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians may be accepted on the condition that they acknowledge (aḳarrū) that Muḥammad is a messenger of God to us (i.e. to the Muslim community) and do not offend him nor the faith of Islam. Mālik formulated this stipulation as follows: “... he who says that Muḥammad was sent as a prophet to us (i.e. to the Muslim community), not to them, is free of punishment. He who claims that Muḥammad was not a prophet should be killed”. The treaties concluded between ɈAlāɇ b. al-Ḥa ramī and the population of Hadjar according to the instructions of the Prophet were, of course, considered valid and the territories of Baḥrayn and Hadjar were assessed as ṣulḥ territories (Abū ɈUbayd, alAmwāl, 100). Some scholars attempted to justify the imposition of the djizya on the Magians by the fact that the Magians had had a sacred Book, which was concealed by their sinful king; this assumption was however rejected by a great majority of Muslim scholars of tradition and law. Some scholars claimed that the Magians were granted the right to pay the tax of the djizya because they had “something like a Book” (shubhat al-kitāb) and rules applying to the People of the Book are valid for them as well (Abū YaɈlā Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusayn al-Farrāɇ, al-Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya, 154). The Prophet's ruling imposing the djizya on the people of Hadjar and Baḥrayn was not well-known in the Muslim community of Medina. Even ɈUmar was unaware of it, and was informed about it by some Companions of the Prophet. The injunction of the Prophet was supported by his utterance sunnū bihim sunnata ahli ʾl-kitāb (see Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, Kitāb al-Amwāl, 136, no. 122), “treat the Magians according to the sunna of the Prophet applied to the People of the Book”. The stipulations of the treaties concluded with the People of the Book (Jews and Christians) and the Magians in Baḥrayn were applied in other territories of the Muslim empire. The Magian population in the Muslim empire became an integral part of the community, and the Muslim lawyers took care to provide details of their legal status; this can be seen e.g. in some chapters of the early Muṣannaf of ɈAbd al-Razzāḳ. The revolt against Islam, the ridda, which flared up in Baḥrayn after the death of the Prophet and after the death of al-Mundhir b. Sāwā, was quelled by ɈAlāɇ b. al-Ḥa ramī, who headed some of the Muslim forces and succeeded in conquering some adjacent territories. Thus the Tamīmī al-Mundhir b. Sāwā played an important role in the islamisation of the territories of al-Baḥrayn and in enabling the religious communities of Jews, Christians and Magians in Baḥrayn to survive. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography ɈAbd al-Razzāḳ, al-Muṣannaf, ed. Ḥabīb al-Raḥmān al-AɈẓamī, Beirut 1392/1972, vi, 30-2 (mīrāth mad̲j̲ūs), 68-71 (akhdhu ʾl-djizya mina ʾl-madjūs), 77-8 (al-madjūsī yadjmaʿu bayna dhawāti ʾl-arḥām thumma yuslimūn), 80-1 (nikāḥu ʾl-madjūsī ʾl-naṣrāniyya), 108 (āniyatu ʾl-madjūs), 108-9 (khidmatu ʾl-madjūs wa-aklu ṭaʿāmihim), 121 (dhabīḥatu ʾlmadjūsī), 121 (ṣaydu kalbi ʾl-madjusī), 124 (diyatu l-madjūsī) Abū Ḥātim al-Bustī, al-Sīra al-nabawiyya wa-akhbār al-khulafāʾ, ed. ɈAzīz Bak, Beirut 1407/1987, 316 Abū Yūsuf, K. al-Kharādj, Cairo 1382, 128- 32 Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ms. ɈĀshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a idem, Futūḥ, ed. ɈAbd Allāh Anīs al-ṬabbāɈ and ɈUmar Anīs al-TabbāɈ, Beirut 1377/1958, 106-18, tr. Ḥittī, 120- 31, tr. O. Rescher, Leipzig 1917, 76-85 ɈAlī b. Burhān al-Dīn al-Ḥalabī, Insān al-ʿuyūn fī sīrat al-amīn al-maʾmūn (= al-Sīra alḥalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, 283 below-284 Fayrūzābādī, al-Ḳāmūs al-muḥīṭ, Cairo 1371/1972, s.v. s-b-d̲h̲ Hishām b. Muḥammad al-Kalbī, Djamharat al-nasab, ed. Nādjī Ḥasan, Beirut 1407/1986, 201 Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, K. al-Amwāl, ed. Shākir Dhīb Fayyā , Riyā 1406/1986, 13650 Ibn ɈAbd al-Barr al-Namarī, Tadjrīd al-tamhīd li-mā fī ʾl-Muwaṭṭaʾ min al-asānīd, Beirut n.d., 26, no. 32, 154, no. 487 Ibn al-Djawzī, al-Wafā bi-aḥwāl al-muṣṭafā, Cairo 1386/1966, 742 Ibn Ḥadjar al-ɈAsḳalānī, al-Iṣāba fī tamyīz al-ṣaḥāba, ed. ɈAlī Muḥammad al-Bidjāwī, Cairo 1389/1970, i, 17, no. 2; ii, 571, no. 2823; iv, 540, no. 5645; v, 423, no. 7093; vi, 214-16, no. 8222, 91, no. 7935 idem, al-Wuḳūf ʿalā mā fī Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim min al-mawḳūf, ed. Madjdī al-Sayyid Ibrāhīm, Cairo, n.d., 18 Ibn Ḥazm, al-Muḥallā, ed. Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir, Cairo n.d., vii, 317, no. 941 idem, Djawāmiʿ al-sīra, ed. Iḥsān ɈAbbās, Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Asad and Aḥmad Muḥammad S̲h̲āḳir, Cairo n.d., 25 idem, al-Fiṣal fī ʾl-milal wa-ʾl-ahwāʾ wa ʾl-niḥal, ed. Muḥammad Ibrāhīm Naṣr and ɈAbd al-Raḥmān ɈUmayra, Beirut 1405/1985, ii, 224 Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saḳḳā, al-Abyārī and Shalabī, Cairo 1356/1936, iv, 222, 254 Ibn Ḳayyim al-Djawziyya, Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma, ed. Ṣubḥī Ṣāliḥ, Damascus 1381/1961, i, 1-2 Ibn Manẓūr, LA, s.v. s-b-dh Ibn SaɈd, al-Ṭabaḳāt al-kubrā, Beirut 1380/1960, i, 263, 275-6, iv, 360-2 Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, ʿUyūn al-athar fī funūn al-maghāzī wa ʾl-shamāʾil wa ʾl-siyar, Cairo 1356, ii, 266 penult.-267 Maḳrīzī, Imtāʿ al-asmāʿ bi-mā li-Rasūl Allāh min al-anbāʾ wa-ʾl-amwāl wa-ʾl-ḥafada waʾl-matāʿ, ed. Maḥmūd Muḥammad Shākir, Cairo 1941, i, 308-9 Muḥammad b. ɈAlī al-Anṣārī, al-Miṣbāḥ al-muḍīʾ fī kuttāb al-nabīyyi ʾl-ummī wa-rusulihi ilā mulūk al-arḍi min ʿarabiyyin wa-ʿadjamiyyin, ed. Muḥammad ɈAẓīm al-Dīn, Beirut 1405/1985, i, 163, 211, ii, 280- 4 Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 265 Muḥammad b. ɈAbd al-Raḥmān al-Dimashḳī, Raḥmat al-umma fi ʾkhtilāf al-aʾimma, Beirut 1407/1987, 317 Muḥammad b. Shākir al-Kutubī, ʿUyūn al-tawārīkh, ed. Ḥusām al-Dīn al-Ḳudsī, Cairo 1980, i, 260 Mughulṭāy, Mulakhkhaṣ al-zahr al-bāsim fī sīrat Abi ʾl-Ḳāsim, ms. Shehīd ɈAlī 1878, fol. 71a, l. 3 from bottom Muḳāṭil b. Sulaymān, Tafsīr, ed. ɈAbd Allāh b. Maḥmūd Shaḥāta, Cairo 1969, i, 135, 348 Niẓām Dīn al-Ḥasan al-Ḳummī al-Naysābūrī, Gharāʾib al-Ḳurʾān wa-raghāʾib al-furḳān, ed. Ibrāhim ɈAṭwa ɈAwa , Cairo 1381/1962, vii, 46 SamɈānī, al-Ansāb, ed. ɈAbd al-Raḥmān b. Yaḥyā al-MuɈallamī, Hyderabad 1382/1962, i, 195 ult.-196 Shīrawayh b. Shahrdār al-Daylamī, Firdaws al-akhbār bi-maʾthūr al-khiṭāb al-mukharradj ʿalā kitāb al-shihāb, ed. Fawwāz Aḥmad al-Zimirlī and Muḥammad al-MuɈtaṣim bi-ɇllāh Baghdādī, Beirut 1407/1987, ii, 436, no. 3212 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, ed. Muḥammad Abu ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1961, ii, 645, iii, 29, 137, 301, 488 Wāḥidī, Asbāb al-nuzūl, Cairo 1388/1968, 13 Zamakhsharī, al-Fāʾiḳ fī gharīb al-ḥadīth, ed. ɈA. Muḥammad al-Bidjāwī and Muḥammad Abu ɇl-Fa l Ibraḥīm, Cairo 1971, i, 43 Zurḳānī, Sharḥ ʿala ʾl-mawāhib al-laduniyya li-ʾl- Ḳasṭallānī, Cairo 1326, iii, 350-2 Abū Ḥafṣ ɈUmar al-Mawṣilī, K. al-Wasīla, Hyderabad 1397/1977, iv/2, 115 Aḥmad b. AɈtham al-Kūfī, K. al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, i, 48-55 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 131-2, 360-62 M. Cook, Magian cheese: an archaic problem in Islamic Law, in BSOAS, xlvii (1984), 44967 Muḥammad Ḥamīdullāh, Madjmūʿat al-wathāʾiḳ al-siyāsiyya li-ʾl-ʿahd al-nabawī wa-ʾlkhilāfa al- rāshida, Beirut 1407/1987, 144 (no. 56)-156 (no. 67), 572-7 (and see the editor's comments) ɈAwn al-Sharīf Ḳāsim, Nashʾat al-dawla al-islāmiyya ʿalā ʿahd Rasūl Allāh, Cairo 1401/1981, 177-94, 323-9 J. Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. IV. Gemeindeordnung von Medina, Berlin 1889, 103-4 (no. 9), 117-19 (no. 42) W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Das genealogische Werk des Hišām ibn Muḥammad alKalbī, Leiden 1966, ii, 430. [Print Version: Volume VII, page 570, column 1] Citation: Kister, M.J. "al-Mundhir b. Sāwā (or Sāwī) b. ɈAbd Allāh b. Zayd b. ɈAbd Allāh." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.

Ḳays b. ʿĀṣim

aysEI.pdf Ḳays b. ʿĀṣim b. Sinān b. Khālid b. Minḳar b. ɈUbayd b. MuḳāɈis, Abū ɈAlī (according to other versions: Abū Ṭalḥa or Abū Ḳabīṣa), a mukhaḍram chief of the Banū MuḳāɈis and leader of his tribe. Tribal tradition emphasised his generosity, care for people under his protection, mildness and leniency. Al-Aḥnaf b. Ḳays reported the story, recorded in the compilations of adab, of how Ḳays b. ɈĀṣim received calmly the news about the murder of his son and magnanimously pardoned the murderer who was brought fettered into his presence. A poet of Sulaym, ɈAbbās b. Mirdās, praised his noble behaviour towards his djār. He is counted among the magnanimous ones (ḥulamāʾ) and the nobles of the Djāhiliyya who abstained from drinking wine. His reintroduction of the practice of burying alive female infants is connected with a story of a woman of his family who, when captured in a raid on the tribe, preferred to remain with her captor and refused to return to her tribe. In order to prevent the recurrence of such an ignominy he decided to bury his daughters alive; verses 8-9 of Sūra LXXXI are said to have been revealed in connexion with this practice of Ḳays b. ɈĀṣim. Ḳays is recorded as a leader of his tribe in the stories of the battles which took place in the first decade of the 7th century. He was victorious in all of his battles, except that of Abraḳ al-Kibrīt where he was captured with his mother and two of his sisters. In the battle of al-Sitār he is said to have killed Ḳatāda b. Salama al-Ḥanafī; if this report is true, Ḳatāda must have been a very old man when Ḳays killed him, as he had already been a tribal leader during the Expedition of the Elephant and had been warned by Ṭarafa of the advancing troops of Abraha (see Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Munammaḳ, ed. Khursheed Aḥmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1383/1964, 69). The attack on the ɈAbd Ḳays at Djuwāt̲h̲a, in which Ḳays distinguished himself, seems to have been led by al-Ahtam. The attack on the Lahāzim (see W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Leiden 1966, ii, 2627) at Nibādj-Thaytal was a joint action undertaken by Ḳays at the head of the MuḳāɈis and Salāma b. Ẓarib, chief of the Adjārib (see Caskel, op. cit., 144). His rapid action and his effective tactics assured them of victory. In the battle of al-Kulāb II (where the tribal units of Tamīm gathered after the slaughter of al-Mushaḳḳar) Ḳays became the leader of the troops of SaɈd and by his energetic action and bravery helped to win the battle; the Tamīm attacked by allied Yamanī tribes took spoils and captives. It was at this battle, which took place at the beginning of the second decade of the 7th century, that Ḳays clashed with al-Ahtam. The animosity between these two leaders and the rancour between Ḳays and al-Zibriḳān b. Badr are echoed in the recorded verses of hidjāʾ and in the stories about the deputation of Tamīm to the Prophet. A mathal story reports the part played by Zayd al-Khayl (who left his tribe for some time and dwelt in the camp of Ḳays) in repelling an attack of the ɈIdjl against the MuḳāɈis; Ḳays denied Zayd's meritorious deed and because of this gained the epithet “the liar”. Tamīmī tradition stresses the role of Ḳays in the deputation of Tamīm to the Prophet, emphasising that the Prophet was impressed by him and named him “the chief of the nomad people” (sayyid ahl al-wabar). A spurious tradition records a conversation between the Prophet and Ḳays, in which Ḳays told the Prophet that the first man who applied radjaz in driving camels (ḥidāʾ) was the ancestor of the Prophet, Mu ar; the first man who received information about the appearance of a prophet named Muḥammad was Sufyān b. Mudjās̲h̲iɈ al-Dārimī, who accordingly named his new born son Muḥammad. It is apparent that the tendency of this tradition is to stress the Prophet's link with Mu ar and Tamīm. The alleged sincerity of Ḳays' belief is indicated in a story of his divorce of his beloved wife from the Banū Ḥanīfa, because she refused to embrace Islam. The Prophet exhorted Ḳays to donate some of his flocks to the poor and needy, and is said to have forbidden tribal alliances to be formed in Islam. The Prophet appointed Ḳays tax collector of the MuḳāɈis and the Buṭūn (see Caskel, op. cit., 230). After the death of the Prophet, Ḳays seems to have wavered in his loyalty to Medina. He doubted the stability of the Medina establishment and preferred to divide the taxes collected for Medina among his tribe. This he apparently did according to some kind of agreement with al-Zibriḳān; when al-Zibriḳān later hurried to Abū Bakr with the taxes levied from his tribal units, Ḳays felt himself deceived and accused al-Zibriḳān of treacherous behaviour. Both leaders showed no hostility towards Medina at the beginning of the ridda: they escorted ɈAmr b. al-ɈĀṣ in their territories when he was on his way from ɈUmān to Medina; they took a neutral stand towards Medina while waiting to see whether Medina would stand fast against the tribal revolts. Ḳays further aided Sadjāḥ, but no war action of his on her behalf is recorded. After the revolt of the Banū Ḥanīfa was crushed, Ḳays joined ɈAlāɇ al-Ḥa ramī when he was on his way to Baḥrayn, but even then he simply escorted him through the territories of the SaɈd; only later did he decide to fight on his side. He fought bravely, and is credited with the killing of al-Ḥuṭam and Abdjar b. Budjayr. Ḳays settled in Baṣra. He is said to have had 33 sons and many daughters. Ṭalaba b. Ḳays was known for his generosity; Muḳātil b. Ṭalaba was in the deputation of the nobles of Tamīm and ɈĀmir b. ṢaɈṣaɈa sent by Ibrāhīm b. ɈArabī to ɈAbd al-Malik. Mayya, the daughter of Muḳātil b. Ṭalaba, was the beloved of Dhū ɇl-Rumma. According to Ibn Kathīr, Ḳays died in 47/667. He enjoined his sons not to reveal his place of burial, because he feared the Banū Bakr b. Wāɇil, whom he had fought and who hated him. Following the example of the Prophet, he gave orders to refrain from lamentations at his funeral. He was eulogised by ɈAbda b. al-Ṭabīb in his famous elegy in which he said “The death of Ḳays was not the death of one man: it was [as if] the edifice of a people had fallen down”. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Aghānī, index Ṭabarī, index al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, Ms. ɈAs̲h̲ir Ef. 597/8, fols. 1019a-1020b al-Bakrī, Muʿdjam, ed. Muṣṭafā al-Saḳḳā, Cairo 1368/1949, index Abū Zayd, al-Nawādir fī ʾl-lugha, ed. SaɈīd al-Shartūnī, repr. Beirut 1387/1967, 92 al-Sharīf al-Murta ā, Amālī, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1373/1954, index al-Marzubānī, Nūr al-ḳabas, ed. R. Sellheim, Wiesbaden 1964, index Mufa al al- abbī, al-Mufaḍḍaliyyāt, ed. Ch. Lyall, Beirut 1920, 317, 741 Aḥmad b. Abī Ṭāhir, Balāghāt al-nisāʾ, al-Nad̲j̲af 1361, 51, 87-8 Ibn Ḥubaysh, al-Maghāzī, Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, pp. 13, 25, 72 Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamharat al-nasab, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, f. 78b al-Wāḳidī, al-Ridda, Ms. Bankipore, Cat. xv, 1042, fols. 27b-29a Ibn AɈtham, al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, 50-51, 53 al-Djāḥiẓ, al-Bayān wa ʾl-tabyīn, ed. al-Sandūbī, Cairo 1351/1932, index idem, al-Ḥayawān, ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Cairo 1384/1965, iii, 490 Ibn Ḳutayba, al-Maʿānī al-kabīr, Hyderabad 1368/1949, i, 507, ii, 825, 1025 idem, ʿUyūn al-akhbār, Cairo 1349/1930, index idem, al-Maʿārif, ed. al-Ṣāwī, Cairo 1353/1935, 131 (repr. Beirut 1390/1970) Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 126, 237-8, 248 ThaɈālibī, Thimār al-ḳulūb, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1383/1965, 315, no. 484 al-ɈAbbās b. Mirdās al-Sulamī, Dīwān, ed. Yaḥyā al-Djubūrī, Baghdad 1388/1968, 61-2 Ṣadr al-Dīn al-Baṣrī, al-Ḥamāsa al-Baṣriyya, ed. Mukhtār al-Dīn Aḥmad, Hyderabad 1383/1964, ii, 60, no. 157, 238, no. 4 al-Buḥturī, al-Ḥamāsa, ed. L. Cheikho (repr. Beirut 1387/1967), 245, no. 1321 Abū Tammām, al-Ḥamāsa, Sharḥ al-Tibrīzī, ed. Muḥammad Muḥyī ɇl-Dīn ɈAbd alḤamīd, Cairo 1357/1938, ii, 285-6 al-Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1376/1956, index Ibn ɈAbd Rabbihi, al-ʿIḳd al-farīd ed. Aḥmad Amīn, Ibrāhīm al-Abyārī, ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Cairo 1368/1949, index Ibn Durayd, Ishtiḳāḳ, ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Cairo 1378/1958, index Ibn ɈAbd al-Barr, al-Istīʿāb, ed. ɈAlī Muḥammad al-Bidjāwī, Cairo n.d., iii, 1294-96, no. 1240 Ḳurṭubī, Tafsīr, Cairo 1387/1967, iii, 56, xix, 233 Ibn Ḥadjar, al-Iṣāba, Cairo 1325/1907, v, 258, no. 7188 Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, Cairo 1286, iv, 219-21 al-Ḳālī, al-Amālī, ed. al-Maymanī, Cairo 1344/1926, index al-Bakrī, Simṭ al-laʾālī, ed. al-Maymanī, Cairo 1354/1936, i, 487-8 al-Haythamī, Madjmaʿ al-zawāʾid, Beirut 1967 (repr.), iii, 107-8, iv, 221-2, ix, 404 Bukhārī, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. Muḥibb al-Dīn al-Khaṭīb, Cairo 1379, 328-9 al-Fattāl al-Naysabūrī, Rawḍat al-wāʿiẓīn, al-Nadjaf 1386/1966, 487 Yazīdī, al-Amālī, Hyderabad 1367/1948, 101 al-Wāḳidī, Maghāzī, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, iii, 975, 979 al-Zadjdjādjī, al-Amālī, ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Cairo 1382, 29, 88-9 Abū Dāwūd, Ṣaḥīḥ sunan al-Muṣṭafā, Cairo 1348, i, 59 ɈAskarī, Djamharat al-amthāl, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm and ɈAbd al-Madjīd Ḳaṭāmish, Cairo 1384/1964, index Ḥamza al-Iṣfahānī, al-Durra al-fākhira, ed. ɈAbd al-Madjīd Ḳaṭāmish, Cairo 1971, i, 164-5, no. 187, 287-9, no. 400, 324, no. 511 al-Maydānī, Madjmaʿ al-amthāl, ed. Muḥammad Muḥyī ɇl-Dīn ɈAbd al-Ḥamīd, Cairo 1379/1959, i, 220, no. 1179, ii, 65-6, no. 2711, 169, no. 3211 al-Ḳurashī, Djamharat as̲h̲ʿār al-ʿArab, Beirut 1383/1963, 34-5 Ibn SaɈd, al-Ṭabaḳāt, Beirut 1380/1960, vi, 319, vii, 36 Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, ʿUyūn al-athar, Cairo 1356, ii, 203 Ibn Hishām, Sīra, ed. al-Saḳḳā, al-Abyārī, Shalabī, Cairo 1355/1936, iv, 206-7 212-13, 270 al-Maḳrīzī, Imtāʿ al-asmāʿ, ed. Maḥmūd Muḥammad Shākir, Cairo 1941, i, 434, 439, 509 al-Zurḳānī, Sharḥ ʿalā 'l-mawāhib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1325, iii, 44 Yāḳūt, Muʿdjam al-buldān, s.v. Abraḳ al-Kibrīt, Djadūd, Thaytal, al-Kulāb, Musallaḥa, al-Sitār al-MuɈāfā b. Zakariyyā, al-Djalīs al-ṣāliḥ al-kāfī, Ms. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, no. 2321, fols. 19b, 154a al-Maḳdisī, al-Badʾ wa-l-taʾrīkh, ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1899, v, 109 Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya, Beirut—al-Riyā 1966, viii, 31-2 Ibn Abī ɇl-Ḥadīd, S̲h̲arḥ Nahdj al-balāgha, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1962, xv, 128, 130 ult. ɈAbd al-Ḳādir Baghdādī, Khizānat al-adab, Būlāḳ 1299, iii, 427 al-Ḥuṣrī, Zahr al-ādāb, ed. ɈAlī Muḥammad al-Bidjāwī, Cairo 1389/1969, ii, 965 Ibn Abī ɇl-ɈAwn, al-Tashbīhāt, ed. Muḥammad ɈAbd al-MuɈīd Khān, Cambridge 1369/1950, 323 ɈAskarī, al-Maṣūn fī ʾl-adab, ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Kuwayt 1960, 16 Thābit b. Abī Thābit, Khalḳ al-insān, ed. ɈAbd al-Sattār Farrādj, Kuwayt 1965, 90 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamharat ansāb al-ʿArab, ed. E. Lévi-Provençal, Cairo 1948, 205-6 idem, Djawāmiʿ al-sīra, ed. Iḥsān ɈAbbās, Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Asad, Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir, Cairo n.d., 25, 290 Dhū ɇl-Rumma, Dīwān, ed. C. H. H. Macartney, Cambridge 1919, 624 (no. 79, v, 57) Ḥākim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342 (reprint al-Riyā ), iii, 611-12 Djarīr and al-Farazdaḳ, Naḳāʾiḍ, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1908-12, index Ch. J. Lyall, Translations of Ancient Arabian Poetry, London 1930, 33-4, 84 W. M. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 138 Ḥusayn b. ɈAlī al-Maghribī, Adab al-khawāṣṣ, Ms. Bursa, Ḥu. Çelebi 85b, fols. 36b-37a Ch. Pellat, Risāla fi ʾl-ḥilm, Beirut 1973, index. [Print Version: Volume IV, page 832, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. “Ḳays b. ɈĀṣim b. Sinān b. Khālid b. Minḳar b. ɈUbayd b. MuḳāɈis, Abū ɈAlī (according to other versions: Abū Ṭalḥa or Abū Ḳabīṣa).” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.

Ḥādjib b. Zurāra

HadjibEI.pdf Ḥādjib b. Zurāra b. ɈUdus b. Zayd b. ɈAbd Allāh b. Dārim b. Mālik b. Ḥanẓala b. Mālik b. Zayd Manāt b. Tamīm, an eminent sayyid of the Dārim of Tamīm in the period of the Djāhiliyya. His name was, according to Abu ɇl-Yaḳẓān, Zayd, and his kunya Abū ɈIkrisha. Ḥādjib, a member of one of the noblest families of Bedouin society, was known for his mildness. A particular incident in connexion with Ḳurād b. Ḥanīfa later caused Ḥādjib to kill Ḳurād, which led to clashes between some families of Dārim. The first battle attended by Ḥādjib was the battle of Djabala. He was captured and freed himself by paying the exceedingly high ransom of 1100 camels. He headed the troops of Tamīm in the encounters of al-Nisār and al-Djifār and was defeated. Ḥād̲j̲ib continued the tradition of friendly relations between al-Ḥīra and the Dārim and attempted to gain for the Dārim the privilege of the ridāfa, which had been entrusted by the rulers of al-Ḥīra to another branch of Tamīm, the YarbūɈ. The YarbūɈ refused to cede the ridāfa to the Dārim, marched out against the forces of al-Ḥīra sent against them, and defeated them at Ṭikhfa. Ḥādjib attained fame through a visit to the court of Persia. He asked the Persian ruler to permit his people to pasture their herds in the Persian territory, since they were suffering from a heavy drought caused by the curse of the Prophet on Mu ar. Ḥādjib left his bow as pledge, promising that his people would not harass the subjects of the Persian ruler. When the Prophet lifted his curse, Ḥādjib was already dead. His son ɈUṭārid went to the Persian king, who returned to him the bow and granted him a precious suit of clothes, which ɈUṭārid presented to the Prophet while visiting him with the delegation of Tamīm in 9/630. The Prophet, however, refused to accept the gift. This widely current story is contradicted by a report recorded in a commentary of Abū Tammām's Dīwān. According to this report Ḥādjib gave his bow as pledge when he was entrusted by the Persian ruler to escort a caravan to ɈUkāẓ. After he had successfully carried out his mission he was “crowned” by the ruler of Persia. Some traditions claim that Ḥādjib embraced the religion of the Magians. Whether Ḥādjib met the Prophet is rather doubtful, since traditions claiming this seem not to be trustworthy. He died in the twenties of the 7th century. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Bishr b. Abī Khāzim, Dīwān, ed. ɈIzzat Ḥasan, Damascus 1960, index The Dīwāns of ɈAbīd b. al-Abraṣ and ɈĀmir b. al-Ṭufayl, 98 (ed. Lyall) Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., ff. 65a, 134a, 178b al-Balādhurī, Ansāb, Ms. ff. 351a, 909b, 960a, 964b, 967b, 983b, 989b, 992a Naḳāʾiḍ Djarīr wa-ʾl-Farazdaḳ (ed. Bevan), index al-Farazdaḳ, Dīwān, ed. al-Ṣāwī, 44, 116, 129 Schulthess, Über den Dichter al-Naǧāšī und seine Zeitgenossen, in ZDMG, liv, 449 Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, index al-Djāḥiẓ, Mukhtārāt, Ms. Br. Mus. f. 113a al-Djāḥiẓ, Ḥayawān, ed. A. S. Hārūn, i, 374, ii, 93, 246 al-Mufaḍḍaliyyāt, ed. Lyall, index Ibn Ḳutayba, al-Maʿārif, Cairo 1934, 262, 266, 285 idem, K. al-ʿArab, ed. Kurd ɈAlī, Rasāʾil al-Bulaghāʾ, 346, 372 al-Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, ed. Muḥammad Abu ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1956, i, 226, ii, 77 Abū Tammām, Dīwān, ed Muḥammad ɈAbduh ɈAzzām, Cairo 1957, i, 215-217 Ibn Durayd, Ishtiḳāḳ, ed. ɈA. S. Hārūn, 237 Ibn ɈAbd Rabbihi, al-ʿIḳd al-farīd, ed. Amīn, al-Zayn, al-Abyārī, ii, 9, 12, 20 al-Marzubānī, Muʿdjam al-shuʿarāʾ, ed. Krenkow, 328 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamharat ansāb al-ʿArab, 220 Ibn Rashīḳ, al-ʿUmda, Cairo 1934, ii, 176 al-Marzūḳī, al-Azmina, ii, 273 Abu ɇl-Baḳāɇ, al-Manāḳib, Ms. Br. Mus. ff. 8a, 42a, 121b ThaɈālibī, Thimār al-Ḳulūb, Cairo 1908, 501 Ibn al-Shadjarī, Mukhtārāt, ed. Zinātī, Cairo 1925, ii, 22 Ibn Abi ɇl-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahdj al-balāgha, Cairo 1329, iii, 426 Ṭayālisī, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 5 al-Rāzī, al-Zīna, ed. H. b. Fay Allāh, Cairo 1957, i, 147 Ibn Ḥadjar, al-Iṣāba, Cairo 1907, no. 1355, 482, 4067, 4071, 9141, 5559 al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arab, Cairo 1927 iii, 381 al-Ḥalabī, Insān al-ʿuyūn, Cairo 1932, i, 10 LA, s.v. ṭ.r.r. Ibn al-Kalbī, Ansāb al-Khayl, ed. A. Zakī, Cairo 1946, 40 Aghānī, index Ibn Ḳutayba, al-Maʿānī al-kabīr, Hyderabad 1949, 476 Ibn al-MuɈtazz, Ṭabaḳāt, ed. Farrādj, Cairo 1956, 199. [Print Version: Volume III, page 49, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. "Ḥādjib b. Zurāra b. ɈUdus b. Zayd b. ɈAbd Allāh b. Dārim b. Mālik b. Ḥanẓala b. Mālik b. Zayd Manāt b. Tamīm." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.


qudaa.pdf KUDA'A Kuda'a, a group of Arab tribes of obscure origin. The opinions of the genealogists about their origin are contradictory. Some of them assert that they were descendants of Ma'add, while others say that they were from Himyar. Both parties had recourse to traditions and utterances attributed to the Prophet, in which he is said either to have declared that Ma'add's kunya was Abu Kuda'a, or to have explicitly stated that Kuda'a was a descendant of Himyar. Harmonizing traditions reported that the mother of Kuda'a was the wife of Malik b. 'Amr b. Murra b. Malik b. Himyar who later married Ma'add, bringing with her Kuda'a, her son from her first marriage; Kuda'a was therefore later called Kuda'a b. Ma'add. A contradictory tradition of this kind claimed that Kuda'a was the son of Ma'add; later, his mother married Malik b. 'Amr alHimyarI, who adopted the child, Kuda'a, and thus he was called Kuda'a al-HimyarL 1 Some traditions explicitly say that the Kuda'I tribes related themselves to Ma'add, but turned to the HimyarI nasab after being bribed and pressurized by Mu'awiya.2 The name Kuda'a is an early one and can be traced in fragments of old Arab poetry. The tribes recorded as Kuda'I were: Kalb [q.v.], Djuhayna, Ball, Bahra' [q.v.]' Khawlan [q.v.]' Mahra, Khushayn, Djarm, 'Udhra [q.v.]' Bal~ayn,3 Tanukh [q.v.]' and SalI4; however, theattribution of some of these tribes to Kuda'a (like Tanukh, Khawlan and Mahra) was the subject of dispute among genealogists. Several of the Kuda'a clans joined other tribes, adopting their pedigree and changing their tribal identity. Among the prominent divisions of the Kuda'a one may particularly refer here to the Djuhayna and Ball. 1. The vast territory of the Djuhayna, controlling the coastal caravan route between Syria and Mecca, included the localities of $afra', alMarwa, al Hawra' and Yanbu'; to them belonged $ufayna, the mountains 1 See M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, Notes on Gaskel's Gamharat an-nasab, in Oriens xxv-xxvi (1976), 56-7, and references in notes 43-51; also Nur al-Dln alHayiliamT, Madjma' al-zawii'id, repr. Beirut 1967, i, 194-5; A!l.!!:iin', vii, 77-8; al- HamdanT, al-Ikm, ed. MuJ:!ammad al-Akwa' al-I:Iiwall, Cairo 1383/1963, i, 180-90. 2 See e.g. M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, op. cit., notes 51-7; Nur al-DTn al-Hayiliaml, op. cit., i, 194; AghanT, loc. cit.; IJ:!san N