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Tighten Thy Grip on Mudar.pdf and Journalof the Economic SocialHistoryof the Orient,Vol. XXIV, Part III O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR... Somesocio-economic religious and aspects an early of .hadith* BY M.J.KISTER To Professor D. Goitein S. a humble tribute. The widely current utterances attributed to the Prophet concerning his eponymous ancestor Mudar and his progeny are usually couched in very favourable terms. Tradition stresses that the angel Jibril himself told the Prophet of his descendance from Mudar 1); the Prophet, recording his pedigree, thus stated explicitly that he was of Mudar 2). Mudar is obviously counted in Muslim tradition among the highly praised ancestors of the Prophet, chosen by God from amongst the whole of mankind and singled out by Him from among the Arabs 3). The very early traditions emphasized that Quraysh preserved and kept the monotheistic tradition of Ismd'il and Ibrahim and that the guardians and champions of this belief were the eponymous ancestors of the Prophet; widely current is the utterance attributed to the Prophet according to which Mudar was a Muslim and it is not lawful to curse him 4). The ancestors of the Prophet are said to have stuck to their * A summary of this paper was read in a meeting of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities in Jerusalem on December 2, 1975. i) Al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1385/1965, XIII, 51, no. 297; cf. Muhammad Anwar al-Kashmiri al-Diwabandi Fayd al-bari cald 1-bukhbri, Cairo I357/1938, IV, izi21 inf.:... innama kina banz7tamimin min qaumi sah.hib 1-nabiyyili-anna 1-nabiyyakana min mudarawa-ha'ula'i aydan mudariyyfn... z) Al-Wdqidi, Maghdzg, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, p. ioii; al-Shdfici, al-Umm, Cairo (Bfilq) 1321 (reprint), VI, 215. 3) See e.g. al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 36-38, nos. 225, 233-234. 4) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo I959, I, 3 I; al-Muttaqi 1-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, 51, no. 294; and see ib. the version that both Rabica and Mudar embraced Isldm; and see this version: al-Shibli, Maha-sinal-wasa'il ft 0 GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 243 Arab faith, without converting to Judaism, Zoroastrianismor Christianity5). In line with this notion the Prophet is said to have enjoined to follow (the descendants of-K) Mudar whenever there was a dissension among the believers, as Mudar would always be on the right path and act justly 6). Mudar were indeed granted prophethood and caliphate, Islam gained power and strength through Mudar and great conquests were made after Mudar embraced Islam, says Ibn Sa'id in his Nasbwat al-tarab7). The favourable traditions about Mudar are confronted by a few unpropitious utterances also attributed to the Prophet; these unfavourable sayings refer, however, either to the coarse Bedouin traits of character of Mudar or are cast in the form of prophecies concerning the wicked role of Mudar as an oppressive element in the government of the Muslim Empire which persecutes and harms the believers 8). Of some importance seems to be a peculiar tradition according to which the Prophet invoked God asking Him to afflict Mudar with years of drought like those at the time of Joseph. "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mudar", the Prophet invoked, "Turn barren years upon ma'rifatil-awd'il, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1530, fol. 54a; and see another version of this tradition: al-Naysdbiri, Ghard'ibal-qur'dn ed. al-furqdn, Ibrahim cAtwa wa-raghd'ib 'Iwad, Cairo 1386/1967, XVIII, 31; and see I. Goldziher, MuslimStudies,ed. S. M. Stern, London 1967, I, 83-84, note 5. cald ed. Thaldthu 5) Cf. rasd'il(al-radd 1-nasdrd), J. Finkel. Cairo1344, P. 15: kdnatal-nasrdniyyatu fdshiyatanwa-'alayhd ...wa-ukhrd wa-hiya fthd ghdal-J.hiz, anna -'caraba wa-lamtafshu libatan,illa mudara, wa-ldmdjdsiyyatun, yahdidyyatun fa-lam taghlib'alayhd thumma wa-lamtacrif mudaru dina1-'arabi, 1-islima. illa fiha1-nasrdninyyatu... 6) Ibn Abi 1-Dunyi, al- Ishrifft mandzilal-ashrdf,Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69b; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi,op.cit., XIII, 51, no. 295-296; Goldziher,op.cit., I, 84, note 5. ntaha1-sharafu wa-17) Ms. Tiibingen I, fol. 94: ... ilayba (i.e. al-mudariyya--K) awwalan wa-dkhiran 'iddatu wa-l-khildfati wa-khassaha wa-bihdCazza lldhubi-l-nubuwwati i-isldmu .. lammadakhalatfihiafwdjan. wa-cazumatfutzihuhu Ta'rikhWdsit, 8) See al-Hdkim,al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 470; Balhshal, ed. Gurguis 'Awwad, Baghdad 1386/1967, p. 262; al-Tah1wi, Mushkil al-dthdr, min Hyderabad 1333, I, 435-436; Yisuf b. Mnasial-Hanafi,al-Muctasar al-mukhtasar min mushkilal-dthdr, Hyderabad 1362, II, 385; al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op cit., XIII, 51, no. 298; and see ib., p. 42, no. 259: wa-mudaru cindausfzliadhndbi 1-ibilihaythuyatla'u rabi'ata wa; qarnu 1-shaytan... and see ib., no. 263:... wa-l-jafd'u fihddhayni l-hayyayni ed. Cairos.v. m d r: ... ; Ibn al-Athir,al-Nihdyafigharhb al-hadith, al-Tandhi, mudara... mudaru, fa-qdia: tuqdtilu ... wa-dhakara macaha maddaraha fl1-ndri. khurutja c'aishata lldhu 244 M. J. KISTER them like the famine years of Joseph" 9). There are divergent and even contradictory opinions of hadith scholars, Qur'an commentators and biographers of the Prophet about the circumstances in which the Prophet uttered this invocation. The period during which the Prophet pronounced the invocation is disputed and so are also the prayers in the course of which the invocation was performed, the curses and blessings linked with the invocation, whether the invocation was continuous, whether it was abrogated and consequently whether it is, or is not permissible to use invocations during prayers. A closer examination of these diverse traditions about the Mudar invocation and a scrutiny of some traditions referring to other events of that period may grant us a clue for a better understanding of the Prophet's attitude towards the different tribal groups and towards the various factions in Mecca, to elucidate some of the economic and political decisions which he took during his struggle with the hostile tribal divisions and during negotiations with his enemies. The analysis of these traditions may help us to get a more adequate assessment of the changes which took place in the perception of invocations and supplications during the prayers and to form a better evaluation of the political situation in Mecca and Medina in the decisive period preceding the conquest of Mecca. 9) Ibn Sacid, op.cit.,fol. 94r., inf.; cf. Ibn Farak, Mushkil al-hadith,Hyderabad Hyderabad1332, II, 33; al-Mubarrad, 1362,p. 97; al-Marzfiqi, al-AZmina wa-l-amkina, Beirut al-Kdmil,ed. Muhammad Abia 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo; Ibn Sacd, al-Tabaqdt, Sunan,ed. cAbdallahHdshim Yamini, al-Madina 1376/1957, II, 53; al-Diraqutni, al-munawwara,1386/i966, II, 38, no. 7; Mahmid MuhammadKhattSb, al-Manhal al-maurfid abi al-cadhb sharhsunanal-imdmi ddwfd,Cairo 1394, VIII, 80; Aba 1-Layth Cairo 1347, P. 197 inf.; Ibn Majah,Sunan Tanbih al-ghdfilin, al-Samarqandi, Cairo 1349, I, 375; al-Bayhaqi,al-Sunan al-mus.tafd, al-kubrd,Hyderabad 1346, II, 197-198, zoo, 21o; Ibn Shahrdshib,Mandqib dlabitalib,Najaf 376/1956,I, 72 (the Prophetinvoked against Mudar according to the request of Khabbdbb. al-Aratt), I89; Shahriddrb. Shirawayh al-Daylami, Musnad al-firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. I36b; al-Thacilibi, Thimdr al-qulzb,ed. MuhammadAbfi 1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1384/1956, p. 49, no. 57. Ibn IHajaral-'Asqalni, al-Arba'una l-mutabcyinatu 1-asinidiwaMs. 1-mutfin, Hebrew Univ. Yahuda Ar. zo, I, fol. i7a-b (the persons against whom the Prophet invoked were: Aba Jahl, cUtba b. Rabia, Shayba b. Rabl'a, alWalid b. 'Utba, cUqbab. abi Mucayt,Umayyab. Khalaf and a manwhose nameis not disclosed). O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 245 I According to a traditionrecordedby 'Abd al-Razziqon the authority of his teacherMa'marb. Rashid(d. 15o H), the Prophet respondedto a requestby a man of Mudarto pray for them for rain, afterthe man had describedto the Prophet the grave situation of his tribe as a result of a drought;afterthe prayerof the Propheta greatdeal of rainpoured down 10). Two other traditions indicate that the drought had been caused by a previous invocation of the Prophet11). The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar was, according to a tradition, their stubborn refusalto embraceIslam, their disobedience,arrogance and unbelief12). Some Muslim scholarsexplainedthat the Prophet'sinvocation was merely addressedagainst the evil-doers of Mudar, not against the whole of this tribal confederation 13), others however out that the curse afflictednot only the evil-doers of Mudar, pointed since the Prophet and his Companionswere also hit by the famine14). records15) the name of the man of Mudar who asked the Al-HIJakim Prophet to prayfor rain: Ka'b b. Murraal-Bahzi(scil. from the Mudari tribeof Sulaym-K) 16). The extent of the drought by which the Mudar tribes were affected ed. io) 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Habibu 1-Rahmdnal-Aczami, Beirut 1390/ 1971, III, 90, no. 4908. ii) 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, nos. 4907, 4909. 12) See e.g. Ibn Sacid,op. cit., fol. 94 r., inf.: ...wa-qad kdnarasilu llhi (s)yashkf shdud... ild rabbihimin 'isyanihim wa-culuwwihim qla llthumma hatta~ 13) See e.g. Yasuf b. Mvis~ al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 320: ... wa-shdud wat'ataka 'ali mudara, ay: Cali man lamyu'min minhum...; ib., p. 385: ... wa-minhu qauluhu ... min min wa-shdud wa-huwa wa-kathbrun al-sahiba wa-sallamfiqunfitihi: salla ll/thualayhi mankana minhum khil/fi 1-tariqati mudara, ; wa-l-murtdu: 1-mustaqima... and see Cala al-Tahdwi,Mushkilal-dthjr,I, 436. 14) Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukhtalif al-hadith,Cairo 1326, p. 318: ... wa-qaddact rasil/u lithi (s) alda shdud Cal/ mudara, fa-qjla: Ilkihumma wa.tpataka mudara...fa-njia dhilika 1-jadbu rasila llihi wa-asihbahu wa-bi-ducj)ihiCuqib*b shadda1-muslimina hatta Cald butinihim min al-hijarata alfj'Ci. 15) op. cit., I,328. See on him ed. 16) Ibn Hajar, al-Isa;ba, 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijdwi, Cairo 1392/ 1972, V, 6iz, no. 1439 (Ka'b b. Murramerely saw the man who asked the Prophet to invoke for rain). 246 M. J. KISTER can be gauged from a report recordedby al-Jdhiz17) and quoted by alBayhaqis18);as a result of the curse rain stopped, trees died, flocks and cattle perished, pastures diminished and people were compelled to eat 'ilhib, a mixfure of blood and hair and hides. Then HJjib b. Zurdra set out to Kisrd, complaining of the hard19) and asking the king to grant his tribe permission to graze their ship flocks in the region of Sawid al-'Iraq;he left his bow as a pledge that his people would not harassthe subjectsof the Persianruler.When the sufferingof Mudar reached its point of culmination,and divine proof the reached its predestined conclusion (balaghat mablaghahd) al-.hqija and rain poured Prophet made a new invocation intercedingfor them down. The reason for the Prophet's invocation against Mudar, as given in this report, was the allegationraisedby Qurayshand the Arab tribes that the Prophet was a liar, causing him harm and the fact that they decided to expend their wealth in order to fight him 20). The two Mudar tribes mentioned in this report are Quraysh and Tamim21). It is evident from the reports that when the Prophet cursed Mudar he cursed the Mudar tribes; when he prayed for rain he asked for rain and fertility for these Mudar tribes (Tamim and Sulaym) on which their flocks were dependentand on which the supplyof their vital needs of grain depended.It is obvious that the supply of grain and meatby the allied tribes for the Meccan Qurashiteswas vital for the very existence of Mecca. The link between the curse of the Prophet and Qurayshis apparentin the comment by al-Batalyisi22) on the nickname sakhina 17) Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3138 (Mukhtarat al-Jthiz) fol. i zb. fuisl ed. Ibrdhim b. Muhammad al-Bayhaqi,al-Mahasinwa-l-masawi, Muhammad I8) Cairo I380/I96I, I, 24-25; and see cAbd al-Jabbdr, Tathbit Abid 1-Fadl ed. Ibr.him, dala'il al-nubuwwa, cAbd al-Karim 'Uthmdn, Beirut 1386/1966, I, 80 inf.-8i sup. 19) See on him: EI2 s.v. HIdjib b. Zurdra. 1-musta20) Ibrdhimb. Muhammadal-Bayhaqi,op. cit., I, 24: ... thumma duc'auhu wa-1anna1-nabiyya lammdlaqya min qurayshin lladhW ta'khira fhi, wa-dhalika la (s) jabu lahuwa-takdhibihim adhihum minshiddati calayhi bi-l-amwdli wa-stic'natihim iyyahu 'arabi bildduhum... dacaan tajdiba al-farid,ed. Ahmad 21) See a slightly differentversion: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-cIqd Amin, Ahmad al-Zayn, al-Abydri,Cairo 1375/ 1956, II, 20-21. Ibr.him ft 22) Ibn al-Sid al-BatalyTsi,al-Iqtiiddb sharh adab al-kuttdb,Beirut 1973 (re- O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 247 applied to Quraysh: when Qurayshrefused to embraceIslam, though summoned by the Prophet, the Prophet invoked God against them: alldhumma shdud sininaka-siniyifsufa. wat'atakawa-j'alhd'alayhim They sufferedfrom droughtfor seven yearsduringwhich time they nourished on 'ilhiz and on a thin gruel of coarse flour calledsakhina In some 23). the people of Mecca)are mentioned24). cases, indeed, only Quraysh(or The course of events connectedwith the Prophet's curse is the usual one: Quraysh refused to embrace Islam; the Prophet invoked God against them and they were afflicted by hardship and famine; they repentedand were relieved, but lapsed into unbelief and were punished on the Day of Badr. This sequenceof events is indicated in the verse: ..."upon the day when We shall assault most mightily, then we shall take Our vengeance"25). Another version seems to point to the direct and indirectobjectsof the curse:the cursewas directedagainstQuraysh, but the invocation of the Prophet to lift the curse and his prayerfor rain were performed on the request of men from Mudar and for the benefit of their tribes26). Numerous traditionsindicate clearlythat the stubborn refusal of Quraysh to follow the Prophet, the curse of the Prophet, the drought and hunger, the Prophet's prayer for them, God's help and the reversionof Qurayshto unbelief-all these happened before the hbira;Quraysh were punished by God and they suffered defeat on the Day of Badr (AH 2). Some versions of this tradition state that it was Abi Sufy.n who print), p. 46; al-Baghdddi,KhiZinatal-adab,ed. cAbd al-Salm Hdrin, Cairo 1397/ 1977, VI, 527-528 (from al-Iqtidab). 23) Cf. L CA, s.v. s kh n. 24) Cf. Ibn Ndqiydal-Juminft tashbihat al-qur')n, ed. Ahmad al-Matlfb, Khadija Baghddd 1387/1968, p. 347; and see al-Nayssbflri, op. cit., XXX, 188. al-IHadithi, 25) Cf. Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. Ahmet III, no. 74/2, fol. 84b-85a;al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il ed. al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Rahmin Muhammad cUthmdn, Cairo 1389/1969, II, 87 inf.--88 sup.; al-Suyati, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd,ed. MuhammadKhalil Harris, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 369 inf.-370 sup.; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir (= al-Jdmic li-ahkim al-qur'tn) Cairo 1387/1967, XII, I35, XVI, i31; al-Khazin, Tafsir (= Lubib al-ta'wil), Cairo 1381/repr.)V, 33; al-Baghawi, Tafsir(=Macdlim al-tanzil,on margin of al-Khdzin's Cairo I328. VIII. 34. Tafsir), V, 33; Hayydn, Tafsfrul-bahri1-muhit,, Cairo 1314, VI, 28; Ibn Kathir,Tafsir, 26) See e.g. al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthzfr, Aba. Beirut 1385/1966, VI, 246. 248 M. J. KISTER came to the Prophet and recountedthe plight of Quraysh(scil. asking him to pray for them-K) 27). In some versions of this tradition it is mentioned that certain Qurashites joined Abi Sufyan when he was on his way to the Prophet. Muqdtilrecords the names of the members of the Qurashitedelegation to the Prophet led by Abii Sufydn: 'Utba b. Rabi'a, al-'As b. Wd'il, Mut'im b. 'Adi, Suhaylb. 'Amr and Shayba b. Rabi'a 28). The members of the delegation were indeed the leaders of the Meccan opposition against the Prophet; they were capturedor killed in the battle of Badr. Some traditions explicitly say that the delegation headed by Abii Sufydn came to the Prophet when he was still in Mecca, before he left on his hbjra Medina29). These traditions, to possessing as they do fine narrative structure,belong to the type of miracle-traditions which encompassesa well-known cycle of edifying stories: the Prophet calls to a group of people to embrace the true religion, his call is harshly rejected, God punished them in answer to the Prophet's request, then the Prophet's invocation rescues the unvelievers who, after a short period of repentance, soon revert to unbelief and are severely punished. But though they are vague and imprecise, these traditions seem to contain some historical details which may be elucidatedfrom other versions of this event. It is the Muslim scholars themselves, aware of the incongruity of these traditions, who transmitted diverse reports about the circumstances of the curse of Mudar, some of them more tallying with the historicalevents and more reliable. al-kubra,I, 370; idem, II, 27) Al-HIkim, al-Mustadrak, 394; al-Khasa'is al-Durr al-manthfzr, z8; al-Khdzin, op.cit., V, 34; al-Baghawi, op.cit., V. 34; alVI, al-Suy.ti, II, Bayhaqi Dalj'il al-nubuwwa, 89, 90 inf.; Abi Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Dala'il alHyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 382-383; al-'Ayni, 'Umdatal-qdir,Cairo 1348, nubuwwa, VII, 27-28, 45-46; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 31 inf.-3z sup.; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 5912, I, fol. 192b; al-Naysdbfri, op. cit., XXV, 66. 28) Muqitil, op. cit., Ms. 74/II, fol. 146a-b. h~dhacaldanna1-qi?ata 29) Al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 28, 1.9: ... wa-dalla k/nat qabla Cairon.d., IV, 103, 1.2 (and see ib., p. Ioz) ... al-iljhbyya, 1-hijrati ; al-Jamal,al-Futihadt and see the comments of al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 45 : .. . wa-kana qabla1-hijrati majPuhu 1-madinata anna ... wa-lamJyunqal abasufydna qablabadrin(commenting on the qadima refers to the Muslim victory at Badr). interpretationthat al-batsha 1-kubra O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 249 II Al-Bayhaqi refers to a tradition according to which Aba Sufydn came to the Prophet in Medina asking him to pray for the Qurashites afflicted by famine as a result of the Prophet's curse and remarks with some reservation that he came to him twice: once when the Prophet stayed in Mecca and the other time in Medina30). Al-Jamal. commenting on the interpretations of al-Jaldlaynon S-ra XXIII, states that this verse and the two following ones were revealed to the Prophet in Medinaand that Qurayshwere afflictedby the Prophet's curse when he emigratedto Medina; hence Abi Sufyan came to the Prophet to Medina. Al-Jamal records a version of the talk of Aba Sufydn with the Prophet as reported by al-Bay~dwi: Aba Sufyan reproachesthe Prophet by reminding him of his claim to have been sent as a mercy for the people of the world, while he has killed the fathers (scil. from among Quraysh-K) by the sword and the children by famine31). The tradition affirms the assumption of al-Jamal and indicates clearly that Abi Sufydn set out to Medina to intercede on behalf of his people after a military encounter between the forces of the Prophet and those of Qurayshbrought about the defeat of the Qurashitesand caused a numberof them to be killed; at the same time children in Mecca were dying of hunger caused by some actions of the Prophet which are however not specifiedin the tradition. The clash between the forces of the Prophet and those of Mecca, the results of the militaryand economic actions of the Prophet against Mecca and her tribal allies are fairly reflectedin a commentaryof Sara XVI, 11 2: Ibn 'Abbds, Mujdhidand Qatddaare quoted as stating that the verse refersto the seven years of famineto which the Meccanswere exposed; they also were in fear of the Prophet and his Companions who were attacking their caravans;these events took place when the Prophet uttered his invocation: "O God, tighten Thy grip on Mu30) Al-Bayhaqi,Dala'il, II, 91, 1i. 1-z. 31) Al-Jamal, op. cit., III, 198 inf.-199. 250 M. J. KISTER dar..." 32), More detailed and concrete is the version recorded by al-Tha'labi in his Tafsir: the Qurashites suffered hunger for seven years and the Arab tribes cut off their food-supplies according to the order of the Prophet (... ibtaldhd bi-l-ji'i sab'asininawa-qata'a l-'arabu The Meccan delegation, including bi-amril-nabiyyi). 'anhumu 1-mirata Aba Sufyan, describedthe sufferingsof the people and the unjustified pain of the children; they asked the Prophet to invoke God for them, which the Prophet indeed did. Then the Prophet permitted to carry food to them (i.e. to Mecca), while they (i.e. the people of Mecca-K) were still unbelievers (... fa-da'd lahumrasi~lu Ildhiwa-adhina li-l-ndsi This report is quite wa-hum bi-hamli 33). ilayhim ba'dumushrikin) 1-ta'dmi about the situation in Mecca: a tribal group obedient to the explicit Prophet cut off the food supply of Mecca on the order of the Prophet and the population of Mecca were afflictedby hunger. The Prophet's permission to resume food supplies to Mecca for the unbelievers of Quraysh is forcefully formulated in this account. Similar reports are recorded in the commentaries of al-Rizi 34). al-Baghawi35) and alJdwi 36). Tabari records in his commentary (Sira XVI, 113-115) a slightly divergent tradition referringto the story of the curse and the hunger; he records however an additional comment on the phrase: Ildhu..., according to which the phrase l ...fa-kulf mimmd razaqakumu refers to the provisions which the Prophet sent, out of mercy, for the unbelievers of Mecca when they were afflicted by drought and hunger37). The detail about the dispatching of food to Mecca by the Prophet out of mercy is indicated in the report recorded in the Tafsir of al-Jiyvni:the Prophet sent to them alms for the poor and goods a3). wa-mdlin) The very early comilayhimbi-sadaqatin (... fa-badatha of al-Farrd'(d. 207 AH) describes the hunger suffered by mentary Beirut Al-Tabarsi, Majmacal-bayan, 138o/1961, XIV, 132. 33) Al-Tha'1abi,Ms. Vatican, Ar. 1394, fol. 8a. Cairo I357/1938, XX, 128-130. 34) Al-Rizi, Mafdtibal-ghayb, cit., IV, 98-99; al-Khdzin,op. cit., IV, 98-99. 35) Al-Baghawi, op. Marablabid,Cairo n.d., I, 467. 36) Al-Tabari, (Bulq) XIV, z25-i 37) Al-J.wi, TafsTr 26. 38) Abfi Hayyln, op. cit., VIII, 34. 32) O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 251I Quraysh,their fear of the raids of the Prophet'stroops and states that the Prophet sent to them food out of mercy, while they remained unbelievers 39). Another account mentions the messenger who carried the Prophet's gifts to Mecca; it was 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri 40), a wellknown Companion of the Prophet, whom the Prophet happened to entrust with some special missions 41). Al-Qurtubi records explicitly the invocation against Mudar and quotes fragments of the different versions mentioning the plight of Quraysh, their fear as a result of the raids of the forces of the Prophet, the talk of the Meccan delegation with the Prophet, Abi Sufydn's pledge and the order of the Prophet to carryfood to Meccain order to divide it among them 42). The date of the boycott against Mecca is indicatedin the commentaries of the Qur'ln, Sira XXIII, 76: "We alreadyseized them with the chastisement...": the boycott of food supplies was carried out by Thumamab. Uthi~43) who stopped it after some time by an order of theProphet44). Ibn Kathir gives a very concise summaryof the relations between the Prophet and Quraysh:when they refused to convert to Islam and ed. 39) Macdn7 l-qur'dn, Muhammad'Ali al-Najjdr,Cairo 1972, II, 114: ... thumma inna1-nabiyya raqqalahum mushrikfina. (1) fa-hamalailayhimal-ta'amawa-hum 40) Al-Balddhuri, Ansib, Ms. fol. 896a: ... wa-ba'atha rasztluldhi 'amranild mushriki bi-silatinwa-qadaqhatfi hattd akalzf1-rimmata wa-jahad7 qurayshin wa-l-'ilhiza. 41) See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba,IV, 602-603, no. 5769; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lim al-nubala',ed. Ascad Talas, Cairo i962, III, 40, 1.12; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghiba, Cairo 1280, IV, 86. 42) Al-Qurtubi, 43) Al-Tabari, Tafsir (Billq) XVIII, 34-35; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XII, 143; cf. Cairo I388/1968, p. 211; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthz7r, al-Wihidi, Asbab al-nulz7l, and see Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V. 550: ...fa-adayyaqa qurayshin fa-lamyada' V, 13; 'ald Ibn IHajar, habbatan mina l-yamamati; ta't~him al-Isaba,I, 411: ... wa-man'uhu 'an al-mirata... ; and see ib., on the Yamdma: ... wa-kanat ahli makkata. qurayshin r7fa and see F. McGraw Donner, Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad'sBoycott, JESHO, XX, 249-266. ed. 'Ali al-Bij wi, Cairo 138o/ 44) Ibn cAbd al-Barr, al-Istzlib fi ma'rifati ... wa-kinat miratuqurayshin I-a.shib, thumma min 196o, I, 215: wa-manfic'uhhum al-yaammati, ... ; according mi kinaya'tihimminmiratihim kharaja fa-habasa'anhum wa-mantif'ihim to this narrative the Qurashites sent a letter to the Prophet asking him to order Thumdmato lift the boycott; the Prophet responded to their request; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, 247. I, op. cit., X. 194-195. 252 M. J. KISTER recognize the mission of the Prophet they were afflictedby drought and hunger, according to the Prophet's curse; after the hyirathey sufferedfrom the attacks of the Muslim troops; after their conversion to Islam the situation changed: they became leaders and rulers of the people 45). III The Prophet's invocation against Mudar is in some traditions linked with the qunfzt-invocation during the prayer. The one uttered by the Prophet is said to have contained either blessings (scil. for the oppressed believers-K) or curses (against the unbelieving enemies of the Prophet-K) or blessings and curses coming both together46). These qunfzt-invocations which refer to some historical events may be useful for establishing the date when boycott was imposed and of the time when it was lifted, following the appeasement. 'Abd al-Razzaq records three names of the persecuted believers in Mecca: 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a 47), Salama b. Hisham 48), and al-Walid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira 49), quoting the formula of the Prophet's 45) Ibn Kathir, Tafsir,IV, 230-231. 46) Al-Mundwi, Fayd al-qadir,sharhal-jjmic al-saghir,Cairo, 1391/1972, V, 96, no. 6554. (On the efficacyof such an invocation see 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no. 4030: A dog passed a group of people praying behind the Prophet; one of the people made an invocation againstthe dog and it immediatelyfell dead on the ground. The Prophet remarked that had this person made an invocation against a whole people, God would have responded to his invocation (and the people would have perished-K). al-Isdba,IV, 750, no. 6127; al-Zurqini, Sharh cald 47) See on him: Ibn IHajar, Cairo I328, VII, 344. al-laduniyya, 1-mawdhib 48) See on him Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 130-131; Ibn cAbd al-Barr,op. cit., p. 643, no. Io32; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, I55-156, no. 3405; ed. al-cIqdad-thamin akhbaral-baladal-amzn, Fu'Id Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, IV, ft 599-600o,no. 1325; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikhal-Islim, Cairo i367, I, 379. 49) See on him: Ibn Hajar,al-Isiba,VI, 619, no. 9157; al-Zurqdni,op.cit., VII, 344; al-Wdqidi,Maghazi p. 46 records another account: the Prophet made an invocation b. on behalf of Salamab. Hisham, CAyydsh Rabicaand other unprotectedand oppressed (literally:"weak") believers (scil. in Mecca-K); this happenedwhen the Prophet was on his way to Badr. Al-Wdqidi stresses that another invocation, namely for al-Walid b. al-Walid was uttered by the Prophet later, as al-Walidb. al-Walid was O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 25 3 invocation for them, which is linked with the invocation against Mudar 50). The date of the escape of these three believers from Mecca and their arrival in Medina is given either "after Uhud" 51) or after the Battle of the Ditch 52). Accordingly the date of the Prophet's invocation may be establishedeitherafterthe year 3H (Uhud) or afterthe year five (the Battle of the Ditch). Some traditions link the story of the Prophet's invocation with the revelation of Sura III, I28:..."no part of the matter is thine, whether He turns towards them again or chastisesthem, for they are evildoers". As the Prophet made an invocation for the believers and uttered a curse against Mudar, God revealed the verse mentioned above:..."no part of the matter is thine..." 53). Other traditions commenton the verse differently: Prophetused to curse certainperthe sons of the mundafiqin duringthe morningprayer;then the versementioned above was revealedand the Prophet was implicitly bidden to cease to curse these persons54). One of the traditions mentions that four persons,whose names are not specified,were cursed by the Prophet55). A tradition traced to Ibn 'Umar gives a list of the three unbelievers b. Hishdm against whom the Prophet invoked: Abif Sufyan, al-.Hirith and Safwanb. Umayya;the verse..."no part of the matteris thine"... captured by the forces of the Prophet at Badr; he was released, embraced Islam and returned to Mecca. There he was put in shackles and imprisoned; cf. al-Dhahabi, no. io. Siyar acljm, I, 228, cAbd al-Razz5q, op. cit., II, 446-447, nos. 4028, 4031-4032; 50) Nor al-Din alHaythami, Majmac al-Zawr'id wa-manbac al-faw'aid, Beirut 1967 (reprint), II, 137 inf.-i-38.; al-Suyiati, al-Durr al-manthzfr,II, 71; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khdliq Afghini, Hyderabad 1387/1967, II, 316-317; al-Nahhds, al-Ndsikh wa-l-mansikh, Cairo 1357/1938, P. 91; Ibn cAsdkir, Tahdbibta'rikh dimashq,Damascus 1349, VI, 234-235. 5 i) See al-Balddhuri, Ansab, I, 208 penult. 52) See al-Balddhuri, Ansib, I, 20o8, i1. 4-5; and cf., ib., pp. 209-211; al-Dhahabi, Siyar acldm, I, 228, no. io. 53) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 201, no. 7820 (and see ib., the references of the Editors). 54) Al-Nahhis, op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Wdhidi, op. cit., pp. 8o-81; cAbdallah b. al-Mubdrak, Kit. al-jibhd, ed. Nazih Hammdd, Beirut 1391/1971, p. 58, no. 58; Ibn cAsdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. 55) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir, VII, 199, no. 7818. 254 M. J. KISTER was revealed in connection with this invocation (and the Prophet ceased to curse them-K) 56). In the list given by 'Abdallah b. althe names of the three persons are different: Safwdn b. Mub.rak Suhayl b. Umayya, 'Amr and al-Hdrithb. Hisham; the name of Abii Sufydnis missing57).Al-Suydti mentions Safwln b. Umayya,al-HTrith b. Hisham, Abii Sufydnand the fourth man against whom the Prophet invoked (at the Day of Uhud) Suhayl b. 'Amr 58). Noteworthy is the additional phrase in al-Suyatti'stradition: God accepted their repentance (fa-tiba 'alayhim kullihim),and, as one may deduce, He forgave them their sins 59). These persons were indeed the leaders of Quraysh; they remainedamong the leading personalitiesof the community after they had embracedIslam and they participatedim some of the decisive events in Islam. The utterance of the Prophet about their repentance being accepted made their conversion easier and enabledthem to keep their high positions in society, their former enmity to the Prophet being forgotten. The traditionsin which the curse of Mudaris linked to the Battle of Uhud are contradicted by a report according to which the Prophet wounded in the battle and stained with blood made an invocation only against those who attacked and wounded him. God, however, did not respond to his invocation and forbade to curse the wicked people60). Peculiar is a tradition which states that the Prophet intended to curse the people who fled from the battle-field at Uhud. He was preventedfrom doing it by the revelationof the verse: ..."no part of the matteris thine"61). The tendencyof this traditionis evident 56) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shdkir,VII, no. 7819 (and see the referencesgiven by the Editors); Ibn op. cit., VI, 429; cf. Shahridaral-Daylami, op. cit., Ms 'As.kir, Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 136b, Ii 1-2. IV, al-thamin, 57) cAbdallahb. al-Mubdrak,op. cit., p. 58, no. 57; al-'lIqd, 35-36; Ibn 'Asdkir, op. cit., VI, 429. no. 3575. See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 213 sup., 58) II, 59) Al-Suyati, al-Durr al-manthfdr, 71. nos. 281. 7805-7817; al-Zurqini, 6o) See e.g. al-Tabari, Tafsfr, ed. Shdkir, VII, 194-199, op. cit., VII, 343 ult.--344, 11. 1-3; Ibn IHajar,Fath al-bdri, Cairo 1301 (reprint) VII, 6 1) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XVII, I55, 1. 14. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 255 from the phrase which it contains, according to which one of the people who forsook the Prophet in this battle was 'Uthmanb. 'Aff~n. The majority of scholars are said to have been of the opinion that the verse "no part of the matteris thine" was revealedafter the battle of Uhud 62). IV The invocation against Mudar can hardly be related either to the Meccan period, or to the battle of Uhud. In the Meccan period the Prophet and his Companions suffered from the persecutions of the Qurashitesand only in some rarecases were the Qurashitescompelled to act in agreement with their tribal allies63); in the battle of Uhkud the Qurashiteswere those who fought the Muslimforces and wounded the Prophet, while the Mudar alliance is not mentioned as an active factor in the preparations that battle. The invocation of the Prophet for could only be uttered in the period when the tribes of the Mudar federation, the allies of Mecca, acted in cooperation with Quraysh against the Muslim community harasshing,attacking, damaging and killing. Such was the case with the expedition of Bi'r Ma'tina.In some traditions the curse of Mudaris actually reportedto have taken place after the massacreof the Companionsby the tribal groups of Sulaym and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'awhich were allied with Mecca and acted in close cooperationwith the Qurashiteenemies of the Prophet. According to these traditions the curse was linked with the invocation for the three Companions oppressed in Mecca by the unbelievers64). In some of annahanazalat bi-sababi 6z) Al-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, i i. 9-10: ... wa-1-sawab qiSati ubud ... wa-qala "l-lubabi";ttafaqa aktharu 1-culama'i cald nuzflihaft s.hibu qissati hbud. 63) See e.g. Ibn Hazm, Hajjat al-wadai, ed. Mahmfid Haqqi, Beirut 1966, p. 148; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qdsidi ummi 1-qurd, ed. Mustafi 1-Saqd, Cairo Cairo 1382/1962, III, 198, 1390/1970, P. 547; cAli b. Burhdn al-Din, al-Siraal--halabiyya, 3 from bottom; and see JESHO, I972, p. 64, note 3. I. ed. 64) See e.g. al-Tahdwi, Sharh macidn 1-adthar, Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjdr, Cairo 1388/1966, I, 241-244; al-ZurqIni, op. cit., VII, 344-345; al-W op. cit., p. 81; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 316 inf.-3 7 sup.; al-Daraqutni, Sunan, II, 38, no. 7; .hidi, al-Tabari, Tafsir, VII, zoz, no. 7821 (and see the references of the Editors); cf. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., II, 53; cf. al-Shafiri, Musnad, Arah I306/i889, p. io8. 256 M. J. KISTER the Prophet's invocations the curse is directed against the wicked tribal groups without any mention of Mudar at all 65). The account of Muqatil links the verse Sara III, I28:.. ."no part of the matter is thine"... with SairaXCIV (a-lam nashra.h). According to this comment both the passages refer to the massacre of Bi'r Ma'una. The story recorded by Muqatil differs in many details from the current reports: there were four hundred Companions known as ahl al-suffawho lived on the alms given to them; they gave the surplus of these alms to other poor persons. They had no relatives in Medina. They went out as a and fought the Banii Sulaym (who were military force (mujayyashin) unbelievers-K). Seventy warriors of this group (i.e. the ahl al-szffa) were killed. The Prophet made an invocation against the evildoers (scil. of Sulaym) praying to God to punish them. But God revealed to him the verse: . . . "no part of the matter is thine" and, since it was obviously predestined that they would embrace Islam, the text of Saira XCIV, i seq. was revealed 66). In some cases the invocation against the wicked tribal groups goes together with a blessing bestowed on Ghifhr and Aslam 67), the two tribal groups which supported the Prophet at a 65) See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzdq,op. cit., II, 446, no 4029; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., II, 78; Burhdn al-Din, op. cit., III, 196-197; Nor al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VI, i25; Cairo I372/1953, II, 390, no. 8; al-Suyiti, al-Durr alal-Shaukdni,Nayl al-au.tAr, manthfr,II, 71; Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, 'Uyfn al-athar,Cairo 1356, II, 47, I. 24; Ibn Abi Shayba,op.cit., II, 31o; Aba Nu'aym al-Isfahdni, Hilyat al-aullya',Cairo 1387/1967, III, 113 inf.; (and see the peculiar invocation against cUsayya: ... sami'tu rasgila bi-ban Cusdayyata, lljhiyaq/lu ft qunf7tihi: ummamildamcalayki fa-innahum yl 'asauIddha al-Khatib al-Baghdddi,Mfidih wa-rasilahu, Hyderabad 1379/ al-jam'wa-l-tafriq, auham i96o, II, 2); cf. al-Majlisi,Bihdral-anwar,Tehran 1386, LX, 232 (the curse here is uttered inter alia against Ricl, Dhakw~n, cAdl, Lihydn, those from among Asad and GhatafSninflicted by elephantiasis,Abei Sufydnb. Harb, Suhayl ["the man with the teeth"; in the text "Shahbal" instead of "Suhayl"], the two sons of Mulayka b. Jizyam, Marwdn[evidently: b. al-IHakam,-K], Haudha andHauna. The traditionis quoted from al-Kafi]). 66) Muqdtil,op. cit., 74/II, fol. 243a-b;and see al-'Ayni, op.cit., XVII, I 5, I. I5; wamin bani sulaymincusayyata wa-qlla inna ashiba 1-suffatikharaj ild qabllatayni arba'ina .... sabdhan fa-qutil2fa-da'c 'calayhim dhakwana I, 67) Al-Tahawi, Sharhma'ini 1-dthdr, 243 sup., 267 sup; Nir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., II, 138; al-Daylami, Firdaus,Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. io8a; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 317 inf.; al-Wdqidi,op. cit., pp. 349 inf.-3 50. Ibn IHajar,Fath al-birz, VII, 282 sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, II, 199, 206; cAli b. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 257 very early period 68). Al-Tahlwi analyses the divergent traditions, emphasizes the contradictory interpretations concerning the period in which the Prophet's utterance was given and surveys its circumstances, but does not reach a decisive conclusion 69). The statement that the invocation against the evildoers who had committed the massacre at Bi'r Ma'dna was the first time that the Prophet uttered a qunft-invocation during prayer 70) is of some importance for establishing the circumstances of this invocation and its date. It is in character with the custom of hadith scholars that they tried to bridge between the various versions of the tradition about the curse of Mudar. Some of them were of the opinion that the period of drought and hunger did not last seven years, but only a year or even less. Thus, for instance, the formula: ... .' alhd 'alayhim sinina was interpretedas referring either to the harshness of ka-sini yrsufa the chastisementor to the period of drought: days, weeks, months or years71). The most reliablereportabout the Prophet'scurse of Mudarappears to be the one stating that the Prophet uttered if after the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina. The close relations between Quraysh and their Mudar allies can be gauged from a significant passage of the report about this expedition: when the Muslim warrior 'Amr b. Umayya alwas capturedby 'Amir b. al-Tufayl,the man who planned and carried .Damri out the massacreof Bi'r Ma'ina, he was asked about his pedigree. When he stated that he was from Mudar, 'Amir b. al-Tufayl freed him and let him go, saying that he would not like to harm a man from Mudar72). 'Amir's decision was, of course, in line with the ideas Misr, ed. C. Torrey, Leiden-New Haven, 1920-22, 68) Ibn cAbdal-Hakam,Futfrh p. 303 sup.; Ibn Hajar,Fath al-brZ, II, 410, 11. 16-23. I, 69) Al-Tahawi, Mushkilal-dthdr, 236-23870) A1-Zurqani,op. cit., II, 78, I. 17; al-HIkim, op. cit., I, 226 sup. 71) A1-Zurqini, op. cit., VII, 344, II. 2I-22: wat'ataka... Cala [kuffir qurayshin, au ... au al-sin7na al-qyyjm... ; Ibn Hajar, aulddi] jcalhd ay muadara allihumma al-wa.tata min l-mashriqi yauma'idhin mudara Fath al-bari,II, 410, iI. I2-I4: ... wa-ahlu mukhaliffinalahu... Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 46a, al-nasab, 72) See e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharat i: ... fa-lamyuflit ahadun bnu camiru 1-tufayli hina qdla lahu ghayruhu khallasabilahu I. 17 258 M. J. KISTER of tribal loyalty according to which he was expected to refrainfrom killing a memberof the Mudarfederationeven though the latter might participatein an expedition of a hostile troop. On the other hand, the individualsand groups who joined the Muslim communitycut their bonds with their tribes, keeping their loyalty and solidarityexclusively for their religious leaders and the community of the faithful. V Abfi SufyIn was one of the prominent leaders of Quraysh, a stubborn opponent of the Prophet during his stay at Mecca and the head of the active struggle against him after he moved to Medina. Abai Sufyanplayed a considerablerole in three decisive encountersbetween Quraysh and the Muslim forces: in the Battle of Badr (anno 2 H), in the Battle of Uhud (anno 3H) and in the Battle of the Ditch (anno 5H). Traditiondoes not mention any meeting during the Prophet'sMedinan period between the Prophetand Abi Sufydnfor negotaitionsexcept the latter's visit to the Prophet as a single delegate of Quraysh a short time before the Prophet set out on his expedition to conquer Mecca (anno 8H). There are, however, a few reports which indicate contacts between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn during a relatively long period before the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet. According to a tradition recorded by Muqatil, the leading hypocrites of Medina, 'Abdallah b. Ubayy 73), 'Abdallah b. Sa'd b. Abi a Sarh74) and Tu'ma b. Ubayriq75) cunninglyarranged meetingbetween the Prophet and the leaders of the unbelievers of Mecca: Abi Sufyan, 'Ikrimab. Abi Jahl and Abii l-A'war al-Sulami76). The Prophetrefused inni min mudar; about the position of the chiefs of the Mudari tribes see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, V, 488: ... fa-dakhala cuyqynatubnu hisnin al-faztriyyu ald 1-nabiyyi(s) wacindahu'a'ishatufa-dakhala bi-ghqyriidhnin,fa-qila lahu raszilul/lthi: fa-ayna 1-isti'dhdn? fa-q7la: yd rasila lldhi ma sta'dhantu cald rajulin min mudaramundhuadraktu. .. 73) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Alldh b. Ubayy b. Salkl (W. Montgomery Watt). 74) See on him EI2, s.v. cAbd Allah b. Sacd (C. H. Becker). 75) See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiba, III, 518, no. 4249; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba, III, 52-53. IV, 641, no. 5855 (cAmr b. Sufydn); Ibn 76) See on him Ibn IHajar, no. 2849; CAbd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 6oo, al-Is.dba, Khalifa b. Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Khayy.t, O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 259 to accept the requests of the mixed Hypocrite-Qurashi delegation that should acknowledge the power of the idols to grant intercession he (sharf'a,scil. with God for the unbelievers-K). He pacifiedthe enraged 'Umar who was about to kill the membersof the arrogantdelegation and granted them a letter of safe-conduct, enabling them to return safely to their homes 77). This event is said to have been hinted at in Stira XXXIII, 1-3: "O Prophet, fear God and obey not the unbelievers and the hypocrites. God is All-knowing, All-wise. And of follow what is revealedto thee from thy Lord"... (Translation A. J. Arberry). al-Minqari, Waq-at Diyv' al-Din, Baghdid 1387/1967, p. 5I; Nasr b. Muz.him SiffPn,ed. 'Abd al-Saldm Hirfin, Cairo 1382/1962, index (Sufyin b. 'Amr al-Sulami). bint Abai 1-Acwar was a halif of Abf Sufydn. Abfi -A'war's grandmother was Arw. b. cAbdshams. And see on him El2, s.v. Abi 1-Acwar (H. Lammens). Umayya 77) Muqitil, op. cit., Ahmet III, 74/II, fols. 85b-86a; and see a shorter version: al-Wihidi, op. cit., p. 236 with an explicit statement that the event took place after the battle of Uhud; and see al-Baghawi, op. cit., V, 189; al-Khizin, op. cit., V, 18919o; al-Nasafi, Tafsir, Cairo n.d., III, 292. The earliest version recorded by alFarr.', Ma'dni l-Qur'ln II, 334 states that the Prophet forbade to kill the Meccan members of the delegation, as there was a peace-treaty (muwtda'a) between them. Al-Samarqandi gives the report of Muqdtil, but also records the account of Ibn alKalbi, according to which the Meccan delegates alighted in the courts of 'Abdallah b. Ubayy, Mucattib b. Qushayr (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 175, no. 8125) and Jadd b. Qays (see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, I, 468, no. i 12). According to this version it was the Prophet himself who intended to (order to-K) kill the arrogant Meccan delegates; but God forbade him to violate the pact (...wa-'aradz7 calayhi ashydaafa-karihaha minhum,fa-hamma bihim rasz7u lluhi (s) an yaqtulzhum (!) ild 1-muddatiwa-la tutic al-kafirina min ahli makkata). Another account says that the Muslims intended to kill the Meccan delegates, but the verses of Sara XXXIII, revealed at that time, prevented them from carrying out of their plan (al-Samarqandi, Tafsir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, vol. II, i29a). There is a curious tradition recorded by al-Suy~iti, Lubdb al-nuqzlfi asbabi l-nuZil, Cairo 1374/1954, P. 174: it makes no mention of the delegation, but speaks of the stipulations made by the Prophet's the Jews and the Hypocrites in enemies (also mentioned in other sources-K): Medina threaten to kill the Prophet if he does not abandon his ideas, while the Meccans promise to grant the Prophet half of their property if he retracts. The tradition, traced back to al-Dahhbik, mentions among the persons who summoned the Prophet to relinquish his call al-Walid b. al-Mughira and Shayba b. Rabi'a. The latter was killed in the battle of Badr; consequently the event has to go back, according to this tradition, to the period of the first two years after the hijra. And see this tradition: V, al-Suylti, al-Durr al-manthbir, i8o, II. 25-27. lladhibaynaka wa-baynahum ttaqi 1-'ahda 1-nabiyyu Ilha wa-latanqudi fa-nazala:yj ayyuha 26o M. J. KISTER The reports do not specify the date of the arrival of the Meccan delegation in Medina; the only indication as to its time is the remark that it took place after Uhud. The style of the narrative and the circumstances of the visit, viz. the stratagem by which the Medinan hypocrites got the Prophet's consent to meet the delegation, the demand of the delegation and 'Umar's sharp reaction, all this seems to indicate that the delegation came to Medina after the Battle of the Ditch. The battle itself was a defeatfor the Qurashitesand some of them probably realized that the Meccans would not be able to destroy the Muslim community in Medina and that they should set up a relationshipwith Medina based on the new balance of power. Some of the Qurashite leaders perceived that they were unable to resume their commercial activities without securing their trade routes from the attacks of the Muslim forces, and that it was necessaryto gain a recognition by the Prophetof the pagan deities of the Ka'ba in orderto preservethe authority of Qurayshas keepersof the House and to securean uninterrupted flow of pagan pilgrims to Mecca. The Qurashiteswere exhausted by the heavy war-expendituresand weakened by the lack of loyalty of some allied tribal groups who joined Muhammad. The boycott of Thumdmab. Uthdl, who at the Prophet's order cut off food-supplies from the Yamdmawas causing the population of Mecca serious hardship 78). The situationwas aggravatedby a severe drought in the same year, anno 6H 79). It is precisely the drought often mentioned in the sources. Lack of economic stability seems to have prevailed until anno 8H, when people complained of high prices (of food-K) and asked the Prophet to fix the prices and control them, a requestwhich the Prophet refusedso).In this situationthe Qurashiteswere compelled 78) See e.g. al-Baldhuri, Ans7b, I, 367; al-Zurq5ni, op. cit., II, 144-146; alCairo I283, II, 2-3; cAll b. Burhdnal-Din, op. cit., III, Diyvrbakri,Ta'rikhal-khamis, 197-199. 79) 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 288, p. 88: ... wa-f? 1-sanati(i.e. anno 6th H.) ajdaba1-ndsu hddhihi fa-stasqdlahumrasfzlu jadban shadidan bnu Ildhi(s) ft ramaddna...; al-cAyni,op. cit., VII, 34, I. i : ... wa-dhakara hibbdna: sanatasittinminal-hijrati. ft li-l-istisqd' shahriramaaddna (s) kdnakhurtjuhu ild 1-musalla 1-sanati anno 8th(i.e. 80) cAbdal-Malikb. Habib, op. cit., p. 90: ... wa-fthcidhihi O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 26I to cometo the Prophet askfor somerecognition the idols,their and of aimbeingto tryandsavetheirpositionandauthority amongthe tribes. The Prophet couldnot accept theirrequest. callto his Companions His was to believein the one God and any concession madeto Quraysh wouldmeanthathe waswillingto associate idolswiththeone God.His was decision intransigent, he givenout of a positionof strength; refused to discussthe requests the delegation. couldwiselyforeseethat of He and a moderate moreflexible factionwouldarisein Mecca, whichmight strivefor a peacewiththe Muslim in and community Medina its leader, the Prophet.As a result,Meccamightbe torn by discussionand the would be weakend.It is clearthat the Prophet position of Quraysh triedto win over the leaders this moderate of groupin orderto assert his influencein Mecca and preparefor the conquestof the town. The tradition aboutthe exchange gifts betweenthe Prophetand of is recorded Abai'Ubaydon the authority 'Ikrima: of by Abfi Sufydn The Prophet to Abi Sufydn Mecca'ajwa-dates askedhimto sent in and send in returnas gift hides.Abi' carried the request. out Abli Sufy.n that the exchangeof gifts 'Ubaydanalysesthe traditionconcluding at betweenthe Prophetand the happened the time of the armistice people of Mecca,beforeMeccawas conquered the Prophet A 81). by dateis attached the eventrecorded Abi 'Ubayd:afterthe to precise by The were at thatperiodunbelievers, pact of al-Hudaybiyya. Meccans but this did not preventthe Prophetfrom exchanging gifts with his formerenemy,Abi Sufydn. Abi 'Ubaydis rightin deducing fromthis the incident general thattheProphet law accepted fromunbelievers gifts when they werenot in warwith the Muslims. Anotherversionof this story,also tracedback to 'Ikrima, gives a construction the events, recordssome additional to slightlydifferent Cf. IK) ghald1-sicrujiddan. al-cAyni, op. cit., VII, 36, i. Io from bottom: wa-qdla sanata cashrin qadimawafdusaladmna fa-qila fa-shakauilayhi1-jadba wdqidi:wa-lammd rasz7lu/ (s) bi-yadayhi... ldhi 81) Abfa cUbayd, al-Amwdl, ed. Muhammad al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, PPBurdur 257-258, no. 631; Ibn Zanjawayh,al-Amwdl,Ms. .H-Imid 183, fol. 96a; Ibn HIajar, al-Isaba, III, 413, no. 4050 (the messenger was 'Amr b. Umayya al-DIamri);on see Berlin 1897 (reprint), p. 229. Beduinenleben, cajwa-dates G. Jacob, Altarabisches 262 M. J. KISTER details and sheds some light on the split within Quraysh as a result of the policy of the Prophet. The Prophet, says the tradition, sent to some goods (ba'athabi-shay'in) Abii Sufyan, and to some of the unbelievers in Mecca. Some of them accepted, some of them Qurashi returned (the things sent by the Prophet-K). Abi Sufydn said: "I shall accept it and shall not send it back". Then he sent to the Prophet weapons and other things which the Prophet accepted. Then the Prophet sent him 'ajwa-datesand Abui Sufyan sent him in return hides82). It is evident that this traditionabout the exchangeof goods between from that of Abai'Ubayd: the Prophetand Abi SufyIn is quite different it was not dates which were sent in exchange for hides for private usage; the weapons sent to the Prophet were obviously intendedfor the use of the Muslim forces and Medinan dates were quite as obviously sent for the unbelieving Qurashites.This conspicous exchange of weapons for food could only have happened when Abfi Sufyan hadlost his hope of Mecca'svictory over the Medinancommunityand it was most probablyprecededby negotiations between the Prophet and Abai Sufydn.A report related on the authority of Abai Hurayraadds more details about the first steps of the appeasementand how the relations between the Prophet and Abfi Sufyan were resumed. The Prophet sent to Quraysh a man with money to be distributedamong them; they were at that time unbelievers,adds the report.AbuiSufydn, with a group of Quraysh,asked the messengerto hand them over the money which Qurayshrefusedto accept.The messengerreturnedto the Prophet asking for instructions.The Prophet's reply was clear: "Why didn't you hand over (the money-K) to those of them who agreed to accept it" 83)? Another tradition, this one too recorded by al-Fakihi, mentions the name of the messengerwho carriedthe money: 'Amr b. al-Faghwi' al-Khuzi'i. The Prophet warned the messengerof 'Amr b. Umayyaal-Damriwho tried, as foretold by the Prophet, to attack'Amr b. al-Faghwd'and rob him of the money. The messenger escaped and 82) Ibn 'Asjkir, Tahdhib Ta'rikh,VI, 395. 83) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 397a. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 263 succeeded to reach Mecca and to hand over the money to Abfi Sufy n 84). A tradition traced back to 'Abdallah, the son of 'Alqama b. alFaghwd' (the brother of 'Amr b. al-Faghwd') states that it was his father (not his uncle-K) who was dispatched by the Prophet with money to be distributedto the poor among the unbelieversof Quraysh in order to gain their sympathy (scil. for the Prophet and Islam, yata'allafuhum-K). As in the former tradition, 'Amr b. Umayya alDamri joins the messenger and tries to rob him of his money, but 'Alqamasucceedsin escaping. Abfi Sufydn remarks(scil. after receiving of the money-K): "I have not seen anyone more pious (abarr) and more generous towards the kindred (ausal)than this man (i.e. the Prophet). We fight him and try to shed his blood, while he beneficently sends us gifts" 85). AbLi Sufyan's remark about the Prophet reflects in a true manner the attitude of the unbelievers towards the generosity displayedby the Prophet with regardto his opponents. Some utterancesof the nonbeliever Qurashites, expressing admiration for the clemency of the Prophet and his generosity are recorded in the reports about the conquest of Mecca; they are indeed similar to the utterance of Abi Sufydn mentioned above. The report names the social group which refused to accept the money sent by the Prophet and thus objected to collaboration, or even contact, with him: they were the ashraf,the notables, whose attitude of deep devotion to the ancestralrites, and their firm adherenceto the acceptedmould of relationsbetween tribes, based as it was on the loyalty and allegianceto the Ka'ba and its pagan rites, are reflectedin their staunch opposition to any peaceful contact 84) Al-Fdkihi. op. cit., fol. 397a (reported on the authority of the son of the messenger, cAbdallah b. cAmr b. al-Faghwa); but see the version saying that the Prophet sent the gifts after the conquest of Mecca: Ibn Sacd, op. cit., IV, 296; Ibn al-Athir, Jdmic al-uswl, ed. Muhammad al-Kharqa'shi, Sharafal-mus.tafd, III, 0zo; 85) See Ibn Hajar,al-Isaba,IV, 559, no. 5680; al-Dhahabi, Siyaracldim, al-tahdhib, Tahdhib al-Muttaqi1-Hindi, op. cit., IX, 104, no. 943; and cf. Ibn V, 340. no. 58o. .Hajar, XII, IHImid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3014, fol. 7za. 361, no. 9435; 264 M. J. KISTER with the Muslim body politic headed by the Prophet. They were confronted by a group of Qurayshunder the leadershipof Abi Sufyan who made a shrewd assessment of the situation of Qurayshafter the defeat of the Battle of the Ditch and the exterminationof the Banfi Qurayza. As already pointed out above, he knew that establishing relations and creating economic contacts with Muhammad and his community was unavoidable. He believed that Mecca could no more face the Prophet in war and thereforedid not hesitateto send weapons to the Prophet. As a result, there is a dramaticchange in the attitude of the Prophet towards Abii Sufyan, and it is admirably reflected in the narrativereviewed above: after the bloody events of al-Raji' and Bi'r Ma':inathe Prophet sent 'Amr b. Umayyaal-IDamri ordering him to kill Abi Sufydn86) in retaliationfor Abiu Sufydn'sattempt to kill the Prophet by an assassin. Now, after the Battle of the Ditch, the Prophet strived to gain the co-operation of the leader of Quraysh, Abii Sufydn. The man who accompaniedthe Prophet's messenger to Abui Sufydnwas the very man whom the Prophet had sent two years before to kill him: 'Amr b. Umayya al-.Damri. Other reports about the actions of Abii Sufydn seem to confirm the reports about the contacts between the Prophet and Abi Sufyan during that period. The Prophet married Umm Habiba (Ramla), the daughterof Abfi Sufyin anno 6H, the year of the peace of Hudaybiyya; Abti Sufyan is said, according to some reports, to have given his approval. Other accounts say that the permission to marry her was granted the Prophet by Khalid b. Sa'id b. al-'As or by 'Uthman b. 'Affan87). A tradition recordedby Muslim states that Abai Sufyan put 86) See e.g. al-Diyvrbakri,op. cit., I, 459; al-Zurqdni, op. cit., II, 177-179; al1-FadlIbrdhim, Cairo 1969, II, 542-545. Tabari, Ta'rzkh,ed. AbeT 87) See e.g. the various reports about the marriage:al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 20-23; Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh,ed. Levi-Provengal, Cairo 1953, p. I22; alMaqrizi, Imta• al-asmic, ed. Mahmfd Mahammad Shdkir, Cairo I941, I, 325, 358 al-Bal1dhuri, Ansib, I, inf.-359 sup.; al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, II, 653-654, III, G65; ed. hid, 438-439;Ibn Kathir,al-Siraal-nabawiyya, MustafdcAbdal-W~ Cairo 1385/1966, IV, 273, 275 ult.-276; Ibn Sayyid 'Uy7n al-athar,II, 3o6-3o7;o;YVsinb. al-nisd',ed. Raji' Mahmad alal-rauda al-N.s, tawdrikh Khayrallah,Muhadhdhab al-fayhaft Baghdid 1386/1966, pp. 117-120zo. S.marrP'i, O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 26J forth three requests in his talk with the Prophet: to let him marry his to appoint his son Mu'awiya daughter, Umm Habiba bint Abi Sufy.n, as a scribe of the Prophet, and that the Prophet should appoint him to fight the unbelievers with the same zeal as he had when fighting the Muslims 88). Orthodox scholars discussed at length the tradition according to which it was Abai Sufyan who gave his daughter in marriage to the Prophet. It is evident that they found it hard to accept the tradition as sound, although it was recorded by Muslim, since according to Muslim law an unbeliever has no authority over the legal acts of any of his family who has converted to Islam. Consequently the unbeliever Abui Sufyan could not either permit or prohibit the marriage of his believing daughter. The scholars had therefore recourse to harmonizing interpretations, attaching to the marriage request a quite different meaning: Aba Sufyan's intention was not to grant permission to the Prophet's marriage with his daughter, but rather, as the setting of the tradition was placed at the conquest of Mecca, when Aba Sufy.n had converted to Islam, the tradition was interpreted as meaning that Aba Sufydn gave confirmation and legitimacy to the marriage 89). One is inclied to assume that during the negotiations between the Prophet and AbT Sufyan, which preceded the exchange of goods between them, some decisions about the position of Aba Sufydn and of his family had been reached, including an agreement concerning the Prophet's marriage with Umm IHabiba.The Prophet indeed appointed Muc'wiya as his scribe and Aba formerly the violent opponent of Islam, Sufy.n, was entrusted with responsible tasks, and put in charge of the collection of taxes in certain districts 90). The co-operation between the Prophet and Abu SufyIn in the period of the Hudaybiyya agreement can be gauged from some traditions saying that Mu'~wiya went out from Mecca in the company of 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr and other 88) Ibn Sayyid al-Nds, op. cir., II, 307.; cf. Ibn 'As1kir, op. cit., VI, 399, 404 inf. 89) See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, JalE'u 1-afham -saldti wa-l-salam cali khayri ft 1-andmed. Tdhd Ytisuf Yasin, Kuwayt-Beirut 1977, pp. 128-135. 90) See e.g. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashraf, ed. M. Schloessinger, IVA, p. 6 (and see the references supplied by the Editor); Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 404 inf.-405 sup. 266 M. J. KISTER Qurashi youths before the conquest of Mecca in order to meet the Prophet and convert to Islam91).There is no mention of Abai Sufydn's nor after activity during the negotiationsover the pactof al-.Hudaybiyya, the pact was signed. The changein his attitudetowardsthe Prophetwas, however, fully reflectedin his censureof the aggressive action of some the allies of the Prophet92). It is Qurashi leaders against Khuz.'a, plausible that no else than Aba Sufyin was the person sent to the Prophet in Medinain order to prevent the Prophet'sexpeditionagainst in the Meccaand to reaffirm pact of al-JHudaybiyya spite of the violation of one of its paragraphsthrough the attack against Khuzd'a. Abfi SufySn could not prevent the expedition against Mecca and its conquest by the Muslims, but he contributed much to the peaceful surrender of the city. He was in reward given a great privilege by the Prophet: to anyone being in his court when the Muslim troops occupy Mecca was to be granted safety. The feelings of anger and contempt at his role in the Muslim conquest of Mecca were clearlyexpressedby his wife Hind bint 'Utba: "Kill this fat greasy bladder of lard!"--she cried when Abi Sufydn announced on behalf of the Prophet safety for those who would enter his court. "What a rotten protector of the people" 93)! The kindness of the Prophet towards Aba Sufyin, the favours granted him, the appointmentof Mu'iwiya as secretaryof the Prophet, and the appointment of Yazid as tax collector94) were important factors in creating a favourableMuslim attitude towards Aba Sufydnand his family.The caliphswho succeededthe Prophetcontinued to employ members of Abu Sufyin's family in high posts. To this crucial period in the relations between Abu Sufyin and the Prophet seems to refer the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "The faith (scil. Islam-K) has been continually aided by Aba Sufyan 91) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley Marsh. 384, fol. i iIa, penult.; al-Fisi, al-'lqd al-thamin, V, 371; Ibn Hajar, al-lsdba, IV, 326, ii. 1-4. 92) See e.g. al-Waqidi, op. cit., pp. 785-788. 93) A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, Oxford 1955 (reprint), p. 548; al-Fisi, Cairo 1956, II, z 6. Shifd'al-gharjm, See e.g. Ibn IHajar,al-Isdba, VI, 658 inf., no. 9271. 94) O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 267 both before and after his conversion to Islam"95). The affectionand sympathy of the Prophet is exposed in a prediction attributed to the Prophet about the events of the Day of Judgment: Abd Sufyin will expect the Prophet when he will return from the Presence of Allah and friend 96). serve him with a drink from a glass of red sapphiresaying: Drink, my VI The qunz7t-invocation during prayer was the subject of heated discussions among the orthodox scholars. Some of them considered the abrogated the verseof Sira III, 128: ... "no part qunz7t-invocation by of the matter is thine"...; the Prophet used to curse some persons during the morning prayerand this practiceis said to have been abrogated by this verse. Other scholarsarguedthat the verse did not abroit gate the qunz7t-invocation; merely stressed God's exclusive authority to decree on the fate of man97). A divergent tradition says that the Prophet merely intended to curse some wicked personsfrom among the unbelievers; after the revelation of the verse; . .. "no part..." the Prophet invoked God in the style of (the invocations of) one of the prophets (i.e. Jesus-K): "God, forgive my people, because they do not know" (what they do-K) 98). Some scholars tried to detach invocation from prayerby arguing that anything not grounded in the Qur'~n cannot be considered as part of the prayer99); it is not surprising to find some scholars who used to read certain chapters of the Qur' n coupling the reading with supplications(... kdnayaqnutu bi-arba'idydtin... or: kdnayaqnutubi-hdtayni ..) 1-sifratayni. 100). The transition from the quniftas practised by the Prophet after the massacreof the Muslim troop at Bi'r Ma'iina to one which was supplicatoryin its form and content is vividly depicted in a tradition 95) Ibn 'Asdkir,op. cit., VI, 405 ult. 96) Ibn cAsdkir,op. cit., VI, 406 sup. 97) op. cit., p. 91 sup.; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 2oo. Al-Qurtubi, 98) Al-Nahh.s, op. cit., IV, 199-zoo. 99) Al-Nahhds, op. cit., p. 91. Ioo) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 114, no. 4978 and 116, no. 4983. 268 M. J. KISTER traced back to Khilid b. abi 'Imrin 101).While the Prophet was making on the report a clearline betweendu'dand qunfit, commenting Al-Tah.wi that used to practisequniftduringthe morningprayer.He Aba Hurayra argues that this account indicates that Abai Hurayra considered as abrogated the invocation (du'd) against persons whom the Prophet an invocation against Mudar, the angel Jibril descended, bidding him be silent, ordered him to cease to curse Mudar.The angel then taught him another qunift, which contains elements of prayer, praise of God, supplication and expressions of submission to God 102). It is in connection with this change in the meaning of qunift that al-Suyati found himself unable to answer the question whether the Prophet's invocation againstsome people during thirty days followed or preceded the (new-K) qunift formula:all/humma draws hdind... 103). cursed (innamdkdnahzuwa 1-du'd'a 'ald man da'd 'alayhi raslu ladhi sdalld but considered as valid and obliging the quniit lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam), is linked with it 104); qunuzt thus conceived here as supplicationand this supplication,indeed, remainedvalid. Some scholars stated by analogy with the qunztthat the invocation for a sneezing person during prayer is permissible; the blessing of a sneezer belongs to the type of blessing or curse practised by the Prophet during prayer and is therefore permissible 105)' Certain reports seem to consider qunfitas an invocation against enemies, which the Prophet practised only for a number of days 106),for Tahdhib al-tahdhib,III, i1o, no. 20s. Ioi) See on him Ibn JHajar, 102) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, 201; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan,II, zio inf.; ... baynd rasfilu Ildhi (s) yadc cal/amudara ja'ahu jibrilu fa-auma'ailayhian uskutfa-sakata, idh bacathaka wa-il lacanan inna fa-qdla muhammadu lldhalam ya yabCathka wa-innama sabbaban ... thumma laka minal-amri wa-lam shay'un laysa rahmatan 'allamahu yab'athka'adhdban, bika wawa-nastaghfiruka wa-nu'minu hadhda-qunflta: allihumma inna nastazcnuka man wa-natruku yakfuruka, alldhumma laka wa-nakhlacu wanakhdar'u iyydkana'budu laka nusalli... 1-Din cAbd ed. 10o3)Al-Suyati, al- HawZ li-l-fataw7, MuhammadMuhyl Cairo 1959, I, 532 sup. al-.Hamid, 1-dthdr, 248. I, 104) A1-Tahdwi,Sharhma'anz ed. G. Vitestam, 105) Aba cAsim al-cAbbddi. Tabaqdtal-fuqahd'al-shdficiyya, Leiden 1964, P. 43. o06) 'Abd al-Razzaq,op. cit., III, 105, no. 4945. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 269 twenty days107), directedagainst the rebelling tribes and which he later ceased to practise.108) Consequentlytraditions of this kind emphasize that the Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet did not utter the qunit in their prayers109). But certaintraditionsin conflict with the former until he died 110); ones said that the Prophetcontinuedto practisequnift accounts should be interpretedas using qunfitin the sense of these supplications, and not as invocations directed agaisnt specific people or as blessings addressedto specific individuals.A peculiarreason for the prohibition of qunftas practisedby the Prophet in the first period, when it was used to curse or bless individuals or groups is indicated in certain reports: it was considered odious to specify persons or as groups in qunift done initially by the Prophet"'). Another reason mentionedwhy the invocation in favour of the oppressedbelieverswas discontinued was the fact that the oppressed believers manage to escape and reach Medina. During fifteen days (i.e. from the I 5th of Ramaddnuntil the Yaum al-Fitr) the Prophet made invocations for them 112); after their arrivalin Medinathere was no more reasonto do which this 113). Another interpretationsays that the qunz7t-invocation I, 107) Al-Tahiwi, Sharbmacani, 244, 1.18, 247, 1.3 from bottom. io8) Al-Tahdwi, Sharh macini, I, 244-245, 248; and see al-Dhahabi, MiZdnalictiddl,ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi,Cairo 1382/1963,II, 653, no. 5196 (the tradition is cald rasfzlu (s) thaldthina yadc'z l-nasisammdhum markedas a laylatan qanata Ilahi innamd mandkir tradition). o09) See e.g. cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, Ioy-Io6, nos. 4946-4952; al-Tah1wi Sharhmacini,I, 246. I, Siio)See e.g. al-Tahdwi, SharhmacdnZ, 243, 11. 15-17; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., IV, zo2, II. 14-15. op. I I I) See e.g. cAbdal--Razzdq, cit., II, 447 no. 4032, 454, no. 4058; al-Shaukini, op.cit., VIII, 82, II. 20-22; Ibn Abi Nayl II, 389, 1.9; MahmiidMuhammad (Aba ft 1-rajuli 1-duad Khatt.b, Shayba, op. cit., II, 317, 1.7; and see ib., 441-442: ft tasmiyati l-Dardi' performed invocations for seventy of his brethren while prostrating in prayer; cAli used to name the persons for whom he invoked after the prayer; alSha'bi and al-Hasanwere of the opinion that the invocation is left to the discretionof the believer in his prayer). See Ibn Abi Shayba, op.cit., II, 30s-306; wa-l-bidac, al-Hawadith I12) ed. M. Talbi, Tunis 1959, p. 56, i1. 4-6. al-Turt.ashi, See Sharbal-macani, 242, 1.3; MahmMd Muhammad I, II3) cit., VIII, 82, 11. 14-15; cf. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, 121, no. 4996; and see op. Khatt.b al-Tah.wi, 270 M. J. KISTER contained both curses and blessings became redundantwhen the oppressed believers managed to come to Medina while the unbelievers repented and embraced Islam 14). The opinion that qziniftwas abro- gated in all the prayers of the day though retained in the morning prayer led to an unrestrainedattack on al-Shdfi'i, who championed it 11n). Some scholars considered quniftin the morning prayer a bid'a 116) and we have lively discussions of the problem whether qunfit to be was practised after performing the prescribed rak'as or before 11'), and whether the invocation was practised before and after the rak'as 18). Accordingto some traditionsthe believersused to practisequnfit during the night-prayer of the 15th of RamadIn 119). Some scholars recommend the quniit during the whole year 120). Orthodox scholarstried to bridge between the two conflicting sets of traditions, the one reporting that the Prophet was followed by until the day of their the Guided Caliphs,who used to practise qzunft death, and the other, denying this practise to both the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs. The harmonizing interpretation said that the Prophet and the Guided Caliphs continued to practise the kind of qunatwhich was a personal prayer in which they asked God for guidance and grace "2). Several invocations traced back to the Prophet, Ubayy b. Ka'b, 'Umar and al-IHasan are moulded in this style 122). The early formulae of quniftwere revived again during the bloody in op. al-Turtashi, cit.,p. 56, i1. 7-10 andp.57, I1. 8-15 (aboutthe qunz7t the second halfof Ramaddn). Nayl, II, 387: 114) See e.g. al-Zurqini,op.cit., VII, 345, II.g -20; al-Shaukdni, man min wa-khalusz7 al-asriwa-aslama lamma tarakahu ... thumma qadima da'c lahum man wa-ja:lc dacacalayhim ti'ibina... op. 115) Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, zz; cf. al-Turtashi, cit., p. 57, I1.2-3; and see op. al-ShIfi'i, cit.,VII, 235, 285. I I6) Al-cAyni, cit., VII, 22, 1.3.frombottom,23 ult.; cf. Abza op. Yasuf,Ikhtildf Cairo1357, P. I1I ult. Abi wa-Bni Layld,ed. Aba l-Waf ' 1-Afghani, AbI HIanifa macan,I, 248; Abfi Nucaym,op. cit., IX, 19, 21. i17) Al-Tahawi, Sharh op. i18) See e.g. Aba Nucaym, cit.,IX, 33. op. S19)See al-Turtiishi, cit.,p. 56 ult. op. cit., p. 57. op. 120) See cAbdal-Razzdq, cit., III, I21, II. 2-3; al-Turtashi, II. I-2. op. z121) Seee.g. al-Shaukani, cit.,II, 387, 11. 15-20. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 271 struggle between 'All and Mu'dwiya.The two early scholars, 'Alqama and al-Aswad123) stated that the Prophet used to practise qunft only when he fought, and then he did so in all his prayers; Aba Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthmdn did not practise quniftuntil their death; 'Ali started to practise invocation only when he fought Mu'iwiya and then he did so in all the prayers.The samething was done by Mu'iwiya and they cursed each other (scil. in every prayer-K) 124). Ali's adherents probably disapproved of his invocation against Mu'cwiya, considering it perhaps as bid'a; 'Ali, trying to justify it, explains his qunift as being merely an invocation for God's help against the as enemy 125). cAli, says a report,did not practisequnift long as he stayed in the Arab peninsula; he started to practise it when he moved to 'Irdq 126). 'Ali is said to have invokedagainstMu'dwiyacursing him of for forty days; he did it in imitation of the qunut the Prophet127). of Anotheraccount,recordedon the authority AbgiMikhnaf, speci- fies the names of the persons against whom 'Ali invoked: Mu'dwiya, b. Maslama,'Abd 'Amr (b. al-'As), Aba l-A'war al-Sulami, b. 'Uqba; Mu'dwiya b. .Habib al-Rahmdn Khdlid(b. al-Walid) and al-Walid retaliated cursing in his qunft 'Ali, JHasan, HIusayn,Ibn 'Abbds and al-Ashtar 28). The question whether it is permissible to curse the 122) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq,op. cit., III, io8, no. 4957, 110, no. 4968-4969, 114, no. 4978, 1i6, nos. 4982-4983. Tahdhib al-tahdhib, VII, 276, no. 484, I, 342, no. 625I. 123) See on them Ibn IHajar, 124) cAbd al-Razziq, op. cit., III, o107,n . 4953; Muhmad Muhammad Khatt.b, 4-8; Abd Yisuf, Kitab al-dthar,ed. Abi 1l-Wafi,Cairo 1355, op. cit., VIII, 85, •1. p. 71, no. 352; idem, Ikhtilif, pp. iii inf-ii2, I.i. Ibn Abi Shayba,op. cit., II, 310, i1, 6-8. IzS) 126) Al-Shaukdni,op. cit., II, 385; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., II, 311. I27) Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rlkh,Ms. ZShiriyya,IX, fol. I28a (for the invocation during fourty days cf. Ab-aYrisuf, Ikhtilif, p. ii 2, note i, 1.7). annacallyyan abz7 Ibn S128) Junghul, op. cit., II, fol. 185b: ... wa-dhakara mikhnafin camrun kanayalcanu qunfitihi waft wa-camran ma lammabalaghahu facala muc'wiyata bna khalidinwa-1bna maslamata acwara1-sulamiyya wa-~abda wa-habiba aba I-rahmani dhblikamucdwiyata walidabna cuqbata, yalcanu ft qunztihi fa-lammabalagha kanaaycan and see another Shici quntit:alwa-bna'abbisin wa-l-ashtara; wa-husaynan caliyyan Majlisi, op. cit., XXII, I28, no. ioi; and see e.g. the formula of Muc'wiya's invocation against cAli: Muhammad b. cAqil al-cAlawi 1-Husayni, al-Nasda'i al-kdfiya li-manyatawalla mucawiya, Najaf 1386/1966, pp. 86 inf.-87, 95-97. 272 M. J. KISTER Companions of the Prophet became subject of extensive discussions in Shi'i compilations129). In the second half of the second century there were still heated discussions as to whether the qunfzt-invocation is permitted during prayer, in which part of the prayer it may be uttered and during which of the prayers the invocation may be performed 130). In some circles the qunzit was even considered as a kind of a voluntary private invocation and a scholar could remark that he disliked quniftas an established formula of invocation 131). The legitimacy of the qunint a private invoas cation during the formal prayer is seen in a tradition reported on the authority of 'A'isha. The Prophet, making an invocation in the morning prayer before performing of the rak'a, said: "I merely invoke in front of you in order that you invoke (your) God and ask Him to grant you your needs" 132). The quniftin fact changed during the following centuries to become a supplication during calamities and disasters and a private invocation of the believer in which he implored God to fulfil his wishes and to give success to himself and his kindred. The scrutiny of the traditions about the invocation against Mudar has helped us to lineate the changes which the perception of this invocation underwent in the Muslim community against the background of the Prophet's struggle with the unbelievers of Quraysh and of the later discussions between the factions of the nascent Muslim Empire at the time of 'Ali and Mu'awiya. In later centuries it turned into a private supplication for guidance and success. The scrutiny of this material gives us a clue for a better assessment I29) Cf. e.g. Sadr al-Din cAli Khan -al-Shirdzi, al-Darajat al-rafica ft tabaqit al-shica, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. ii-o20. 130) See e.g. cAbd al-Razzdq, op. cit., II, 448-449, nos. 4033-4035, 4039-4041 131) Aba Yasuf, al-Athdr, p. 70, no. 348: akrahu an ajcala fi l-qunz7tidu'a'an ma climan. hishami bni curwata,Ms. Zihiriyya, 13z) Hish~m b. 'Urwa,Juf' fihi min majmf'a 61, fol. 188a: ... innamd aqnutu bikum li-tadcz' rabbakum wa-tas'alhzuihacaw.lihadithi wa'ijakum. O GOD, TIGHTEN THY GRIP ON MUDAR 273 of the economic pressure carried out on the Prophet's order against the unbelievers of Mecca by cutting off their food supplies from the Ydmamaandby the raidson the Mudartribalgroups allied with Mecca. Under this pressure Aba Sufydn, convinced that Mecca could not stand against the growing forces of the Prophet, decided to enterinto peaceful co-operationwith the Prophet and to initiate a commercial exchange of goods. Abui Sufyan's change of attitude towards the Prophet explainswhy he acceptedthe money sent by the Prophet, why he refrainedfrom aiding the Qurashiattackagainst Khuzd'a(the allies of the Prophet),why he consentedto the marriageof his daughterto the Prophet and why he went out to Medinato intercedewith the Prophet on behalf of Quraysh.Only in the light of these events does one get an insight into the privileges and concessions granted him and his family by the Prophet: safety for all who entered his court on the day of the conquestof Mecca,the missionsandofficeswith which he was entrusted by the Prophet and the appointment of Mu'dwiya as the secretary of the Prophet.It is significantthat the Muslimcommunityacceptedthe decisions of the Prophet without reservationand Abii Sufydnregained his leading position in the Muslim society. His sons were appointedby Abi Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman and hold high positions in the Muslim state. Mu'dwiya,the son of the leaderof the Mudaralliance,became the founder of the Umayyaddynastywhich held sway over the Muslim Empire for a very long time. 18