Maḳām Ibrāhīm

The Struggle against Musaylima and the Conquest of Yamāma

musaylima.pdf THE STRUGGLE AGAINST MUSAYLIMA AND THE CONQUEST OF YAMAMA M. J. Kister The Hebrew University of Jerusalem The study of the life of Musaylima, the "false prophet," his relations with the Prophet Muhammad and his efforts to gain Muhammad's approval for his prophetic mission are dealt with extensively in the Islamic sources. We find numerous reports about Musaylima in the Qur'anic commentaries, in the literature of hadith, in the books of adab and in the historiography of Islam. In these sources we find not only material about Musaylima's life and activities; we are also able to gain insight into the the Prophet's attitude toward Musaylima and into his tactics in the struggle against him. Furthermore, we can glean from this material information about Muhammad's efforts to spread Islam in territories adjacent to Medina and to establish Muslim communities in the eastern regions of the Arabian peninsula. It was the Prophet's policy to allow people from the various regions of the peninsula to enter Medina. Thus, the people of Yamama who were exposed to the speeches of Musaylima, could also become acquainted with the teachings of Muhammad and were given the opportunity to study the Qur'an. The missionary efforts of the Prophet and of his companions were often crowned with success: many inhabitants of Yamama embraced Islam, returned to their homeland and engaged in spreading Islam. Furthermore, the Prophet thoughtfully sent emissaries to the small Muslim communities in Yamama in order to teach the new believers the principles of Islam, to strengthen their ties with Medina and to collect the zakat. These communities later helped Abu Bakr to fight the ridda and became part and parcel of the Medina body politic. Simultaneously, the Prophet did not neglect to prepare a military force to defend these communities. Small garrisons were placed on the borders of Yamama in order to defend them in case of an attack. If a considerable part of the population of a region decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet was informed and sent to them an emissary who was competent to guide the local leader in his decisions. The new converts were granted full rights of Muslims. The Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians were given the status of dhimmis, in return for paying the jizya. The zakat of the Muslims and the jizya of the dhimmis were sent to the Medina authorities. In contradistinction to the carefully planned spread of Islam in the various regions of the Arabian peninsula, we find Musaylima's prophetic 2 M. J. Kister vision essentially confined to Yamama. He claimed to have been sent by Allah to the Banu I:Ianifa only and wanted the Prophet Mul;tammad to acquiesce in this. He wanted MulJammad to be the prophet of Mecca and Medina, on a par with him, the prophet of Yamama. He envisaged the peninsula to be divided between the two prophets who co-existed with each other and guided their respective people in Allah's path. Both territories were to be considered God's land and the income from it was to be equally divided between the two prophets. The aim of the Prophet MulJammad was totally different. He strove to extend his authority and his dzn all over the world. According to his conception, there would never exist a religion equal to Islam: there is only one God, one Prophet and one religion. Therefore, whoever pretended to have a share in MulJammad's prophethood must be considered an impostor. No compromise was possible between these two conceptions of prophetic authority. I Musaylima b. Thumama, or Musaylima b. I:Iablb1, was the "false prophet" who emerged in Yamama during the Prophet MulJammad's activity in the Arabian peninsula. The early historian Hisham b. MulJammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kaibi (d. 146 A.H./763 A.D.) recorded the genealogical chain of Musaylima as follows: Musaylima al-kadhdhiib b. Thumama b. Kablr b. I:Iabib b. al-I:Iarith b. 'Abd al-I:Iarith.2 Ibn I:IazIp. gives his pedigree as Musaylima b. Thumama b. Kathlr b. I:Iabib and records his kunya as Abu Thumama.3 AI-Zurqani rejects this tradition, stating that Musaylima was the nickname (laqab) of the "false prophet" and that his name was Thumama. Thus, his kunya could not have been Abu Thumama.4 Later sources record different details regarding Musaylima's name: his laqab was Musaylima and his kunya was Abu Thumama and his 1 See the different versions of his name in Mughaltay b. Qilij's al-Zahr al-basim it srrat abfl-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 335a. Musaylima b. Thumama is recorded in Suhayll's al-Rau4u l-unul; Ibn Isl,Iaq has his name as Musaylima b. l;IabIb. This name appears also in the compilations of al- TabarI, Abu 'Ubayda, Ibn Durayd and others. See both the traditions in Salama b. Muslim al-'AutabI al-~ul,IarI, al-Ansab, vol. 1, p. 157; cf. al-MaqrIzI, Imta'u l-asma', Mal,Imud Mul,Iammad ShakIr, ed. Cairo, 1941, vol. 1, p. 506. 2 Jamharat al-nasab, p. 543. 3 Ibn l;Iazm, Jamharat ansabi l-'arab, p. 310. Ibn al AthIr, al-MuraHa', p. 113: "Abu Thumama was the kunya of Musaylima the liar, who claimed that he was granted prophethood. Abu Thumama is the kunya of the wolf; it is the kunya of the hoopoe (hudhud) as well." 4 AI-Zurqanf, Shar~ 'ala l-mawahibi l-laduniya li-l-Qastallanr, vol. 7, p. 180. The Struggle Against Musaylima 3 name was Hartin. 5 This name is recorded also by al- Khafaji. 6 Another tradition regarding his kunya is given by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr: his name was Musaylima b. Habib and his kunya was Abu Harun." Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubi records in his al- TaCrz! fi l-ansiib the name of al-Mahabba, a brother of Musaylima.f . The name Musaylima itself is a diminutive from Maslama and its meaning was in the beginning not necessarily derisive. We find in fact a verse of 'Urnara b. CAqil in which he mentions Maslama al-kadhdhiib saying that the Banu Hanifa would not gain glory until they enrage Mudar (by fighting them]." As to the nickname al-kadhdhiib, the Prophet himself "invoked the (huge -k) amounts of dust on earth to attest that Musaylima was a liar." 10 Al-Diyarbakrt, Tai rikh. al-kh amis , vol. 2, p. 157. Al-Khafaji', Nasimu l-riyiiq. jI sh arhi l-shifii li-l-qiiq.f' Iyiiq., vol. 2, p. 486. 7 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Durar /. ikhtis ar! l-maghiiz. wa-l-siyar, p. 270. 8 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubt, al- '['a'ri] [i l-ansiib , p. 114: .,. wa-min banf h anijato: musaylimatu l-k a dh dhiib uia-nkhiiliu l-rnahobbatu bnii Thumiimata bni qaysi bni kathbir (?) bni ~ablbi bni 'abdi I-~iirithi bni tha'labata bni l-diili bni ~anljata. 9 AI-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil , vol. 3, p. 26: wa-qiila 'Umiiratu bnu 'Aqilin: bal ayyuhii l-riikiln: l-miiq.f li-tiyyatihi: balligh ~anljata uia-nshur fihimu l-kh abarii a-kiina maslamatu l-k adh dh abu qiila lakum: Ian tudrikii I-majda ~attii tughq.ibii mudarii. 10' Al-Munawi, Fayq.u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 20, n. 2648; on Wabar b. Mushir al-Hanaft the transmitter of the ~adfth see, al-Bukharr, al- Ta'rikh al-kabir , vol. 8, p. 183, n. 2649; Ibn al-Athir, Us du l-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 82-83; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist"iib, vol. 4, p. 1551; al-BustT, Kit ab al-thi qiit , vol , 3, p. 329. He was a companion of Musaylirna and was sent by him to the Prophet; eventually he embraced Islam. This oath, referring to huge quantities of dust or pebbles, was used in contradistinction to an oath referring to a specific number of pebbles. The latter oath was considered a bid' a. This bid' a is recorded in the Musnad of Sa'd b. Abr Waqqa~. The author of this Musnad, Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dawraqi (d. 246 A. H.), 'Amir Hasan Sabrr, ed. Beirut 1407/1987, p. 150, no. 88. The daughter of Sa'd b. AbT Waqqa~ reports that her father entered the abode of a woman who sat in front of a heap of stone dates or of pebbles. She performed the tasb'~ counting the date stones or the pebbles; then she threw them away. The Prophet advised her to perform the tasbf~ in an easier way: "Glory be to Allah according to what he created in heaven, glory be to Allah according to what he created on earth, and glory be to Allah according to what he created between them (sub~iina Allii]: 'adada mii bayna dhiilika)." See this tradition also in al-HaythamT, Mawiirid a-~am' iin, p. 579 nos. 2330 and 2331. A similar tradition is recorded in Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad, vol. 2, p. 66-67, no. 710. Another tradition recorded in al-Hakirn al-Naysaburr, al-Mustadrak, vol, 1, p. 547. See also ibidem, p. 548 for the tradition on the authority of 'A'isha bint Sa'd, traced back to Safiyya bint Huyayy who declared that in front of her there are 4000 stone dates by which she praises God. The Prophet advised her to use a comprehensive formula. The "comprehensive formula" was the answer to the bid' as of the qUHiis who tried to introduce the tasbf~ in which they counted the praises of God uttered by the people in the mosque. The pious leaders of the people in the mosques frowned upon these practices and forbade the people to count God's praises in this way. See also Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dauraqi, Musnad Sa'd b. Ab, Waqqii§, p. 150, no. 88; Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad , vol. 2, pp. 66-67, no. 710; and see the copious references of the editor; AI-HaythamT, Mawiirid al-~am'iin p. 579, nos. 2313 5 6 4 M. J. Kister Musaylima was born in al-Haddar, a place in Yamama. He grew up there and there he started his prophetic activity. When the Banii Hanifa heard about him, they invited him to Hajr, the chief city of the Yamama. When Khalid b. al-Walld conquered Yamama and killed Musaylima, the people of the villages (qurii) of al-Haddar were captured and expelled; in their place Khalid settled people of the al-Harith b. Ka'b of the Sa'd b. Zayd Manat of Tarnlm.l! Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups in Yamama as well as the confidence of the population in many districts. He made efforts to convince the people to believe in his mission as a prophet who receives revelation directly from "God the Merciful" (al-ra~miin); the revelation is transmitted it to him through the angel Jibril. Musaylima himself came to be known as Rahman al-Yarnama. Muhammad was accused by his enemies in Mecca of learning the basis of.prophecy from a man in Yamama named al-Rahrnan. The Meccans decided to send a delegation to the Jews in Medina to ask them about the truth of Muhammad's prophethood, assuming that the Jews were knowledgeable about such matters, being schooled in the Holy Scriptures. The Jews advised the Meccans to question the Prophet on three issues: Dhu l-Qarnayn, al-rii~ and ashiib al-kahf; in addition they advised them to verify whether he was given the "Seal of Prophethood" (khiitam al-nubuwwa). The Meccans indeed verified the existence of his khiitam al-nubuunua and asked the three additional questions. The Prophet asked Jibrll and the angel answered the question about ashiib al-kahf and Dhii l-Qarnayn; but concerning al-riih, the angel merely said: al-riih min amri rabbi, lii 'ilma II bihi. The Meccans remarked sarcastically "Two sorcerers helped each other" (sii~iriini ta~iiharii), hereby referring to the Torah and to the Furqan (i.e., the Qur'an -k)Y The tradition about the Meccans' inquiry concerning the word alRahman and the position of Rahman al-Yamarna seems to be of some importance. The tradition indicates that the debate about the meaning of al-Hahrnan took place during Muhammad's stay in Mecca. This is the period of discussions between the Meccans and the Prophet and it indicates that Musaylima had already started his prophetic activity at that time. The report according to which the name Rahman al-Yamama was discussed before the hijra finds support in a passage adduced by alTha'alibi in his Thimiir al-quliib fi l-mur!iif uia-l-mansiib, "Musaylima and no. 2330; Muhammad b. Wa<;l<;lal,al-Qurtubr, Kitab al-bida' II (Arabic text), pp. 160-70, no. 1-44. 11 On the birthplace of Musaylima see Yaqut, Mu'jam aI-buidan, vol. 5, p. 394; Lisii» aI-'Arab, s.v. al-Haddar: Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya if ghanoi I-I}adfth, vol. 5, p. 251. 12 Ibn al-Jauzr, aI- Wafa bi-al}wali l-must ajii, p. 58. The Struggle Against Musaylima 5 falsely claimed prophethood while the Prophet was in Mecca before the hijra." 13 When the Prophet came to Medina, he found the people mentioning Musaylima, quoting his sayings and referring to the opinions of Banu Hanifa about him. The Prophet then delivered a speech in which he included Musaylima among the thirty liars who will arise before the coming of the false Messiah (al-dajjiil). Consequently, the Muslims started to revile Musaylima and vilify his narne.l" The name al-Rahman is often mentioned in the Qur'an. It became a subject of a heated discussion between the Muslims and the unbelievers, in connection with the meaning of the word in Qur'an 17:110, where al-Hahrnan is another name of Allah: "Say; Call upon Allah or call upon al-Rahman: by whichever name you call on Him, His are the most beautiful names." Here again the enemies of the Prophet claimed that at a certain stage the Quran enjoined to worship two different deities instead of one God, Whom it had enjoined to worship earlier. Al-Kalbi gives a lengthy explanation ofthe origin of the verse and the quotation of the word al-Hahrnan in the headings of the Suras, In the beginning of Muhammad's revelation, the word al-Rahrnan was rarely used in the Qur'an. But when many Jews embraced Islam and asked the Prophet about the numerous cases in which the word al-Rahman was recorded in the Tauriit , Qur'an 17:110 was revealed.P A far-fetched tradition states that Musaylima adopted the name of Rahman before the 'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad al- Tha'alibr, Tbimaru l-quliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibidem., p. 147. 15 Al-Samarqandr, Bahr al-'ulum (= tajsir al-Samarqandl) vol. 2, pp. 192-193; cf. Qur'an 13:30: wa-hum yakJuruna bi-l-rahrniin. qui huwa rabbi: It was 'Abdallah b. Umayya l-Makhzurnr and his friends (see on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Lsiiba , vol. 4, pp. 11-14, no. 4546; Ibn al-Athfr, Us du I-ghaba, vol. 3, pp. 118-119) who stated: "We do not know any Rahman except Musaylima the Liar." qui huwa rabbi: it was the order of God given to Muhammad. See also the comments on Qur'an 17:110, in Usd al-ghaba, vol. 2, pp. 286-87. According to al-Tabarf (on Qur'an 13:30), the order of Allah to state that al-Rahrnan is God was intended to deny the claims of the unbelievers that al-Rahman is not the name of God. In the al-Hudaybiyya agreement, the infidels of Quraysh refused to sign the document in which the expression rasulu llahi as the title of the Prophet appeared, and in which the expression bi-smi llahi I-ra~man al-rahim was used as the document heading. The Prophet gave way and his title was eliminated. He was mentioned merely as "Muhammad b. 'Abdallah" and the preamble of the document was replaced by the Jahih' formula, bi-smika lliihumm a, See al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayo.n, vol. 16, pp. 445-46, nos. 20397-98 (on Qur'an 17:110); al- Tha'labr, al-K ash] wa-I-bayan, MS. Ahmad III 76/4, fol. 51a-b. See also al- Tabari, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 15, p. 121, where Ibn 'Abbas reports that the Prophet was once overheard by an infidel when he invoked God, saying: ya ra~man, ya rahirn, The infidel in question notified his coreligionists who accused the Prophet of invoking two deities. Then Allah revealed the verse in which God stated that Allah and al-Rahman are identical. See also al-Naysaburi (Ghara'ibu 1-Qur' an wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 15, pp. 92-3), according to whom the man who overheard the Prophet invoking yo. lliih, ya ra~man was Abu Jahl. Another reason for revealing the verses identifying Allah with al-Rahman was the claim of the People of the Book that the mention of al-Rahman in the Qur'an was very rare, while he was mentioned in the 13 14 6 M. 1. Kister birth of Muhammad's father, 'Abdallah.16 The very early date of this event recorded in the sources can probably be explained by the tradition that Musaylima was a man granted longevity (mu'ammar), killed in the battle of 'Aqraba' in 12 A.H. at the age of 150 (or 140).17 Musaylima's epithet Rahman al-Yamama seems to have been well known in Mecca. Umayya b. Khalaf refrained from addressing 'Abd alRahman b. 'Auf, the famous companion of the Prophet, by his name; he rather adressed him by his Jahili name, 'Abd 'Amr, which was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Hahman. Umayya b. Khalaf called him by his Jahili name in order to avoid calling him 'Abd al-Rahman, which could indicate that he was the servant of Rahman al-Yamama, "the false prophet." 18 The first person to use bismi lliihi l-rahmiini l-rahim was the Prophet. The well known muhoddith Abu 'A'ishaI9 recorded on the authority of his father the changes in the headings of the Qur'anic Suras according to the time in which they were revealed. Quraysh asked to put in the headings of their documents and letters the expression bi-smika lliihumma. The Prophet used this heading as well. Then God revealed to him Surat Hiid in which the phrase bi-smi lliihi majriihii wa-marsiiha (verse 41) appeared. The Prophet then ordered to put the heading bi-smi lliihi at the beginning of each Sura. Later Qur'an 17 was sent down, including the phrase qui: ud'ij lliiha au ud'ij l-rohmiina. The Prophet then ordered to use the heading: bi-smi lliihi l-rahmiini, Then Qur 'an 27 was revealed, with the sentence innahu min sulaymiina wa-innahu bi-smi lliihi al-rahnuini l-rahim (verse 30); the Prophet ordered to use this sentence as a heading. After some time he reconsidered his decision: the bi-smi lliihi in this verse is preceeded with the words: innahu min sulaymiina. "My brother Sulayrnan," said the Prophet, "started the verse with his name, but I shall start with the name of God." He therefore established as a headline in letters and Qur'anic Suras the formula: bi-smi lliihi 1rahmiini l-rahim . So runs the headline in all the Siiras, except Sura 9. The diir al-khiliifa also used this headline in its correspondence.I'' Tauriit frequently; therefore, the verse identifying Allah with Rahman was revealed. The story of the Prophet's invocation, overheard by Abu Jahl, appears also in alWahidt's al- WasiJ, vol. 3, p. 11, vol. 3, p. 133 (commenting on Quran 17:110). 16 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 141a. 17 See al- Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120, al-Suytiti', Ta'rikt: al-khulajii", p. 76. 18 Al- Waqidr, al-Maghiizl, vol. 1,-p. 82 inf. 19 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl, Tahdhfbu I-tahdhfb, vol. 7, p. 45, no. 83. 20 See Ibn Sa'd, al- Tobaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 263-£4; al-Qashan), Ra'» miili I-nadfm, p. 146. The Struggle Against Musaylima 7 II According to a tradition mentioned above, Musaylima started his prophetic mission before the Prophet's hijra to Medina.21 The people of Yarnarna were divided in their attitudes towards Musaylima: some of them respected him while others mocked him. He claimed that he shared the prophetic mission with Muhammad; Jibril descends to Muhammad in the same way as he descends to him. A certain al-Rahhal (or alRajjal}, a faithful supporter of Musaylima, used to confirm the veracity of Musaylima's utterances and helped him to circulate his revelations. In some of his speeches, Musaylima tried to convince his audience that he was as suitable for the prophetic mission as Muhammad, also comparing the qualities of Quraysh with those of the Banu Hanifa and the qualites of Mecca with those of'Yarnama. "What made Quraysh more deserving of prophet hood than you? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than theirs. Jibril descends from Heaven to me, like he descends to Muhamrnad.t'V Yamarna seems to have been a prime agricultural area. Its inhabitants boasted of the quality of their dates, which were sold for the highest prices. The people of Yamarna used to say; "We surpass the people of the Earth in East and West by five features: by the beauty of our women (innahunna durriyyiitu l-alwiin), by the high quality of our wheat (named bayq.ii'u l-yamiima), by the sweetness of our dates, by the flavor of our meats (because of the quality of the Yamami pastures) and by the freshness of our water, which cleans the chest of phlegm." 23 The fertile soil of Yamama could supply Mecca with the grain necessary for its population. Skilled workers of Yam am a used to frequent Medina searching for employment. The Prophet praised the skilled artisans of the Banu Hanifa; he employed them in the preparation of clay, when he ordered to build the mosque in Medina and his opinion of the Hanafi artisans was very favorable.f" Al- Tha'alibt, Tliimiiru I-guliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanl, al-Kii/f I-sha//f takhriji a~adfthi I-kashshii/, p. 56; alTha'alibi, Ttiimiiru l-quliib, pp. 146 inf.-47 sup.; and see al-Naysaburi, Ghorii'ibu I-gur'an, vol. 7, p. 161, commenting on Qur'an 6:93: ... wa-man a.,lamu ... aw qiila: ii~iya ilayya wa-Iam yii~a ilayhi shay': kana musaylima yagiilu: mu~ammadun s allii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama rasiilu lliihi If banf gurayshin wa-anii rasiilu lliihi If banf ~anifa ... and see al-Wahidr, Asbiib al-nuziil, p. 148; Ibn Shabba, Ta'rfkh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-74; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir al-gur'iini I-'a.,fm, vol. 3, p. 65 att.--66; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, vol. 11, pp. 535--6, nos. 63557-59; al-Qurtubr, al-Jomi' li-a~kiimi l-quriiin , vol. 7, p. 39, cf. al-Tabrisr, Majma' al bayiin, vol. 7, p. 132; al-RazT, al- Tafsir al-kobir , vol. 13, pp. 83-84. 23 Ibn al-Faqih , Kitiibu l-buldiin, mukhtas ar , pp. 28-30. 24 See al-Tabaranr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 8, p. 4021, no. 8254 (... tj.a'ii 1~anafiyya wa-I-tfna [a-inn ahu atj.batukum li-l-tini; and ibid., p. 399, no. 8242: ... Talq 21 22 8 M. J. Kister Thus, Yamarna was a region whose economy was based on agriculture. This is reflected in the poetry of Jarir who mocks its inhabitants for being peasants lacking in military prowess. "Shame on the Banu Hanifa," says Jarlr, "Bring the days of battles which cover their faces with blackness (~umam) which cannot be wiped out. On those days they do not take captives, but are led into captivity; and they are killed by their enemies if they do not pay poll-tax (khariij). They are owners of palm trees and palm groves and of sown land; their swords are from wood and they carry shovels. Digging channels for irrigation (dibiir; but there is another explanation of this word: patches of land for sowing -k) and grafting of palm trees are their customary occupations since ancient times." In the following verse, Jarir denies that any glory pertains to the Banii Hanifa: when their praiseworthy deeds were counted, the Banu Hanifa became aware that their presumed glory was worth nothing. Referring to the lack of horses in the habitat of the Banii 1:1anifa , Jarir scornfully says: "If you ask where the necks of the horses are, they would not know and would say about their tails: 'These are their necks.' " Jarir emphasizes the ignorance of the Banii Hanifa regarding horses by saying that they would burst into tears rather than saddle a horse even if this could save them from fatal fever. Jarir concludes his vilification recalling the defeat of the army of the Banii Hanifa: "When they saw Khalid (Ibn al- WaiId) annihilate in al-Trd, and the words of their tyrant them (to their enemy) they capitulated humiliation, and stretched (i. e., Musaylima) their forces surrendered out their hand for peace in when the Sword of God (i.e., Khalid] was about to exterminate them." lammii ra'at Khiilidan bi- 'l-ire! ahlakahii qatlan wa aslamahii mii qiila tiighZhii diinat wa aitat yadan li- 'l-silm ~iighiratan min bacdi mii kiida sayfu 'lliihi yufn'ihii." 25 'an abihi qiil a: banaytu ma'a rasuli llahi (~al'am) masjida l-madinnti, [a-kiin a yaqulu: makkinu I-yamiimf min a I-tfni min a~sanikum lahu mass an ... ; and see ibid., vol. 8, p. 398, no. 8239 and no. 8238; the Prophet's opinion about 'I'alq; see Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 552: inn a hiidhii I-~anafiyya la-~ii~ibu t-u«. 25 Jarrr, Dfwiin, p. 600. The Struggle Against Musaylima 9 III The territory of Yamarna was important not only because of its own value, but also because the Muslims had to pass through it on their way to propagate Islam in the eastern part of the peninsula. The story of Thumama b. Uthal, one of the leaders of the Bami Hanifa, is therefore highly significant. Thumarna had intended to kill an emissary of the Prophet who trespassed upon the border of his region; but was prevented by his uncle from carrying out his plan.26 When the Prophet heard about the thwarting of his messengers by Thurnarna b. Uthal, he invoked God to enable him to take hold of Thumarna, when he had no letter guaranteeing his safety.27 Allah responded to the invocation of the Prophet and when the Prophet seized him he had no letter of security; the Prophet could therefore freely decide his fate. Thumama was imprisoned in the mosque of the Prophet, fastened to one of its pillars. After three days he was released. Thumarna washed in order to purify himself before embracing Islam; he uttered the shahiida and became a Muslim. He explained that he converted to Islam because the Prophet addressed him by his kunya, Abu Umama.28 This was the honorable way of addressing a free man. It is significant to note that the man who had been detained by Thurnama before his journey to Mecca (i.e., before he was caught by the emissaries of the Prophet -k) was al- 'Ala' b. al-Hadrami who was sent by the Prophet to Bahrayn and succeeded to persuade al-Mundhir b. Sawa to convert to Islam.29 It was al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni who sent the khariij of al-Bahrayn to the Prophet; the sum mentioned in the sources was 100,000 dirhams.i''' When al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni was on his way back to Medina, he was detained by Thumama b. Uthal; he was released only after Thumarna embraced Islam.i'! It was, of course, essential for the Prophet and for the nascent Muslim communities in Bahrayn to obtain a free and secure passage for the emissaries of the Prophet who passed through Yamarna to the adjacent regions. The emissaries of the Prophet tried to create kernels of Muslim communities there. The small communities of converts were instructed by the Prophet's messengers; small military formations were dispatched 26 Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanf, al-Lsiiba If tamyfzi i-~a~aba, vol. 3, p. 581, no. 4393, cf. al-Maqrtzr, Imtiiiu i-a.ma', vol. 14, p. 257. 27 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniii' l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 257; cf. Ibn Sa'd, ai- T'abaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 550. 28 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniiiiu l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 258. Cf. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. I, p. 267. 29 AI-MaqrTzT, Imta'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 258,1. 11 from bottom. 30 Al-Zurqani, Sh arl, al-m auiiihib ai-iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 300-301. The messenger of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadramr who brought the zakiit and the jizya to Medina was al-'Ala' b. Jariya I-Thaqafi; see on him Ibn Hajar , al-Isiiba, vol. 4, p. 540, no. 5645. 31 AI-MaqrTzT, Imtii's: i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 258, I. 10 from bottom. 10 M. j, Kister from Medina under the command of one of the ~a~iiba in order to provide security for the Muslims, to extend their activities and to strive for the conversion of additional tribal units. The emissaries of the Prophet assisted the tribes faithful to the Medinan authority to pay their zakiit and to establish the superiority of Islam in relation to their Jewish and Christian neighbors. The result of the Muslim efforts in Bahrayn can serve as an example: al-Mundhir b. Sawa, acting under the guidance of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni, provided for the full application of Islamic law concerning the Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians. Significantly, this served as a precedent; the taxation of the Zoroastrians became the established law.32 IV The conversion of Thumama b. Uthal to Islam initiated a new phase in the struggle against Musaylima's authority in Yamarna. It ensured the growth of a safe Muslim community in Bahrayn, facilitated the formation of a Yamarna garrison controlled by Thumarna b. Uthal, and paved the way for the final battle against Musaylima. When Thumarna b. Uthal was released by the Prophet and converted to Islam, he was advised by him to continue his journey to Mecca in order to perform his "umra. When Thumarna arrived in Mecca, he was offended by a provocative question directed at him by the Meccan unbelievers: "Have you reneged on your religion?" (a-~abauta) (referring to his conversion to Islam -k). As a result, he decided to stop the supply of wheat from Yamama to Mecca and refrain from sending even one grain unless permitted by the Prophet. He carried out his threat and the people of Mecca were afflicted by hunger. The unbelieving Meccans complained to the Prophet that they suffered the pangs of hunger and had to eat a mixture of blood and fine hair ('ilhiz) and dog meat. Moved by their sufferings, the Prophet permitted Thurnama to resume the wheat supplies to Mecca.33 Before he returned to Medina in the year of his last pilgrimage (~ajjat 32 See "al-Mundhir b. Sawa," EI2, s.v , (M. J. Kister); "Madjus ," EI2, S.v. (M. Moronyi). 33 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'ab, vol. 1, pp. 213-16; al-Maqrizr, Imta'u I-asma', vol. 14, pp. 258-59; al-Kala't, al-Iktija, vol. 2, p. 435. Many commentators of the Qur'an record the story of Thumama 's boycott against Mecca while explaining Qur''an 23:76: "We did seize them with punishment, but they humbled not themselves to their Lord." Al-Qurtubr, al-Jiimi' li-a~kami I-qur'an, vol. 12, p. 143, al-Wahidr, Asbabu 1nuztil, 210 infdJ-1; al-Naysaburr, Ghara'ibu l-qur+iir; wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 18, p. 32; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthilr, vol. 5, p. 13 inf.; al-Shaukanf, Fat~u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 495; Abu Hayyan al-Gharnatr al-Jayyani, al-Bahru I-mu~ft, vol. 6, p. 415 inf.; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, ed. Bulaq 1328 AH, vol. 18, pp. 34-35. Cf. Fred M. Donner; "Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad's Boycott," JESHO 20(1977): 249-66. The Struggle Against Musaylima 11 al-wadii'), the Prophet appointed Thumarna b. Uthal as "governor of Yamarna.t'P" However, Thumama controlled only one part of the region, while the rest of it was under the sway of Musaylima. In order to strengthen Thumarna in his struggle against Musaylima, the Prophet decided to send Nahar al-Hahhal to Yamama after his return from his last pilgrimage.i" This turned out to be a detrimental decision, because al-Nahar - who had stayed a long time in Medina, had become a student of the Qur'an and studied it with the best scholars in Medina, publicly embraced Islam and had become a faithful Muslim - became a traitor who attested that Musaylimashared prophet hood with Muhammad and, like him, also received divine revelation. He became a close collaborator of Musaylima and even taught him Siiras of the Qur 'an, which he had learned in Medina.i" Nahar 's defection weakened 'I'humarna's position. Consequently, the Prophet decided to dispatch a special messenger to Thumama b. Uthal to discuss with him the struggle against Musaylima and the possibility of killing him. The messenger was Furat b. ijayyan.37 The scanty information which can be derived from Maqrfzi''s Imtii' al-asmii' implies that the Prophet wrote to Thumama b. Uthal advising him to seek help from Qaysi and Tamimi converts to Islam. Thumama marched out with his followers to Washm and placed the auxiliary troops of Tarnirn and Qays at his rearguard. He was helped by al-Zibriqan b. Badr.38 A volunteer who came to assist Thurnarna b. Uthal was See al-Maqrizf, Imt a=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, I. 1; raja'a I-nabiyyu ilii I-madfna ~ajjati I-wadii' uia-i iimiluh u 'alii I-yamiima Thumiima b. Uthiil. 35 See al-Maqrtzr, 1mtii'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 536, Il. 1-2: ... thumma ba'atha Nahiiran ba'da mii balaghahu khuruju musaylimata mu'laman. 36 See on Rahhai (or Rajjal) b. 'Unfuwa: al-Maqrlzr, 1mtli'u I-asmii', vol. 14, pp. 229-31, 536 (the text is corrupt here); Ibn Hubaysh, al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 52; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rtkh , vol. 2, p. 85a, has the attestation of al-Rahhal that Musaylima shared in the revelation of the Prophet, with the remark of Ibn Junghul about al-Rahhal: wa-kiina hiidhii I-mal'un min akbari man adalla ahla I-yamiima ~attii ittaba'u musaylimata ... See also ibidem, fol. 85a, inf .... [a-lammii kiina zamanu I-ridda ba' athnhu abu bakrin ilii ahli I-yamiima yad'uhum ilii I/iihi ta'iilii wa-yuthabbituhun 'alii l-isliim Ja-rtadda ma'a musaylimata wa-shahida lahu bi-I-nubuwwa. Cf. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitaou I-amwiil, p. 280, no. 691. The deputation of the Banu Hanffa, including alMujja'a b. Murara, al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwa and Muhakkim b. al- Tufayl (= Muhakkirn al-Yarnama}, embraced Islam. 37 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lsii' iib , vol. 3, p. 1258, no. 2070 and vol. I, p. 21b, no. 278: .,. wa-ba'atha rasulu lliihi (~al'am) [uriita bna ~ayyiin ilii thumiima bni uihiil JI qitiili musaylima wa-qatlihi. See also Ibn al-Athirs Usd al-ghiiba, vol. 4, p. 175 penult.; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalanf, al-Tsiiba, vol. 5, pp. 357-58, no. 6969; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', p. 317. 38 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, ol-Lsiiba, vol. 2, p. 550, no. 2784. Names of other fighters who joined Thumama do not reveal their tribal affiliation: Qays, Safwan and WakT'. 34 'iima 12 M. J. Kister 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri.P? The valuable note recorded in the Isiiba says: "He came to help Thumama b. Uthal in the fight against the people of Yamama after the death of the Prophet." This was the first military action of a Muslim force in Yamama, led by Thumama b. Uthal of the Banu Hanifa, who was aided by his Muslim allies from Tamirn and Qays. The battle took place in the territory of Yamama and ended with a remarkable victory of the Muslims. The Prophet was informed of the victory.I'' v It is now necessary to study the different stages of the contacts between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima's demands, the Prophet's answers, the Prophet's meetings with tribal leaders, and with converts to Islam. According to reports recorded in early sources, the Prophet used to frequent the markets of Arabia in order to meet the tribal leaders, ask them to renounce their Jahili beliefs, and invite them to embrace Islam. He used to teach them the Islamic tenets and read them various Qur 'anic verses. The leaders of the tribes summoned by the Prophet to convert used to listen to the Prophet, but did not hasten to respond positively. Even if they intended to convert, they had some conditions which had to be fulfilled beforehand. An instructive case is the story of the Prophet's negotiations with the tribe of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The Prophet approached the leader of this tribe, asking him to support his effort to spread Islam and to grant him protection against his adversaries. The leader of the tribe was aware that he could extend the authority of his tribe by granting protection to "the young man of Quraysh (lata Quraysh)." But he asked the Prophet to cede his authority before his death to the head of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The answer of the Prophet was unequivocal. He quoted Qur'an 7:128: "Verily the earth is Allah's. He gives it as heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing," implying that it is not within Muhammad's power to cede Allah's earth to anyone. The reaction of the tribal leader was formulated in the form of a question: "Are we going to expose our chests (to the spears of the Arabs -k) for your cause, and if Allah grants you victory - the authority would be granted by you to somebody else? We do not need to struggle for your cause." (ta ~ajata lana fi amrika).41 Some twenty years later (i.e., a year before the death of the Prophet -k), 39 Maqrlzf (Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, ll. 7-8 from bottom) has 'Amr b. Hazn AnmairT. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Lsiiba ; vol. 4, p. 621, no. 5815 has the correct 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri. 40 AI-M~qrTzT, Irniii=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 537,1. 4 from bottom. 41 Al-Suhayli, al-Raudu l-unu] , vol. 4, p. 38 inf.-39. The Struggle Against Musaylima 13 another leader of the c.Amirb. Sa'sa'a, c.Amirb. al-Tufayl, came to the Prophet and stated that he would be prepared to embrace Islam if he would be granted prophet hood after Muhammad's death, given the right to collect the mirbii' (i.e., the fourth part of the spoils -k) and granted the authority to rule the Bedouin population, while the Prophet would be given authority over the sedentary population. One of the believers present said to him "(Even) if you ask the Prophet (only for) an unripe date (sayiiba) of the dates of Medina, the Prophet would refuse your request."42 The leaders of the Banu Hanifa met the Prophet at the beginning of his prophetic mission. The Prophet summoned them to convert to Islam, but their answer was the harshest he received from any Arab tribe.43 The Prophet's opinion of the Banii Hanifa was similarly harsh: "The most detestable tribal group in the opinion of the Prophet are the Banii ~anlfa."44 The Prophet considered Musaylima as one of the three false prophets whom he mentioned by name as those expected to appear before the Day of Judgement (the other two being al-Aswad aI-cAns! and al-Mukhtar). He is also reported to have said: "The worst tribes are the Banii Hanifa, the Banii Umayya and the Thaq!f.,,45 It may be stressed here that Musaylima never denied Muhammad's prophet hood but merely claimed that he was granted a share (ushriktu) in prophethood. Sometimes he announced that the revelation was brought to him directly from Heaven by the angel Jibril. Muslim tradition states that the ridda of Musaylima and of al-Aswad aI-cAns! was different from the ridda of the Arab idolaters who had converted to Islam, but later apostatized and returned to polytheism. Musaylima and al-Aswad aI-cAns! remained believers in one God, but made false claims concerning their prophetic mission.t'' In the exchange of letters between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima addresses the Prophet: rasiilu 42 Ahmad b. 'All al-Qashanf ibn Babah, Ra's miil al-nadfm, p. 147; and see a comprehensive description of this event in Diyarbakris' Ta'n"kh al-khamts , vol. 2, pp. 192-94; Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, pp. 109-16. 43 Al-Suhayli, al-Rau du l-unuj , vol. 4, p. 38: Ka'b b. Malik: inna rasiila lliihi (~) atii banf I}anfjata ff maniizilihim fa-da'iihum ilii /liihi wa-i arad a 'alayhim n ajsahu, fa-lam yakun ah adun min al-'arabi aqbal}a 'alayhi raddan minhum. 44 Al-Bukhart, Ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. no. 1004: abgharju I-al}yii'i ilii I-nabiyyi, ~al'am, banii I}anffa. 45 Al-Hakirn al-Naysaburi, al-Must adrak , vol. 4, pp. 480-81; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'ilu l-rasiil , p , 457. 46 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihiiya ff ghanai I-I}adfth, vol. 4, p. 187: ... wa-if I}adfthi 1ridda: wa-kafara man kafara mina I-'arab. a~l}iibu I-ridda kiinii ~infayni: ~infun irtaddii 'ani I-dfni wa-kiinii (ii'ifatayni: il}diihumii a~l}iibu musaylimata wa-I-aswadi I-'ansf lladhfna iimanii bi-nubuwwatihimii uia-l-ukhrii tii'ifatun irtaddii 'ani l-isliimi wa-' iidii ilii mii kiinii. 'alayhi if I-jiihiliyyati, wa-ha'ulii'i ittafaqat al-~al}iibatu 'alii qitiilihim wa-sabyihim ... thumma lam yanqarirj 'a~ru I-~al}iibati I}attii ajma'ii 'alii anna I-murtadda Iii yusbii. 14 M. 1. Kister lliihi, The Prophet addresses Musaylima: musaylima al-kadhdhiib.47 The phrases in the letter of Musaylima which form a clear declaration that the earth (i.e., by which term the territories of Yamama and the Muslim territory with the capital city of Medina are meant -k) forms an entity, half of which was allotted to Quraysh, while the other half was given to the Banii 1:£nifa , "but Quraysh are a people who exceed a their bounds." (fa-inna lana ni~fu l-ordi wa-li-qurayshin ni~fuha walakinnahum ya'tadiina). The Prophet vehemently rejected the idea of dividing the territories in question with Musaylima: by quoting Qur 'an 7:128 again (see above, note 42), he made it clear that any agreement with Musaylima was out of the question. Some sources date the exchange of the letters to a very late period of the life of the Prophet. According to the report of al- Ya'qiibi, Musaylima embraced Islam but changed his attitude and started his prophetic career claiming that he was Muhammad's partner in prophethood. At that time he wrote to the Prophet the letter quoted above and received the Prophet's response. It is evident that this report recorded by al-Ya'qubi and others is unreliable. Also misleading is al- Ya'qtibi's report saying that Musaylima was killed at the age of 150 years.48 A prelude to the Prophet's negotiations with Musaylima was the exchange of letters between the Prophet and Hawdha b. 'All, the leader of the Arab tribes in Yamama. The Prophet's efforts to convince Hawdha to embrace Islam were unsuccessful. The influential and respected leader was appointed by the Persian emperor in order to secure the passage of 47 See al-Khaz.in, Lubiiln: l-ta'wll, vol. 2, p. 53: min musaylimata rasiili ust« ilii mu~ammadin rasiili lloh», The answer of the Prophet: min mu~ammadin rasuli Uahi ilii musaylimata l-kcdh dhiib«, And see al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-t anzil, on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'w.l, for the same address and the same answers. The letter of Musaylima in Ibn Kathlr 's al-Sira al-nabawiyya vol. 4, p. 98 sup. reads: min musaylimata rasuli Uahi ila mu~ammadin rasuli /lahi, salamun 'alayna; amma bat du ja-innf qad ushrikiu if l-amri ma'aka, ja-inna lana nis]« l-amri wa-li-qurayshin nida l-amri wa-lakinna qurayshan qaumun ya'taduna. The text recorded in alTha'alibr's Thimiiru l-quliib, p. 148 differs in one phrase: wa-inna lana ni~ja l-argi wa-li-qurayshin nisjah a, See also Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-BayhaqI, al-Ma~asin wa-l-masawf, vol. 1, p. 49; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad, vol. 3, p. 31 inf.; Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajr, Nasfmu l-riyag, vol. 3, p. 170, vol. 2, p. 486; Ibn Kathtr, Sh anui'llu l-rasiil ; p. 387 inf.; Ibn KathIr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51, vol. 6, p. 341; al-Ansari, al-Mi~ba~ al-mugf, vol. 2, pp. 290-92; al-Maqrfzr, Imiiivu l-asma', vol. 1, pp. 508-09 ed. Shakir; al-Maqdisr, Kitab al-bad'i uia-l-ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. 161; 'Llmar b. Shabba al-Numayri, Ta'rikh al-madfna al-nunawwara, vol. 2, p. 572; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'ilu l-nubuunua ; vol. 5, p. 330; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~agarat al-udabii", vol. 4, p. 431,1. 3 from bottom; al-Saliht, Subulu l-huda uia-l-rashiid , vol. 6, p. 497; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 54b inf.-55a sup.; Ibn Sa'd , al-T'abaqat alkubrii , vol. 1, p. 273 (the messenger of the Prophet was 'Arnr b. Vmayya al-Damrt); al-Halabr, Insanu l-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253 inf.; al-Ya'qubr, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. 48 Al-Ya'qubt, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. It is likely that the letter was written in 9 A. H., according to the report by the early scholar 'Abd Allah b. AbI Zayd alQayrawanl. See his ai-Jami': p. 295. The Struggle Against Musaylima 15 Persian caravans from Yarnarna to Najran. He was respected by the tribes to such an extent that it was enough to put the name "Hawdha" on the flags of the caravans in order to ensure their safe passage. Our sources indicate that Hawdha possessed the qualities necessary for a tribal leader in the Arabian peninsula: he was described as being the poet of his people, their orator and an awe-inspiring person (anii shiiiiru qaumi wa khaiibuhum wa-l-'arabu iahiibu maqiiml).49 Hawdha was given by the Persian ruler a cap (qalansuwa) worn under the turban (' imiima) as a reward for his faithful service to the Persian sovereign; the cap embedded with jewels was worth 30,000 dirharns.P? Nevertheless, to call him "the king of the Arabs" was an exaggeration. 51 The Prophet sent his emmisary Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha, who entertained him in a friendly manner and granted him valuable gifts before his departure. Hawdha's answer to the Prophet's letter was kind: he praised the gentle words of the Prophet, and remarked that if the Prophet granted him a part of his authority before his death, he (i.e., Hawdha) would embrace Islam and would come to his aid. The Prophet considered his answer unsatisfactory; he rejected his stipulation of inheriting his authority and invoked God to free him from Hawdha. Hawdha died a short time after the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet.V Al- Waqidi mentions a conversation between Hawdha and a chief (urkiin) from Damascus. The urkiin blamed Hawdha for not answering a letter from the Prophet; the Prophet is mentioned in the Injil and is described in this book as "the prophet of the Arabs." Hawdha's conversion to Islam could have strengthened his position as governor of Yamama.53 Some reports say that the Prophet sent Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha and to Thumama b. Uthal, "the two heads of Yamarna" (ra'fsii l-yamiima). He sent him on this mission in the year 6 or 7 A.H.54 Ibn Sa'd, al=Tnbaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, p. 262. See al-Kalbi, Nasab ma'add, vol. 1, p. 63; idem, Jamharat al-nasab, p. 539; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, p. 348 sup.; Lisiin al-t arab, s.v. hwdh. 51 See the critical observations of al-Hilli in his al-Maniiqibu 'I-mazyadiyya, pp. 53-5: .. , innamii kiinat kh araziitun lahu ta'ammama 'alayhii [a-mudih a bi-dhiilika 'alii madhhabi l-sh ut arii' /ll-tawassu'i if l-qauli wa-tajawwuzihim if I-mad~i wa-I-~iiati wa-Ihijii'i uia-l-t ashbihi .... See also M. J. Kister, "The Crowns of This Community," JSAI 24(2000): 217-45. 52 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyunu I-athar, vol. 2, pp. 269-70; al-Baladhurr, Futiih u 1buldiin, pp. 118-19. 53 Ibid.; and see about the letter of the Prophet to Hawdha: Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusT, Nashwat al-Iarab, vol. 2, p. 631; al-MaqrTzT, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 1, p. 309. 54 Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalanf, al-Lsiiba, vol. 3, p. 162, no. 3424; al-Mawsilt, al- Wasfla, vol. 4, p. 2, 115; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'iib, vol. 2, p. 645, no. 1040; al-'AwtabT, al-Ansiib, vol. 1, p. 157; and see Muhammad b. 'AIT b. Ahmad bv Hudayda al-Ansarf, al-Mi~bii~ al-mur;Iiyy, vol. 1, p. 214. 49 50 16 M. 1. Kister According to Watt, Hawdha was apparently a Christian. He began negotiations with Muhammad, but had not become a Muslim by the time of his death in 630 A.D.55 According to a report recorded by Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Himyari, Hawdha died as a Christian in 8 A.H.56 VI The Prophet's meetings with Musaylima took place in Medina. One of the earliest meetings took place in a grove of palm trees. According to an early tradition transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, Musaylima arrived in Medina with a great military force (qadima fi jayshin 'a~lm) and alighted in a plantation of palm trees belonging to the daughter of al-Harith (nazala fi nakhli ibnati l-~arith).57 When the Prophet heard the news about the arrival of Musaylima with his convoy and his alighting in the "court of the daughter of alHarith" 58 he went out with Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas't? to meet him. It should be stressed that the Prophet went out to meet Musaylima because he was eager to convince him and his people to embrace Islam.P" When Musaylima asked the Prophet to grant him a share in prophethood, the Prophet flatly refused. Musaylima's attempt to thwart the prophetic mission of Muhammad was referred to in a dream seen by Muhammad. Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas was left with Musaylima in order to explain to him the content of the dream and its meaning: the Prophet only remarked that one of the persons whom he saw in the dream was Musaylima. Thabit b. Qays explained to Musaylima that the Prophet saw in his dream two golden bracelets pressing on his arms. Allah revealed to him that the two golden bracelets symbolised the efforts of the two false prophets, al-Aswad al'AnsI and Musaylima, to curb his activities. The Prophet was ordered See E12, s.v. Hanifa b. Ludjaym (W. Montgomery Watt). Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-HimyarI, Kitab al-rauidi I-mi'tar jf khabari I-aqtar, p. 412. 57 In some sources this text is corrupt and reads nazala /f nakhli abfhi al-Hiiriin», See al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, Juz", fol. 5a, penult.: ... anna musaylimata qadima /f jayshin 'a,..min ~atta nazala /f nakhli abfhi I-~arithi bi-na~iyati I-mad.nati ... ; and so in the printed edition of Jus' al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, p. 1251. 3, no. 38. This reading is erroneous: the name of Musaylima's father was not al-Harith; his father had no plantations of palm trees in Medina, nor had Musaylima any plantations there. 58 See Ibn Shabba, Ta'rikh al-madlna al-munawwara, vol. 2, p. 527, notes 4-5. The grove belonged to a woman of the Ansar, See the correction of this error by the editors of al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni hisham, vol. 3, p. 251, note 2; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, • Uyiinu 1-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. 59 See on him al-Maqdisl, al-Lstibsiir , pp. 117-19. 60 See e.g., al-Zurqanr, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, p. 22 inf.; ... [aaqbala ~alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam ta'il/an lahu wa-li-qaumihi raja'a islamihim wali-yublighahu ma unzila ilayhi. 55 56 The Struggle Against Musaylima 17 to destroy the two bracelets; when he destroyed them, he was no longer under their pressure. Before his death, the Prophet told his daughter Fatima about this dream and its interpretation.P! The next meeting of the Prophet with Musaylima took place in connection with the arrival of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa in Medina. The delegation came with Musaylima, who was veiled, clad in clothes which concealed him and entered the room of the Prophet. This kind of attire indicates the respect in which Musaylima was held: spiritual leaders of a tribe (kahins), soothsayers and "holy persons" 62 were clothed in this fashion. 'All b. Burhan aI-DIn al-Halabi, the author of the Sira ~alabiyya, assumes that Musaylima came to Medina twice to meet the Prophet. When he came for the first time, he was accompanied by a large number of men who came with him to protect him, because he was a "follower" (tabi'), in need of protection. But when he came the second time, he was in a position of leadership (kana matbu'an). His people covered him with clothes as a status symbol (... uia-hiidhii, ay satruhu bi-l-thiuiibi, huuia l-muniisibu li-kaunihi matbu'an).63 The difference between these two meetings is stressed by al- 'Aynl in his' Umdat al-qiiri', 64 Musaylima took care of the luggage of the delegation of the Banii Hanifa and, out of pride and insolence, refused to enter the room in which the Prophet entertained its members. The Prophet acted with magnanimity: he stated that Musaylima, the luggage keeper of the delegation was not the worst of them, and ordered to grant him five ounces of silver, the same gift given to other members of the delegation.P These actions of the 610n this dream, see Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. fol. 54b, sup.; Ibn Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-3, 575; al-Suyutr, al-Khafa'i~u 1kubra, vol. 2, p. 147; al-Zurqanr, Sharl}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 22-3, vol. 7, p. 179 inf.-181; Ibn Kathtr, Shama'ilu l-rasiil, p. 387; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 246; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf, Fatl} al-biiri, vol. 8, p. 72 inf.; alTabart, Jiimi' al-bayan, Shakir, ed., vol. 11, pp. 535~; Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu'ta~ar, vol, 1, pp. 224-25; al-Diyarbakrf, To'rikb. al-khomis , vol. 2, p. 157; al-Bukharr, $al}fl}, vol. 5, p. 216; Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Stra al-I}alabiyya, vol. 3, p. 253; al- Tha'alibi, Thimiiru l-quliib, pp. 147-148; Ibn l;Iubaysh, Ghazawat, vol. 1, p. 51; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafa bi-al}wali I-mu~tafii, p. 764; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiYlla, vol. 4, p. 93 inf.-95; al-Khazin, Lubabu I-ta'wil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-Baghawf, Ma'alimu I-tanzil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 24; Ibn al-Athir alJazarf, Jiimi' al-usiil, vol. 12, p. 375, no. 9480. al-Maqrfzf, Imta'u l-asmii'; vol. 14, pp. 229, 524-5, 532-3; Isma'Il b. Muhammed al-Isfahanr, Kiiiib dala'ili I-nubuwwati, pp. 97-98, no. 93. 62 See, e.g., U. Rubin, "The Shrouded Messenger. On the interpretation of almuzzammil and al-muddaththir," JSAI 16{1993}: 96-107. 63 Al-Halabl, Insiir: al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253. 64 Al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 231. 5 from bottom. 65al-l;IalabT, Insan al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 252, inf.: al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-garf', vol. 18, p. 23; cf. Ibn Kathtr , al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 99 inf.; al-Diyarbakrr, Ta'rikh. al-khnmis , vol. 2, p. 194; 18 M. J. Kister Prophet enabled Musaylima to deduce falsely that Muhammad declared that he considered him as his partner in prophet hood ("he is not the worst among you"). According to another version, the Prophet did speak with the "veiled" Musaylima and heard his requests; the Prophet stated that even if he asked only for a splinter of the palm tree branch which he held in his hand, he would refuse his request.P" The delegation of the Banu Hanifa reverted to the faith of Musaylima.P" It may be mentioned that the Prophet used to meet the emissaries of Musaylima who came to Medina in the presence of his Companions. When these emissaries declared both Muhammad and Musaylima prophets sent by God to their respective peoples, the Muslim believers tried to attack them. The Prophet restrained the believers, stating that messengers are to be protected against any act of violence.P" Some commentators of the Qur'an state that this statement of the Prophet is based on Qur'an 9:6: "... and if anyone of the idolaters ask protection of thee, grant him protection so that he may hear the word of Allah; then convey him to his place of security. That is because they are a people who have no knowledge.l'P'' 'Uyiinu l-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. Shar~ al-mawahibi I-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24, inf.: ... wa-~arra~a bi-~a4rati qaumihi annahu lau sa'alahu I-qit'ata mina l-jarfdi ma a'tahu ... wayu~tamalu an yakiina musaylimatu qadima marratayni, al-iila kana tabi'an wakana ra'sa banI ~anlfata ghayruhu wa-li-hadha aqiima jI ~if:?i ri~alihim wa-marratan matbii'an wa-ffha khiit abah u I-nabiyyu ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam. However, alZurqani doubts whether this description of Musaylima's visits to Medina and about his status (al-tabi' and al-matbii') is sound. Wa-hadha ba'fdun jiddan, says alZurqanl: fa-qad qiila huwa, a'nf I-~afi?a, wa-hadha ya'nf ~adftha bni is~aqa ma' a shudhiidhihi 4a'fju I-sanadi li-inqita'ihi; wa-amru musaylimata kana 'inda qaumihi akbara min dhiilika fa-qad kana yuqalu ltihu ra~manu I-yamiima li-'i?ami qadrihi ffhim. fa-man yakiinu maqamuhu 'inda qaumihi akbara min da'wii I-nubuwwati yab'udu kulla I-bu'di an yakiina tabi'an; [a-l-nuilii qauluhu "aw al-qis s atu wii~idatun" Ii-annahu l-aslu. "wa-kiinat iqiimatuhu ff ri~iilihim bi- 'khtiyiirihi anafatan minhu wa'stikbiiran an ya~4ura majlisa I-nabiyyi ~allii lIahu 'alayhi wa-sallama wa-'amalahu 'alayhi l-s aliitu um-l-s aliirrui mu'amalata I-karami 'alii 'iidatihi ff l-isti'liifi, [a-qiila li-qaumihi, laysa bi-sharrikum ay makanan li-kaunihi kiina yaMa?u ri~iilahum waariida isti'lafahu bi-I-i~siini bi-I-qauli (I-madkhiiri) wa-l-fi'li, [iaythu a'tiihu mithla ma alta qaumahu, fa-Iammii lam yufid fl musaylimata tawajjaha bi-nafsihi ilayhi 67 See al-Zurqarn, 68 See, e. g., Ibn al-Athtr, Jami'u I-u~iil, vol. 12, p. 377, no. 4981: when the Prophet read the letter of Musaylima handed to him by his two messengers, he stated, "By God, were it not that the messengers should not be killed, I would strike your necks" (ama wa-llahi lau anna I-rusula Iii tuqtalu la-4arabtu a'niiqakuma). 69 See Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, pp. 366-7. The Prophet uttered this statement in connection with the emissaries of Quraysh who came to the Prophet to arrange the pact of Hudaybiyya, which Quraysh are said to have violated after a short time. The Prophet uttered this statement again when the messengers of Musaylima arrived in Medina. One of them, Ibn al-Nawwaha, attested in the Prophet's presence that Musaylima was a Messenger of Allah. The Prophet did not punish him, but when 66 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, The Struggle Against Musaylima 19 The story about the sectarian group of Ibn al-Nawwaha, the former emissary of Musaylima, who refused to acknowledge the exclusive prophethood of Muhammad and insisted that Musaylima was also a prophet is a test case for the Muslim attitude towards the emissaries of unbelievers. When Ibn al-Nawwaha and Ibn Uthal, the messengers of Musaylima, were asked by the Prophet whether they attest to his prophethood, they asked him in turn whether he attested to the prophet hood of Musaylima. The Prophet released the two messengers of Musaylima because of their immunity.I? 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud asked Ibn al-Nawwaha: "Is there a book added to the Book of God and a messenger after the Messenger of God?" 71 The execution of Ibn al-Nawwaha, while other adherents of Musaylima were pardoned and later accepted into the Muslim community, is explained by al-Jassas as follows: most believers of Musaylima repented and became faithful Muslims, while Ibn al-Nawwaha admitted that he merely feigned belief in order to save his life (... ayna ma kunia tuzhiru mina l-isliimi? qiila: kuntu atiaqikum bihi). Scholars who assume that the repentance of a zindiq has to be rejected, quote the case of Ibn alNawwaha, who kept his unbelief secret and pretended to be a believer, by way of taqiyya. Ibn Nawwaha's execution took place in the presence of some of the Prophet's Companions. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud informed the Caliph 'Uthman about the capture of Musaylima's followers; the Caliph ordered him to call them to Islam and to pronounce the shahiida, Those who fulfilled the order were to be pardoned; those who remained loyal to Ibn al-Nawwaha persisted in his disbelief after the death of the Prophet, circulating the tenets of Musaylima's faith, he was caught in Kiifa by Ibn Mas'ud who did not hesitate to decapitate him. Cf. Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu't as ar mina l-mukhias ar, vol. 1, p. 225 inf.-225 sup.; and see Ibn KathIr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 52; al-BayhaqI, Dalii'ilu I-nubuwwa, vol. 5, p. 332 (see ibid. the remark of 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: [a-mad at sunnatun anna l-rusula lii-tuqtalu); al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayiin vol. 14, pp. 138-40; al-~ali\:lI, Subul al-hudii, vol. 6, p. 497; al-Tabaranr, alMu'jam al-k abir , vol. 9, pp, 218-20, nos. 8956~0: a mosque in which the followers of Musaylirna used to perform their prayers was destroyed in Kufa during 'Abdallah b. Mas'ucl's governorship of the city. The followers of Musaylima praying in this mosque were heard to read verses included in Musaylima's Qur'an: al-tii~iniiti tabnan, al-'iijiniiti 'ajnan, al-khiibiziiti khubean, al-liiqimiiti laqman .... Ibn Mas'nd ordered to decapitate Ibn al-Nawwaha in the market of Kufa. The rest of the congregation of Musaylirna (some seventy persons) were sent to Syria in the hope that they would repent or perish in a plague. In one of the reports, Ibn Mas'ud ordered to throw the head of Ibn Nawwaha into the bosom of his mother (no. 8960); cf. this report in al-Shashr, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 181, no. 746; al-Haythamf, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 6, pp. 262~2. 70 See al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 182, no. 748; and see the report in al- Ta\:lawI, Shar~ ma'iinf l-iitliiir , vol. 3, p. 213; Cf. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iithiir , Hyderabad 1333, repr. Beirut, vol , 4, pp. 61-62; al-Bayhaqf, al-Sunan al-kubrii , vol. 8, p. 206. 71 Al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, pp, 181-2, no. 747. [The question a-kitiibun ba'da kitiibi lliihi? is often asked in connection with some compendia of ~adfth.l 20 M. J. Kister the tenets of Musaylima were to be executed.P 'Uthmau's letter is preserved in 'Abdallah b. Wahb's Juz", excerpted from his MuwaHa': "Some of the people accepted the terms and renounced belief in Musaylima, while others persevered in it, and were executed."13 The Prophet adhered to the sunna established by him as an interpretation of Qur'an 9:6. Medina became a center for persons eager to understand the tenets of the new religion and to join the Muslim community. Some of them returned to Yamama, remained there as cryptoMuslims, clandestinely disseminating Islamic beliefs. Among these proselytes were some former adherents of Musaylima sent to Medina in order to deepen their knowledge of the Qur'an. They were then expected to return to Musaylima, informing him about divine revelations and the sunan which the Prophet practiced. Thus Musaylima got trustworthy information about the utterances of the Prophet concerning Musaylima's prophethood and his claims of sharing prophet hood with Muhammad. Muhammad honored his obligation not to harm the messengers of the unbelievers, in spite of the fact that Musaylima ordered to kill some of the Prophet's messengers.I" In some instances, this policy caused him bitter disappointment. Such was the case of al-Rabhal (or al-Rajjal -k) b. 'Unfuwa. He came to Medina as a member of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa. This delegation also included Mujja'a b. Murara, and Muhakkim b. al-Tufayl.I'' Al-Rahhal became a keen student of the Qur'an. After some time, the Prophet saw him in the company of some veteran Companions, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan. He said: "A molar tooth of one of you in Hell will be as big as the mountain of Uhud." Abu Hurayra became sad; he was concerned about the identity of the person referred to in this utterance. Later, al-Hahhal disappeared from Medina. When the news about his apostasy and his activity in support of Musaylima and about his attestation that the Prophet granted Musaylima a part (ashrakabu) of prophet hood came to be known, Abu Hurayra sighed with relief. He realized that the tradition referred to alRahhal, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan were thus free from the fear AQkamu I-qur'an, vol. 2, pp. 287-288. b. Wahb, al-MuwaHa', Juz", MS. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 56b. 74 See e.g., on Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im: KhalTfa b. Khayya~, Ta'n'kh, p. 63 (the text reads Khabib b. Zayd). See a report recorded by WathTma in his Kitab al-ridda: Habib b. 'Abdallah al-Ansarf was sent by Abu Bah to Musaylima and to the Banu Hantfa summoning them to return to Islam; he read the letter of Abu Bah and admonished them in an eloquent (balfgh) way and was killed by Musaylima. See the report in Ibn Hajar's al-Lsiiba , vol. 2, p. 21, no. 1590, but the author assumes that the report may refer to Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im, as recorded ibid., p. 19, no. 1586. Cf. alMaqdisT, al-Lstibsor , pp. 81-82, where Habib b. Zayd is mentioned as the messenger killed by Musaylima. 75 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a.tnr s», pp. 551-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, vol. 2, pp. 539-40, no. 2763. 73 'Abdallah 72 AI-Ja~~~, The Struggle Against Musaylima 21 ofhelI.16 Al-Hahhal not only stated that the Prophet granted Musaylima a share in prophethood, but also transmitted to him those parts of the Qur'an which he kept in memory. Musaylima memorized the passages, claimed falsely that they were revealed to him and recited them as a part of his own revelation.?" VII During the last years before the Prophet's death, Musaylima made great efforts to establish a socio-religious order, based on the cooperation of the different groups of the people of Yamama with tribes who immigrated to Yamarna and settled there. Musaylima decided to build a haram in which certain settlements of these immigrants were included. They were settled in small rural communities, named "hamlets of the allies" (qurii al-a~iilif). These hamlets were populated by the Banii Usayyid, a small branch of Tamim. Small units of the Banu Usayyid were incorporated in the haram (!a-waqa'a fi dhiilika l-harami qurd l-a~iilz/, afkhiidh min bani usayyid kiinat dtiruhum bi-l-yamiima, [a-sara makiinu diirihim fi l-~arami) .78 The newly established haram of Yamarna cannot be compared with the haram of Mecca. The tribes chosen by Quraysh as keepers and guardians of the Meccan haram were selected in order to choose the best of them for intermarriage with the population of Mecca, the Quraysh. The independent tribal formations (laqii~) did not serve the kings of the Arabian peninsula. The merchants of Mecca who traded in Syria used to conduct transactions with the heads of the tribal leaders on their way, granting them a certain share in their profits. Furthermore, Mecca ceded the right to provide certain services during the ~ajj to the traditional leaders of the tribal divisions. The nobles of Mecca meted out justice to the pilgrims of the city and to merchants who came to Mecca to ply their trade. Theft of gifts brought for the Ka'ba was rare and was severely punished. Injustice and fraud towards pilgrims and merchants were publiclg denounced in Mecca. According to Muslim descriptions, the haram of Musaylima did not fulfill its desired goal of eradicating iniquity and extending help to the weak and the oppressed. "Musaylima tried to gain the sympathy of all his followers, agreed with their views and did not care if someone noticed 76 Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jr akhbiiri l-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, pp. 149-225, esp. pp. 195-225; p. 197, no. 48 and p. 198 no. 50. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 85a; and Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, pp. 52-3, where the verses of Ibn 'Umayr al-Yashkurr about al-Rahhal and Muhakkim b. Tufayl are quoted. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, al-T'abaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 316-17. 77 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51. 78 Tabarr, Ta'n"kh, vol. 3, p. 288. 22 M. J. Kister any of his vices.,,79 The Meccans did their best to curb the transgressors, the thiefs and those who cheated pilgrims and merchants; they acted according to the injunctions of the dar al-nadwa elders. In contradistinction, the people of Yamama were helpless in their complaints against the guardians of the haram, the Banu Usayyid, who used to plunder the peasants' crops and then would find refuge in the haram, Sometimes the farmers were warned and tried to apprehend the culprits, but they managed to escape into the horam; where they could remain in safety. The people complained to Musaylima who promised "to get an answer from Heaven" concerning their case. Musaylima indeed received an answer and read it loudly, probably as a verse of his Qur'an: "I swear by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate (the sanctity of -k) the harem:" The people complained again and Musaylima again asked for a heavenly ruling. The verdict was read loudly once more by Musaylima: "I swear by the dark night, by the wolf who treads softly the ground, Usayyid did not cut neither fresh nor dry."so The people wronged by the attack of the Usayyid on their palm trees could only remark with bitterness: "The Usayyid did cut the fresh fruit of the palms and broke down the dry fences." Musaylima answered harshly: "Go away and come back, you are not right."s1 A verse of Musaylima's Qur'an, read before the people of Yamama, is indicative of his views: "Go! The Banu Tamim are a pure and independent people (laqa/;l), no affliction should meet them, nor should they be put under taxation; we shall live in their neighborhood, acting with kindness, we shall defend them against every person; at our death their fate (amruhum) will be determined by God."s2 This declaration of Musaylima reflects of his attitude towards the Usayyid, the Tamimi keepers of the Yarnama horam, It also serves as an attempt to establish friendly relations with the tribal groups of Tamirn, who dwelled near Yamama. VIII The death of the Prophet in 632 A.D. raised many hopes in the community of Musaylima who now considered himself the sole prophet receiving 79 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: wa-kiina musaylimatu yu~iini' kulla a~adin mimman ittaba'ahu, wa-yutiibi'uhu 'alii ra'yihi wa-lii yubiil, an yaHali'a 1niisu minhu 'alii qabi~in. 80 AI-NuwayrT, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, pp. 86-87; al-Baqillant, I'jiizu l-qur'iin, pp, 156-157. 81 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 87; cf. Tabarr, Ta'n1:h, vol. 3', p. 287. 82 Tabarr, Ta'rikb. vol. 3, pp. 283-284. . .. wa-kana Jlma yaqra'u lahum Jlhim: inna banI tamlmin qawmun tuhrun laqii~un Iii makriiha 'alayhim wa-lii itawatun, nujawiruhum ma ~ay,na bi-i~san, namna'uhum min kulli insan Ja-idha mutnii [aamruhum ilii I-ra~man. The Struggle Against Musaylima divine revelation. to have said: 23 is reported In a verse attributed to him, Musaylima o you, take the tambourine of this prophet. and play, and proclaim the merits and rose up Passed away the prophet of the Banu Hashim, the prophet of the Banii Ya'rub. khudhi l-duffa, yii hiidhihi, wa-l'abl uia-buththi mahiisina hiidhii l-nabi tawallii nabiyyu bani hiishimin wa-qiima nabiyyu bani ya'rub!.83 Musaylima's adherents increased and his prestige and authority grew.84 The quiet situation in Yamama after the Prophet's death, Musaylima's claim to prophet hood which now became exclusive, his ambitious plan to set up a huge haratti defended by special guards of the laqii~ (which indeed succeeded for a short period) - all this inspired a feeling of selfconfidence and security and generated hopes of long-lasting tranquility and peace. However, Musaylima's confidence was shaken by the information that Abu Bakr was preparing to attack Yamarna and sent a Muslim force under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl to support Thurnama b. Uthal, Musaylima's enemy. Another dangerous event, unexpected by Musaylima, was the activity of Sajah bint Aus b. Hiqq b. Usama.85 Sajah was a former soothsayer, who claimed to have received revelation from Heaven as a prophetess of the Banu Yarbii' who were part of Tamirn. She and her family dwelt in Mesopotamia (al-jazlra); her father was a Tarnimi, and her mother belonged to the Christian tribe of Taghlib. Sajah is said to have been well-versed in the tenets of Christianity. Presenting her words as a divine revelation, she addressed her adherents saying: "0 you Godfearing believers, half of the Earth belongs to us. The other half belongs to Quraysh, but Quraysh are transgressors.v'" The reader will recall that Musaylima claimed to have received a revelation containing the idea of dividing territory between Banu Hanifa and Quraysh, but the 83 See Ibn Kathir, al-Bidau« wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, p. 341 inf. Musaylima claimed that the verses were revealed to him from Heaven. 84 See al-Nuwayri, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: ... wa-qubi4a rasulu lliihi (~al'am) wa-I-amru 'ala dhiilika, fa-qawiyat sh aukatu musaylimata wa-'shtadda amruhu wa-kathurat [umiii uhu, 85 So recorded in Ibn al-Kalbr's Jamharat al-nasab, p. 221; al-MaqrizT, Imta'u 1nsma', vol. 14, p. 241: Sajal:J bint al-Harith b. Suwayd b. 'Uqfan: Abu 'Ubayd ul-Qasim b. Sallam , Kitab al-nasab, p. 236: Sajal:J bint Aus. AI-Tha'alibi, Thimiiru /.qu/ub, p. 315, no. 474: Sajah bint 'Uqfan, 86 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanr, Kitiib al-aqhiini; vol. 18, pp, 166, ll. 1-2. 24 M. J. Kister Prophet had firmly rejected any such offer. In his negotiations with Sajah, Musaylima made a similar offer: half of the Earth belongs to the Banii Hanifa; the other half would have belonged to Quraysh, if they had acted justly; now God granted to Sajah that half of the Earth which Quraysh had to return because of their unjust behavior (... [a-qiila musaylimatu lanii ni~fu l-ardi, uia-kiina li-qurayshin ni~fuhii lau 'adalat, wa-qad radda lliihu 'alayki l-nisja lladhZ raddat quraysh.).87 In order to strengthen her position, Sajal; stated that God never bestowed prophecy on Habi'a (i.e., the Banii Hanifa -k), but only on MU9ar88 to which she belonged.P" It is therefore plausible that God granted her revelation and entrusted her with a prophetic mission. Her first step was to ask Malik b. Nuwayra, whom the Prophet nominated as head ('amid) of the Banii Yarbii' (a subsection of Tamim] to establish peaceful relations with her. Malik b. Nuwayra agreed and asked her to refrain from raiding tribal groups of Tamim, Sajah's raids on other tribal groups in the Arabian peninsula continued unabated. On this occasion, Sajah clearly defined her position as a woman (and probably also as a prophetess -k): "I am merely a woman from the Banii Yarbu"; if there will be authority (and possessions -k), it will be your authority and possession (fa-innl innama anii 'mra'atun min bani yarbu' wa-in kiina mulk [a-l-mulku mulkukum).9o Several leaders of Tarnimi tribal sections joined her and assisted her in her plans. The famous leader of Tamim, Qays b. 'A~im, the sagacious Tamiml chief al-Ahnaf b. Qays and the Ghudani fighter Haritha b. Badr"! were her followers; Shabath b. Rib'i92 was her mu'adhdhin. The force of SajaJ:t, strengthened by new supporters, was ordered to attack certain tribal groups linked with Tamimi sections, but was defeated. Following this failure, she decided to march against Yarnama. Her decision was accompanied by the rousing battle cry: 'alaykum bi-I-yamiima, ruifii [ilayhii) rafifa l-hamiima, fa-innahii ghazwatun ~ariima, Iii ialhaqukum ba'dahii maliima" 93 See al-Maqrlzf, Imtii'u I-a&mii', vol. 14, p. 241inf. Abu I-Faraj al-Isfahani, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 ll. 5-6: ... inn a lltih« lam yaj'al hiidhii I-amra jf rabi' ata, innamii ja'alahu Jf mudar . 89 The tribe of Tarnlm to which Sajal:t belonged is part of MUI;\ar. 90 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahant, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 inf; al-Tabart, Ta'n"kh vol. 3, p. p. 269. 91 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba; vol. 2, p. 161, no. 1939. 92 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiib«, vol. 3, p. 376, no. 3959. 93 For other versions of the "call of Sajal:t," see Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib alAghiinf vol. 18, p. 166: yii ma'shara tamfmin: iq~idil I-yamiima, Ja-4ribii jfhii kulla hiima, ~atta tatruktihii saudii'a ka-I-~amiima. Cf. the faulty text in al-MaqrizI's Imtii'u I-asmii' vol. 14, p. 241 inf. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, 87 88 The Struggle Against Musaylima 25 During the speedy advance of her forces in the direction of Yamama, Sajah received the surprising news of Musaylima's offer to give her a share in the "God's Earth" and to recognize her prophethood. On the face of it, the offer was exceedingly generous and it can be understood only if we take Musaylima's military situation at that time into consideration. His situation is well described by Ibn Junghul. When Musaylima heard the news about the march of Sajah's force, he feared for his country because he was busy fighting Thumama b. Uthal whose force was supported by a detachment of Muslim soldiers under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jah!. His garrison was in the territority of Thumarna. The Muslim soldiers commanded by 'Ikrima expected the arrival of the huge force commanded by Khalid b. al-WalId.94 Even in this situation, Musaylima fostered the hope that the united forces of Hanifa and Tamim would jointly be able to "devour" the Arab tribes.95 Having learned about Musaylima's offer, Sajal; hastened to meet him. When she arrived, they entered a tent prepared for them (and probably for a group of their supporters -k). Musaylima delivered a sermon in which he invoked God "to hear (the prayers) of those who obey (Him) and to enable those who strive to attain their (lofty -k) aspirations and ., . May your Lord watch you and bless you and free you from gloom. On the Day of Resurrection, may He save you and resurrect you. We must perform the prayers of the righteous, not of the wretched and not of the wrongdoers, (but of those who) are awake during the nights and fast during the days for the sake of their great God, the God of the clouds and of the rain.,,96 The pact concluded between Musaylima and Saja}:l during their meeting gave Sajah the crops of Yamarna for one year. But she could get only half of the crops immediately; the other part had to be sent to her later by her representatives in Yarnama.P" n. 10-12. See Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83a: ... [a-lammii sami'a bi-sayriha ilayhi khafaha 'ala biliidihi, wa-dhiilika annahu mashghulun bi-qitali thumama b. uthiil, wa-qad sa'adahu 'ikrima b. abi jahl bi-junudi l-muslimlna wa-hum naziluna bi-ba't/i biladihi yanta?iruna qudiima khiilid, See al-Sharfshf, Shar~ maqamat al-Eariri , vol. 4, p. 36, 22-15-16: ... wa-balagha musaylimata kh abaruhii biha wa khafa in huuia shughila biha ghalabahu thumamatu bnu uthiilin wa-shura~bilu 'ala ~ajri l-yamamati idh humii min qibali abi bakrin (rat/iya lliih u 'anhu) [a-arsala ilayha yasta'minuha 'alii nafsihi .... 95 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib al-aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166: ., .fa-man 'arafa l-lyaqqa tabi' ahu, wa- 'jtama'na [a-akalnii 1-'araba aklan bi-qaumf wa-qaumiki, [a-bo' athat ilayhi: af i alu, 96 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 272; al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 78; Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidaua uia-l-nihiiua, vol. 6, p. 320; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, inf. 97 See, e.g., al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 80, ll. 8-10. 94 26 M. J. Kister The solemn speech of Musaylima while concluding the agreement with Sajah is followed by a short saj' passage in which Musaylima praised the virtues of his community, emphasizing that they do not engage in sexual relations, nor do they drink wine. They fast one day and are burdened (with practicing religious duties -k) on the other. "Glory be to God; when resurrection comes, how will you live and how will you go up to the kingdom of Heaven? On every grain of mustard, there will be a witness who knows the secrets of the hearts. Indeed, most people will perish."98 The rigid prescriptions concerning the tenets of the religion of Musaylima seem to have been observed by his supporters. It is thus of some interest that certain pious supporters of Musaylima complained of his opportunism in his relations with the Bedouins who embraced his belief. According to a report recorded in al-Qashani'a Ra:» mal altuulim, the Bedouins haughtily rejected the bending and prostration during prayers.P'' Musaylima, says a report in al-Tabarf's Ta'rikh, used to tempt anyone and to bribe him in order to gain his sympathy (wa-kana musaylimatu yu~ani'u kulla a~adin), not paying any attention to the fact that people may censure this behavior as improper and reproachable. 100 The commentator of Qa~fdat Nasliuiiin b. Sa'fd al-,lfimyarfmentions that Musaylima used to say when leading Bedouins in prayer, "What is the will of Allah by raising your buttocks and by your prostation on your foreheads? Pray standing upright, in a noble posture. Allah is great." 101 Some medieval Muslim scholars attributed the censure of prostration and bending to Tulayha b. Khuwaylid, also considered a false prophet by Muslim tradition. Tulayha is reported to have said: "What is it to God that you make your cheeks dusty and that you spread your buttocks? Pronounce God's name in a modest posture, standing upright. Allah is great." (ma ya!, alu Allah bi-ta'firi khudiidikum wa-fat~i adbarikum? udhkurii Allah a'iffatan qiyaman). AI-Harlinl who records this speech of Tulayha mentions some Qur'anic expressions borrowed by Tulayha in this speech.102 An additional injunction of Musaylima refers to the marital life of his believers: the husband was instructed to have sexual relations with his wife only until a male child was born; once this happened, he was obliged to desist from any sexual activity. Only in the case of the male child's vol. 3, p. 272 infra. al-'arabu ta'nafu min al-ruku'i wa-tusammfhi al-ta~niya. 100 Tabarr, Ta'rikh, vol. 3, p. 282, in£. 101 Nashwan b. Sa'Id al-Himyarf, Muluk ~imyar wa-aqyiilu I-yaman, wa shar~uhii, Khulii~atu I-~urati I-jiimi'a li-'ajii'ibi akhbiiri I-mulilki I-tabiibi'a, eds., 'All b. Isma'Il al-Mu'ayyad and Isma'Tl b. Ahmad al-Jarafi, Cairo 1378 A. H., p. 176. 102 Al-Harunt, Ithbiit nubuwwati I-nabf, pp, 39-40. And see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jf akhbiiri I-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, p. 167, no. 15. See also "Tulayha b. Khuwaylid," EI2, s. v. (Ella Landau- Tasseron). 99 P. 147,1. 17: wa-kiinat 98 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh, The Struggle Against Musaylima 27 death, the father was allowed to resume his conjugal activity until the birth of a new male child.103 In contradistinction to the injunctions of the Prophet who forbade celibacy (rahbiiniyya) and ordered the Muslims to lead full marital lives.U'f Musaylima encouraged extreme asceticism. The reports about the behavior of his followers, the ascetic trends in their society, the rigorous injunctions concerning marital life, the stories about people who refrained from drinking wine, the stories about people who fasted frequently - all these accounts seem to be reliable. On the other hand, the obscene verses attributed to Musaylima and enthusiastically received by Sajah, the vulgar anecdotes about Sajah - these seem to have been forged by the enemies of Musaylima and Sajal,t with the intention of slandering them. Some Muslim sources refrained from quoting this material. 105 IX The idea of Islamic expansion started to mature when the Prophet migrated to Medina. The principle of the superiority ofIslam over any other belief and the superiority ofIslamic authority became cardinal principles of the new faith. The existence of any belief or practice in Islam is said to have been accepted only on condition of the Prophet's approval. The Prophet gradually became the fully acknowledged and revered leader of the nascent Muslim community. The Muslim community grew and the borders of the Muslim state gradually expanded. Mecca and Medina became cities in which only Muslims were allowed to dwell. Idolaters Al-Tabart, Tarikh , vol. 3, p. 272 ult. See, e. g., al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fii'vq ff gharibi l-hadith , vol. 2, p. 122: ... Iii zimiima wa-lii khiziima wa-lii rahbiiniyyata uia-lii tabaHula uia-lii siyii!}ata ff I-isliimi. See also the b adith. of the Prophet (ibid .), in which he censures the conduct of an unmarried man: ... a-laka 'mra'atun? qiila: Iii. qiila: fa-anta idhan min ikhwiini I-shayiilfn; in kunia min ruhbiini I-na~iirii fa- 'I!}aq bihim, wa-in kunta minnii fa-min sunnatinii I-nikii!}. See al-Munawr, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 6, p. 302, no. 9320: nahii rasiilu l/iihi [s al=am] 'ani I-ikhti~ii', "The Prophet prohibited the (self-) castration of the believers" in order to free themselves from sexual lust. 105 Al-Maqdisi, Kitiib al-bad' uia-l-t a'rikh , vol. 5, p. 164 (her kunya was Umm Sadir, her husband was Abu Kuhayla, the kiihin of the Yamama; she was a false prophetess). The obscene phrase of Musaylima's Qur'an is recorded and his sexual proposal is quoted. A revelation received by Saja~ (ibid., p. 165) allowed a woman to marry two husbands. This was unheard of in the Jahiliyya, See also the story of Sajah's meeting with Musaylima and the remark of Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 57, ll. 1-2: ... fa-qiilat sajii!}: qad ansajt a, fa- 'dhkur. wa-ba'da hiidhii min qawlihi wa-fi'lihii mii a' ra4na 'an dhikrihi. The obscene verses also appear in al-NuwayrT's Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 76; al-Sharishi, Sharry maqiimiii al-bartrt, vol. 4, pp. 35-u; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83b; al-Maydani, Majma' al-amthiil, vol. 1, pp. 326-7, no. 1758 (under the heading: azna min saja!}); Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-jiikhsra , vol. 1, p. 214, no. 290 (under the heading: azna min saja/}) and vol. I, p. 325, no. 515 (under the heading: aghlam min saja!}). 103 104 28 M. J. Kister (mushrikiin) were forbidden to enter Medina; Jews and Christians were granted the concession to enter the city for three days only in order to sell their merchandise.I'" In Islam there is only one God, one Prophet and one community of believers. This community is chosen by Allah, and only this community may dwell in the holy places of Islam: "Two religious beliefs (dfniini) will not exist in the Arabian peninsula" (or in the l:Iijaz) .107 Islam spread in the peninsula in numerous ways. Delegations of various tribes reached Medina, were influenced by the Prophet and impressed by Muslim tenets and teachings. Some embraced Islam and when they returned to their homes, they enthusiastically transmitted the Call of the Prophet. They established small Muslim communities among their idolatrous neighbors. These small communities had close contacts with the Medinan body-politic and were under the control and guidance of Medina during the last years of the Prophet's life. They were active in spreading Islam and made a substantial contribution to the conquest of the Arabian peninsula. A case of such a community was the nucleus of believers set up in Juwatha in Bahrayn. The community started its activity very early: all the sources relate that the first Friday prayer (after the Friday prayer performed in Medina -k) was the Friday prayer performed in Juwatha.108 This was the first time that a small Muslim community in a foreign territory, besieged by unbelievers who endangered their lives, appealed to the community in Medina, asking for help. Help was sent and the beleaguered Muslims were saved. The military unit sent by Abu Bakr was headed by al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrami, It is noteworthy that when the military unit sent by Abu Bakr reached the borders of Bahrayn, it was joined by a large gathering of people led by Thurnama b. Uthal, appointed by the Prophet to govern a certain region of Yamama, Furthermore, the chiefs (umarii') of this region joined the unit of al-'Ala' and defeated their enerny.I'" The utterance of the Prophet who instructed the Muslims to live close to each other if they dwell in a non-Muslim environment may belong to this early period. "I renounce responsibility (ana bari"un) for any See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu§annaf, vol. 6, pp. 51-2, nos. 9977,9970. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mus annaj , vol. 6, p. 54, no. 9985 (only Jews and Christians are mentioned); and no. 9990: ... la yajtami'u bi-ar4i l-'arabi dfnani, au qala: bi-ar4i l-~ijazi dfnani. 108 See Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam vol. 2, pp. 401-2; Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, p. 174; al-Hirnyari, al-Rau4u l-mi'tar, p. 181; and see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun ff akhbari l-ridda li-mu'allifin majMI, p. 162, 1. 2 from bottom: lamma qubi4a rastilu Ilahi §alla Ilahu 'alayhi 'rtadda I-nasu 'ani I-islami ilia thalathata rnasiiji d: ahlu I-madfna wa-ahlu makkata, wa-ahlu juwatha. The word masjid is used here to denote the center of a Muslim town. 109 See Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, pp. 327-29. 106 107 The Struggle Against Musaylima 29 believer who dwells among unbelievers," said the Prophet. When asked about the reason for this, he answered that the believer living among unbelievers is not able to watch the fires of his believing companions." 110 The believers must live close to each other and not mix with their nonMuslim neighbors. The idea of the war against the ridda was extended and contained the obligation of the believers to take up arms against people who refused to pay the taxes (zakiit) prescribed by the Prophet. This was formulated by Abu Bakr who is reported to have said: "If they refused to give me (even) a ewe which they used to give to the Prophet ... , I would fight them because of their refusal" (wa-lliihi lau manaciinz C aniiqan kiinii yu' addiinahii ilii rasiili lliihi sallii lliihu calayhi wa-sallam la-qiitaltuhum calii manCihii). It was especially stressed that the "believers in the prophetic mission of Musaylima, the people of Yarnama," are included in the category of unbelievers (kuffiir) who have to be fought until they repent and embrace Islam.1ll Abu Bakr strove to place the nascent Muslim communities established throughout the peninsula under the sway of the Muslim polity in Medina. Muslim law and Muslim ritual had to be introduced in all these communitites. The Arab idolaters had to be crushed with the help of the Muslim forces of Medina. A letter of Abu Bakr to 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl may give us an insight into the activities planned by the caliph to protect the communities recently established in the eastern region of the peninsula. When Abu Bakr sent military units (sariiyii) against the tribes who rebelled against the authority of Medina, 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl and Shurahbil b. Hasana were sent against Musaylima with a military force (fiCaskarin). 'Ikrima acted in haste and started the attacks against the Banii Hanifa, but was defeated and informed Abu Bakr of his defeat. Abu Bakr's answer indicates that the goal of 'Ikrima's mission was to support the nascent Muslim communities in Yamama, Abu Bakr wrote: "Do not return (to Medina), as you will weaken the spirits of the people. I do not want to see you nor do I want you to see me. But go out to Hudhayfa and 'Arfaja and fight the people of 'Uman and Mahra. Then march out with your military force until you meet Muhajir b. Abl Umayya in Yemen and Hadramawt." Abu Bakr also instructed Shurahbil to stay in Yamama until Khalid arrived with his army. "When they will finish the battle with Musaylima,join 'Amr b. al-'A.!? in order to help him to fight Quqa'a.,,1l2 This material indicates that the Prophet showed great concern for the 110 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Kafi al-shii] fi takhriji al}adfthi l-koshsh a], p. 55, sup., no. 457, and see its explanation in al-Zamakhshari, al-Fa'iq, vol. 2, p. 21; cf. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v. ra'a. 111 See e.g., al-Qastallanr, Irsh ad ai-sari, vol. 3, pp. 6-7; on the followers of Musaylima see p. 6, ll. 7-8. 112 Al-Maqrizt, lrniiiru l-asma', vol. 14, p. 528. 30 M. J. Kister Muslim communities outside Medina and made sustained efforts to expand the Muslim territory. The sources contain impressive descriptions of the Prophet's efforts to help the newly founded Muslim settlements, his efficient reactions to cases of apostasy in distant districts and his judicious decisions to resolve disputes between Muslims and their adversaries. Exhortation was not always sufficient to achieve the desired expansion. For instance, Sayf b. 'Umar says that the letters of the Prophet to al-Aswad al-'Ansl and Musaylimadid not convince them and the emissary of the Prophet tried in vain to persuade them to embrace Islam. The Prophet decided to write to the ethnic Persians living in Yemen (al-abna') 113 asking them to try to "do away" with al-Aswad al- 'Ansi (an tu~awiliJ. l-aswada) and asked them to engage men from Himyar and Hamadhan to achieve this purpose. He also wrote to Thumama b. Uthal and his followers asking them to try to "do away" with Musaylima. He made a similar request to some men from Tamim and they acted accordingly. "The ways of the muriadda became indeed blocked," says the report .114 Many changes in the formation of tribal units and the conclusion of tribal alliances were connected with the division of the tribal territorial possessions. The case of the partition of the vast territory of Dahna' is instructive 11 5 The report about the partition of Dahna' is transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of al-Harith b. Hassan al- 'Amirl (in some sources: al-Bakri+k}, who came to visit the Prophet in connection with a dispute between his tribe (Bakr -k) and the Banii Tamirn. The dispute was about an event which happened in Bahrayn and in which the chiefs of Bakr raised their objections against al-'Alii' b. al-Hadrami, in whose home the discussion was held. At that time a man from the Banu Tarnim sent to the Prophet a message (khabar), informing him that the tribe of Rabi'a (including Bakr -k) reverted to unbelief (qad kafarat) and prevented (by force -k) the collection of zokiit . The information about this incident and about the khabar reached Rabi'a and they sent al-Harith b. Hassan al-'Amirl (or al-Bakri -k) in order to inform the Prophet that they (i.e., Rabi'a -k) remain obedient to him. On his way to the Prophet, he met in Habadhal l" a poor woman, Qayla bint Makrama al-'Anbariyya (of the tribe of Tamirn -k) and agreed to take her to the Prophet.J!" It was al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakri who repreSee on them EI2, vol. 1, p. 102, s.v. "Abna"', Section II. (K.V. Zet.tersteen}, Al-Maqrtzr, lrntiiiu l-asma', vol. 14, p. 525. 115 See the description of Dahria' in Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, pp. 493-4. 116 So in Maqrtzr, Imta'u l-asma', vol. 14, p. 312, 1. 3; al-Tabaranf, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 3, p. 254, no. 3325, I. 10. 117 See the lengthy description of the journey of Qayla and the story of the protection granted her by al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakrr, when he journeyed with her from Rabadha to Medina to meet the Prophet in al- Tabarani, al-Mu 'jam al-kabir , vol. 25, pp. 7-12; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Lsiiba , vol. 8, pp. 83-87, no. 11654; Ibn al-Athtr, 113 114 The Struggle Against Musaylima 31 sented Bakr b. Wa'il (of RabI'a).11s The representative of the Tamirnl tribal groups in Bahrayn who sent the message about the apostasy of Rabi'a (or Bakr -k) reached the Prophet before the arrival of the Bakrl al-Harith b. Hassan, and brought the story of al-'Ala (b. al-Hadrami}; then the Prophet ordered 'Amr b. al-'.A~ to march out and entrusted him with a flag. The Prophet went up to the minbar and urged the believers to join the raid against Habi'a in Bahrayn.l!? He informed the Muslims that al-'Ala (b. al-Hadramt) and al-Mundhir (b. Sawa) reported to him that Rabi'a apostatized (kafamt) and refused to pay the zakiit.120 The Prophet then asked: "Who will volunteer (to march out) with 'Amr b. al_'A.~?"121 At this fateful moment, al-Harith b. Hassan proclaimed loudly the allegiance of Rabi'a to the Prophet; he himself gave the oath of allegiance to Islam and converted,t22 Further, al-Harith b. Hassan asked the Prophet to affirm in a letter that Dahna" belongs to Habi'a and to set up the border line between Habi'a and Tamirn in that district. The Prophet called Bilal and ordered him to bring a piece of parchment and an inkpot (dawiit) .123 But when the scribe started to write the document in which the Prophet intended to affirm the right of Habi'a on the territory of Dahna", Qayla, the poor Tamirni woman, began to shout asserting that the territory between Dahna' and Bahrayn had belonged ill the period of the Jahiliyya to Tamim and on that basis Tamirn converted to Islam. The Prophet immediately changed the letter, affirming that Dahna' belonged to Tamlm.124 The Prophet's decision was significant. The borders of the territory granted to Tarnim in Dahna' enabled them to launch a successful raid against the Bakr b. Wa'i] (i.e., Rabi'a -k). The information about Nibaj, where the battle took place, enables us to assume that the march of the forces led by the leader of Sa'd (Tamim -k), Qays b. 'A.~im was a long and exhausting one. When Qays b. 'A.sim reached Nibaj and Thaytal (two neighboring localities) and watered the riding beasts (khayl), he cut the water bags open and let the water flow out. He then summoned the warriors to fight, saying: "The desert is behind you, death is in front of you." The Tamimi troops fought valiantly and defeated the forces of ll s d al-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 535-36. 118 See about the subdivisions of Bakr b. Wa'il and their mutual relations in Yamarna in "Bakr b. Wa'il," EI2, s.v, (W. Caskel). II 9 The text has sliiil , which is a mistake. 120 The text has wada'at al-sakiit; read correctly mana'at al-zakiit. 121 MaqrTzT, Imtiii u i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 312. 122 Cf. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Isiiba, vol. 8, p. 86, 1. 10. 12:1 The text has idiiwat, which is a mistake. 124 AI-MaqrTzT, Irniii's: I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 313: inna mii bayna l-tiahnii' wa-ib(J~lrayni ii-banI tamlmin II i-jiihihiiiyyati, wa-asiamii 'aiayhii, la-ayna tagfqu, yamu~ammadu, 'alii mu d arika'! 32 M. 1. Kister the Bakr b. Wa'il, the Lahazim.125 Some details about Nibaj deserve to be mentioned: there are two places called Nibaj: the one is Nibaj Ibn 'A.mir (in the neighborhood of Basra); the other is Nibaj near Thaytal, adjacent to al-Bahrayn.P'' The information recorded by Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakn indicates the reasons for Qays b. 'A.!?im's raids: at that time he embraced Islam and it was meritorious for him to march out against the non-Muslim Bakr b. Wa'il. AI-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni and al-Mundhir b. Sawa stated clearly that Bakr b. Wa'il apostatized. A proper military action of the allies of the Muslim body politic in Medina against Bakr b. Wa'il was badly needed. Qays b. 'A.!?im was successful in his raid against the Bakr b. Wa'il apostates. Qays b. 'A.!?im is highly praised in connection with his raids in Nibaj and Thayta1. But one of the verses mentions a third locality in which Qays b. 'A.!?im excelled in a military raid: it was Juwatha in Bahrayn. Qays b. 'A.!?im attacked Juwatha, which was under the control of the tribe of 'Abd al-Qays, and took considerable booty.127 The Muslim warriors who defeated their enemies and forced them to convert to Islam gained great merit: the Prophet saw these captives led in his dream into Paradise in shackles.P" It is noteworthy that some of these warriors were relatives of inveterate enemies of the Prophet. The two relatives of Abu Jahl - his son 'Ikrima and his brother al-Harith b. Hisham - are cases in point. 'Ikrima became a devout Muslim and was killed during the wars of conquest. 129 125 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 1, pp. 351-52; and see the verse of Qurra b. Qays b. 'A~im: "I am the son of the man who cut the water bags when he saw the troops of the Lahazim ready to fight (ana 'bnu /ladhi' shaqqa I-mazada wa-qad ra'a / bi-thaytala a~ya' a '/lahazimi ~u44arii)." 126 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 4, p. 1292, I. 2: wa-I-nibaj nibiijanf: nibaj thaytal wa-nibaj 'bni 'amirin bi-I-ba~ra. wa-qala I-a~ma'f: al-nibiij wa-thaytal ma'ani Ii-banI sa'di bni zaydi manatin, mimma yalf I-ba~rayni. Yaqut provides additional details about the two Nibajs: the one is on the way of Basra and is called" Nibaj banf 'A mir" and faces Fayd; the other Niba] is the Nibaj of the Bani Sa'd. Another definition says that the Nibaj between Mecca and Basra belongs to the Banu Kurayz, the other Nibaj is located between Basra and Yarnama. See Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 5, pp. 255-56. 127 ••. wa-aghiira qaysu bnu 'ii~im bi-banf sa'din 'alii 'abdi I-qays bi-juwatha Ja-a~abu ma aradu [imii yaz'umu banu minqar. [a-qiila sawwiir b. ~ayyiin: wa-ma laka min ayyami ~idqin ta'udduha: ka-yaumi juwathii wa-I-nibaji wa-thaytala. See al-Baladhurt's Ansab al-ashriiJ, part 7, vol. 1, RamzT Ba'labakkT, ed., p. 45 (Beirut, 1417/1997). 128 See Lisiin al-'Arab, s.v., s-l-s-l: 'ajiba rabbuna min qaumin yuqiidilna ilii I-jannati if-I-salasil; and see al-Munawi, Fay4u I-qadfr, vol. 4, p. 302, no. 5383. 129 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqa.lan]', ol-Lsaba , vol. 4, pp. 538-9, no. 5642; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab, vol. 3, p. 1082, no. 1838. See also the tradition about the march of 'Ikrima b. AbT Jahl with 500 fighters against the Prophet in order to prevent him from the entrance to Mecca; his attacks were thrice thwarted by a force of Khalid b. al- WalTd who orotected the Prophet and his Companions. See Ibn Kathlr, Tajsiru I-qur' ani The Struggle Against Musaylima Al-Harith b. Hisham also embraced Islam, took part Yamarna and died in the plague of'Amwas.130 III 33 the battle of x The struggle against Musaylima was an important part of the ridda wars. Abu Bakr was aware of the strength of Musaylima's forces. He understood that sending small units of Muslims against the well organized force of Musaylima was doomed to fail. Yamama had to be conquered in order to pave the way for the establishment of additional Islamic communities in the area of Bahrayn, 'Uman, and in Yamarna itself. A strong army was necessary for the conquest of Yamama. Khalid b. al-Walid, the famous hero nicknamed "the sword of Islam" (say! al-isliim), was chosen to lead the expedition. He was at that time the head of a military force sent against various tribal formations who decided to remain faithful to Islam, but refused to pay zakiit. The rebellious tribes who refused to pay zakiit were branded apostates (ahl al-ridda). They were ruthlessly subdued: some were captured, some were executed; some hastened to pay the zakiii , repented and were forgiven. Having completed the suppression of some big tribal formations who participated in the ridda, Khalid b. al-Walid was ready to embark on another important mission. Leading a huge army, he set out in the direction of Yarnarna, Abu Bakr wrote Khalid a letter in which he stressed the stalwart strength of the forces of the Banii Hanifa: "You have never met a people (qaum) like the Banii Hanifa: they will fight against you all together" (kulluhum 'alayka).l3l Abu Bakr also advised Khalid how to delegate authority to the tribal leaders and section commanders and how to solicit the opinion of the Muhajirun and the Ansar taking part in the expedition. The last part of the letter is of special interest: Abu Bakr recommends to prepare scrupulously the details of the first clash with the enemy: "A spear against a spear, an arrow against an arrow, a sword against a sword. And when you reach the phase of the battle in which the fight is of swords against swords, you reach the time when mothers become bereft of their sons. And if Allah grants you the victory," continues Abu Bakr, "and you get hold of the enemy warriors, beware of being merciful towards them: give the coup de grace to their wounded, pursue their retreating fighters, kill their captive warriors by the sword, frighten them by killing and burn them by fire. Beware of 1-'a?lm, at that 130 See p.69. 131 Ibn vol. 6, p. 344. Ibn KathTr objects the veracity of this tradition, arguing that time Khalid b. al- Waljd was an unbeliever. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Tsiiba, vol. 1, pp. 605..,'!, no. 1506; WaqidT, Ridda, Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf. 34 M. J. Kister disobeying my orders. Peace be upon you." 132 Muslim tradition ascribed considerable importance to the campaign against Musaylima. This can be gauged from the fact that some early traditionists and commentators considered Qur'an 48:16 ("Say to the Bedouins who were left behind: 'You shall be called against a people possessed of great might, to fight them, or they surrender."') a reference to this campain.133 Bakr b. NaHa4, a poet who descended from the defeated Banu I:Ianlfa,134 wrote in the ninth century A. D. verses praising the bravery of his tribe, which was - according to his understanding - mentioned in the Qur 'an: And we were described in the revealed Book, unlike any (other) tribe, as possessing great courage.P" uia-noluiu wu~ifnii duna kulli qabilaiin bi-shiddati ba'sin fi l-kitiibi l-munazzali XI During the years of the Prophet's activity in the Arabian peninsula and his contacts with the Arab tribes, he was often asked by the tribal leaders about the ownership of land. The Prophet's policy on this issue is relevant to the ways in which the Muslims expanded their land holdings throughout the Arabian peninsula, including Yamama, When asked about these matters, the Prophet used to quote Qur'an 7:127: "Verily the Earth is Allah's; He gives it as a heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing." Indeed, when the Prophet arrived in Medina after the hijra, he was given every patch of uncultivated land, not irrigated by water; it was placed under his exclusive authority.136 The injunctions of the Prophet concerning the uncultivated land became obligatory and continued to be in force during the time of the righteous Caliphs, and even later. There was only one 132 Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf-60; and see the letter of Abu Bakr to Khalid b. al- WalTd in al- Waqidt's /( itiib al-ridda, pp. 62-3, no. 86. 133 Al- Wal)idT, al- Wasf! fl tafslri l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 138. However, one must keep in mind that other commentators considered this verse as a reference to other military expeditions, such as those against Persia, Byzantium, the Hawasin, the ThaqTf, and the Ghatafan , These views are beyond the scope of this study. 134 See on him Brockelmann, GAS, vol. 2, p. 628 inf. 135 AI-I:lu~rTal-Qayrawanr, Zahr al-iidiib, vol. 2, p. 966. 136 See Humayd b. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu l-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1035: ... ' ani l-kalb; 'ani bni ~iililfin, 'ani bni 'abbiisin anna rasiila lliihi, ~allii lliih u 'alayhi wasal/ama, lammii qadima I-madfna ja'alii lahu kulla ar¢in Iii yablughuhii l-mii'u ya§na'u bihii mii shii'a. See also ibid., note 4, and Abu 'Ubayd, /(itiib al-amwiil, non __ aa"l The Struggle Against Musaylima 35 stipulation concerning grants of land given by the Prophet (iqtii'): the obligation to ameliorate the plot by digging a well or irrigating it by means of a canal. If the development of the uncultivated plot could not be performed in due time (i.e., three years -k), the plot had to be sold to a Muslim, who would be granted the permission of the Muslim authority to purchase the plot; without such permission the purchase had to be considered null and void. A patch of uncultivated land granted by the Prophet was sold in the time of 'Umar for a sum of 8000 dinars, because the grantees were not able to perform their duty to improve the land. The sum received by the people who sold the plot was deposited with 'All b. AbI T'alib. They were surprised that the sum returned to them was less than that which they deposited. 'All b. AbI Talib's answer was that he had paid the zakiit on the deposit.137 According to the Muslim tradition, it was the Prophet himself who granted plots of uncultivated land in Medina to Abu Bakr and 'Umar. A plot of land was granted by the Prophet to some Bedouins of Muzayna and Juhayna (as iqW), but they did not improve it; a group of other people took hold of the plot and succeeded to ameliorate it. The Bedouins from whom the plot was taken came to 'Umar b. al-Khattab and complained that they had been driven out of the territory granted to them. 'Umar refused to return them to the land, arguing that the qaWa was granted to them under certain conditions: "Whoever got land and failed to ameliorate it during three years, while others improved that soil, the people who neglected to improve the soil do not deserve to own it." 138 The land put at the Prophet's disposal is defined in the ~adzth in the following way: "The ancient land from the time of 'Ad139 belongs to Allah and to His prophet, then (it will pass -k) to you." ('iidiyyu l-ardi li-lliihi uia-rasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum) .140 When asked about the meaning of "Then it will belong to you," the Prophet answered: "You will assign it (i.e., the land -k) to the people." A similar version reads: "The uncultivated land belongs to Allah and to His messenger, and then, from me to you, 0 Muslims" (mawatiinu l-ardi li-lliihi warasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum minnii ayyuhii l-muslimiin) .141 Thus, the ownership of an iqiii' bequeathed by the Prophet to his community requires the approval of the imiim or the ruling authority (sultiin). Abu Yusuf', K itiib u l-khariij, p. 61 inf. Abu Yusuf, K itiibu l-khariij, p. 61. 139 See on 'Ad: E[2, vol. 1, p. 169 (F. Buhl); and see the exhaustive explanation of 'adiyy in connection with iqtii: in Abu Ubayd's al-Amwiil, p. 278, no. 690; see also the explanation of the saying of 'Umar: lanii riqiibu l-ardi, 140 Abu 'Ubayd, Kiiiib u l-amuuil , p. 272, no. 674; Yahya b. Adam, Kit abu l-kh ariij , p. 85, no. 269; p. 88, no. 277. 141 See this version recorded by the editor of the Kitiibu l-amwiil of Abu 'Ubayd, p. 272, on the margin, no. 2. 137 1.18 36 M. J. Kister Every effort carried out by a Muslim on a plot of uncultivated land, like a well dug in a qaii' a, or a tree planted there, has to be considered null and void if not approved by the ruling authority (sultan). This is binding because Allah is said to have bestowed upon the Prophet all uncultivated land. Therefore, the qaWa has to be improved by irrigation and construction. The imam may assign it to a Muslim for this purpose, even without the consent of the former owner who failed to perform this duty. It is, thus, the prevalent view of the Muslim tradition that all uncultivated land was granted to the Prophet by Allah; only the imams, the just and righteous people forming the Islamic authority, are allowed to approve the building up of a qaWa. They are granted the Prophet's privilege to allot the uncultivated land to the Muslims.l V It is possible that the Prophet himself formulated his opinion concering the division of the mawat land. In a ~adfth which seems to reflect this early period, the Prophet defined his mission modestly: "I am merely bringing the news of Allah's revelation, but Allah is guiding onto the right path; I am merely dividing (among you -k), but Allah grants (what He pleases to grant -k)" (innama ana muballighun uia-lliilu: yahdf, uia-innamii ana qiisiinun uia-Iliihu yu'tf) .143 The last action of the Prophet in the field of division of land (or granting of land -k) was the bestowal of land on some noble people of Yarnama who came to the Prophet announcing their desire to embrace Islam. The Prophet bestowed on this delegation some plots of uncultivated land after they embraced Islam (ja-aqta'ahum min mawilt ar~ihim ba'da an aslamu). The document of the iqta' was written on the name of Mujja'a b. Murara.144 According to a report recorded by al-Baladhuri, the delegation came after the Prophet sent a letter to the people of Yamama (and to Hawdha) and asked them to embrace Islam (in 6 A.H.). It was Mujja'a who asked the Prophet to grant him mawatland in Yamarna and the Prophet granted his request.l '! A shrewd remark of Abu 'Ubayd in which he outlined the difference between the iqta' granted to Furat b. Hayyan al- 'Ijll146 and the land granted to Mujja'a deserves to be mentioned. In contradistinction to the same grants of land in territories not yet conquered by Is142 See the advice of Abu Yusuf in his /(itiibu l-kh arii] pp. 63-{)4 defining the prerogatives of the imiims in this matter. 143 Al-Munawi, Fay4u l-o adir , vol. 2, p. 571, no. 2582. 144 Abu 'Ubayd , i(itiibu I-amwiil, pp, 279-81, nos. 691-92. Hurnayd b. Zanjawayhi , i(itiibu 'I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1034. 145 See al-Baladhurr, Futiiii u l-buldiin , pp. 118inf-119: ... fa-aqta'ahu (i.e., Mujja'a -k) arden mawiitan sa'alahu iyyiihii; and cf. Humayd h. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, 1. 3. 146 On Furat h. Hayyan al-'IjlT; see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, ol-Lsiibo , vol. 5, pp. 357-8, no. 6969. The Struggle Against Musaylima 37 lam, the grants of land in Yarnarna were given when a small Muslim community had already been in existence there. When the members of the Yamama delegation decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet granted them the mawat-Iand of Yamarna.l+" It is evident that by this grant the Prophet indicated that Yamarna was put under the sway of Islam, although the number of Yamamis who embraced Islam was very small. The guiding principle applied in Yarnama was that the conversion to Islam of even a small group under its leader was binding on the whole population of the district. The Muslim settlements in the different regions acted according to the instructions of the Medinan body politic. What the Medinan center demanded was the right of passage through the different regions in order to gain direct contact with the isolated Muslim communities. These small communities were decisive in the establishment of Muslim authority over the whole population; hence, the direct contacts of the Medinan center with these settlements became the conquest of the whole province in which these tiny Muslim communities existed. The conquest of Yamama by Islam was in fact the key to the conquest of the adjacent territories in the Arabian peninsula. XII The few passages of Musaylima's "Qur 'an," recorded in adab literature, in some Quranic commentaries, in historical compendia and in biographies of the Prophet, were harshly criticized by Muslim scholars. AIJahia's opinion on these saj' passages is negative: he maintains that Musaylima lacked the gifts of a poet, an orator, a soothsayer (kiihin) or a geneaologist.l t'' AI-Jal,1i~ gives some details about the beginnings of Musaylima's career as the "false prophet" of Yamama, He used to frequent the markets in Arab and Persian territories; he visited the markets of Ubulla, Baqqa, al-Anbar and al-Hira. He learned in these places the tricks of the sorcerers and of the idol temples guardians. He indeed succeeded to insert an egg steeped in acid into a glass bottle with a very narrow opening, claiming this was the miracle which he carried out with the help of Allah. A similar trick was carried out by Musaylima before all audience in which a Bedouin chief and his family were present; the chief was al-Mujja'a (b. Murara -k) al-Hanafi. Musaylima showed those present his miracle: the pigeons with their wings cut off (al-~amiimu 1-1I!aqiis'i~)were able to fly in a dark night. Like in the former case, he 117 See Abu 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, pp. 280-81: wa-amma iq!a'uhu [uriita bna ~ayyanin l'I.Jliyya arden bi-I-yamama Ja-ghayru hadha; uia-dhiilika anna I-yamamata qad kana 1,,/111 islamun 'ala 'ahdi l-nabiyyi s allii lliih u 'alayhi wa-sallam .... p. 281: .,. qiila abii '"/,,,yd: [a-k adhiilika iq!a'uhu [uriiia bna ~ayyiinin; wa-hii'ulii'i ashriiJu l-yamiima, [u II'1!a'ahum mawiita ardihim yata'allaJuhum bi-dhiilika. 14K AI-Jal,1i,? (d. 255 A. H.), al-Bayan wa-l-tabyfn, vol. 1, p. 359. 38 M. J. Kister claimed that he was helped by Allah and forbade on that occasion to keep the pigeons at home by cutting their wings. Mujja'a was fascinated by the two miracles and embraced the faith of Musaylima.l'i'' Al-Jahiz stressed the blind belief of the Bedouins in miracles and their ignorance of the frauds and impostures of jugglers and sorcerers. Muslim scholars, examining the utterances of Musaylima and analyzing the verses of his "Quran," stated that their composition is odd and ludicrous, formulated in poor saj'. The short utterance of Abu Bakr concerning passages of Musaylima's "Qur'an" was often quoted and widely circulated. Abu Bakr said it when the people of the Banii Hanifa came to Medina after the defeat of 'Aqraba' and the killing of Musaylima; they used to quote some of his revelations and his injunctions. Their assessment of the material was: "These utterances are devoid of any virtuous idea" (inna hiidhi: l-kaliima lam yakun min illin).150 Muslim scholars emphasize the differences between the queer utterances of Musaylima, composed in odd sa)', and the clear utterances of Allah revealed in the Qur 'an. The scholars stress that Musaylima borrowed a great deal of his utterances from the Qur'an, using some expressions for quite different situations. In the words of Ibn Kathir: "People of insight will find the deep difference between the feeble words of Musaylima, between his unworthy deeds, between his "Qur'an" - with which he will remain in the fire of Hell until the Day of (his) Distress and Shame - and between the Revelation of Allah;" "there is a great difference between the words of Allah - may He be exalted: Allah, there is no god except Allah, the Living, the Everlasting, slumber seizes Him not, nor sleep" and the "revelation" of Musaylima, may God disfigure him and curse him: "0 frog, the daughter of two frogs, croak as you may croak, you will not turn the water turbid, nor will you bar the drinking person (from drinking)." 151 Ibn Kathir continues to quote "the feeble verses from Musaylima's "Qur'an," accompanying every sentence with 149 AI-Jal:Ii~, Kiuiou l-~ayawiin, vol. 4, pp. 369-71; and see the mention of these miracles in the Kit aou l-~ayawiin vol. 6, p. 206. 150 In some sources, ill is rendered by alliih: if this is correct, the meaning would be: "These utterances are not from Allah." See al-Baqillanl, I'jiizu l-Qur'iin, p. 158: lam yakhruj 'an illin, ay 'an rububiyyatin, wa-man kiina lahu 'aqlun lam yushtabah 'alayhi sakhfu hiidhii l-k aliim, See the explanation of ill in 'Ikrima's readings in the phrase wa-lii yarqubiina jI mu'minin i/lan; it is derived from II, i.e., allah, which appears in the names of the angels: Jibril and MTkarl. In Tha'alibr's al-Kash] wal-bautin , vol. 3, p. 76/2, fol. 133a inf.-133b ill is rendered by al-mithiiq, al-'ahd, ol-hil], See also the quotation of Abu Bakr's saying in al- Tha'alibT, Tbimaru l-ouliib ; p. 174 inf; Lisiin al-'arab, s.v. all; Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 368,491; Mujahid, Tafsfr, vol. 1, p. 273, note 3; al-Tabart, .l iimi" al-bayan, vol. 14, pp. 145-50, (on Qur 'an 9:8). III is rendered by alliih (compared with jibrll, mfkii'lI, isriifll), by ties of relationship. According to the interpretation of the Basrans, ill is identical to 'ahd, mithiu; or yamIn. 151 Ibn Kath'ir , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 490. The Struggle Against Musaylima 39 a curse on Musaylima. Such was the utterance of Musaylima about the pregnant woman who brought forth a living being between the navel and the bowels." 152 Another utterance of Musaylima, scornfully assessed by Ibn Kathir , reads: "The Elephant, what is the elephant? And who shall tell you what is the elephant? He has a poor tail and a long trunk and is a trifling part of the creations of God." 153 Ibn Kathir classifies the utterances of Musaylima as utterances of nonsense and dotage (min al-khuriifiit wa-l-hadhayiiniit) which even youngsters abstain from telling except in the way of scoffing and sneering.154 A new and interesting approach concerning the "Qur'an" of Musaylima is found in the book of the Zaydi imiim al-Hariini, Ithbiii nubuwwati l-nabiyyi. Al-Hariini states that no composition opposing Islam was prevented from circulation in the Muslim community. Yazld b. Mu'awiya could freely circulate his verses in which he threatened that he would take revenge on the prophet Ahmad (i.e., Muhammad) because of his deeds; he expressed this threat when the head of Husayn b. 'An was brought to him.155 The verses of al- Wand b. Yazid b. 'Abd ai-Malik b. Marwan who spoke insolently about the threats of Allah against opressors (jabbiiriin) and tore the Quran to pieces in answer to these threats, says addressing the Qur 'an: "When you come to your Lord on the Day of Resurrection, tell Him: '0 my God, al-Walid tore me (to pieces)." 156 Al-Haruni insists that no "Quran" had been produced which could rival the Quran sent down to the Prophet Muhammad. "We needed not to publish the nonsensical and feeble passages of Musaylima in this book," says al-Haruni. "'We recorded these passages merely to make the astonished man wonder and to convince him that had there been a book really competing with the Qur'an, it would have been transmitted (lau kiinat li-l-qur'iini mu'iirodatur: fi l-haqiqati la-nuqilat)." Al-Haruni continues his argument concerning the impossibility that Musaylima could have intended to imitate (yu'iirilju) the Qur'an. "Though Musaylima was a liar and an insolent person, he was an Arab and (even) his ignorance would not have caused him to claim that he imitated the Qur'an. 152Ibn Kathrr , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 491; and see al-Haruni, Ithbiit nubuwwati l-nabiyyi p. 39; R. Serjeant, Early Arabic Prose (chapter 3) in The Cambridge History oj Arabic Literature to the End oj Umayyad Period, edited by A.F.L. Beeston et alii, Cambridge 1983, pp. 114 ff., 128 sup. 153The translation is by R. A. Nicholson, A Literary History oj the Arabs, Cambridge 1956, p. 183. 154Ibn Kat hlr , Tajsfr vol. 3, p. 491; and see there the story of Abu Bakr who asked the Muslims (from Yamarna -k) to tell him the utterances of Musaylima. They were unwilling, but later agreed and reported his utterances. Abu Bakr then asked: "How did he confuse you and led your minds astray: by God, that (i.e., the utterance of Musaylima -k) did not come out from a righteous source." 155 Al-Harunr, lthbiit , p. 36; and see ibid. the verses of Yastd b. Mu'awiya. 156 Al-Har-unr, lthbiit , p. 36 inf. 40 M. J. Kister Had he acted in this way, he would have been shamed among his people (lau fa'ala dluilika kana yafta4i~u bayna qaumihi). Musaylima did not claim that he imitated the Qur'an; he merely stated that the passages which he uttered (innama kana yiiriduha) were sent to him from Heaven. However, not everything which is said to have been sent by Allah is an imitation of the Qur 'an. This is so because we do not say that the inimitability (i'jaz) of the Qur'an is caused only by the fact it was sent down from Heaven. We say that for the i'jaz of a revealed book additional attributes are needed. Nobody doubts that the Torah, the Gospels and the Psalms were sent down by Allah, but no inimitability had been established for these three books.P" In fact, nobody can imitate the Qur 'an. But poets, writers and scholars did embellish their writings with some of its words or phrases. A verse adorned with such a word turns into a brilliant spot in the poem. That is a special feature of the Qur'an and an indication that the words of the Qur'an differ from human speech.158 Musaylima was aware of the role of Qur'anic words embedded in a speech or in a saj' passage uttered by a religious leader. Al-Haruni's observations concerning the ways of quoting Qur'anic words in passages included in Musaylima's "Qur'an" deserve to be mentioned. Musaylima quotes some words from the Qur'an in which the Prophet referred to certain phenomena or to some occurences and uses them for a different context. Thus, the phrase: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-a~~abi l-fil ("Has thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the people of the elephant?") of Qur 'an 105 - was placed in Musaylima's Siirat al-hubl«: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-l-hublii, "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the pregnant woman." Another Qur 'anic phrase used by Musaylima was: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l-mu'minina (Qur'an 3:164). This was put in the passage about the pregnant woman: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l_~ubla.159 Al-Haruni states with satisfaction that due to Qur'anic expressions embedded in Musaylima's passages, these became an ornament covered with gems. It is quite plausible that the Qur'anic phrases were included in Musaylima's saj' utterances. This seems to have been the reason why some people were impressed by Musaylima's "Qur'an" and embraced his faith. The governor of 'Iraq succeeded, however, to convince some of these people to embrace Islam.160 The Qur'an was keenly studied by the emissaries of Musaylimain Medina who returned to Yamama; Musaylima learned it by heart and quoted it in his speeches as if they were part of his "Quran." 157 158 AI-HarunI, Ithbiit ; pp. 38-9. AI-HarunI, Ithbiit, p. 39 inf. 159 Al-Harunr, Ithbiit , p. 39. 160 Al-Tha'alibr, Thimiiru l-ouliib , p. 147. The Struggle Against Musaylima 41 A glance at the descriptions of the sunrise, the morning, the evening and the night in the passages of M usaylima's "Qur'an" may lead us to some conclusions regarding the influence of the Qur'an on the ideas of Musaylima and on his political views. We read in Qur'an 9:1-2: "By the night when it covers up! And by the day when it brightens up ... " In Qur 'an 9:1-4, we read: "By the sun and its growing brightness. And by the moon when it follows it (the sun). And by the day when it reveals its glory. And by the night when it draws a veil over it ... ;, Qur'an 89:1-4 reads: "By the Dawn, And the Ten Nights, And the Even and the Odd, And the Night when it moves on (to its end.) ... ;, Impressive is the description of sunrise in Quran, 78:14-15: "And We appointed a blazing lamp, and have sent down out of the rain clouds water cascading that we may bring forth thereby grain and plants and gardens luxuriant." These quotations from the Qur'an are comparable to some fragments of Musaylima. It is evident that in the descriptions of the dark night covering the light of the day, Musaylima's text bears similarity to the Quran. In spite of the climate of Mecca in which the Prophet dwelt, in spite of the barren soil of that city, the Prophet recorded in his revelation the graces granted the believers. We read in Qur'an 6:99-100: "And it is He who sends down water from the cloud; and we bring forth therewith every kind of growth; then we bring forth with that green foliage wherefrom we produce clustered grain. And from the date palm, out of its sheath (come forth) bunches hanging low. And we produce therewith gardens of grapes and olive and the pomegranate - similar and dissimilar. Look of the fruit thereof when it bears fruit and the ripening thereof. Surely in this are signs for a people who believe." A short passage of Musaylima's "Qur'an" mentioning Allah's graces reads: "Remember the grace of Allah and thank Him, as He turned for you the sun into a shining lamp and turned the rain falling very thick (thajjaj); He brought forth for you the ram and the ewe and granted you silver and glass, gold and silk clothes (dzbiij). And it is from His grace that he brought out from the earth pomegranates, grapes, royal basilicum (myf}an), and bitter plants (zu'wan).161 The two descriptions of God's grace have the same tendency: to enumerate the bounty of the fruits, grapes, olive trees and palms granted by Allah. It is evident that the short passage discloses the intention of Musaylima to show the superiority of Yarnama over other areas; especially Mecca and Medina. The mention of the silver and gold of Yarnama refers to an important detail regarding the riches of Yarnarna: there were indeed several mines of silver and gold.162 Al-Tabarl163 and 161 162 163 Al-Tha'alibi, Tlumiiru l-quliib, p. 147. Al-Harnadani, [(itiib al-Jauharatayn, index (s.v. Yarnarna]. Al-Tabarr, Ta'rtkh , vol. 3, p. 284. 42 M. J. f{ ister al-BaqillanI164 record an additional passage containing the virtues of Yarnama: it is an injunction to defend the land of Yamama, to oppose its opressors and to help the humble and the poor. Al-Haruni follows this passage with sharp criticism: "These passages of Musaylima are too feeble-minded and poor to deserve inclusion in this book." 165 Musaylima's verse and speeches bear substantial similarity with the Qur 'an. XIII Serious rivalry ensued between the Prophet and Musaylima concerning one ofthe "proofs of prophet hood," (dalii'ilu l-nubuwwa): the miraculous healing of the sick. Well known is the miracle when the Prophet healed 'AlI of an inflammation of the eye. The Prophet sent a messenger to 'AlI asking him to come to his court and head a raid against the enemy. When 'AlI appeared with inflamed eyes, the Prophet spat into his eyes and blessed him. He gave him a banner; 'AlI went out with the troops and was victorious in the raid.166 Many reports concerning cases in which the Prophet cured madness, toothache, bellyache, dumbness, or forgetfulness are recorded in the Sire: as could be expected, the sources present the treatment of the Prophet as successful, while the treatment of Musaylima is always shown to be harmful. When the Prophet arrived in Medina, the people suffered from a plague of fever. The Prophet invoked God and the epidemic fever was removed from Medina to al-JuJ:!fa.167 A special treatment was given by the Prophet to a madman who was brought to the Prophet. The Prophet rubbed his back and invoked God to cure him. The madman recovered immediately and returned sane to his tribe.168 Another treatment was used by the Prophet on a boy from the tribe of Khath'am. When the Prophet was on a journey with one of his Companions, he met a Khathami woman sitting with a boy. She addressed the Prophet imploring him to help her in her distress: the boy was plagued everyday by many fits of madness. The Prophet then asked to pass him the child. He spat into the child's mouth three times. He said: "In the name of Allah, I am the servant of Allah, go away, 0 enemy of Allah!" Then the Prophet passed the child to his mother and asked her to meet him after a year in the same place. When the Prophet met the woman after a year, he asked her about the activity of Satan (al-khabzth). She told AI-Baqillanf, l'jiizu I-Qur'iin, p. 157. Al-Haruni, Iihbiit ; p. 38. 166 Al-Dauraqr, Musnad Sa'd b. Abf Waqqii~, p. 51, no. 19; al-Maqrfzr, asmii', vol. 11, pp. 284-5; 167 Al-Maqrizr, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 11, pp. 295-303; 168 Al-Halabr, [nsiin al-'uyiin, vol. 3, p. 252. 164 165 lmtiii u 1- The Struggle Against Musaylima 43 him that the Satan stopped his activity and they had not yet heard from him. The woman offered the Prophet three sheep. But the Prophet took only one sheep and returned the other two.t69 Another case was reported about 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. alKhatt ab. Abu Lubaba b. 'Abd al-Mundhir, the grandfather of the child from the mother's side brought the child to the Prophet; the child was born unusually small. The Prophet affirmed that he had not seen a child smaller than 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. Zayd. He took the child and performed the treatment of tahnik: he rubbed his palate with the pulp of a date, he stroked the head of the child with his hand and blessed him. After this treatment the child grew up and became a very tall person and a perfect man. 170 Another case of treating a Khath'ami child brought by his mother to the Prophet is recorded in al-Nuwayrr's Nihiiyat ol-arab fi [uniini l-adab. The mother complained that the child does not speak and asked for help. The Prophet ordered to bring him water; he gargled his throat with the water, he washed his hands with it and gave the water to the woman. He ordered her to give the water to the child to drink and to rub it into his body. The child was healed and grew up superior in intelligence. 171 It is not surprising that in contradistinction to the miraculous successes of the healing of Muhammad, the Muslim sources record the fatal results of Musaylima's treatments. Musaylima tried to imitate the Prophet in his miraculous healing. When he heard that the Prophet used to perform the tohnik , spreading pulp of dates on his finger and rubbing it on a child's palate, he did the same, but the boy in question became mute.172 He heard that the Prophet used to stroke children on their heads; he used the same method, stroked the head of a boy brought to him, but the boy became bald.173 When Musaylima heard that the Prophet used to spit into a well and turned its salty water sweet, he tried to imitate him and spat into a well blessing the water, but its sweet water turned salty.174 A case of Musaylima's invocation which caused a tragedy is reported by Ibn Hubaysh, A man came to Musaylima and told him about the sorrow of his family: "I am a wealthy man, but no child born to me lived more than two years, except a boy who is with us; he is more than ten years old. Yesterday," continued the father, "a Imtii'u. l-asrnii", vol. 11, pp. 320-21. AI-MaqrIzI, Imtiii u l-asmii", 312. 171 Al-Nuwayrr, Nihiiyat al-arab, vol. 18, p. 331; and cf. al-Maqrfzr, Imtii=u l-asmii", vol. 11, p. 319. 172 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Ishriif , p. 329. 173 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Lshrii] , p. 329; 'All al-QarI, Sh arb: al-Shifii, on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiir/. of al-Khafaji, vol. 2, p. 486, 1. 3 from bottom): see also Ibn Hubaysh, Kitiib al-qh aeauuit , vol. 1, p. 55 inf., (with an addition: every child born to him was born bald). 174 Ibn Hubaysh , Kitiib al-ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 56. 170 169 Al-Maqrizr, 44 M. J. Kister child was born to me, and I beg you to bless him and to invoke Allah to prolong his life." Musaylima promised to do it, so that the newborn child would be granted forty years of life. The man returned to his house delighted, but found his elder son dead, after he fell into a well and drowned. The newborn child was lying down suffering the pangs of death; both children died in the evening. The mother of the children said sadly: "Abu Thumama has not been granted the position by Allah like that which was given to Muharnmad.l " XIV After the death of the Prophet and the election of Abu Bakr, the main goal of the body-politic in Medina was to quell the vigorous opposition of the Arab tribes against the injunction to pay zakiit from their herds. Abu Bakr began to prepare his army against the rebellious Bedouin tribes (including the Banu Hanifa]. According to the tradition recorded in Ibn Hubaysh's Ghazawiit as transmitted from Ibn Ishaq's slm, Abu Bakr planned to send an army against Yamarna and summoned Zayd b. alKhattab to appoint him the commander of the army. Zayd b. al-Khattab refused the offer because of his resolve to become a matyr (shahld) - an aspiration upon which the head of an expedition is not allowed to act. Then Abu Bakr wanted to appoint Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a (the brother of Hind bint 'Utba, the wife of Abu Sufyan] as commander of the force, but Abu Hudhayfa refused on the same grounds as Zayd.176 Afterwards, Abu Bakr summoned Khalid b. al-Walld [al-Makhzurni] and ordered him to march out with the Muslim force against the Bedouin tribes in order to subdue them. Khalid b. al-Walid marched out against the Asad, Ghatafan, Tayy and Hawazin; using merciless methods of punishment, he succeeded to defeat them totally. After this victory in Buzakha, Khalid decided to turn in the direction of al-Bitah, pursuing the famous Tarnlmi leader Malik b. Nuwayra. But the Ansar, who took part in the march, refused to follow Khalid's orders, arguing that they were waiting for a special letter from Abu Bakr and his clear orders concerning the continuation of their march, as they had been promised by him; Khalid's answer was that he had received a different command from Abu Bakr and he had to continue the march. As Khalid was the amlr, there was no need to wait for the orders of the Caliph because everything had to be decided by him. "But I am not going to act against 175 'All al-Qart, Shar~ al-shifit (on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiig from bottom: kiin ai iiyiituhu mankiisatan: [a-inn ahu kamii yuqiilu min sa'aliihu dhiilika t abarruk an, [a-moluh a mii'uhii. See also Ibn Nashwat al-t arab , vol. 2, p. 630 (with some variants). 176 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit vol. 1, p. 63: ... inna I-amlra shahiida. vol. 2, p. 486,1. 3 tafila If bi'ri qauSa'td al-Andalusr, Iii yaqdiru 'alii 1- The Struggle Against Musaylima 45 you by force," concluded Khalid, and set out with the Muhajirun, The Ansar were perplexed and started to discuss the situation stating: "If the people (headed by Khalid -k) gain booty (khayr), we shall be deprived of it; if a disaster afflicts them, the people will shun us." So the Ansar decided to join Khalid. They sent a messenger to him and asked to be permitted to join the army. Khalid magnanimously agreed.177 Modern historians of Islam have not paid enough attention to the opposition of the Ansar and their withdrawal from the army of Khalid at a decisive stage. Khalid intended to attack a strong section of Tarnim, who claimed that they embraced Islam and were only accused that they refused to pay the zakiit imposed by Abu Bakr. The withdrawal of the Ansar seems to indicate that there was a real split in the Muslim army in connection with the unfaithfulness of the Bedouins. After the victory of Khalid b. al-Walid in Buzakha, some of the Bedouins came to Abu Bakr asking to grant them letters of safety and to enable them to convert to Islam. Abu Bakr refused and advised them to join the army of Khalid; those about whom Khalid would report that they had stayed with him (in his army -k) in Yamama would be granted safety. That was Abu Bakr's decision and the Bedouins were asked not to bother him anymore. An instructive report of al- Waqidi (quoted on the authority of Abu 'Abdallah b. Abi l-Jahm) says that the Bedouins who joined Khalid b. al-Walid caused the defeat of the Muslim force on the Day of Yam am a three times and were a disaster for the Muslims. As a result of this, the Ansar demanded to wage battle alone.178 During the campaign against the Bedouin tribal formations Khalid disarmed the Bedouin troops and handed over their weapons to the Muslim units. The weapons were registered and returned after the battles; Khalid handed over the returned weapons to Abu Bakr .179 In contradistinction to the sharp criticism of the actions of the Bedouins during the battles, the reports of the Muslim sources abound in impressive descriptions of the heroic deeds of the Companions for the cause of Islam in obedience to the Prophet's orders. The veterans of the sahiiba were admired for their resolve; 'Umar b. al-Khattab was highly praised because he killed every unbeliever captured in the battle. Among those killed was al-'A~ b. Hisham, his uncle on his mother's side (al-khiil). It was 'Urnar b. al-Khattab who suggested killing the captured non-Muslims, or to extradite them to their relatives in order that they AI-TabarI, tv-o«, vol. 3, pp. 276-77. Ibn Hubaysh, al- Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili 1nubuwwati, vol. 2, p. 587: ... [a-qiilu: qad 'awwadanii I-a'riibu l-firiir, mii hii-kadhii kunnii nuqiitilu mae a l-nabiyy; s alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam. uia-qiilii li-khiilidi bni l-uialidi, wa-huwa amfruhum: "akhli~nii bi-'aduwwinii," [a-okhlas ahum, 179 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 46. 177 178 46 kill them .180 M. J. Kister It is noteworthy that the religious fervour pervading the faithful Muslims caused them to engage in duels even with their unbelieving fathers in order to kill them. Such was the case of Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a who was prevented by the Prophet from fighting his father with the intention of killing him. The sarcastic poetry of his sister Hind bint 'Utba b. Habi'a, the mother of Mu'awiya, did not convince her brother to change his decision. She reminded him that the father was kind to him, brought him up until he became a young man and granted him a proper education, blaming him as a squinting, inauspicious and faithless person.I''! However, Abu Hudhayfa was convinced by the Prophet to refrain from killing his father: "Leave him," said the Prophet, "and let somebody else kill him." And, indeed, Abu Hudhayfa's father, his uncles, his brother, his nephew (ibn akhZhi) and other relatives were killed by the Muslims. Abu Hudhayfa was glad and thanked Allah for these fatal events in his family.182 The situation in Abu Bakr's family was not less complicated. One day Abu Bakr heard his father, AbU Quh afa , reviling the Prophet. Abu Bakr violently slapped his father so that he fell upon his face. He told the Prophet about the event; the Prophet asked him not to do it again. Abu Bakr nevertheless said: "Had I had a sword at hand, I would have killed him." 183 Additionally, Abu Bakr summoned one of his non-Muslim sons to a duel on the day of Badr .184 The first clash between the force of Khalid b. al-Walid and the warriors of Musaylima ended with a defeat of the force of Khalid. In the following two clashes the force of Musaylima was also victorious. The Muslim fighters felt that they were threatened by strong warriors with superior arms and swords.185 The forces led by Khalid b. al-Walid against the rebellious tribes and later against the Banu Hanifa are reported in some sources to be enormous. These reports seem to be exaggerated. A concise tradition transmitted by Rafi' b. Khadij, a warrior in Khalid's force,186 gives us some details about the number of warriors: "We went out of Medina about 180 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 584, inf.; for 'Umar's advice on this, see al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-ta'wil, vol. 3, p. 41. 181 See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lstit iii», p.1631, no. 2914; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr remarks with sharp criticism: "He was the best man in his belief, but she was - writing these two lines of poetry - the worst person in belief." See also Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 84-5. 182 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 585. 183 Al-Mawardi, Tajsir (al-Nukat wa-I-'uyiin), vol. 4, p. 205. 184 Al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-i a'suil, vol. 7, p. 46. 185 See Tabarl , Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 289; about the hinduwiiniyya swords, see Friedrich Wilhelm Schwarzlose, Die WafJen der alten Amber (Leipzig, 1886), pp. 127-8. 186 See Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 72. The Struggle Against Musaylima 47 4000 men, the people from the Ansar were about 400-500 men," and "the Banu Hanifa counted about the same number (4000 men)." 187 Ibn Khadij continues his report saying that the Muslim force was defeated three times because of the Bedouins in their lines, who used to flee at every enemy attack, drawing with them people of conviction and sincerity (Ja-yastakhiffii ahla l-basii'iri wa-l-niyyiiti). Then Thabit b. Qays called Khalid to give the Ansar and Muhajiriin the exclusive prerogative to act against the enemy (akhli~nii li-'aduwwinii). Khalid consented: "It is up to you (dhiilika ilayka)," was his answer. Thabit b. Qays took the banner, cried "yii la-l-onsiiri" and gathered his men. Then Khalid cried: "yii-la-l-muhiijirzn!" and the Muhajinin came and surrounded him. The Bedouins were stationed far behind the fighters.188 After the failure of the Muslim force to achieve victory in three assaults against the Banii Hanifa, the Muslims decided to march out against them a fourth time. The Muslim force marched vigorously and put a part of the Banii Hanifa to flight. In this attack, the Muslims succeeded in killing one of the commanders of the Hanafi force; it was 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Bakr who killed him. Shocked by the killing of their commander, the Barril Hanifa retreated to a large garden which came to be known as the Garden of Death. It was a place with a high wall closed by a gate. The Banu Hanifa who retreated to this place considered it suitable for their last stand. The pursuing Muslim force reached the closed gate of the Garden, but did not fight the Banii Hanifa. In their peculiar situation, al-Bara'a b. Malik, the hero of the attacking force, decided to perform a dangerous mission: he asked a group of Muslim fighters to throw him from above the fence into the Garden where the fighters of the Banu Hanifa had the upper hand in the struggle. The Muslim fighters threw al-Bara'a b. Malik over the wall into the Garden and he succeeded to open the gate. The Muslim warriors poured through the open gate into the Garden and began to kill their enemies. Nearly everyone who was in the Garden was killed or wounded. Musaylima was killed along with many of his followers. Many famous Muslims vied with each other claiming that they participated, together with a black slave named Wahshi, in Musaylima's death. The Banii 'A.mir claimed that Khidash b. Bashir together with Wahshi killed Musaylima. After the killing of Musaylima, a woman looked from the window of her house in the Garden and saw Musaylima lying on the ground and shouted: "Alas, let us grieve for the commander of the faithful! He was killed by a black slave," (wii-amzm l-mu'minin, qaialahu al-'abd al-aswal/)! 189 187 188 189 See Ibn Hubaysh , Gh azauuit ; vol. 1, p. 72 and seq. See Ibn Hajar , al-Lsiiba , vol. 3, p. 16 no. 3054. See Baladhurr, Fuiiil; al-buldiin , p. 121 where Wahshr says that he killed both 48 M. 1. Kister This exclamation reflects the feelings of Musaylima's supporters: they considered him as the head of their religious community while alive.190 Many Muslims were introduced into the fictitious lists of men who were credited with killing Musaylima. The most surprising tradition is that Muawiya claimed to have killed Musaylima, although we have no evidence that he participated in the battle at all.191 Baladhuri mentions a report according to which Musaylima was killed by 'Abdallah b. Zayd b. 'A~im of the Banii Najjar of the Ansari clanJ92 Some other people are also mentioned as taking part in the killing of MusaylimaJ93 After the end of the bloody battle of al-fAqraba", Khalid b. Wand sent al-Mujja'a b. al-Murara to evaluate the situation of the Banii Hanifa in their nearby town and to assess their feelings and plans after their defeat. Mujja'a returned to Khalid and informed him that their dwellings were full of warriors and that they were ready to renew the war against the Muslims. Mujja'a advised the Banu Hanifa to clad the women and the youths in military clothing and to appear in this manner in the windows of their dwelings. Mujja'a spoke about the weariness of the Muslim warriors and suggested to agree to a ceasefire. Khalid agreed, although Abu Bakr ordered him to be harsh towards the Banu Hanifa, to kill the wounded, to apprehend those who were in retreat, and to kill the prisoners.v'" The fatigue of the Muslim army forced Khalid to be more considerate towards the Banu Hanifa, The treaty stated that the Banu Hanifa would convert to Islam and surrender their gold or silver, their weapons and coats of mail. Abu Bakr was enraged by this; nevertheless he decided to ratify the treaty. However, he did not forgive Khalid his concessions. He publicly expressed his fears that the Banu Hanifa would remain faithful in their belief to Musaylima until the Day of Resurrection. 195 "the best man," meaning Harnza (the Prophet's uncle) and "the worst man," meaning Musaylima. 190 Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Liim al-nubalii', vol. 1, p. 132; al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24 sup. 191 See al-Baladhurr, Futiil; al-buldiin , p. 121. 192 See Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdis'i, al-Lstibeiir . pp. 81-2; al-DhahabI: Siyiir a'liim alnubulii', vol. 1, p. 132. 193 The names mentioned are Abu Dujana, Wal]shI and 'Abdallah b. Zayd. See alDhahabi, Siyar a'Liirri al-nubalii", vol. 1, p. 130,132, vol. 2, p. 204,271; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiri!, p. 371. Many others who claimed to have taken part in the killing are mentioned in compendia of Srra and Hadit h. 194 The Muslims' hatred towards the people of the ridda is reflected in the extremely cruel treatment of the prisoners of war in the battle against Sulaym. Khalid b. alWalrd gathered a group of captives in enclosures and burned them. See Dhahabi, Siyar a'liim al-riubalii", vol. 1, p. 268. After the battle against the ridda of 'Uman, Asad and Ghatafan , the Muslims burned the bodies of their fallen enemies. See 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbt: dalii'il al-nubuwwa, vol. 2, pp. 588 ult.-589 11. 1-2. 195 Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 96. The Struggle Against Musaylima 49 *** The conquest of Yarnama was one of the most important events in the history of early Islam. Though the defeat of the Banii Hanifa took place during the reign of Abu Bakr, the negotiations with Bedouins who eventually became allied with Islam had been successfully completed while the Prophet was still alive. Before his death, he is said to have sent letters to the tribal leaders who embraced Islam and demanded that they act against Musaylima, in support of the secessionist leaders of Yarnama, These secessionists were Musaylima's opponents, backed by the body politic of Medina. The conquest of Yarnama paved the way for Muslim expansion into other regions of the Arabian peninsula. It also revealed some serious problems plaguing the nascent Muslim state. For the first time, some of the Ansari' warriors refused to obey their commander Khalid b. alWalId and agreed to return to the army only after they became convinced that this course of action would safeguard their interests. Furthermore, the conflict with the Bedouin tribes became evident and was publicly expressed. The idea that only the Ansar and the Muhajirfin should fight the enemy matured in an atmosphere of intense mistrust toward the Bedouins. In contradistinction to the attitude of the Bedouins whose sole aim was to get a share of the booty without endangering their lives, the Muslim tradition extols the bravery and enthusiasm of the Muhajinin and the Ansar who were more than willing to enlist in the fighting force under Khalid's comrnand.U" They are described as being ready to sacrifice their lives for the sake of Islam. In the bloody battles of the ridda, the idea of martyrdom for the sake of Islam (shahiida) came into being. The martyrs were promised eternal bliss in Paradise and the idea of martyrdom became at least as important as the military victory itself. This can be exemplified by a conversation between 'Urnar b. al-Khattab and his son 'Abd Allah who survived a battle in which his brother Zayd b. al-Khattab was killed. 'Umar said to his surviving son: "You have returned home safe and sound while your brother is dead. Why were you not slain before him? I wish I had not seen your face!" 'Abd Allah replied: "Father, Zayd asked for martyrdom and God granted his wish. I strove for the same, but it was not given to me." 197 The Muslim sources extol those who were killed in battle. The tradition recounting the heroic deeds of the Muslims formed an essential part of the history of the [utiil; and the maghiizf literature. 196 197 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa See Tabar), Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 292. vol. 2, p. 584-589. 50 M. J. Kister Bibliography 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Harnmam al-San'ani. Kitiibu l-musanncj . Habibu l-Rahman al-A'sami, ed. Beirut, 1392/1972. Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani. Kitiib al-aqhiini, Beirut, repr. 1390/1970. Abu l-Mahasin, Yiisuf b. Musa. Al-Mu'ta~ar min al-mukhtasar min mushkili l-iithiir, Haydarabad, 1362 A. H. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitiibu l-amwiil. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqqI, ed. Cairo, 1353 A. H. ____ . Kitiib al-nasab. Mariam Muhammad al-Dir', ed. Damascus, 1409/1989. Abu Ya'Ia al-Mausili, Ahmad b. 'All. Musnad. Husayn Salim Asad, ed. Damascus-Beirut, 1404/1984. Abu Yiisuf, Ya'qub b. Ibrahim. Kitiibu l-khariij. Cairo, 1352 A. H. 'All al-Qarl. Shari, al-shifii (on the margin of Nasitnu l-riyii4). See al-Khafaji, Athir al-Din, Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yiisuf al-Andalusi al-Gharnatl al-J ayyani. Tafsir al-bahr al-muhii (al- Tafsir al-kobir]. Cairo, 1328 A. H. AI-'AutabI, Salama b. Muslim. Al-Ansiib. 'Uman, 1412/1992. Al- 'Ayni, Mahrnud b. Ahmad. 'Umdat al-qiiri, shari, ~a~i~i l-bukhiiri, Cairo, 1348 A. H. Al-Baghawi, Abu Muhammad al-Husayn al-Farra', Ma'iilim ol-tanzil (on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'wil.) Cairo, 1381 A. H. Al-Bakri, Abu 'Ubayd. Mu'jam mii ista'jam. Mustafa al-Saqqa', ed. Cairo, 1364/1945. Al-Baladhuri, Ahmad b. Yahya. Fuiiihu l-buldiin, Abdallah Anis alTabba' and 'Umar Anis al-Tabba", eds. Beirut, 1377/1958. ____ . Ansiibu l-ashriif , MS. 'A.shir Ef. And see the printed edition of Rarnzr Ba'Iabakki, part 7, vol. I. Beirut, 1417/1997. Al-Baqillani, Abu Bakr, Muhammad b. al-Tayyib. I'jiizu l-qur'iin. Ahmad Saqr, ed. Cairo, 1963. Al-Bayhaqi, Ahmad b. al-Husayn. Al-Sunan al-kubrii. Haydarabad, 1354 A. H. ____ . Dalii'il al-nubuunua. 'Abd al-Mu'ti Qal'aji, ed. Beirut, 1405/1985. Al-Bayhaqi, Ibrahim b. Muhammad. Al-Mohiisin iua-l-masiiuii. Muhamrnad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, ed. Cairo, n.d. Al-Bukhari, Muhammad b. Isma'Il. Al-$a~i~. Cairo, 1311 A. H. ____ . Al-Ta'rikh al-kabir . Haydarabad, 1380 A. H. Al-Busti, Muhammad b. Hibban. Kitiib al-thiqiit. Haydarabad, 1393/ 1973. Al-Dauraqi, Abu 'Abdallah Ahmad b. Ibrahim. Musnad Sa'd b. Ab'i

Social and Religious Concepts of Authority in Islam

social_religious.pdf SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS OF AUTHORITY IN ISLAM In memory of my brother Aharon Kister. The commonwealth set up by the prophet Muhammad in Medina, including various tribal groups and factions, united by the superimposed ideas of the new religion of Islam, formed the umma, the community of Islam. This unprecedented body politic in the north of the Arabian peninsula originated and developed in its first stages due to the undisputed authority of the Prophet, who served as the sole guide, leader, judge, and legislator of the community; he derived his authority from the continuous revelation granted to him by God. The character of the Prophet was moulded according to the Qur'an, as formulated in a concise utterance of 'A'isha.I In Muslim tradition the Prophet is depicted as a symbol of righteousness and justice than whom nobody could be more just.2 He acted equitably See, e.g., Abu l-Shaykh, Akhlaq al·nabi, pp. 19, 29: ...qalat: kana khuluqu rasuli Il1Jhi (~) al-qur'ana ... ; al-SuyutI, al·Durr, 6, 251; Ibn Kathlr, Ta/sir, 7, 80-81; Ibn Kathlr, Shamti'i/, pp. 57-58; Ibn AbI l·ijadld, SharI} nahj, 6, 340; al·Mubarrad, al·Ft14i/, p. 16; and see al-SulamI, Adab al·~ul}ba, p. 23, n. 4 [the references of the editor]; al-Munawi, Fay4, 5, 170, no. 6831. See, e.g., the story about the meeting of Ohu I·Khuway~ira with the Prophet (and the story of OM I-Thudayya): Ibn Hisham, al-Sira, 4, 139 [..ja-qala: lam araka 'adalfa; (qala): /a-ghat/iba I-nabiyyu (~), thumma qtila: waylJaka, idllli lam yakuni 1'adlu 'indi /a- 'indo man yakunu ... ];al-ijumaydI, al-Musnad, 2, 55, no. 1271; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al·Mu¥Jnna/, 10, 146, no. 18649 [...i'dil ya rasula Ilt1hi,/a-qtila: waylaka, wa·manya'dilu idha lam a'dil...]; Mul;lammad Mu~tafa l-A'?amI, Diriisatji l'I}adithi I'nabawiyyi, Juz' Abi l-Yamtin al·!fakam b. Na/i', p. 157; al·ZurqiinI, SharI} al· mawtihib, 7, 227-28; al-WaqidI,al-MagJuizi, p. 948; al-Wal;lidi, Asbdbal·nuzul, p. 167; al-Suyuti, Lubtibu l·nuqul, p. 118; al-Suyu~I,]am' al·jawami', 2, 530; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta)rikh (tahdhib), 6, 239; al-Oamlri, !fayat al'I}ayawtin, 1, 233; Ibn al·Athlr, al·MurflWl', p. 162; Ibn ijazm, al-Fi¥Jl, 4, 53; Ibn ijajar, aH~ba, 2, 411, no. 2452; Ibn Tawus, al-Mal4l1im wa-lfilan, p. 88; Ibn al·Athlr, Usd al·gllli· 2 85 Concepts of authority in Islam and kindly towards people, and allowed a man who was hit by him unintentionally to avenge himself.' A similar feature of the human nature of the Prophet, his lenience and his kindness, is revealed in a story recorded on the authority of 'A>isha.When the auxiliary forces of the Bedouin (amdiid al-iarabv» grew in number and the Prophet was (once) mobbed by the gathering crowd, the Muhajirun enabled him to come out of the crowd and reach the chamber of 'A)isha. He threw off his garment at the door, jumped into the room and started to make invocations against the crowd: "0 God, curse them." imma min Quraysh, ed. $aIaQ. al-Dln al-Munajjid, Beirut 1377/1958. See, e.g., Ibn Abi (A~im, Kitab al-sunna, p. 527, no. 1109: ...al-khiliifa fi quraysh ilii qiyami l-sa:«; p. 528, no. 1112: ...hiidhii l·amru fi qurayshin ...; p. 530, no. 1118: ...inna hiidha l-amra fikum wa-antum wuliituhu ...: p. 533, no. 1126: ...Iiiyazdlu wiilin min quraysh ...:p. 533, no. 1127: ...nalJnu wuliitu hiidha l-amri l}attli nadfa(ahu ilii (isii bni maryama ...;and see p, 642, no. 1547; al-Munawt, Fay4, 6, 450, no. 9969: ...Iii yazdlu hqdha l-amru fi qurayshin mti baqiya mina l-ntisi ithndni...; d. the significant utterance of al-Harith b. Hisham al-Makhzumt onthe Day of the Saqlfa [Ibn Hajar, al-I¢ba,l, 608 sup.] ...wa-lliihi lau-Iii qaulu rasuli lliihi "al-a>immatu min qurayshin" mti ab(adnd minha l-an¢ra wa-la-kiinu laha ahlan, wa·lakinnahu qaulun Iii shakka fihi; fa-wa-lliihi lau lam yabqa min qurayshin kulliha rajulun wiiIJidun la-¥lyyara lliihu hiidhd l-amra fihi. Al-Khallal, al-Musnad min masii>il alJmad, MS fol. 6a; Ibn Abi (A~im, Kitab al-sunna, p. 527, nos. 1109-10. Al-$aIiQ.i, Subul al-hudii wa·l-rashiid = al-Sira al-Shamiyya, 1, 333: ...li-annahu yaqta4i an yakuna abu bakrin wa-(umaru laysd min qurayshin, wa-idha lam yakund min qurayshin fa-imtiratuhumti btlfilatun. Al-Khallal, al·Musnad min masii>il alJmad, MS, fol. 5b. 37 uu 38 39 40 98 The utterances about the exclusive authority of Quraysh were apparently current as early as the first century of the hijra, when Qurashi rule was established and needed firm legitimization from the orthodox religious authorities. Many utterances in praise of Quraysh ascribed to the Prophet are recorded in the early collections of lJ,adith from the second century of the hijra. "The spine of men are Quraysh," the Prophet is said to have stated. "Can a man walk without a spine?" he added. "People are followers of Quraysh in this affair" (ft hfldhfl l-sha>n), said the Prophet ("affair" is glossed as "authority"). "Muslims," continued the Prophet, "are followers of Muslims of Quraysh, unbelievers follow unbelievers of Quraysh." A man of Thaqif was killed in the battle of Uhud. The Prophet said: "May God curse him, for he hated Quraysh." "God will despise the man who despises Quraysh," the Prophet said. These utterances, quoted from Ma'rnar b. Rashid's Jflmi<,4I reflect the trend of the first-century traditions, which aimed at supporting Qurashi claims to sole authority over the community. The Umayyads were eager to emphasize the outstanding position of the caliph, his prestige and infallibility. One of the Umayyad caliphs claimed that the sins of the caliphs would not be counted and their faults would not be recorded." God creates the person destined for the caliphate in a special way: He strokes the forelock of that person with His hand, says a tradition." Obedience and respect for the rulers is incumbent on believers. The Qur>anic verse IV, 59, "0 ye who believe! Obey Allah and obey the messenger and those of you who are in authority ..." was interpreted as referring to obedience to God and subsequently to His Book (i.e., the Qur>fln).Obedience to the Prophet was interpreted 41 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-M~annaf, 11, 54-58, nos. 19893-905. 42 Al-Naysaburt, Gharii)ib al-qu'>iin wa-raghii>ibal-furqa«, 23, 88. 43 Al-Munawi, Fayi/, 1,266, no. 403; 2, 207, no. 1677 [with an additional phrase.jeIa taqa'u ir) is better than unlawful civil strife (jitna); neither of them is good (wa-kullun la khayra fih,), but one is better than the other." "It is necessary to have either a righteous or a libertine ruler" (la budda li-l-nasi min amirin barrin au !iijirin) is an utterance transmitted by several prominent personalities. When an.64 The high position of the ruler and his officials is indicated in an utterance of the Prophet: God has guards in heaven and on earth; God's guards 60 61 62 63 64 Ibn Saan,]. 103 Concepts of authority in Islam in heaven are the angels; His guards on earth are those who get their salaries (arziiq) and guard the people." The virtue of Muslim rulers in guarding the population and in developing the territories over which they ruled was sometimes extended to unbelievers. The Prophet is said to have forbidden cursing the Persians (al·, 1,333, no. 1074. Nur al-Din al-HaythamI, Majma', 5, 218-19. Ibid., 5, 218. Ibn Tawus, al-Malt1l}im toa-l-fitan, Najaf 1383/1963, p. 138. 107 Conceptsof authority in Islam he be."90 The danger of the amirs who might get the recognition is emphasized in the famous speech on the Day of the Hall attributed to Abu Bakr: the Muslims are not permitted to have two amirs. If this happens dissension will arise among them as to authority and law, their community will split and they will dispute among themselves. In this situation the sunna will be abandoned, bad innovations will appear itasharu l-bid'a), civil war (riots) will erupt (ta'~umu l-fitna), nobody will then follow the right path." Ibn 'Umar transmitted the utterance of the Prophet saying that violation of the oath of allegiance given to the ruler is treason." Revolt against the oppressing rulers is forbidden by the Prophet even in a case where the ruler appropriates to himself the share of the revenues (fay» decreed by the law for the believer." Abu Mas'ud al-Ansari prefers being humiliated to revolting and being punished in Hell in. the next world." On the basis of this injunction, Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab refused to give the oath of allegiance to two rulers, and quoted the tradition stating that the second claimant must be killed.t'" 90 91 92 93 94 100 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaf,l1, 344, no. 30714; see al-Shaukani, Nayl, 8,183, no. 5; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-i'Iidal, 2,128, no. 3142 [idJui buyi'a li·khalifataynifa·qtulu I· alJdatha]; Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir I, 126 [some scholars were, however, of the opinion that the rule of two or more caliphs is permitted if they rule in distant territories; and see the discussion about the status of 'Ali and Mu'a· wiya as legal rulers]; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, 4, 199 inf.; al-Bayhaql , al-Sunan al·kubrd, 8, 144; Ahmad b. J:Ianbal, Musnad led. Shakir], 10, 3·4, no. 6501, 6, no. 6502 [and see the comments and references of the editor]. AI-BayhaqI. al-Sunan al·kubrd, 8, 145. Ibn al'isha,and her role in the conflict (i.e., between Talha and al-Zubayr and later on 'Ali K.) Abu Bakra characterized her as a "weak woman" and quoted the utterance of the Prophet that a people ruled by a woman will not be successful in its undertakings.!'" An utterance attributed to the Prophet says that the worst man killed in this world is the one killed (in the battlefield . K.) between two kings striving for (the goods of - K.) this world."! Abu Barza al-Aslami-'! applied the same terms in his assessment of the wars between the pretenders to the caliphate. Both of them (Marwan in Syria and Ibn al-Zubayr in Mecca) fought merely for [the goods of] this world (al·dunyii). Those called al-qurra' also fought for the gains of this world. Asked by his son what his injunction was in this situation, he said that one should join those who cleave "empty bellied [and devoid] of every possession" to the ground, not having on their backs (the sin of shedding· K.) any blood.!" As both parties involved in fighting were characterized as fighting for the cause of this world, the only solution was to stay away from both. The Companion Hudhayfa b. al-Yaman warned the people of the two parties struggling to achieve the benefits of this world: They both would be driven to Hell."! Ibn 'Umar was asked by a man whether to join al-Hajja] or Ibn Zubayr. He replied that no > 114 Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 43b sup. 115 'Abd ai-Malik b . .I;Iabib, Kitab al-ioara', MS Madrid 5146b, fol. 18b: ...sharru qatilin qutila fi l-dunYii man qutila bayna malikayni yuridiini l-dunYii; and see a similar tradition: al-Munawt, Faye!, 4, 160, no. 4880: sharru qatflin bayna I-~affayni alJaduhumii yatlubu l-mulka. 116 See on him, e.g., Ibn .I;Iajar, Tahdntb al-tahdhib, 10, 446, no. 815. 117 See Nu'ayrn b . .l;lammad,al-Fitan, fol. 35b[andd. fol. 43a, 43b]; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil, fol. 72a; al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak [repr. Riyal;! n.d.], 4, 470/"1. 118 Nu'aym b . Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 33b. 112 matter whom he joined in fighting, he would be sent to Hell.'!" In a harsh utterance Ibn 'Umar gave his assurance that al-Hajjaj, Ibn al-Zubayr, and the Khariji Najda would fall into Hell like flies falling into soup. He nevertheless hastened to prayer when he heard the mu'adhdhir: (scil. of one of the fighting parties· K.) call for prayer.!" Many traditions enjoin staying away from both rulers and insurgents.'!' The usual call of the insurgents was the appeal for the revival of the sunna of the Prophet. A well-known case is the message of Ibn al-Zubayr and the impressive reply of his mother: When Ibn al-Zubayr informed his mother that his adherents had defeated and deserted him while the Syrians offered him safety (aman), she told him: If you went out fighting for the revival of God's Book and the Prophet's sunna then die for your true faith, but if you went out for the cause of this world, then there is nothing good in you, no matter whether you are alive or dead.!" The Umayyad officials and commanders believed in their mission. Muslim b. 'Uqba considered his deed in Medina the most virtuous one: he kept allegiance to the legal caliph, defeated his enemies, and killed many of them. In his prayer before his death Muslim emphasizes that he "did not draw his hand away" from allegiance to the caliph, and there is no deed more righteous that could help him draw nearer to God than his action in Medina. "Therefore grant me Thy mercy," concluded Muslim his prayer.!" The case of the battle of the Harra became 119 AJ.I;lakim, al-Mustadrak, 4, 471; Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 4Ob. 120 Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 44a; cf. lAbd al-Iabbar al-Khaulant, Talrikh diirayyii, ed. Sa'Id al-Mghani, Damascus 1369/1950, pp. 78 inf.-79. 121 See, e.g., Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fols. 35a-48b. 122 See, e.g., Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 43b. 123 Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Mamiqil, MS, fol. 81a; Ibn al-Jauzi, Risala Ii jawiiz, MS, fol. 22b. Cf. the story of al-Mansur and his comment on the will of al-Hajja]. AI-~ajjaj records the shahiida and expresses his full loyalty to al·Walid b. (Abd al-Malik (...wa-annahu Iii ya(ri!u ilia ta'ata I-walidi bni 'abdi I-malik. 'alayha yalfyii wa'lln readers used it as a ladder (to gain their ends - K.).149It was the hypocritical Qur>llnreaders, serving the rulers, against whom Sufyan directed his sharp words of criticism. "If you see a Qur>lln reader sheltering himself inside the gates of the ruler, know that he is a brigand (li~~); if he shelters himself under the doors of the rich, then know that he is a hypocrite.?"? A vivid picture of such a group of Qur>llnreaders looking for favours from the governor is recorded by al-Zajjaji. Al-Hasan al-Basri passed by a group of Qurrll> at the gate of 'Umar b. Hubayra, the governor appointed by 'Abd al-Malik, and said: "Why do you sit here with trimmed moustaches, shaved heads, sleeves cut short, and broadened shoes (mufalfaJ:za)? By God," said al-Hasan, "had you considered kings' possessions to be of little value they would have longed for what you possess; but you longed for what they have, and therefore they belittled what you have. You brought shame upon the (true - K.) Qurra', may God bring shame upon yoU."151 Sufyan was outspoken about any contacts with the rulers. "Dealing with Jews and Christians is more attractive to me (aJ:zabbu ilayya) than dealing with these leaders (umarii».152 To look into the 146 147 148 149 150 Ahmad b. l;IanbaI, al- Wara<' p. 57. Ibn Abi Hatim, Taqdima, pp. 105, 114; 'Abd aI-Malik b.Habtb, al- Wara<' fol. 17a. 'Abd aI·Malik b.l;Iabib, al·Wara" fol. 17b. Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 6, 376. Ibid., 6, 387; AI:tmad b. Hanbal, al- Wara', p. 114; and see al-Zandawaysitl , Raudat al-ayta l-a fain abgha4u il4lliihi min 'tilimin yazuru an and scholars of Muslim jurisprudence would be misled by Satan, who would induce them to visit the rulers and gain favours and profits, promising them that they would remain firm in their belief. "Alas, this will not happen," said Ibn a I-qur>ana wa-tafaqqahali /-dini, thumma atii ~ilI}ibasultan in (ama'an Ii-mali yadayhi (aba' MS Heb. Univ., fol. l00a: ... mak1}ul al-shami: al-qur>anu wa-I-fiqhu rifatun Ii l-dini, fa-man ta'allama I-qur>ana wa-I-fiqha wa-faqiha Ii l-dini thumma atii Mba I-sultani tamalluqan ilayhi wa·(ama is 168 Al-Mu'afa b. 'Imran, Kitab al-Zuhd, MS ?:ahiriyya, fol. 241a. 169 Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Wara'. p. 60; Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 8, 242; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta)rikh, 6, 154; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, 7, 115. 170 in),I16 Another version links the utterance about the , the wicked amirs, and the authority in contradistinction to the Qur>fm. "The millstone of Islam (ralja I· isliim)," says the Prophet, "will revolve; therefore move with the Book (i.e., Qur>fm)as the Book turns. Alas, the Book and the Authority, sultan, will part; therefore do not leave the Book. Alas, you will be ruled by amirs who will decree for themselves what they will not decree for you; if you obey them they will lead you astray, if you disobey them they will kill you." People asked: "How have we to act?" The Prophet answered: "Do as the companions of Jesus did: they were sawn by saws, they were borne on wood (i.e., tree trunks; they were crucified - K.). Death in obedience to God is better than life in disobedience to Him."!" The gloomy predictions about unjust and oppressive rulers, and forebodings about wicked Qur>flnreaders looking for favours at the doors of the governors, strengthened the tendency of the pious scholars to detach themselves from the rulers and their officials. There were, however, a few scholars who cherished some hopes of influence through edification and persuasion through visits to the courts of the rulers. They frequented the palaces of the governors and exhorted them, summoning them to repent and to act justly and equitably.':" Sufyan al-Thauri never reviled people of authority and even invoked the righteousness of the rulers; he nevertheless used to mention their defects and vices.P''Hudhayfa assumed that the call for 176 'Abd ai-Malik b.l;Iabib, al- Wara<, fol. 18b. 177 Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 5, 165-66; 'Abd ai-Malik b.Hablb, al-Wara', fol.l6a; d. al-Tabarani , al-Mu'jam al-¥Jghfr, 1,264; see another version: al-Suyiitl, al-Du"2, 300 penult.-301 sup.: ,..yUshiku l-sultanu wa-l-qu'>anu an yaqtatil4 wa-yatajarraqa ... 178 See, e.g., ~mad b.Hanbal, Musnad, 1, 17 no. 16. 179 Ibn Abi l;Iatim, Taqdimat al-ma(rifa, p. 97. 122 justice and the disapproval of wicked actions were laudable deeds. He further added that it is not permissible according to the sunna to draw weapons against the ruler.!" The Prophet enjoined obeying the rulers as long as they carried out their obligations in connection with prayer and its prescribed times.!" The current tradition enjoined the believers to pray behind the caliph or behind his deputy, which served in fact as recognition of his religious authority.!" Ibn 'Umar assumed that Ibn al-Zubayr, Najda, and al-Hajjaj would fall into Hell like flies, but he hurried to pray behind them when he heard the call of the mu>adhdhin.I83 Al-Hasan and al-Husayn prayed behind Marwan, although they used to revile him.!" If the ruler delayed the prayers, or if he was heedless in his performance of prayer, the believer was advised to pray at home, then to join the prayer of the congregation led by the ruler or his deputy in the mosque.!" The absence of the believer from common prayer led by the caliph or his deputy was a sign of denial of the ruler's authority. Such was the case with the Kiifans, who refrained from praying behind the appointed governor, al-Nu'rnan b. Bashir, did not join him during the prayers of the feasts, and wrote to al-Husayn to come to them as their imam. 186 Another obligation incumbent on believers was the jihad under the banner of their amirs, regardless of whether they were just or wicked. This view was defined by Ibn counted by al-Muhasibi as people who are used to visit the rulers and accept their gifts.!" Ibrahim al-Nakha'I in fact had close relations with the rulers: he used to fatten geese and give them as a gift to the rulers.!" Visiting them, he even asked for gifts.!" He used to sit in the mosque, and police guards and appointed tribal chiefs «urata» used to join him and talk with him. When reproached about it he said: "Would you like me to separate myself from people? They talk about what they like and we talk about what we like."!" Al-A'rnash was reproached for entering the abodes of the rulers; he responded that he considered them to be like a lavatory: he entered for his needs and then left.!" < Ikrima, the maulil of Ibn an readers who assume that a garment unlawfully gained and worn during the prayer makes the prayer null and void. Of this kind was the argument of the Khawarij that a dowry attained unlawfully annuls the marriage. Al-Muhasibi argues that the dowry, if unlawful, has to be replaced 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 A1-MuQiisibI, A (mal al·qulub, p. 220. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma(rifa wa·Ua>rikh, MS, fol. 189a. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, 6, 279. Al-Fasawi, al·Ma(rija, fol. 188b; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 6, 273. AbU Nu'aym, /filya, 5, 49. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 1,29. A1-MuQiisibI, A'mal al·qulub, p. 221. 125 Concepts of authority in Islam by a lawful one, but that the marriage itself remains sound and becomes valid by the declaration of marriage.>" Somegroups regarded any cooperation with the rulers as assistance for them in their acts of oppression. Others prohibited aiding the authorities only in deeds directly connected with iniquity and oppression, and allowed cooperations in other fields. Some eminent and pious scholars had quite extreme opinions as to selling weapons and horses; they considered it serious disobedience (ma<#ya). Even in other fields they considered "it preferable not to cooperate with the rulers. To these groups of the pious belonged many famous ascetics; it is enough to mention , and to carry out other duties of authority. The pious, orthodox believers, acting in the spirit of the injunctions of the traditions of the Prophet, considered any revolt against the rulers a forbidden deed; they gladly practiced perseverance under the rule of unjust rulers and stuck to the community of the believers, attempting to avoid any contact with the authorities.r" A marginal group of ascetics who kept away from trade and industry and were reluctant to take part in military actions (scil. under the command of the amirs) is severely criticized by Muhasibi: commerce, industry, and other occupations were always practiced in Islam.f" In contradistinction to the dark picture of the evil ruler, Abii Yiisuf draws an impressive picture of the righteous ruler in his Kitiib alkhariij, which he dedicated to Haran al-Rashid, God by His grace and mercy established the rulers (wuliit al-amr) as His deputies on earth and granted them light; this enabled them to elucidate some obscure matters and explicate the duties incumbent upon them. The luminous light of the rulers is reflected in the revival of the sunan of the 201 Ibid., pp. 222-23. 202 Ibid., pp. 205·08. 203 Ibid., pp. 209-12. 126 righteous, the carrying out of the prescriptions of the Law of God, and the granting to the people of their rights. The evil of the shepherd spells doom for the subjects; if he is not aided by the virtuous and right, people are in danger of perdition.t" Traditions quoted by Abu Yiisuf emphasize the high position of the just ruler and his distinguished place on the Day of Resurrection; the most hated and chastised on the Day of Resurrection would be the wicked ruler.205The kind ruler, caring for the needs of his subjects, would be gently treated by God on the day when he spoke to God about his needs; the ruler who hindered the people from approaching him to ask that their needs be met would be prevented from gaining God's help for his needs.?" A great many traditions enjoin being faithful to the ruler, carrying out his orders, cleaving to the community, and honouring the authorities.>" The famous tradition granting Quraysh the sole position of rulers of the Muslim community is in some versions coupled with a proviso concerning the implementation of the rules of • justice, the precepts of the Qur>an, and the sunna of the Prophet. In certain traditions the good tidings about the duration of Qurashi rule are coupled with a threat that Quraysh would lose their authority if the rulers acted unjustly or violated the precepts of Islam; sometimes the solemn promise of Qurashi rule is followed by a curse for a ruler who acts iniquitously.r" All the traditions enjoin obedience and subordination to the rulers, even if the believer is treated with iniquity or is punished or harmed unjustly. Only in the event that he is faced with the choice between Islam and death must he prefer death.?" 204 205 206 207 208 Ibid., p. 5. Abu Yusuf, Kitab al-kharaj, p, 9. Ibid., pp, 9·10. See, e.g., ibid. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 8,143-44; al-Haythami, Majma< al-zawa)id, 5,192 inf.-193; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib, 4, 222-23; Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, al-$awa'iq, p, 187; 'Abd al-Iabbar, TatMit dalii)i/ al-nubuwwa, 1,253; al-Munawi, Fay4, 3, 189, no. 3108. 209 See, e.g., Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, al-$awiiiq, p, 187 ult.-I88 sup.; al-Tabaranl, al-Mujam al-~aghir, 1, 152; al-Munawi, Fay4, 1, 498, no. 996; al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa)id, 5, 192 sup. 127 Conceptsof authority in Islam Only one traditionenjoins rebellion in the case of an iniquitous ruler; the Prophet is said to have instructed the people as follows: Be loyal to Quraysh as long as they act justly towards you. If they do not act righteously put your swords on your shoulders and cut off their roots. If you do not do it, then be miserable like peasants living by their toilYo This tradition is included in Khallal's al-Musnad min masa'il ahmad. It is of interest that Ibn Hanbal, when asked about this tradition, denied its soundness, stating that the Prophet's utterances in this matter are contradictory; he quoted the wellknown traditions enjoining full and unconditioned obedience to the Qurashi rulers."! When asked about it another time, Ibn Hanbal stated that the true version as transmitted to him by Wak!' was confined to the first phrase: "Be loyal to Quraysh as long as they act justly towards you" (istaqimu li-qurayshin rna staqamu lakum).lI2 On another occasion Ahmad b. Hanbal marked the extended tradition of Thauban, quoted above, as munkar+" It is in fact not surprising that Ibn Qutayba recorded this utterance as one of the ideological arguments of the Khawarij.214 210 Shahridar b. Shirawayh, Firdaus al·akhbar, MS Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 35b; al-Haythami, Majma( al'ZIlwd'id, 5, 195, 22 8; Bahshal, Ta'rikh wasit, pp. 70· 71. [The tradition was misunderstood by the editor. The correct reading is: ala wa·/j (alaykum I}aqqun ... (p. 70, line 5 from bottom); and p. 71, line 1 read: fa-in lam ya/alil; p. 71, line 2 read wa·illa (instead of wa·lt1);fa·kilnil (instead of lakilnil); I}arrathfn (instead of kharrabfn»); al-Suyutt, lame al·jawdmi<, I, 107 sup.; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat al-suna», 1,67; al-Muttaqt l-Hindi, Kanz, 6, 35, no. 303; Ibn al-Athir, al-NiJulya, 4, 125 (s.v. qwm); al-Dhahabl Mfz4n al-i(tidal, 2, 272, no. 211 212 213 214 3697. Al-Khallal, al-Musnad min masd'il, MS, fol. 9b. Al-Khallal., al-Musnad min masd'il, MS, fol. 9b. Ibid., fol. 9b, inf.-10a. Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wfl mukhlalif al-l}adfth, p. 3.

The Sīrah Literature

sirah.pdf THE SIRAH LITERATURE Sirah literature (biography of the Prophet), inspired as it was by the imposing personality of the Prophet and bearing the marks of the stormy political events of the conquests, of the social changes in the Muslim community and of the struggle of the different factions, came into being in the period following the death of the Prophet. It developed in the first half of the first century of the hijrah, and by the end of that century the first full-length literary compilations were produced. The development of Sirah literature is closely linked with the transmission of the Hadith and should be viewed in connection with it. Most of the reports about utterances and orders of the Prophet were, during his lifetime, transmitted orally, and few of them seem to have been written down. Although some accounts about the recording of the utterances, deeds and orders dictated by the Prophet to his Companions are dubious and debatablel and should be examined with caution (and ultimately rejected), some of them seem to deserve trust. The pacts which the Prophet concluded with the different groupings in Medina after his arrival in that city were apparently written down so as to serve as the legal basis for their communal life. His letters to rulers, governors and chiefs of tribes are recorded in some of the compilations of the Sirah. The Sirah also contains accounts of pacts concluded between the Prophet and conquered tribes or localities and of grants bestowed upon tribal leaders. Information about tax-collectors appointed by the Prophet was conveyed to the tribal units to which they were dispatched. The news about the victories of the Prophet and his conquests were widely circulated in the vast areas of the Arabian Peninsula. All this material came to form an essential part of the Sirah. In addition to this, the affection of the Companions of the Prophet and 1 E.g., on the sahifah of' Ali, cf. Ahmad b. 1:1anbal,Musnad, II, nos 1306, 1307, 1297. The Prophet did not single out the' Alids by anything not granted to others; the only thing hy which they were singled out was the sahifah attached to the scabbard of' Ali's sword (or in other sources that of the Prophet or that of 'Umar). It contained some short utterances about taxes imposed on camels (or, according to some, sheep), about the sanctity of Medina, the obligation to give protection to the People of the Book, etc. 352 THE SIRAH LITERATURE 353 their loyalty, respect and awe for him, in contrast to the attitudes, customs and practices of other communities towards their rulers, leaders and chiefs, constituted a favourite topic of conversation at the gatherings of his Companions as well as of his enemies, and were embodied into the compilations of the STrah. The daily contacts of the Prophet with his family and relatives, his adherents and adversaries, formed the subject matter recorded by the transmitters. The STrah aimed at giving information about the men who aided the Prophet loyally and faithfully, about stubborn opponents and enemies who persecuted him and those who later fought him, about hypocrites who concealed unbelief and hatred in their souls and about Companions who suffered and fought for him. Consequently the STrah became a record of the life of contemporary society, reflecting as it did the mutual relations between tht> Prophet and this society. Every member of this society is therefore assessed as to his virtues, views and actions and is placed on a graded scale according to his rank as believer, fighter, adherent and supporter, or as enemy or hypocrite. It is thus plausible that, in the early compilations of the STrah, people eagerly compiled lists of the first men who embraced Islam, the first who suffered for the cause of Islam, the first who emigrated to Abyssinia, the first Medinans who gave the oath of allegiance, the men who opposed the Prophet in Mecca, etc. Later special treatises dedicated to such subjects, the awa'il, were compiled.2 The careful evaluation of the deeds and actions of the Companions of the Prophet gave rise to the compilation of biographies of the ~a4abah. Furthermore, certain passages in the Qur'an, pointing to some events in the life of the community, required explanation and elucidation. It was necessary to specify to what people or events certain expressions or phrases referred. For an interpretation to be reliable in the opinion of the Muslim community it had to be based on an utterance ascribed to the Prophet or to one of his Companions. These utterances, stories or reports expounded the background and the circumstances of the verses of the Qur'an, establishing to whom they referred and providing details of the event recorded. These groups of Traditions, forming an essential part of the Sirah, developed into an independent branch of Quranic exegesis, the asbab al-nuziil (" the reasons for the revelations "). The lengthy passages from the early Tafsir of al-KalbI recorded by Ibn Tawiis,3 the bulk of Traditions transmitted on this subject of the asbab al-nuziil by many scholars in their commentaries bear evidence to the richness of this material and its role in the interpretation of the Qur'an. On the other hand the Sirah compilations recorded verses of the Qur'an, providing corresponding 2 For the aw;li/literature, cf. Sezgin, GAS, I, 176, 196, l zz. 3 Sa'd, 20 9-20. 354 THE SiRAH LITERATURE material of the circumstances of the revelation. The development of Sirah literature thus ran on parallel lines with that of the Tafsir, intertwining and overlapping, corroborating and sometimes contradicting it. EARLY COMPILATIONS A subject of considerable importance in the formation of Sirah literature, comprehensively dealt with also in some commentaries on the Qur'an, was the stock of stories about the creation of the world, as well as about the messengers and prophets mentioned in the Qur'an, who were sent by God to different peoples. These stories were extended and supplemented by additional material derived from Jewish, Christian and Zoroastrian sources, transmitted by converts from these religions to Islam. It is evident that these" biblical stories" had to get the approval of the orthodox circles. This could only be achieved, as is usual in Islam, by an utterance transmitted on the authority of the Prophet. The utterance used in this case (" Narrate [traditions] concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable [in that]") legitimized the flood of the "biblical" legends and stories which poured into the domain of Islam. The first compilation of this kind seems to have been the book of Hamrnad b. Salamah (d. 167/783), a contemporary of Ibn Ishaq, entitled Akhbtir Bani Isrii'il. The process of elaborating and enlarging upon the stories of the Qur'an widened the scope of the Muslim conception of history. The biography of Muhammad and the formation of his community were decreed by God before the creation of Adam. Muhammad was destined to be a prophet long before the creation of Adam. Were it not for Muhammad, God would not have created Adam. Nine thousand years before things were created, says a Tradition, God created the Light of Muhammad, This Light turned around the Power (qudrah) and praised Him. From this Light God created a jewel; from this jewel He created sweet water and granted it His blessing. For a thousand years the water raged and could not come to rest. Then, from this Light God created ten things: the Throne, the Pen, the Tablet, the Moon, the Sun, the Stars, the Angels, the Light of the Believers, the Chair and Muhammad, The Light of Muhammad, which resided in the pure ancestors of the Prophet, was transmitted in the line of descendants until it reached the Prophet. God granted Adam the ku,!)ah (honorific name) Abu Muhammad, The name of Muhammad is written on the Throne of God; Adam saw this inscription when he was created. When he committed his sin, he begged God to forgive him by referring to the name of Muhammad, EARLY COMPILATIONS 355 The contact between the Muslim conquerors and the population of the conquered territories, bearers of ancient cultural and religious traditions with a rich lore of prophetical beliefs and stories, brought about the appearance of literature concerning the miracles of the Prophet. Stories about miracles, either performed by the Prophet himself or wrought for him by God, were widely current and were later collected; compilations of stories about his miracles were Amarii! al-nubuwwah, A'Iam al-nubuwwah, Dala'il al-nubuwwah. The miraculous power granted the Prophet by God, and his extraordinary feats, are often compared in these books with the miracles performed by the preceding prophets.! Tradition emphasizes that the Prophet was superior to other prophets in the graces granted to him and the miracles performed by him. God enjoined the prophets to tell their peoples of the appearance of Muhammad and to bid them embrace his faith. The assumption that this genre of the dala'il grew up under the impact of the contact with other faiths is confirmed by the account of a letter sent by Hartin al-Rashld to the Byzantine emperor in which he recorded the "proofs of the prophethood" (a'Iam al-nubuwwah) of Muhammad. The letter was compiled by Abii 'l-Rabi' Muhammad b. al-Layth al-Qurashi after a detailed perusal of the" books of the foreigners". 5 Al-Ma'miin, the son of Harun, is credited with a book entitled A'Iam al-nubuwwah; this seems to be the earliest compilation on this subject. It was followed by a treatise of al-j ahiz (d. 256/870), entitled Dala'il al-nubuwwah,6 and by al-j uzajani's (d. 259/873) Amaral al-nubuwwah. Later Ibn Qutaybah (d. 276/889) compiled his A'Iam al-nubuwwah. Books of dala"'il al-nubuwwah were compiled in the same period by Ibn Abi 'l-Dunya (d. 281/894) and Ibrahim al-Harbl, Other dala"'il books were compiled by al-Firyabi (d. 301/914), Ibrahim b. Harnmad b. Isbaq (d. 323/935), Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Naqqash (d. 351/962), Abii 'l-Shaykh al-Isfahanl (d. 369/979), Muhammad b. 'Ali al-Shashi (d. 365/975) and Abii Hafs 'Umar b. Shahin (d. 386/996). A comprehensive book of dala"'iI, entitled Sharaf al-Mu~(afa, was compiled by 'Abd ai-Malik b. Muhammad al-Khargiishi (d. 407/1016). The" proofs of prophethood " form a considerable part of this compilation; however, it contains extremely rich material about the life of the Prophet. The author touches upon the pedigree of the Prophet, his virtues, his battles, his proverbs, his dreams, virtues of his family, virtues of Medina and of the Mosque of the Prophet, virtues of his Companions, virtues of Mecca and stories foretelling the appearance of the Prophet. AlKhargushi's book was widely circulated and it is often quoted by both • See e.g. al-Mawardl, A'liim, 68-70. 5 'Abd al-Jabbiir, Tathbit, I, 77-8. • Cf. al-Sandiibi, Rasa~iI, 1'7-14; Ift9aj al-nlihli/ll/llah. THE SiRAH LITERATURE Sunni and Shl'i authors. The famous Mu'tazili scholar 'Abd al-jabbar al-Hamadhani (d. 415/1024) discusses in his Tathbit dala'il al-nubuwwah the miracles of the Prophet against a wide background of historical situation, having recourse to comparisons with other religions and entering into polemics with the unorthodox sects of Islam. The compilations of the first half of the fifth century, the Dala'il of Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Bayhaql (d. 458/1066) and the Dala'il of Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani (d. 430/1038), became very popular. Another book of dald'i! was written in the same period by Abu Dharr al-Harawi (d. 435/1043). Often quoted in later compilations of the Sirah literature is the compilation of the great scholar al-Mawardi (d. 450/1058), A'lam al-nubuwwah. In the same period, the Dala"'il of al-Mustaghfiri (d. 432/1040) was compiled. Among the many compilations of this genre the famous book of Qadl 'I ya<;l. al-Yahsubl (d. 544/ 1149), al-Shifa"' fi ta'rif I;uqiiq al-Mu{tafa, deserves special mention; it became one of the most popular and most admired books in some Muslim countries. The glorification of the person of the Prophet, as expounded in these compilations of the" proofs of prophethood ", was indeed a continuation of a very early trend which, as mentioned above, began shortly after the death of the Prophet. The miracles wrought by the Prophet, or for him, form an essential part of the Sirah of Ibn Ishaq ; in the Jami' of Ma'mar b. Rashid, a special chapter is devoted to this subject. Miraculous elements were included in the Sirah of Miisa b. 'Uqbah? and in the Sirah traditions reported by al-Zuhri.8 The earliest Sirah compilation, the Sirah of Wahb b. Munabbih (d. 110/728 or 114/732), contains an unusual amount of miraculous stories as attested by the fragments of the papyri." Flick was right in his conjecture, made before he read the fragments of the papyri, that the Sirah of Wahb was a work in which truth and legend about the life of the Prophet were interwoven, turning it into an entertaining story. 10 Indeed, the fragments of the papyri of Wahb contain the same kind of miraculous elements as can be found in later compilations. The role of the Devil in the council of the Meccans, convened to get rid of Muhammad, corresponds to what we have in later biographies of the Prophet. The setting of the story of the hijrah in the papyrus is similar to the accounts in later compilations: it contains, for instance, the miraculous story of Umm Ma'bad, recorded, with few variants, in almost every later Sirah; the story of Suraqah ; the story of the dove and the spider at the entrance of the cave and the dust thrown at the heads of the watching Qurashi guard , Cf. e.g. Sachau, "Berliner Fragment", 469 (the story of Suraqah}; 470 (the Prophet sees in his dream Jesus performing the circumambulation of the Ka'bah). 8 Duri, "al-Zuhri", the story of Suraqah. • Khoury, Wahb b. Mllnabbih, 1I8-7j. 10 Fuck, Mllqammad, 4. EARLY COMPILATIONS 357 besieging the house. All these stories are essential elements of the later biographies. Some passages of the papyrus of Wahb cannot, however, be traced in later compilations; they were apparently discarded. Such are the cases of al-Tufayl b. al-Harith's letter to Ja'far b. Abl Talib in Abyssinia and the story of Abu Bakr's meeting with the Devil; neither could be traced in other stories. A part of the papyrus contains a record of an expedition of 'All against Khath'am. This story fully attests the impact of the Shl'l trend on the development of early Sirah literature. A number of scholars have analysed with insight the various stages of the early compilations. The fragments of Wahb's Sirah corroborate the conjectures of these scholars about the popular and entertaining character of the early Sirah stories, a blend of miraculous narratives, edifying anecdotes and records of battles in which sometimes ideological and political tendencies can be discerned. These stories were widely circulated among the believers; pious men used to narrate the Sirah in mosques and to discuss the maghazi at their meetings. It was considered less binding as a duty to narrate the maghazi than to transmit utterances of the Prophet. Scholars refrained from recording Hadith utterances transmitted by unreliable scholars while they did not hesitate to relate maghazi material on their authority. It was only later, in the first half of the second century, that Haditb scholars reacted strongly against the popular Sirah literature and made attempts to discard dubious folk-stories by applying strict rules of Hadith criticism. They did not, however, succeed; the Sirah literature absorbed these narratives and they continued to be transmitted there. The fragment of Wahb's papyrus reflects the very early stage of the formation of the legendary type of Sirah; the Sirah of Ibn ISQaq is in fact a selective collection of this material. Late compilations such as al-Sirah al-If.alabryyah, al-Sirah al-Shamryyah, al-Zurqanl's Shar4 al-Mawahib and Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim contain references to early popular Traditions not incorporated in the generally approved Sirah compilations. POETRY IN THE SiRAH A characteristic feature of early Sirah literature is the numerous poetical insertions.P The heroes of the stories narrated often improvise verses referring to the events recorded; in these poetical passages opponents blame others in verse, fighters expound their virtues and extol the virtues of their clans or their leaders, poets or relatives bewail the warriors killed in battle. These poetical compositions are generally of rather poor quality. The poetical passages attached to the maghazi stories closely resemble the 11 Cf. below cap. 18, "The poetry of the Siroh literature". THE SIRAH LITERATURE poetry of the ~yam (days of battle). A part of this poetry is false, and some of these forgeries were convincingly shown to be so by 'Arafat;12 a certain portion seems, however, to be authentic. But even the fake poems, reflecting as they do the internal struggles in the Muslim community, are of some importance: the historical allusions in .these verses may help to gain an insight into the event referred to; the activity of the forgers had its inception in the first decades of the first century, and the forgers were closely acquainted with the details of the event. Of interest are popular verses in the Sirah literature. Some are attributed to unseen persons, who recited them to the jinn, to idols, to the Devil or to his progeny. Such specimens of popular poetry can be found in the fragments of Wahb's Sirah, in the compilations of Ibn ISQaq,al-Tabari, Abu Nu'aym, al-Bayhaql and in the later biographies of the Prophet. This trend is well represented in the Sirah compilations of Abu 'l-Hasan al-Bakrl, Poems in praise of the Prophet preserve elements of the laudatory poems addressed to tribal leaders. The contents of the eulogies of the Prophet differ, however, in some respects; they specially stress his prophetic mission, emphasize his spiritual qualities, praise the new religion and point out personal or tribal allegiance to the Prophet and Islam. They breathe a spirit of the new faith and stress the moral values of Islam, often coupling them with the old ideas of tribal pride and boasting. Some observations on the change of attitude towards poetry in the early period of Islam may help us to gain a better insight for evaluating the poetry of the Sirah. The attitude towards poets and poetry in the Qur'an was clearly and explicitly unfavourable.P Some pious circles persisted in their negative attitude towards profane poetry, further supporting their argument by the famous utterance attributed to the Prophet: "It is better for a man that his body be full of pus than that he be full of poems."14 It is in accordance with this view that 'A'ishah vigorously denies, in a Tradition attributed to her, the claim that Abu Bakr ever recited poetry. In a speech ascribed to Mu'dwiyah poetry is counted among the seven things forbidden by the Prophet. A version of the Prophet's saying contains the following addition, which demonstrates the tendency to restrict its scope: "than that he be full of poems by which I was satirized" .15According to this enlarged version the transmission of poetry which does not contain satirical verses against the Prophet is permitted. 12 'Ararat, "Aspect", 31-3; 'Ararat, "Early critics", 4l3-63. 13 Qur'an, xxvi.ZZI-8. 1. Goldziher, Mlls/im S tudies, II, 16. 16 AI-SubkI, Tabaqdt, I, zz6-8. POETRY IN THE SiRAH 359 The same trend of concession and compromise is reflected in another Tradition attributed to the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have stated that some poetry is wisdom. A considerable part of poetry containing aphorism, exhortation, edification or moralizing clearly won the approval of orthodox circles. Another utterance attributed to the Prophet permits poetry if its aim is to gain justice from oppression, to gain means of deliverance from poverty and expression of gratitude for a favour received. It was pointed out that the reason why the transmission of poetry was forbidden was the fact that it served to excite inter-tribal discussions and disunity. The libellous and defamatory verses which might threaten the peaceful relations in Islamic society were dangerous and harmful. Such poetry was censured and rejected. But poetry supporting the Prophet and his struggle against the Unbelievers and verses written for the cause of Islam were, of course, praiseworthy. The exceptive phrase in Qur'an xxvi.zzS was explained as referring to the poets of the Prophet, who were commended. They were described as striking the Unbelievers with their verses. Consequently Sirah literature and adab compilations record stories that the Prophet encouraged poets who composed poems in praise of God, and liked to listen to good and beautiful poetry recited by poets. Abu Bakr, a Tradition says, came to the Prophet and, in his presence, met a poet who recited a poem. Abu Bakr asked: "How is that? Qur'an and poetry?" "Sometimes Qur'an and sometimes poetry," answered the Prophet.P There was thus good poetry, which was permitted and which the Prophet even sometimes recited, and bad poetry, which was forbidden. 'A'ishah formulated it as follows: "There is good and bad poetry: take the good and leave the bad."17 A similar Tradition is attributed to the Prophet: "Poetry is like speech; good poetry is like good speech, bad poetry is like bad speech.Yl" According to this utterance the ban on poetry is almost entirely lifted; the listener had to distinguish between good and bad poetry and choose the good, just as he ought to distinguish between good and bad speech and choose the good. The pious Ibn 'Umar indeed acted in this way: he listened to a recitation of a poet; when the poet began to recite unseemly verses he stopped him. A further step in the development of the favourable attitude towards poetry was the legitimization of Jahiliyyah verse. A Tradition, attributed to the Prophet on the authority of Abu Hurayrah, states that the Prophet gave licence for the transmission of Jahiliyyah poetry with the exception 16 17 18 Al-Isfahanl, Muqa4arat, r, 79. AI-JIlini, Fadl, II, 314, no. 866. Qurtubl, Jam,', XIII, r 50. THE SIRAH LITERATURE of two poems (one of Vmayyah b. AbI 'I-Salt, the other of al-A'sha). The same idea is reflected in Traditions that the Prophet used to sit with his Companions and listen to their recitation of pre-Islamic poetry, smiling (that is, with approval). Among the pieces recited in the presence of the Prophet are verses of praise, of contemplation on life and death, of belief and piety; there are also some erotic verses, verses recited by women at a wedding celebration, and even a complaint of a poet deserted by his wife.l" The favourable attitude towards poetry is represented in Traditions stating that the four Orthodox Caliphs were poets, that they either quoted verses or listened to recitations of poems. 'A'ishah is said to have had a good know lege of poetry; she recited verses of JihilI poets and encouraged people to study poetry. Ibn Mas'fid used to recite poetry of the cryyam (battles of the pre-Islamic Arabs). Abu Dharr (d. 604/ I 2°7) quotes an opinion of a Muslim scholar, that the ban on the transmission of poetry was imposed when there were conflicts between Muslims and unbelievers. But once people had embraced Islam and animosities between believers had disappeared there was no objection to transmitting poetry. This view is in fact based on the actual situation in Muslim society of the first century. Poetry was widely transmitted; poems were recited at private meetings, in the markets and even in the mosques. The great scholar al-Sha'bI (d. 103/721) recited poetry in the mosque of Kufa. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayr was surprised to find a group of people reciting poetry in the court of the mosque of Mecca; they argued that it was not the kind of poetry which was forbidden. When 'Vmar reproached Hassan for reciting poetry in the mosque of Medina, he said: "I recited poetry in this mosque in the presence of a man who was better than you." Hassan was referring, of course, to the Prophet. 'Vmar left him and permitted poetry to be recited in the mosque. Muhammad b. Slrln was asked, when in the mosque, whether it was permitted to recite poetry during the month of Ramadan (some people even went so far as to claim that recitation of poetry nullified the ritual ablution). He immediately recited a verse which was far from being chaste, and stood up straightaway to lead the prayer. It was Ibn SIrIn who, when rebuked for reciting a J ahilI verse, said: "What is disliked is poetry composed in Islam; poetry composed in the period of the Jahiliyyah has already been condoned." It is possible to guess at the identity of those who persisted consistently in stubborn opposition to the transmission of poetry from a significant remark by Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab. Having been told that some people in Iraq disliked poetry, he said: "They became ascetics in a non-Arab fashion." 19 See al-A'sha, Dfwiin, 218-19. POETRY IN THE SiRAH Transmission of poetry was encouraged by rulers and governors; poetry became one of the subjects essential to the education of the Umayyad prince. Poetry continued to be one of the most favoured preoccupations of Muslim society in the first century and even fighting troops on the battlefield showed a vivid interest in it. What poet surpasses others in the art of poetry? Who is the best poet? These were common subjects of talk and discussion. An alleged saying of the Prophet accurately reflects the love of poetry of the Arabs: "They will not give up poetry until camels give up yearning [for their resting places ]."20 Ibn AbI 'l-Sa'ib al-Makhziimi expounded it in an utterance very much to the point: "By God, were poetry banned, we would be punished at court several times every day [that is, for reciting it]. "21 The origin of the Sirab poetry, its formation and growth have to be viewed against the background of the uninterrupted transmission of poetry and the struggle for its legitimization. Simple, not elaborate, but vivid, it became a regular component of the early Sirab literature, and was popular and widespread. It was not earlier than the second/eighth century that the content of the early Sirahs came under the scrutiny of scholars and the criteria of ijad{th scholars were applied to assess their validity. This applied to the poetry in the S{rah as well as to its prose portions. GENEALOGY Genealogy was an essential subject of the S{rah literature. Traditions stress the purity of the Prophet's pedigree and the qualities of his ancestors. Special chapters were dedicated to the virtues of Quraysh and the family of the Prophet, the Hashimites. Utterances attributed to the Prophet tried to prove that there was a close link between the ancestors of the Prophet and Islam. Ka'b b. Lu'ayy is said to have foretold the appearance of the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have forbidden the disparagement of Mudar because he was a proto-Muslim. Other versions of the utterance of the Prophet forbid the disparagement of RabI'ah, Imru' al-Qays, Asad b. Khuzaymah, Tamlm and al-Harith b. Ka'b; they all were said to have been Muslims or believers in the faith of Abraham. Another list of the ancestors of the Prophet whom it was forbidden to abuse, because they were true believers, includes 'Adnan, Ma'add, Udad, Khuzaymah, Tamim, Asad and Dabbah. Khuzaymah b. Mudrikah was the first who uttered the testimony of faith. Al-Yas b. Mudar was also a true Believer; he was the first who offered 20 21 Ibn Rashiq, 'Umdah, Ibid. I, 17. THE SIRAH LITERATURE sacrifices in the baram of Mecca and it is forbidden to abuse him. Ma'add was a follower of the Hanlfiyyah of Ibrahim (Abraham), 'Adnan acted according to the Hanlfiyyah ; he was the first who clothed the Ka'bah with leather clothes. Nizar was endowed with the "light of prophethood", which was handed on to Muhammad, The glory of the pedigree of the Prophet was extended, as a matter of course, to include the whole of Quraysh; the idea of the excellency of Quraysh was embodied in the rich literature of Fac/ii'il QurC!Jsh. Quraysh, says a Tradition traced back to 'Abdullah b. 'Abbas, were the light in the presence of God two thousand years before the creation of Adam; this light, reposited first in Adam, passed on and was transmitted to the Prophet.V The excellence of the pedigree of the Prophet is formulated in an utterance of the Prophet: "The best of the Arabs are Mudar ; the best of Mudar are 'Abd Manaf; the best of 'Abd Manaf are Banu Hashim; the best of Banii Hashim are Bami 'Abd al-Muttalib, By God, since God created Adam never was there a division of people into two parts without my being in the better one.'?" An opposite tendency, that of depreciating the excellence of Quraysh, is evident in a Tradition stating that all the Arab tribes have their share in the pedigree of the Prophet. Pious circles in the Muslim community, struggling against the excessive study of genealogy, nevertheless stressed the value and importance of the genealogy of the Prophet. The interdiction on tracing genealogical lineages beyond Ma'add was not followed in the case of the pedigree of the Prophet; his genealogy was traced back to Abraham and the close link of descent and prophecy between him and Abraham was especially stressed. FACTIONALISM The constant struggles between the various political and ideological factions in Islamic society left their mark on the formation of the Sirah. Invented stories and alleged utterances served the cause of the rulers, pretenders and rebels. Some examples are quoted below. The 'Abbasid bias can be clearly seen in the story of the attempt to sacrifice the father of the Prophet, 'Abdullah. It was al-f Abbas, according to this version, who drew him out from under the feet of 'Abd al-Muttalib, trying to save his life. It was al-'Abbas who was the first to kiss the Prophet after he was born; his mother took him to the abode of Aminah, the Prophet's mother, and the women in the house drew him to the cradle of the Prophet, encouraging him and saying: "Kiss thy brother!" The same tendency is evident in the story that al-'Abbas took the oath of .2 Ghanamah, Maniiqil, fols 3b-4a. •• Suyutl, Durr, III, '94-j. FACTIONALISM allegiance from the An~ar for the Prophet at the 'Aqabah meeting. Not less tendentious is the report that al-'Abbas embraced Islam before the battle of Badr and served as a spy of the Prophet in Mecca. The utterance attributed to the Prophet, "Al-'Abbas is indeed my trustee (wa!i) and my heir; 'All and I are closely related",24 bears the mark of an 'Abbasid and anti-Shi'ite tradition, standing in contrast to the ShI'I tradition about the trusteeship of 'AII.25 The general expression '''AlI and I are closely related" merely serves to emphasize the special position of 'Abbas. The famous utterance of the Prophet known as the" Tradition of the Garment" (Ifadith al-kisa"'), when he is said to have covered 'AlI, al-Hasan and al-Husayn with a garment, establishes the entity of the" Family of the Prophet" (AM al-Bt!Yt) and provides an essential argument for the legitimacy of 'All's claim to the caliphate; it has its counterpart in an opposing Tradition, according to which the Prophet covered al-'Abbas and his sons with a garment and said that they were the Family. It is not surprising to find a ShI'I Tradition describing how al-'Abbas and Abu Lahab instigated people against the Prophet and publicly denounced him as a liar. The Tradition about the pact of fraternity (mu'akhah) between the Prophet and 'AII26 is contradicted by a Tradition that the Prophet said: "If I had chosen a friend I would have chosen Abu Bakr, but he is my brother and Companion.t'P? The Tradition which talks about the close fraternal relation between the Prophet and 'AlI is of crucial importance for proving 'AlI's legitimate claim to the caliphate. The contradictory reports about the first man to embrace Islam, whether it was Abu Bakr, 'Allor Zayd b. Harithah, reflect the different opinions of the religio-political parties. The ShI'ah vigorously affirm, of course, that the first believer was 'AlI. An Umayyad bias can be noticed in a peculiar Tradition reporting that the family of Abu Sufyan, himself an Umayyad, were the first to be admonished and warned by the Prophet. Abu Sufyan rejected the scornful words of his wife, saying that the Prophet was not a liar or a wizard. There are divergent and contradictory reports about various events in the life of the Prophet. Some incidents, even very prominent ones, are subject to debate by transmitters and scholars. Only a few cases may be reviewed here. Varying Traditions about the number and identity of the children of the Prophet were further blurred by the tendentious inventions of the AI-MuttaqI 'I-HindI, Kanz, XII, 280, no. ,649, .6 GanjI, Kifiiyat, 260-1. .8 Ibid., '92-3 . • 7 Ibn AbI 'l-Hadld, Shar~ nahj al-baliipha, XI, 49. .4 THE SIRAH LITERATURE religio-political factions. A ShI'I report stated that Ruqayyah and Zaynab were the daughters of Halah, the sister of Khadljah ; another Tradition claimed that they were the daughters of J ahsh, 28 This served as a weighty argument in ShI'I polemics against 'Uthman, who was called Dhii '1-Nurayn, it was said, because he had married two daughters of the Prophet. There are different reports also about the date of birth of the Prophet, of his revelation, about the age of Khadijah when she married the Prophet, about the hijrah, the change of the qiblah (direction of prayer) and about the chronology of the battles and raids of the Prophet. Lists of participants in crucial events were deliberately rearranged or changed. Some of the An~ar, says a report of Ibn al-Kalbi and al-WaqidI, omitted certain names from the list of participants at the' Aqabah meeting, substituting the names of their relatives, who had not attended the meeting. The lists of participants at the battle of Badr were also a subject of debate. Ibn Sa'd felt constrained to consult the genealogy of the Ansar, and having done this, he removed a spurious name from the list of those who took part in the battle of Badr.P" The reports about the number of the Companions who were present at the oath of allegiance at al-I:fudaybiyah are divergent. There were conflicting Traditions about the person appointed to take charge of Medina when the Prophet went out to Badr and the one bidden to divide the booty after the battle. Reports concerning the warriors who remained with the Prophet at Uhud and those who deserted the battlefield are similarly divergent; among the latter group ShI'I tradition counts Abu Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthrnan, while' AlI was, of course, of those who stayed with the Prophet and defended him. How far political interests had a bearing upon the transmission of the Sirah can be seen in the following story. Al-ZuhrI told his student, Ma'mar b. Rashid, that it was 'AlI who had written out the treaty of al-Hudaybiyah, and added, laughing: "If you asked these people they would say it was 'Uthrnan who wrote the treaty." By" these people", Ma'mar remarks, "He meant the Umayyads.t'P" Another anecdote illustrates the attempts made by the Umayyads and their governors to denigrate 'AlI in the Sirah. Khalid b. 'Abdullah al-Qasri bade al-Zuhrl write down the Sirah for him. AI-ZuhrI asked: "If I come across events related to 'AlI, may I mention them?" "No," said Khalid, "except when you see him in the lowest part of Hell. "31 In another story al-Zuhri courageously refuses to transfer the guilt of slandering of' A'ishah from 'Abdullah b. Ubayy to 'AlI.32 28 2. 31 Ibn Shahrashub, Malliiqib iii Abi Tiilib, Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, III, j' 3. Horovitz," Biographies ", 49. I, '38, '40. 30 32 'Abd al-Razzaq, Mu{allllaj, v, 343, no. 9722. Horowitz, "Biographies ", I. C. II, 41. FACTIONALISM The favours bestowed on al-Zuhri by the Umayyads and the close relations between him and the rulers aroused the suspicions of independent Haditb scholars as to his integrity. The pious Sa'd b. Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf chided al-ZuhrI for transmitting a qadith in which the Prophet said that a caliph may not be invoked. Sa'd mentioned a case in which the Prophet was invoked and said: " How can it be that the Prophet was invoked and ai-Wand should not be invoked P'" It is evident that the aim of the Tradition invented was to encourage respect for the Umayyad rulers. Salamah b. DInar Abu Hazim, a pious scholar, sent to al-Zuhri a lengthy letter censuring him for his co-operation with the oppressive Umayyad rulers and criticizing him severely for helping them in caring for their power and authority and in their aiming at worldly gain. He serves the oppressive rulers, "who have turned him into the axle of the wheel of their falsehood and into a bridge for their deceit and error", says Salamah. By his services they sow doubts in the souls of scholars and gain the favour of the ignorant. It is hard to deny that these accusations have some foundation, and the assertion that he (i.e. al-ZuhrI) "was not influenced by political parties and tried to give an impartial account of what he had seen in Medina "34 is open to doubt. The possibility that his Traditions concerning the STrah were influenced by his ties with the Umayyad court cannot be excluded. ShI'I scholars counted him among the Traditionists whose attitude towards' All was hostile. Although highly respected by Sunni scholars engaged in assessing the credibility of Ff.adTthtransmitters Uarq wa-ta'dTI), he was nevertheless recorded in the lists of the mudallisiin. An early report of al-Asrna'I, traced back to Hisham b. 'Urwah, states that al-ZuhrI used to expand or abbreviate the long accounts recorded by his father, 'Urwah. A closer examination of the activities of al-ZuhrI and of the Traditions transmitted by him may help us to acquire an insight into the formative stage of the development of Sirab lore and Haditb. It is, furthermore, important for the evaluation of the formation of Sirah literature to consider the differences between the various schools of Tradition, especially those between Medina and Iraq. These differences were often pointed out in the literature of Hadith and a special compilation was dedicated to this problem. The attacks against the Iraqi school were fierce and passionate, and the Traditions of its scholars were often stigmatized as lies. It is noteworthy also that divergences and contradictions could be found between the accounts transmitted by the disciples of the same Traditionist. 33 3' Ibn Durayd, Mujtana, II. Dud, "al-Zuhri", roff, THE SiRAH LITERATURE MAJOR SiRAH COMPILATIONS The section on the biography of the Prophet in the Ta'rikh of al-Tabari (d. 310/922) records a wealth of early Traditions carefully provided with isndds. The philologist and commentator on the Qur'an, al-Zajjaj (d. 3II/923) is credited with a Maghazicompilation.35 Muhammad b. Hartin al-Ansari al-DimashqI (d. 353/964) wrote a book entitled ~iJat al-nabi. The great scholar of Haditb, Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustl (d. 354/965), the author of a book on the ~aqabah, compiled a biography of the Prophet. At the end of the fourth century the philologist Ahmad b. Faris compiled a book on the names of the Prophet and another about the life of the Prophet. A concise 5 irah compiled by Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064)36 was based on the terse biography of the Prophet composed by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr (d. 463/1071), al- Durar .ft' khti!ari I-magnazi tua-l-siyar, The later compilations, like the commentary of al-SuhaylI (d. 581/1185) on Ibn Hisharn's Sirah, al-Rawq al-unuJ, the Bid4Jat al-su'iil of'Abd al-'AzIz b. 'Abd al-Salarn al-SulamI (d. 660/1262), the K. al-1lr-tiJa' of al-Kala'I (d. 634/1236), the Kheldsat siyar St!Yyid al-basbar of al-Muhibb al-Tabari (d. 684/1285), the 'Uyiin al-atbar of Ibn Sayyid al-Nas (d. 734/1333), the section of the Sirah in al-Nuwayri's (d. 732/1331), Nih4Jat al-arab, and the section of the Sfrah in Ibn KathIr's (d. 774/1372) al-Bid4Jah wa-'I-nih4Jah contain a great number of early Traditions derived from lost or hitherto unpublished compilations. Of special importance is the work of Mughultay (d. 762/1360), al-Zahr al-bdsim, Arguing in his polemic against al-SuhaylI's al-Rawq al-unuJ, Mughultay records an unusually large number of quotations from various recensions of diwans, collections of poetry, compilations of genealogy, philology, lexicography, commentaries on the Qur'an, biographies of the Prophet, books of adab and history. The painstaking efforts of Mughultay to establish correct readings, his checking of variants, his pursuit of every record and Tradition, his comprehensive knowledge, turn his compilation into a veritable treasure for the study of Sirah literature and help towards a better understanding of the controversial ideas of the scholars about the activities of the Prophet and his personality. Summarizing compilations of the Sirab were provided by Yahya b. AbI Bakr al-'Amiri (d. 893/1488) in his Babiab, and by Taql 'I-DIn al-Maqrlzi (d. 845/1441) in his Imtd', Three late compilations deserve special attention: theSubul( = Sfrahal-Shamryyah) of Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihi (d. 942/1535), the lnsdn al-'''!}'iin.ft sirat al-amin al-ma'miin (= al-Sirah al-fJalabryyah) of'AlIb. Burhan al-Dln (d. 1044/1634), and the commentary '5 Cf. cap. 16, "The Maghiizi literature". 38 Jawami'. MAJOR SiRAH COMPILATIONS by al-Zurqani (d. 1122/1710) on the al-Mawahib al-Iadunryyah of al-Qastallanl (d. 923/15 17)' Al-Sirah al-Shamryyah is one of the most comprehensive compilations of the biography of the Prophet. Al-~alil).I drew, according to his statement in the preface, on more than three hundred books. He accumulated an enormous number of Traditions, narratives and reports from sirab compilations, Haditb collections, books of dala"'il, shama"'il, kha{a"'i{, histories of cities and dynasties, biographies of transmitters of Haditb, and treatises of asceticism and piety, recording carefully the variants of the reported Traditions and attaching detailed lexicographical explanations of difficult words and phrases. AI-Sirah al-Fjalabryyah, although extracted mainly from al-Sirah alShamryyah, contains a great deal of additions by al-Halabi. It is one of the characteristic features of this compilation that al-Halabi records divergent and contradictory Traditions and strives to harmonize them. Al-Zurqani gives, in his meticulous commentary, a wealth of Traditions corroborating or contradicting the reports recorded by al-Qastallani. The late compilations thus contain an immense wealth of material derived from early sources. Some of these Traditions, stories, reports and narratives are derived from lost or hitherto unpublished sources. Some Traditions, including early ones, were apparently omitted in the generally accepted Sirab compilations, faded into oblivion, but reappeared in these late compilations. . Only a small part of the sirab compilations have been mentioned above. The uninterrupted flow of transmission of Traditions on the life of the Prophet embedded in the rich literature of Qur'an commentaries, collections of Haditb, works of adab, history, polemics of religio-political parties and works of piety and edification, is remarkable. The ramifications of Sirah literature, such as the literature on the ,$aqabah, on the ancestors of the Prophet, on his genealogy, servants, secretaries, on the habits and characteristics of the Prophet, on his birth, on the" night-journey" (isra"') and "ascent" (mi'rij), are indispensable for an adequate study of the development of the conception the Muslim community formed, throughout the ages, of the person of the Prophet. The narratives of the Sirah have to be carefully and meticulously sifted in order to get at the kernel of historically valid information, which is in fact meagre and scanty. But the value of thisJnformation for the scrutiny of the social, political, moral and literary ideas of the Muslim community cannot be overestimated; during the centuries, since Muslim society came into existence, the revered personality of the Prophet served as an ideal to be followed and emulated.

On an Early Fragment of the Qurʾān

quran_fragment.pdf ON AN EARLY FRAGMENT OF THE QUR'AN Papyrus No. 28 of the "Arabic papyri from Hirbet el-Mird," edited by Adolf Grohmann (Louvain-Leuven 1963, Bibliotheque du Museon, vol. 52, pp. 30-32, PI. XIV), is described by Grohmann as a "fragment of an officialIetter probably referring to the embola." His reading, translation and comments are reproduced here. Mird A 31 a 1 (M.A.B.). century A.D.). 22 X 8,5 cm. lInd century A.H. (VIIIth On the recto 16 lines are written in black ink in a cursive, inelegant hand at right-angles to the horizontal fibres. The verso (A 31b) bears fragments and vestiges of 13 lines writt~n in black iuk in a regular, skilled hand, parallel to the vertical fibres. 'fhe fragment, coming from the middle of the letter, is very poorly preserved. Of the lines 12-16 only a small strip of papyrus, 1,7 cm wide, has survi.ved. On the right side a piece, 3,5 em high and 8,3 cm wide, has detached itself from the upper layer of the papyrus. The verso is so badly damaged that it is impossible to recover much more thim some fragments of words, the translation of which is impossible. Prototype : original. [r'"~)I] cr)1 A.\ll r'"[ .] l.;1] JJI )I] , ,.. [ ].::...r'" 0'. A.\ll ~P]- J[ I 4,)"iJ 0'. 4,)"iJ ~] [~jJl] ~[I ? • .J [ ,.. ~ 0 [ ] [ .J]lij li ] 164 [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ ] c:Ll[;] J~' ]J' J.).c 'Y.J ~ ] '~'.J ']y ]~, .;Ai

The Interpretation of Dreams. An Unknown Manuscript of Ibn Qutayba's 'ʿIbārat Al-Ruʾyā'

dreams.pdf The interpretation of dreams An unknown manuscript of Ibn Qutaybas "'Ibarat al-Ru'ya" In memory of Gustave von Grunebaum A manuscript of Ibn Qutayba's compilation on dreams! hitherto considered Iost has recently turned up in the Library of the Hebrew University.s The manuscript contains 67 folios of text (15 lines to each page), carefully written in small, vowelled, clear script; three additional folios contain a Iist of contents written by a later scribe, a remark of a reader and a waqf note. The colophon records the date of copying and the place: Damascus, 20 Dhu l-qa'da 845 H.3 The title of the book as given on the title page and in the colophon is "t Ibdrat al-ru'yii", But the title recorded on fol. Ib and at the end of the book is "Ta'bir al-ru'yii", The book seems to have been known by both titles. Ibn al-Nadtm mentions the compilation as "Kitdb ta'bir al-ru'yd" ,4 Ibn Khayr records it as "Kitdb 'ibiirat al-ru'yii",» I See G. Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba (Damas, 1965), p. 157; T. Fahd, La Divination Arabe (Leiden, 1966), pp. 316-328, 350, no. 97. Lengthy passages from Ibn Qutayba's work are quoted in Ps. Ibn Sirin's Muntakhab al-kaliim fi tafsir al-ahliim, Cairo 1382/1963. 2 Collection Yahuda, Ms. Ar, 196. I should like to express my gratitude to Dr. M. Nadav and Mr. E. Wust who kindly let me read the manuscript and provided me with the needed photographs. An edition of the text is now in course of preparation. I should also like to thank the following libraries and their librarians: the British Museum, Cambridge University Library, the Chester Beatty Collection, the Bodleian Library, London University Library, the Sulaymaniyya and Ankara University. 3 Fol. 67a: ... ammd ba'du qad waqa'a l-fariighu min kitiibati hiidhihi l-nuskhati l-sharifati l-mausiimati bi-kitdbi 'ibdrati I-ru'yii 'alii yadi I· 'abdi I-rla'ifi l-nahlfi l-riiji ilii rahmati lldhi l-biiri yal;yii bni muhammadin il-bukhiiri fi 'ishrtna min dhi l-qa'dati sanata khamsin wa-arba'ina wa-thamdni mi'atin bi-dimashqa l-mahriisati $iinaha lldhu fa'ii,'ii 'an il·afiit wa-l-nakabiit. alIiihumma ghfir li-kiitibihi wa-li-man nazara fthi dmin, yii rabba 1-'alamtn. 4 AI- Fihrist (Cairo, 1348), p. 439 ult. 5 Fahrasa, ed. F. Codera, J. Ribera Tarrago (Saragossa, 1893; reprint Baghdad 1963), p. 266. Al-Zurqanl refers evidently to our manuscript quoting from Ibn Qutayba's Kitab usiili l-ibiira (al-Zurqanl, Sharb 'alii l-mawdhib al-ladunniyya, Cairo, 1328, VII, 173). The compilation of al-Kirmanl is quoted by al-Qlic;lI"Iyad, Tarttb al-maddrlk, ed. Abroad Bakir The chain of the transmitters of the book is given as follows: Abu I-Hasan 'Abd al-Baqi b. Faris b. Ahmad aI-Muqri', known as Ibn Abl l-Fath aIMi~ri;6 Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Muhammad b. 'Arak;? Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Marwan al-Malikl.f The Ms begins: qara'tu 'alii l-shaykhi l-sdlihi abi l-hasani 'abdi l-bii qi ... The name of the scholar who read the Ms aloud to Abu IHasan is not mentioned throughout the book. The remark on the margin of the colophon: qdbalndhii 'alii nuskhati l-asli bi-qadri l-imkdni may support the assumption that the scribe copied it from the copy of the student who read it to Abu l-Hasan. It may be worthwhile to remark that Ahmad b. Marwan al-Malikl, the first person in the chain of the transmitters of our manuscript, is also recorded by Ibn Khayr as the transmitter of his manuscript.? Our manuscript is thus the earliest extant Muslim compilation on dreams. Ibn Qutayba stresses that he derived his material from the "science of aIKirmanit? and others" and undertakes to explain the principles of oneiromancy overlooked by the former scholars.! I This passage indicates that Ibn Qutayba's compilation forms in fact a continuation of an earlier Muslim tradition of oneiromancy, which may be traced to the first half of the second century. The continuity of transmission of the lore of oneiromancy in later centuries is represented by the personality of Abu Muhammad 'Abd a1Rahman b. Muhammad b. 'Attab!2 who transmitted to Ibn Khayr the compilations of al-Kirmani and Ibn Qutayba, the commentary on the book of a1Kirmani compiled by AbU 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yahya b. al-Hadhdha'.U Mahmud (Beirut-Tripoli 1387/1967),IV, 734, as Kitiib al-libiira (mentioning the commentary on it "al-Bushrii fi 'ibiirat al-ru'yii" by Muhammad b. Yahya al-Hadhdha"; this commentary is mentioned in an abbreviated manner as "al-Bushra" ib., IV, 429); it is also recorded as Kitab al-libam by Ibn Khayr, op. cit., p. 266 (he records however the commentary of alHadhdha' under the title "Kitiib al-bushrii fi ta'wfl al-ru'yii", ib., p. 267). 6 See on him al-Jazarl, Ghdyat al-nihiiya Ii tabaqiit al-qurrii'; ed. G. Bergstrasser (Cairo, 1932), I, 357, no. 1529; he was a student of 'Urnar b. 'Arak ; d. ca. 450 H. 7 See on him al-Jazari, op. cit. I, 597, no. 2431 (d. 388 H). 8 See on him Ibn Hajar, Lisdn al-mizdn, I, 309, no. 931. He was the most prolific transmitter of the lore of Ibn Qutayba (wa-kiina min arwii l-ndsi 'an ibni qutayba). D. 333 H; but see al·QiiQi'IyiiQ, op. cit., I, 27, I. 19. 9 Fahrasa, p. 267, I. 1. 10 In text: Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Malik, which seems to be an error; read: b. 'Abdallah; see on him Fahd, op. cit., pp. 316, 345 no. 67. 11 "Ibdra, fol. 17a: ... qdla abu muhammadin: wa-sa-ukhbiruka 'an ta'wlli l-ahddtthi mii naf'aluhu /aka mithiilan, thumma nastru ilii ikhbarika 'an al-usidi nakhtasiru (textyahtarliru) li-dhdlika min "ilmiibrahima bni 'abdi lliih! (text: "abdi /-maliki) l-kirmiini wa-ghayrihi wa-mufaddalin (perhaps: mufassalint min al-akhbiiri muhtawin 'alii jumalin jiimi'atin kiifiyattn li-man ahsana tadbirahii wa-u'ina bi-l-tafsiri 'alayhii wa-ubayyinu min 'ilali tilka l-usiil! mii aghfalahu 1mutaqaddimiina fa-lam yadhkuriihu in shii'a [lliihu] wa-lii quwwata ilia bi-lldhi. 12 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-/.zufJaz, Hyderabad 1377/1958, IV, 1271 (d. 520 H). 13 See on him al-Qad! 'Iyad, op. cit., IV, 429, 733-734 (d. 416 H). 68 The interpretation of dreams the book of Abu Dharr al-Harawlt- and the book of Nu'ayrn b. Hammad.t> The compilation of Ibn Qutayba is divided into two parts: an extensive introduction (fols. 1b-25a) followed by a compendium of oneiromancy containing forty six chapters (fols. 25a-67b). Lists of chapter headings are given in the Appendix. Our manuscript is, however, not complete. It is, therefore, fortunate that another Ms of this work, Ms. Ankara, Is. Saib Sincer I, 4501 (fols. 180a217b) could be consulted. This Ms contains only the first part of our manuscript, i.e. the introduction; the last folios of this Ms are missing. This missing part of the Ms corresponds to fols. 23a, I. 10 - 25a, I. 11 of our manuscript. A former owner of Ms. Ankara rightly noted on the margin of fol. 217b: "nuqsdnuhu waraqun au waraqayn (!) bi-shahddati wuqu'i hddhii l-bdbifi dkhiri l-fihrisi l-thdniyati l-wdqi'ati ii raqmi 179." On fol. 180a there is in fact a list of twenty three (actually twenty four) chapters into which the introduction is divided; every chapter in this Ms is indeed preceded by a headline which conforms to this list. The missing chapter is No. 24: biib adab al-ta'wil; only the beginning of this chapter is found on fol. 217b; it can however be supplemented from our manuscript. The missing passage in our manuscript, fol. 1b, I. 12, should be supplied from Ms. Ankara fo1s. 180b, I. 8 - 182a ult.; the missing passage 011 fol. 3a, I. 10 has to be supplied from Ms. Ankara fols. 184a, I. 7 - 185b ult. On fol. 5a, I. 8 of our manuscript the short chapter "biib al-ta'wil bi-l-ma'nd" from Ms. Ankara fols. 188b-189a ought to be added. On fol. 17a, I. 4 seven chapters from Ms. Ankara (fols. 203a-212b) have to be supplemented. The missing material on fol. 1b of Ms. Jerusalem, which can be supplemented from Ms. Ankara, is of some importance. Counting the wonders and signs of God's creation, Ibn Qutayba stresses the Oneness of God and the grace granted to man by the fact that he has been enabled to smell, see, hear and taste in dream as well as to laugh and to cry, to cross countries while his own body is reclining, his senses inactive and his legs motionless. These wonders associated with dream which were granted to man by God caused some unbelieving people in ancient times (tahayyara qaumun min mutaqaddimi l-mulhidint to be in a state of perp1exion. They drew the conclusion that everything in the world has to be considered as the effect of phantasy and imagination. The sleeping person is indeed certain that the appearances of his dream are realities exactly as he who is awake considers the objects which he perceives to be realities. Ibn Qutayba quotes arguments already adduced in ancient times against this opinion. Ibn Qutayba stresses that the majority of people in the period of the Jahi14 15 Ibn Khayr, See on him al-QiiQi 'IyiiQ, op. cit,. IV, 696-698 (d. 435 H). op. cit., pp. 266-267. 69 liyya and Islam believed in dreams with the exception of a group of atheistic materialists (qaumun min al-zanddiqa yaqillilna bi-I-dahri) and a group of physicians in ancient times. Another group of physicians who were upholders of religion ial-dayyiiniina min al-atibba') partly accepted and partly refuted the veracity of dreams. The reality of dreams was based on the story of Joseph recounted to the People of the Book as well as on the stories recorded by transmitters (of stories) and prophets. The denial of the truth of dreams was based on the assumption that content and form of dreams are conditioned by the difference in the temperaments of men and the preoccupation of their mind.16 Ibn Qutayba admits the existence of such dreams, argues however that they belong to the category of "confused dreams (aq.ghath). True dreams are brought by angels; they are copied from the Tablet in Heaven and contain good tidings or warnings against performing bad deeds. The truth of these dreams can only be denied by a stubborn man or an apostate. The passage missing in our manuscript, fo1. 3a, and which has to be inserted from Ms. Ankara fols. 184a-185b deals with the denotations of the words "nafs" and "rub". The additional chapters in Ms. Ankara, fols. 203a-212b, contain anecdotes about dreams of the Prophet, his Companions and pious men. Initially, the field of dream interpretation had to obtain recognition as legitimately Isiamic and to get the approval of the orthodox circles by reference to the permission or injunction of the Prophet. The Prophet is indeed said to have commented on Sura x 64 ("Those who believe and are godfearing for them is good tidings in the present Iife and in the world to come") and stated that "good tidings in the present Iife" refer to good dreams which they have in their sleep.!? The importance of dreams was emphasized by the utterance attributed to the Prophet in which he established the relation between prophecy and dream: "Prophecy has passed", said the Prophet, "and there remain only bearers of good tidings, good dreams which a man sees or which are shown to him in sleep."18 16 See N. Bland, JRAS, p.7. "On the Muhanunedan Science of TabIr, or Interpretation of Dreams" 1856, p. 128; Ps. Ibn SIrin, Muntakhab al-kaliim ft tafslr al-ahldm (Cairo, 1382/1963), 17 'Ibiira, fol. 2, II. 1-2; al-Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Mal)miid Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1960), XV, 124-139, nos. 17717-17756; al-Qurtubl, Tafslr (Ireprintl Cairo, 1387/1967), VIII, 358; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthio: (Cairo, 1314), Ill, 311-313; al-Hakim al-Naysabiirl, aI-Mus· tadrak (Hyderabad, 1342), IV, 391; al-Khargiishl, al-Bishdra wa-l-nidhiira fi ta'bir al-ru'yii wa-l-muriiqaba, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6262, fol. 2b. 18 'Ibara, fol. Ib, penult. (reported on the authority of Unun Kurz al-Ka'biyya ; see on her Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba (Cairo, 1325/1907), VIII, 272, no. 1459); al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 391; 70 The interpretation of dreams An early"? and widely current tradition gives an evaluation of a good dream by stating, on the authority of the Prophet, that it is one out of forty six parts of prophecy.20 True, sound and good dreams were of course those of the Prophet. The Prophet saw in his dream that he rode a camel with a ram behind him and that the edge of his sword was broken. The Prophet predicted that he would kill a Ieader of the (troops of the) enemy (= the ram - K) and that a man from his family will be killed (= the broken edge of his sword - K). In fact the Ieader of the enemy Talha b. abl Talha and the uncle of the Prophet, Hamza, were both killed (in the battle of UJ:!ud).21 The Prophet dreamt that two bracelets were put on his arms; he threw al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, Muhddariit al-udabii' (Beirut, 1961) I, 149; al-Tibrlzl, Mishkiit al-masiibib (Karachi, 1350), p. 394; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 163; al-Majlisi, Bil;!ar al-an war (Tehran, 1390), LXI, 177, 192; al-Khargushi, op. cit., foJ. 2a; G. E. von Grunebaum, "The Cultural Function of the Dream as Illustrated by Classical Islam", in: G. E. von Grunebaum and Roger Caillois, The Dream and Human Societies (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966), p. 7, note 2. 19 Recorded in Ma'mar b. Rashid's Jiimi'; Feyzullah 541, fol. 152a penult.-152b. 20 "Ibiira, foJ. 2a; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, al-Lu'lu' wa-l-marjiin fimd ttafaqa "alayhi l-shaykhiin (Cairo, 1368/1949), III, 102-103, nos. 1457-1460; al-Haytharnl, Majma' al-zawii'id (Beirut, 19(7), VII, 172; al-Hakim, op, cit., IV, 390; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, op. cit., I, 149; al-Tibrtzl, op. cit., pp, 394, 396; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312-313; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 175, 178, 191; al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafe' (Beirut, 1351), I, 436, no. 1407; al'Azlzl, al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo, 1377/1957), II, 322; al-Hanaft, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 231; and see other versions: Abii Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyii' (Cairo, 1351/1932),VIII, 196 (a ninetieth part); al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 167, 177 (a seventieth part); Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol, 152b (a seventieth part); al-Tabarant, al-Mu 'jam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina, 1388/1968),II, 56 (a seventieth part); al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312-313 (a seventieth part); al-HanafI, op. cit., II, 231 (a seventieth or fiftieth part); al-Tabarl, op. cit., XV, 132, no. 17730 (a part of forty four parts, or a sixtieth part); ib., p. 131, no. 17729 (a part of forty nine parts); al-Zurqani, op. cit., VII, 162-165 (a part of forty four, forty five, twenty four, twenty five, fifty, seventy, seventy six parts of prophecy); and see al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 173-174 (a fortieth, a fiftieth, a sixtieth part of prophecy); al-Qastallant, Irshdd al-sdrt (Cairo, 1323), X, 123-127 (a part of forty six, forty four, forty, fifty, seventy, seventy six, twenty six parts of prophecy); cf. A. Kristianpoler, Monumenta Talmudica II, I: "Traum und Traumdeutung" (Wien-Berlin, 1923), p. 25, no. 69 (I;!alom ebad mi-shishim fj·nbu'a); and see ibid., no. 70, and see ibid., p. XI); A. Lowinger, Der Traum in der jiidischen Literatur (Leipzig, 1908), p. 4. 21 "Ibdra, foJ. 52b, inf.; al-Waqidl, al-Maghdzi, ed. M. Jones (London, 1966), I, 209, 225-226, 307; al-Suyutl, al-KhO$ii'i$ al-kubrii, ed. Muhammad KhalIl Haras (Cairo, 1386/ 1967), I, 529; al-Haythamt, op, cit., VII, 180; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 174, 184-185; Ps. Ibn Slrln, Muntakhab al-kaldm It tafsir al·al;!liim (Cairo, 1382/1963), p. 186 inf.; al-Majlisi op. cit., LXI, 179; Fahd, op. cit., p. 282; al-Khargtishl, op. cit., foJ. 142a. 71 them away and they fell down. He expounded this dream by the appearance of the two false prophets Musaylima and a1-Aswad a1-'AnsI.22 The Prophet saw in a dream reddish-white and black sheep (ghanam) coming to him. He interpreted the reddish-white ones as referring to non-Arabs, the black ones as referring to the Arabs and predicted that non-Arabs will embrace Islam and join the Arabs.23 The fate of Islam was revealed to the Prophet in another dream: he saw himself seated in the house of 'Uqba b. Rafi' where dates of Ibn Tab24 were served. He interpreted it by using verbal associations, predicting that Islam will gain excellence in this and in the next world ('raft' - rif'a) and that the faith of Isiam has already become pure (tab - taba).25 A tradition attributed to the Prophet divided dreams into good and evil; good dreams come from God, evil ones from Satan. "If you see a displeasing appearance in your dream, seek refuge from Satan in God and spit three times at your left side, then it will not harm you", said the Prophet. A special prayer was devised: "I seek refuge in the God of Musa, 'lsa and Ibrahim from the evil of the dream, lest it harm me in my faith or in (my dealings in) this world or in my sustenance. Strong is the man protected by God, glory and power are His. There is no God but Him."26 22 "Ibdra, fol. 46b, sup.; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad al-Tanaht (Cairo, 1385/1965), V, 90; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 181; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'il al-rasiil ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal)id (Cairo, 1386/1967), p. 387; Ibn al-Jauzl, al·Wa/ii bi-ahwdli, l-mustafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1966), II, 633; Ibn al-Athtr, Jdmi' al-usid, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 376, no. 4980; al-Qastallani, op. cit., X, 154-156; Hamrnam b. Munabbih, al-Sahtfa al-sahtha, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Hyderabad, 1375/1956), p. 119, no. 134. 23 'Ibara, fo1. 53a; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 395; al-Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafii', ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1371/1952), p. 105; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 183; Ibn al-Jauzi, op, cit., 11,631; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 231; I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, trans1. C. R. Barber and S. M. Stem (London, 1967), I, 112; Ahmad b. l;Iajar al-Haytaml, al-Sawii'iq al-muhriqa fi I-raddi 'alii ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zandaqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latlf (Cairo, 1375), p. 33; al-Khargusht, op. cit., fo1. 170a. 24 See about this kind of dates al-Tha'alibl, Thimdr al-quliib, ed. Muhammad Abii I-FaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 266, no. 387; al-Bakri, Mu'jam mii sta'jam, ed. Mustafa aISaqa (Cairo, 1364/1945), I, 37, note 2. 25 "Ibdra, fo1. 4b, sup.; al-Tibrizi, op. cit., p. 395; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 250; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 186; Ibn al-Jauzl, op. cit., II, 631; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 9. 26 'Ibara, fo1. 24b; cf. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op, cit., fo1. 152a-b; aI-HaythamI, op. cit., VII, 174-175, 181; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 392; al-Khattb al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh Baghdad (Cairo, 1349/1931), XII, 484; al-Suyirtl, al-Durr, III, 313; al-Tibrlzi, op. cit., p. 394; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 168-169; al-Shibli, Akiim al-marjdn, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Cairo, 1376), pp. 182-184; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 174, 188, 193; Ibn al-Sunni, 'Amal al-yaum wa-l-layla (Hyderabad, 1358), pp. 207-208; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 15; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 102, no. 1456; N. Bland, "On the Muhammedan Science of Tablr, 72 The interpretation of dreams A dream in which the Prophet appears is considered sound and good. The Prophet is said to have stated: "He who sees me in a dream sees me in reality, because Satan does not take up my appearance".27 Seeing the Prophet in dream is like seeing him in reality. or Interpretation of Dreams" JRAS, 1856, p. 130; cf. Kristianpoler, op. cit., p. 17, nos. 42-43 (and see p. IX); Lowinger, op. cit., pp, 32-33. 27 "Ibiira, fol. 2a; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. al-mandm, Ms. al-Jazzar (majmii' a), Acre, p, 321; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, op. cit., I, 149; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1370/1950), V, 138, no. 3410 and p. 304, no. 3798; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 173, 181-183; al-Sharff al-Murtada, Amdli, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1373/1954), II, 394; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 393; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is, III, 339; Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., VII, 246; al-Shibll, op, cit., pp. 184-186 ("Ii bayiini anna l-shaytdna la yatamaththalu bi-l-nabiyyi -s-"): cf. Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 153a (man ra'dni fi l-mandmi fa-huwa l-haqqu); al-Tibrizt, op. cit., p. 394 (. . .fa-qad ra'a l-haqqar; al-Qastallani, op. cit., X, 133-135, 139 (and see ibid., the version: man ra'iini fi l-mandmi fa-sa-yariini It l-yaqzay; Ibn 'Asakir: Tahdhib ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad 'Ubayd (Damascus, 1349), VI, 380 ult. (man ra'dnl Ii l-mandmi fa-innahu ta yadkhulu l-niira}; al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fo!. 16b. Some scholars included in this category of sound and true dreams the appearance in dreams of prophets, angels, the sun, the lighting stars and clouds containing rain. (See al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 238, quoted from al-Baghawi's Shorb al-sunnai. A remarkable hadith transmitted by al-Tabarani reports that the Prophet stated that Abu Bakr would interpret (sci!. truly - K) the dreams and that his true dreams would form his lot of prophecy. (Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haytami, al-Sawii'iq almuhriqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Lattf (Cairo, 1375), p. 67 with a comment of the author on this tradition: inna aba bakrin yu'awwilu I-ru'ya wa-inna ru'ydhu l-sidihata hazzuhu min al-nubuwwati}. Shl'I sources record the tradition about the appearance of the Prophet in a dream with some significant additions. Satan will not appear in the form of the Prophet or of one of the trustees (ausiya', i.e. the Shi"I imams), nor in the form of anyone of the Shi'a. (See this tradition: al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 176; and see the discussion of this tradition ibid., pp. 211, 216, 234-236). Shl'I tradition reports that 'Ali saw the Prophet every night in a dream. The Prophet revealed to him that five of his Companions (among them Abu Bakr and 'Umar) plotted against him and decided to deprive him of the Caliphate, thus violating the injunction of the Prophet. The Prophet informed 'Ali in a dream about the pains suffered by Abu Bakr and 'Urnar on their death-beds in connection with their mischievous deed. (See Sulaym b. Qays, Kitiib al-saqifa, al-Najaf, n.d., pp. 96, 181; quoted by al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 240241). A sunm tradition reported that Anas b. Malik used to see the Prophet almost every night in his dream (Al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 182). There are interesting stories about dreams in which the Prophet expresses his opinion concerning religious leaders and scholars, commending, permitting or rejecting their teachings. Yazid b. Hakim saw the Prophet in a dream. He asked him about Sufyan al-Thauri and the Prophet gave a favourable opinion about him. (Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/ 1966, IV, 259). Zayd b. Dawud saw in a dream the Prophet granting Malik b. Anas musk and asking him to divide it among the people. Zayd interpreted musk as representing knowledge (Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 348; al-Qad! 'Iyad, op. cit., I, 375). Abu 'Abdallah saw in a 73 The seriousness of dreams and their interpretation was stressed, as usual, by a hadith. "He who Iies about his dream will be ordered (at the Day of Judgement - K) to join two barley corns and will be put on burning coal."28 Ibn Qutayba defines the dream as a "kind of revelation and a sort of prophecy" (li-annahu jinsun min al-wahyi wa-darbun min al-nubuwwatii.tr The art of oneiromancy, argues Ibn Qutayba, is shrouded in mystery, very complicated and intricate; it is distinguished and sublime. Consequently, the requirements imposed on an interpreter of dreams are manifold as regards qualifications, knowledge and character. While the way to every other science is straight, its principles not being diverse and its standards (maqiiyis) not liable to change, the principles of oneiromancy are changeable according to the position of the person who dreams, his belief, profession, ambitions and the time and period of dreaming. Sometimes a dream is a coined proverb, which has to be interpreted according to the meaning of its words, sometimes it dream a person coming out of a maqsiira in the mosque of Tarsus, quoting the utterance of the Prophet: "Imitate those who will come after me, Abroad b. Hanbal" (Abii Nu'ayrn, op. cit., IX, 185; and see ib., p. 187: a man saw al-Khidr in a dream; he stated that Ahmad b. Hanbal was a truthful person [$iddiq]; and see other dreams about Abroad b. Hanbal, ib., pp. 187-193). Ibrahim b. Musa al-Farra' saw the Prophet in a dream and asked him about the hadiths reported by al-Qasim b. 'Abd al-Rahman on the authority of Abu Umama; the Prop!.et disapproved of them (Ibn I;lajar, Tahdhib, VlII, 324, no. 581). The Prophet recommended Muhammad b. Muslim to record the knowledge of Yahya b. Yahya al-Hanzali (AI-QaQi 'Iyad, op. cit., I, 408). The Prophet ordered in a dream Salama b. Shabib at the age of fifty to refrain from transmission of hadlth ; afterwards the Prophet ordered him to transmit traditions (Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rikh, ed. Abroad 'Ubayd, Damascus 1349, VI, 229). A dream served as means for establishing the Prophet's approval of a Shi'i poet. Sa'd al-Asadl saw the Prophet in a dream. The Prophet asked him to recite a poem of al-Kumayt (Qasida 2 of the Hdshimiyyiit, ed. J. Horowitz, Leiden, 1904, p. 27). After the Prophet had heard the qasida he ordered Sa'd to inform al-Kumayt that as a reward for this poem God forgave him his sins (Al-Mausill, Ghiiyat al-wasii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fols. 181b inf. - 182a). The authority of al-Tha'labl, the author of Qi$a$ al-anbiyii', was established by God. Abii l-Qasim al-Qushayri, the author of the well-known "Risiila", saw God in a dream. While God was talking with al-Qushayri He remarked: "The righteous man has come"; it was al-Tha'Iabl (Al-Safadl, al-Wiifi bi-l-wafayiit, VII, 308, Beirut 1389/1969, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas). 28 'Ibdra, foJ. 24b; Abroad b. Hanbal, op. cit., V, 130, no. 3383; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 392; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 174; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 183; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' atusul, XII, 332-333, nos. 9348-9350; al-'AzIzI, op, cit., III, 386; Bland, op. cit., p, 131. (And see another version of this tradition 'Ibdra, foJ. 24b); Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashfu l-tauqi' Ii-ahli l-basira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3922, foJ. 29b; al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. 8a. 29 'Ibdra, foJ. 2a, I. 4. 74 The interpretation of dreams has to be interpreted antithetically. Sometimes the content of the dream refers to another person (like the dreamer's brother, or his superior or peer).3o Sometimes the dreams are confused (a¢ghiith). Due to the intricate character of dreams the requirements from the interpreter are wider than in the field of any other science. "For every scholar of some branch of the sciences", says Ibn Qutayba, "the tool of his science can be sufficient for practising it; but the oneirocritic has to be a scholar of Qur'an and haditlt in order to interpret dreams according to their ideas, to be acquainted with Arab proverbs and rare verses of poetry, to have a knowIedge of Arabic etymology and of current colloquial speech. Besides, he has to be an "adib", gentle, sagacious, endowed with a capacity to judge the countenance of the people, their character-features, their rank and state, to have a knowledge of analogy and an acquaintance with the principles of oneiromancy".31 Only with God's guidance and help will he be pious and pure of sins and get his Iot of the heritage of the prophets, says Ibn Qutayba.32 Ibn Qutayba's intent in his introduction is to set out the ways of oneiromancy and to supply examples of dreams dealt with according to different methods: etymoiogicaI, anti thetical , symbolical and the ones based on Qur'an, hadith, current verses or proverbs.» The many dreams recorded by Ibn Qutayba contain forebodings, stories about reward in Paradise and punishment in Hell, judgements about character and behaviour of people; they reveal some hidden facts, edify and admonish and touch upon a wide range of subjects Iike religious tenets, political conditions, culturallife and moral ideas. The attitude of the orthodox circles towards the heterodox factions in Islam is reflected in the dream of Yazid b. Hanin.34 He saw a man who uttered fatwiis in the mosque of Mecca. He inquired about the man and was told that he was the prophet Joseph. Yazid asked him about drinking nabidh.35 Joseph stated that it was not forbidden, but disliked. Yazid asked about the khawdrij and Joseph answered: "They are Jews." Joseph gave the same 30 'Ibiira, fols. 16b inf. - 17a sup.: Aba Jahl was seen in a dream embracing Islam; this referred to his son 'Ikrima, (See Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 153a inf.; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayrl, Nasab Quraysh, ed. E. Levi-Provencal (Cairo, 1953), p. 311; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 258, no. 5632). The Prophet saw in a dream AsId b. Abll-'I$ entering Paradise; this referred to his son 'Attab b. AsId (al-'Ibiira, ibid.; cf. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, IV, 211, no. 5383); cf. Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 7, n. 3-4. 31 'Ibdra, fol. 2a inf. - 2b sup.; cf. Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 7; Bland, op. cit., p. 132. 32 "Ibdra, fol. 2b. 33 "Ibdra, fol. 4a; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op, cit., p. 9. 34 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhtb, XI, 366, no. 711. 35 About drinking nabtdh see e.g.: al-Tahawr, SharI,! mushkil al-iithiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhrl al-Najjar (Cairo, 1388/1968),IV, 215-229; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 17-18, nos. 1304-1306. 75 answer when asked about the riifida: "They are Jews." YazId could not remember what Joseph said about the Murji'a. "What about a man praying, fasting, carrying out his duties, not trespassing in these things whatsoever?" asked YazId. "That is my message and that of my fathers," said Joseph.ss The khawdrij are, as is usual.s? depicted as dogs in another story. The sister of the Khariji Ieader Abu Bilal Mirdas b. Udayya saw her brother in dream in the form of a dog, weeping. He told her that he had been turned after his death into one of the dogs of Hell.38 The activity of the khawiirij is mirrored in another dream, interpreted by Ibn SIrIn. A woman told him that her patroness saw in her dream that two snakes came out from two holes in her house. Two men approached the snakes and milked them from their heads. Ibn SIrIn remarked that a snake cannot give milk;39 the men milked poison. They were Ieaders of the khawdri] who were visiting the woman. They claim that their tenets are the sunna and fitra; but in fact their tenets are poison. The woman (who recounted the dream - K) confirmed that her lady had been a righteous woman until the two Ieaders of the khawdrij came to her and changed her mind.4o The murder of Husayn was also predicted in a dream. Ibn 'Abbas saw in his dream the Prophet with dishevelled hair, dust coloured, holding in his hand a bottle filled with blood. When asked about it the Prophet said: "It is the blood of al-Husayn; I am collecting it through the night." Later the date of the dream was checked; that night al-Husayn was in fact killed.s! fol. 13a. See the tradition al-khawdrij kildb al-ndr: Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 4a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindl, Kanz al-tummdl (Hyderabad, 1383/1963), XI, 182, no. 886; al-Tha'alibl, Thimdr al· qulub, p. 394, no. 622. 38 "Ibiira, fol. 14b; al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin (Cairo, 1384/1965\ 1,271. 39 Milk denotes in Muslim oneiromancy true belief, the fitra; see 'Ibara, fol. 36b, ult.: wa-man ra'ii annahu shariba labanan fa-hiya l-fitratu; al-Haythamt, op. cit., VII, 183. 40 "Ibdra, fol. 17b; al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, IV, 269; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op, cit., p. 208; cf. Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 277. 41 'Ibara, fol. 20b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p, 320; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 398; alGhazzall, Ibya' 'uliim al-dtn (Cairo, 1352/1933), IV, 431; cf. Haythaml, op. cit., IX, 193 ult. - 194 sup.; Ibn KathIr, Shama'il al-rasul, ed. Mu~tafii 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/ 1967), p. 447; al-MajIisl, op. cit., XLIV, 239; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 282; Fahd, op. cit., p. 296; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-TamImi, al-Mihan, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 235 (8), fol. 48a; al-Suyfltl, al-Khasii'i« al-kubrii, IT, 452; al-Dhahabl, Ta'rikh al-Isldm (Cairo, 1367), II, 349; al-Yafi 'I, Mir' at al-jindn (Hyderabad, 1339), I, 134; al- 'Isaml, Simt al-nujiim al- 'awal; (Cairo, 1380), III, 78; al-Tabarst, I'Iiim al-warii (Tehran, 1338), p. 217; al-Ganjt, Kifiiyat altalib Ii mandqib 'Ali b. abi Tdlib, ed. Muhammad Hadt l-AminI (al-Najaf, 1390/1970), p. 428. 36 'Ibara, 31 76 The interpretation of dreams The attitude of the orthodox circles towards compilations of nasab is reflected in the story of the dream of aI-KaibI. He saw himself on the Day of Judgement. He was brought into the presence of God, Who rebuked him for "compiling genealogies which he did not know" and ordered to lead him to Hell. On his way a1-Kalbi met the Prophet and asked him to intercede for him with God, mentioning the merit of having compiled a commentary on the Qur'an. The Prophet ordered 'Ali, who was in his company, to interrogate al-Kaibi. AI-Kalbi having answered the questions well, 'Ali reported the fact to the Prophet, who interceded for him and he was let free. He sat down with the Prophet and asked him when the Umayyad rule was going to end. The fall of the Umayyad dynasty happened in fact at the date fixed by the Prophet in his answer to al-Kalbl.t- The opposition of orthodox circles to dubious genealogies, the esteem for commentaries of the Qur'an, the desire to know the dates of the rise and fall of dynasties and the belief in the intercession of the Prophet are reflected in this story. The negative attitude towards the Umayyads is mirrored in a passage deaIing with the meanings of "soul" and "spirit". The spirits of the wicked people gather in Barhut.O On the cornice of a Iarge house in 'Uman there used to shelter an owl. Some night another owl came and stood at its side. The 'Umani owl asked it who it was and it said: "I am the spirit of al-Walid b. 'Abd I-Malik and I am on my way to Barhut.t'+' When the date was checked it tallied with the date of the death of al-Walid. Ibn Qutayba states that the story resembles jahili-beliefs about the hiima as reflected in the verse of Abu Duwad al-Iyadi: sullita l-mautu wa-l-maniinu 'alayhim wa-lahum Ii sadd l-maqdbiri hdmu Death and fate were imposed upon them and they have in the birds of graves their (embodied) spirits. and stresses that the Prophet abolished this belief.45 'Ibiira, fols. lOb-Ita. See Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin (Beirut, 1374/1955), I, 405; and see al-Majlisl, op. cit., LX, 206, 239. 44 'Ibara, fols. 3b-4a; al-Samarqandt, Qurrat at-iuyun (Cairo, 1354/1935),p. 93 (on margin of Mukhtasar Tadhkirat al-Qurtubi; but here the owl is the spirit of 'Abd al-Malik). Another anti-Umayyad interpretation of a dream is reported on the authority of Ibn al-Musayyab. A girl saw in her dream that Moses appeared in Syria. He held in his hand a stick and walked on the surface of the water. Ibn al-Musayyab stated that if this dream be true 'Abd aJ-Malik died this night. He explained how he arrived at this conclusion: God sent Moses in order to shatter the tyrants. He did not find a tyrant (to whom this dream might refer - K) except 'Abd al-Malik (Al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fol. 15a). 45 The hadith: la 'adwd wa-la hdma wa-lii safara is analysed by Abu 'Ubayd in his Gharib al-badtth, I, 27 (the verse of Abu Duwad is recorded there); cf. Ibn Athlr, al-Nihiiya, V, 283. 42 43 77 The story of the dream of Ghalib al-Qattan+ reflects the struggle of the orthodoxy against innovators. He saw in his dream Malik b. Dinar wearing clothes Iike those which he used to wear in mosque. Malik advised him to refrain from the company of rich worldly people and unlawful innovators.s" Qur'an versus poetry is symbolized in the dream of A'sha Hamdan+s which he told to al-Sha'bl, He saw in his dream that he exchanged wheat for barley. Al-Sha'bi interpreted it that he exchanged Qur'an for poetry. Ibn Qutayba remarks: "The meaning of wheat and barley was here interpreted by Qur'an and poetry. Would a man of the ahl al-ra'y49 dream this dream it would be interpreted as exchange of hadith. for ra'y."50 The role of Abu Hanlfa in Isiam is attested in the following dream: AbU Hanlfa saw in a dream that he was digging the bones of the Prophet; (he collected them and pressed them to his breast). Ibn SIrIn was told this dream and said: "This is a man who will revive the sunna of the Prophet.s! The dream served sometimes as confirmation of the truth and reliability of a hadith. 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adi b. a1-Khiyar52 considered a Iie the hadith: "The molar-tooth of the unbeliever in Hell is Iike the mountain of Ui}.ud",53 which was reported by Abu Hurayra. 'Ubaydullah dreamt that he had an ulcer on his finger; he scratched it and it grew and became like the mountain of Uhud, He went to Abu Hurayra and asked him to beg for him God's pardon, which Abu Hurayra did.54 Ibn Qutayba relates his own dream about a hadith. He saw in a dream Abu Dharr who transmitted to him the following utterance of the Prophet: "God said: 'He who approaches Me by the measure of a span I shall approach him by the measure of an arm; he who approaches Me by the measure of an arm I shall approach him by the measure of two arms; he who comes forth to Me walking I shall hurry to him'." When Ibn Qutayba woke up he asked about 46 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizan al-i'tiddl, ed. 'AJI Muhammad al-Bijawl (Cairo, 1382/ 1963), III, 330, no. 6642; Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 242, no. 444. 47 'Ibara, fol. 15a; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 380 sup. 48 See on him a1-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. F. Krenkow (Cairo, 1354), p. 14, no. 15; Ibn Habtb, Asmii' al·mughtalin (Nawadtr al-makhtutdt, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun (Cairo, 1374/1955),VII, 265-266). 49 See Al;Qii.b a1-ra'y, BIZ, 692 (1. Schacht). 50 'Ibara, fol. 9b. 51 'Ibiira, fol. 34b; al-Ibshtht, al-Musta/raf(Cairo, 1308), II, 80. (See the striking remark of Ibn Slrin: md yanhaghi lt-abadin min ah/i hadha l-zamdni an yard hddhihi I-ru'ya). S2 See on him Ibn I;Iajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 36, no. 67. S3 See a1·'AzIzI, op. cit., II, 410; al-Suytitl, al-Kha$a'i$, III, 9; al-Jarraht, op. cit" II, 34, no. 1637. 54 'Ibara, fol. lla. 78 The interpretation of dreams the hadltli and was told that Abu Dharr and Abu Hurayra transmitted this l;adith.55 Sometimes a peculiar word, or a curious one, is revealed and elucidated in a dream, 'Abdallah b. 'A'idh al-Thumali56 promised Ghudayf b. al-Harith-" on his death-bed to tell him what befell him after death. 'Abdallah appeared to him in a dream and said: "We barely escaped (scil., pain - K); we met the Lord, Who forgave the sins and did not punish for the bad deeds except the al;rii{l" (whom He did punish - K); Ghudayf asked who were the al;rdt;l. 'Abdallah explained the word as denoting people who are pointed at with the fingers secretly. Ibn Qutayba discusses several words of this root (I; r t;l) and accepts 'Abdallah's definition of this word.58 There is a dream which shows how faithful a believer Abu Bakr was. The Prophet, says the story, fraternized between Salman and Abu Bakr. One night Salman had a dream after which he turned away from Abu Bakr. When asked by Abu Bakr about his behaviour Salman told him that he had seen him (i.e. Abu Bakr) in a dream, his hands fastened to his neck. Abu Bakr explained the dream as denoting that he had his hands fettered so as to prevent him from doing evil deeds until the Day of Judgement. The truth of this interpretation was subsequently established by the Prophet.s? A similar tendency can be discerned in the following story: Rabi'a b. Umayya recounted a dream of his to Abu Bakr: "I was in a fertile land, then I moved into a land struck by barrenness. Your hands (i.e. Abu Bah's) were fastened to your neck and you were at the side of Sarir b. Abi l-Hashr." 55 'Ibiira, fol. 12a; al-MundhirJ, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1381/1962), V, 289, no. 4532 (and see ibid., no. 4531); al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, al·Majaztit al-nabawiyya, ed. Mahmud Mustafa (Cairo, 1356/1937), p. 272, no. 287 (with an interpretation of the !Jadith); AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 101; Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 170a. The reliability of the hadlth: inna ahadakum yujma'u khalquhu ... , transmitted by Ibn Mas'Iid, was established by the Prophet in a dream. Muhammad b. Yazid al-Asfatl (see on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 525, no, 861) saw the Prophet in a dream and asked him about this hadith, reported by al-A 'mash on the authority on Ibn Mas'ud, The Prophet stated that he himself reported this utterance to Ibn Mas'ud and repeated this statement three times. "May God forgive al-A'rnash, as he transmitted it, and may God forgive those who transmitted it before him and those who will transmit it after him", said the Prophet. (Ibn Rajab, Jiimi' I-'ulilm wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadt AbU I·NUr, Cairo, 1970, I, 103; on al-A'mash [Sulayman b. Mihran] see aI-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-huffdz; I, 154, no. 149; Ibn Hibban, Kitiib al-thiqdt, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl (Hyderabad, 1388/1968), p.90). S6 See on him Ibn Sa'd. Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1377/1958),VII, 415. 57 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, V, 189, no. 6906; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 443. 58 "Ibdra, fol. 16a; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 415; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, pp. 297, 327; see al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fd'iq, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl and Muhammad Abii I-Fa41 Ibrahim (Cairo, 1971), I, 276; L'A, s.v.1J r 4. 59 •Ibdra, fol. 9a. 79 Abu Bakr interpreted the dream as follows: "Your dream is true. You will abandon belief for unbelief; my affairs were destined for me righteously (i.e., my hands will not reach out for anything wrong - K) and I shall remain in a state of joy (sarir -> surur) until the Day of Resurrection (f:zashr)." It is told that Rabl'a indeed embraced Christianity and left for Byzantiurn.w Many stories of dreams predict the rule of the first Caliphs, the rise of the Umayyad-dynasty and thefttan, reflecting often the conflicting religio-political views of the various factions of Muslim society.e! 60 'Ibara, fol. 19a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, II, 224, no. 2746. of the two caliphs after the Prophet was predicted according to his dream in which he saw himself drawing a bucket from a well. He was followed in this action by Abu Bakr, who drew however no more than two buckets with little force. Then he was followed by 'Umar. The bucket grew in his hands very large and he drew it with the greatest energy. See this story, Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 18a; Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 1,87; Ibn Abi Hatim, Kit. al-'ilal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, fol. 286b; al-Bayhaql, Ma'rifat al-sunan wa-l-dthdr, ed. Ahmad Saqr, Cairo 1389/1969, I, 119; Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, op. cit., p. 22; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 187-188; al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fd'iq, Ill, 61; Abu Bakr Ibn al- 'Arabi, al- 'Awii,im min al-qawiisim, ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khattb (Judda, 1387), p. 188; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 417-418; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baqi, op. cit., III, 165-166, nos. 1548-1549; al-Qastallani, op, cit., X, 147-149; Ps. Ibn Sirin, op. cit., p. 292; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, op. cit., XII, 176-177, nos. 930-933 (the haditb no. 932 and Suyutt, Khasa'is, II, 418 combines the tradition of succession with the tradition about the 'Ajam embracing Islam, mentioned above p. 72, note 23), 183-184, nos. 972-973; Fahd, op. cit., p, 277. The succession of the three first Caliphs was foreseen in a dream of the Prophet. He saw in a dream Abu Bakr attached (nita bihi) to him; 'Urnar was attached to Abu Bakr. and 'Uthman to 'Umar (al-Hakim, op. cit., Ill, 71, 102; al-Suyirtt, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd, II 417). Abu Bakr saw himself in a dream clad in a yemeni garment and treading on human excrements; he had two moles on his chest. The Prophet interpreted it by saying that for two years he would rule as Caliph. (al-Muttaql al-Hindl, op. cit., XII, 162-163, no. 827. Ibn Sa'd' op. cit., Ill, 176-177; Ibn Hajar al-Haytaml, op. cit., p. 24). 'Auf b. Malik saw in a dream a man in a crowd taller than the rest of the people. He was told that the man was 'Umar. 'Urnar, he was told, surpasses them because he is not wary of being blamed while acting for God's sake, he will be an appointed Caliph by the predecessor and will die as martyr. 'Auf told Abu Bakr the dream, who summoned 'Umar and ordered 'Auf to relate him the dream. When he said "he will be an appointed Caliph" (by the predecessor), 'Umar silenced him and pulled him away roughly. When he became Caliph, he met 'Auf, admitted that one part of the dream has been fulfilled, expressed his wish to act fearlessly for God's sake, but wondered how he could gain the death of a martyr if he remains in the Arab peninsula (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 331; al-Muhibb al-Tabarl, alRiyii{l al-nadira, Cairo 1372/1953, I, 212). Abu Musa al-Ash'arl saw himself in a dream facing many highways, which, however, dwindled away. He went on the one which had been left and reached a mountain on which he saw the Prophet; on his side stood Abu Bakr. The Prophet pointed at 'Umar ordering him to draw near. Abu Musa understood that the dream foreboded the death of 'Urnar (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 332). 61 The succession 80 The interpretation of dreams 'Uthrnan saw the Prophet in a dream when he was besieged in his court. 'Uthman was fasting and the Prophet told him that he would break the fast in his company in the morning. In the morning, while still fasting, 'Uthman was indeed killed, (al-Hakim, op. cit., III, 94, 103; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 443-444; Muhammad b. Yahya b. Abi Bakr, alTamhid wa-I-bayiin, ed. Mahmud Yiisuf Zayid, Beirut, 1964, p. 175; al-Muhibb al-Tabart, al-Riyad, II, 161, 167-168; and see another version ibid., 167: 'Uthman, when besieged, saw in a dream the Prophet who asked him: "Have they besieged you, have they caused you intense thirst?" "Yes", said 'Uthman. The Prophet gave him a bucket with cold water and 'Uthrnan drank until he quenched his thirst. Then the Prophet said: "If you want I shall help you against them [i.e. against the besiegers] or if else you will break the fast with us." 'Uthrnan preferred to break the fast in the company of the Prophet [i.e. in Paradise] and was killed next day). The Prophet interpreted the fire seen by Zurara b. 'Amr al-Nakha't as indicating the fitna which will flame up after the Prophet's death. (See 'Ibara, fol. 47b ult. - 48a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, III, 8; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl, Cairo, n.d., II, 517, no. 811; al-Zamakhsharl, op. cit., II, 182-183; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 193194; Fahd, op. cit., p. 286; and see 'Ibiira, fol. 51a, inf.). The neutrality of Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas was approved of in a dream. Husayn b. Kharija al-Ashja'I became perplexed when the fitna broke out (i.e. after the murder of 'Uthman). He asked God to grant him a sign how to act righteously. He saw in a dream this world and the next world and was guided by angels to a place where Ibrahim and the Prophet stayed. He heard the Prophet asking Ibrahim to beg God to pardon the sins of his people. Ibrahim said: "You know what your people invented (ahdathu; for the meaning of ahdatha see Goldziher, op. cit., II, 27-31) after your death; they spilled their blood and killed their imdm; why did they not act like my friend Sa'd?" Husayn b. Kharija went to Sa'd and related him his dream. Sa'd was pleased that Ibrahim had named him his friend. When asked which of the two factions he joined, Sa'd stated that he kept away from both parties. He advised Husayn to buy a flock and stay far away until the /itna came to an end (al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Iiim al-nubalii', ed. Salai) al-Dln al-Munajjid, I, 81, al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, III, 501). The heated discussion about the position of 'Ali is reflected in a story about a muhadditn who appeared in a dream to his friend and told him about the privileged status of Muhammad b. 'Ubayd in Paradise, because he preferred 'Uthman to 'Ali (al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, op. cit., II, 367). Muhammad b. 'Ubayd, when alive, used to warn his audience not to listen to the Kufians who scoffatthe people (ibid., the Kufians were known as the partisans of' Ali). The negative attitude towards the Umayyad rulers was reflected in a story according to which the Prophet saw the Umayyads in a dream jumping like apes on his minbar (al·SuyiltI, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 427-428; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 156). The attitude of the orthodoxy towards the conflict between 'Ali and Mu'awiya (comp.: idhd dhukira a$l;!tibifa-amsikii, al-Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafd', p. 176; Ahmad b. l;Iajar alHaytaml, op. cit., p. 214) is mirrored in the story of the dream of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. He saw in a dream the Prophet in the company of Abii Bakr and 'Umar, 'Ali and Mu'awiya were brought in and entered a house the door of which was closed behind them. After a time 'Ali went out and stated that a verdict was given in his favour; then Mu'awiya went out and said that God forgave him his sins (Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Manam, p. 319). The personality of 'Umar b. 'Abd al- 'Aztz and his orthodox rule are emphasized in a story in which he tells of a dream which he dreamt. He saw the Prophet in the company of Abii Bakr and 'Umar, and the Prophet ordered him to follow the path of Abii Bakr and 'Urnar when he will be entrusted with government (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 291; al-Suyfitl, Ta'rikh al-khulafd', p. 230). 81 A cloud flowing with butter and honey, which a man saw in a dream, was interpreted by Abu Bakr as Islam (the cloud) and Qur'an (butter and honey).62 The esteem for scholars occupied with the study of the Qur'an is reflected in the story of a dream in which al-Kisa'I appeared and stated that God had forgiven his sins because he was dedicated to the study of the Qur'an.63 The preceding tradition belongs in fact to a particular kind of stories about the rewards in Paradise granted to the pious and godfearing for their good deeds. A fine specimen of a collection of this genre of stories is the Kitiib almaniim of Ibn Abl l-Dunya,64 a contemporary of Ibn Qutayba.v> Similar in content are some chapters on this subject in Ibn Abi Hatim's Taqdimat alma'rifa li-kitdbi l-jarlt wa-l-ta'dilv: Our 'Ibiira contains many stories of this kind. In some cases the tendency is to stress the specific virtues by which the pious gained Paradise, to guide the living and to admonish. Malik b. Dinar saw al-Hasan al-Basrl in a dream and asked him about his experiences in the other world. Al-Hasan told him that he was guided by God's grace to the abode of the righteous in reward for his sorrow and weeping in this world. He accordingly said: "The Ionger the man's saddness in this world the longer is his joy in the Iife to come."67 Ibn Qutayba remarks that this utterance is expressed in a manner which resembles al-Hasan's own style.68 Malik b. Dinar also saw Muslim b. Yasar69 in a dream. Muslim told him that he had been subjected after his death to dreadful experiences, but that later God had forgiven him his sins and accepted his good deeds. Malik sobbed and fainted. After a few days he died.7o 62 "Ibiira, fol, 36a; see the different versions of this story: Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fols. 152b-153a; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 42-43, no. 1462; Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., III, 357, no. 2113; Ps. Ibn Stnn, op. cit., p, 130; al-Hanafl, op. cit., II, 265; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., X, 160-161; al-Muhibb al-Tabart, al-RiyiirJ, I, 107; Abu Bakr Ibn al-'Arabl, op. cit., p. 189; cf. al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. 120b. 63 'Ibiira, fol. 15a; al-Khatlb ai-BaghdadI, op. cit., XI, 410, 414. 64 Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, majmii'a. 65 D. 280 H. F. Meier's statement "Die Welt der Urbilder bei 'Ali Hamadani", (Eranos Jahrbuch, 1950), p. 125, that the earliest collection of such stories is in the Risdla of alQushayrI must thus be altered. 66 Ibn AbI l;Iatim, Taqdimat al-ma'rifa (Hyderabad, 1371/1952), pp. 119-122, 311-312. 67 'Ibara, op, cit., fol. 12b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 301; comp. a similar dream of Ibn Strln in al-Dhahabl's Ta'rikh al-Isliim (Cairo, 1367), IV, 198. 68 Ibid., ... atwalu l-ndsi huznan atwaluhum farahan ft I-iikhirati; qiila abu muhammadin: wa·hiidhii kamii tarii ashbahu bi-jayyidi kaldmi l-hasani. 69 See on him Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 186. 70 'Ibdra, fol. l3a, ult. - I3b sup.; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 299, ll. 5-12; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 294 inf. 82 The interpretation of dreams Malik b. Dinar appeared after his death in a dream to Suhayl Akhu Hazm"! and informed him that he had come to the presence of God with many sins, but that God had forgiven him because of his confidence in God (I)usnu /zanni bi-lliihi).72 Sufyan al-Thaurl appeared in a dream to Abu Khalid al-Ahmar and informed him that he had found rest from the troubles of this world and came at the Mercy of God. According to another story Sufyan said that God had forgiven him his sins because of his talab al-hadithl» ~iilil,1 aI-Barrad saw in a dream Zurara b. Aura.74 Zurara told him that the best things by which to reach Paradise are trust in God and hope of Iittle duration.t> Another class of dreams contain predictions about the death of pious men and how they will enter Paradise. A pious woman in Mecca dreamt about maid-servants, dressed in yellow clothes and holding sweet basil in their hands, encircling the Ka'ba, She was shocked by what she saw and said to herself: "Such a thing around the Ka'ba?" She was told in her dream that 'Abd a1'Azlz b. Abl Rawwiid76 was getting married. That night, when she woke up, she was informed that he had died the same night. 77 A woman saw in her dream a beautiful garden in which there was placed a goiden throne. On this throne sat a man surrounded by servants with cups in their hands. She was told that the man was Marwiin al-Muhalliml, When 71 72 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 261, no. 449. 'Ibdra, fol. 13b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at rasd'il (Cairo, 1354/1935), p. 41, no. 7 (Kitab husni l-zanni bi-lIiihl). 73 'Ibdra, fol. 14a; Ibn AbI Hatim, op. cit., p. 121; comp. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 351: A man saw YazId b. Hartin after his death in a dream and asked him whether God forgave him his sins because he studied Qur'an, "No", said YazId, "because (my study of) hadith", And see al-Fasawl, Kit. al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh; Esad Ef. 2391, foJ. 190b inf.: 'Amr b. Murra hesitated whether to choose /:tadith or Qur'an, He saw in a dream a man granting gifts to the readers of Qur'an, not to the transmitters of hadith' and he decided to prefer Qur'an, See about talab al-hadith: Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 164 seq.; 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak told his friend in a dream that God forgave him his sins because of talab al/:tadith (Majmu'at rasii'if Ii 'uliim al-hadith, ed. Subhl al-Badrl al-Samarra'I, al-MaclIna alMunawwara 1389/1969, p. 47). 74 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al-quddt, ed. 'Abd al-'AzIz MU$tafa al-Maraghl (Cairo, 1366/1947), I, 292-297; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 150. 75 'Ibara, fol. l3a; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 298, cf. al-Tha'labl, Kitiib qatlii I· Qur'on, Ms. Leiden, Or. 9981 (majmu'a), fol. 9a-b. 76 See on him al-Sha'rant, al-Tabaqdt al-kubrii (Cairo, [n.d.]), p. 52; AbU Nu'aym, op, cit., VIII, 191. 77 'Ibdra, Col. lib; al-Yafi't, Mir'iit al-jindn (Hyderabad, 1338), I, 339 ult.-240 sup.; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 76. 83 she woke up in the morning, she was informed that the funeral of Marwan al-Muhalliml passed by her door at that time.78 Hafsa bint Rashid was moved by the death of her neighbour Marwan a1Muhallirnl. She then saw him in a dream and asked him what God's decision about him was. He told her that he had been introduced into Paradise, that he had then joined the "People of the Right" (a$l;iib ai-yamin) and been finally raised to "those near the Presence" (al-muqarrabin). When asked whom he had met in Paradise, he answered that he had seen there al-Hasan (al-Basrl), Maymiin b. Siyah,79 and Muhammad b. Sirin.80 The stories adduced above may give an idea about the dreams recorded by Ibn Qutayba concerning the pious in Paradise. Yet another group of dreams contain injunctions, warnings and forebodings. Isma'Il al-Hadrami became blind. In a dream he was taught a supplication and, having recited it, he regained his eyesight.s! Wahb b. Munabbih fell into destitution. One night he dreamt that a man brought him a thing resembling an almond or a pistachio nut. Having opened it, he found a piece of silk on which there was an inscription saying that it was not fitting for a man who knows the justice of God, or his affair by God's mercy, to consider the sustenance given by God as too slow. Later God gave him indeed plentiful sustenance.82 A pious man from Hamdan saw in a dream a piece of paper on which an injunction was written ordering him to practise submission and fear of God in order to reach the rank of the righteous.F' A secretary of al-Hasan b. Sahl84 resigned from his post and became a pious man. In his dream he saw a man who told him that his Lord called 78 "Ibiira, fo1. lOa-b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Maniim, p. 300, ll. 10-16; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 70; al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fo1. 62b. 79 See on him Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., III, 106; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 152. 80 'Ibara, fo1. lOa; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 300, ll. 7-10; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., pp. 69-70; al-KhargiishI, op. cit., fo1. 62b. 81 "Ibiira, fo1. IIa. Cf. Ibn l;IanbaI, Kit. al-'ilal, ed. T. Kacyigit and I. Cerrahoglu (Ankara, 1963), I, 68, no. 401: Simak became blind. He saw in his dream Abraham who stroked his eyes, ordered him to enter the Euphrates and to open his eyes in the river. He did it and regained his sight. 82 "Ibiira, fo1. 13a; al-Tantikhl, al-Faraj ba'da l-shidda (Cairo, 1357/1938), I, 168; comp, Ibn Nasir al-Dln al-Dimashql, Jiimi' al-iithiir fj maulidi l-mukhtiir, Ms. Cambridge Or. 913, fo1. 75a sup. (It was the Prophet who saw the inscription in his dream; the story is transmitted on the authority of Wahb. b. Munabbih). 83 "Ibdra, fo1. 12b. 84 See on him al-Jahshiyarl, al-Wuzarii' wa-l-kuttiib, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyart, ShalabI (Cairo, 1357/1938),pp. 230-231. 84 The interpretation of dreams him. He understood the hint, made the necessary preparations and set out for a pilgrimage to Mecca. He died in fact on his journey.V 'Umar saw in a dream a cock which pecked him once or twice. He interpreted it that an alien (a Persian) would kill him.86 'A'isha bint Talha (and another man) saw Talha in a dream. He complained of dampness discomforting him in his grave and asked to be removed into another place. When his grave was opened, the people found it exactly as described by Talha. His body was found unchanged except for some of the hair in his beard.s? A woman saw her deceased daughter in a dream. The daughter ordered her mother to divide walnuts amongst the poor. Ibn Slrin interpreted the dream as follows: the woman should take out her hidden treasure and divide it among the poor. The woman admitted that she had buried this treasure at the time of a plague.ss A woman told Ibn Sirln that she dreamt the moon was entering into the Pleiades; a herald from behind her ordered her to go to Ibn Slrln and to tell him the story. Ibn Sirin's interpretation was that he would die within seven days; he died in fact on the seventh day.89 A man saw in a dream a bird coming down from heaven, alighting on a shrub of jasmin and picking it, then flying back towards heaven. Ibn Slrln explained it as referring to the death of scholars. In fact a number of scholars died in that year, among them al-Hasan and Ibn Sirin.90 Layla bint Aufa al-Harashiyya, the wife of Furat al-Bakka'l, had a daughter who saw in her dream that she would break three banners. Her mother asked Ibn Slrln about it, and he interpreted the dream by saying that three of her husbands would be killed. In fact Yazid b. al-Muhallab, 'Amr b. Yazld a1Tayrni, and al- 'Abbas b. 'Abdallah b. al-Harith b. Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd 85 'Ibara, foJ. 14a. 86 'Ibdra, fol. 19a; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 335-336; al-Hakim, op. cit., Ill, 90; Ibn alJauzi, Ta'rikh 'Umar, ed. Hasan al-Hadl Husayn (Cairo, [n.d.]), p. 166; al-Muhibb al- Tabart, op. cit. (Cairo, 1372/1953), II, 99; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 201; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 231; Fahd, op. cit., 291; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 355; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml, op. cit., fols. 5b, 8a, lOb, 12b. 87 "Ibdra, fol. lib; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Ms. Murad Molla 604, fol. 60b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p, 332; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 11, 768-769; al-Muhibb al-TabarI, op. cit., II, 348 (quoted on the authority of Ibn Qutayba); Fahd, op. cit., p. 290; Cf. Ibn Abl Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl (Hyderabad, 1388/1968), III, 389. 88 "Ibiira, fol. 18b; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 274. 89 "Ibdra, fol. 18b; al-Safadt, al-Wafi bi-l-wafayiit, ed. Sven Dedering (Damascus, 1953), m, 146, no. 1095; al-Dhahabt, Ta'rikh al-isliim, IV, 196; Abu Nu'ayrn, op, cit., II, 277; al-Ibshlht, op. cit., II, 79; Ps, Ibn Sirin, op. cit., p, 221; Cf. Ibn Hanbal, 'Ilal, I, 6, no. 17: Sa'Id b. Jubayr was told in his dream that al-I:Iajjaj would kill him. 90 'Ibara, fol. 20b; Ibn Kathlr, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut-Riyad, 1966), IX, 275. 85 al-Muttalib were killed. Al-Hasan b. 'Uthman b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf succeeded to divorce her when he heard about the story of her dream and saved his Iife.91 'A:isha saw in a dream three moons falling in her bossom. Her father, Abu Bakr, interpreted it by saying that three men, the best people in the world, would be buried in her home.92 Of special interest are sections of the manuscript reporting about dreams in which verses unknown to the dreamer were recited. These verses, underlining the true Arabic-Islamic character of these sections, serve in some cases as predictions, in others for recording some gharib versions, or for purposes of admonition. It may be of some interest to gain more insight93 into the dreams of Ibn Qutayba himself, he being a man of outstanding knowledge in Arabic literature, language and religious lore. Ibn Qutayba reportss- that he saw in his youth a dream in which there were many books containing many gharib expressions. He remembered some of them, but Iater forgot them except the expression wa-balaghat ilayhi sallatu l-hawii'i. At that time he did not know the meaning of salla; afterwards he Iearnt that it meant dryness.Pf Ibn Qutayba describes another dream which he dreamt as "a marvel" (u'}ilba). A man asked him one day about the word junahiyy, which he did not know. In a dream a person explained to him the word as a synonym of khayzuriin (bamboo). After a while Ibn Qutayba heard a man reciting: fi kaffihi junahiyyun rihuhu 'abiqun min kaffi arwa'a fi 'irninihi shamamu idhii ra'athu qurayshun qiila qii'i!uhii ilii makiirimi hiidhii yantahi l-karamu96 Ibn Qutayba knew before that this verse in the version: Ii kaffihi khayzuriinun; when he heard it in the new version he understood that the explanation in the dream was right.?? 91 "Ibdra, fol, 21a; see Ibn Habfb, al-Mubabbar, .ed. lIse Lichtenstaedter (Hyderabad, 1361/1942),p. 443; Ps. Ibn SirIn, op. cit., p. 152; cr. al-Khargtishl, op. cit., fol. 142b, penult. 92 'Ibiira, fol, 29a; al-Raghib al-I$rahanI, op. cit., I, 150; al-Suyutt, Ta'rlkh al-khulafii'; p. 105; ai-HaythamI, op. cit., VII, 185; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 220; al-Ibshtbt, op. cit., II, 79; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XII, 176, no. 927; Al-Mandsik, ed.. Hamad al-Jasir (alRiyac;l,1389/1969),p. 374. 93 See Ibn Qutayba's dream in connection with a badtth, above, note 55. 94 'Ibiira, fol. 16b. 9S See VA, s.v, ~ II. 96 'Ibiira, fol, 16b; cr. Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-ZubayrI, op. cit., p. 164; Rijiil al-Kashshl, ed. Ahmad al-Husaynl (Karbala', [n.d.l), p. 119; Sadr al-Dln 'AU Khan al-Shirazi al-Madanl, al-Darajdt al-rafi'a (al-Najaf, 1382/1962), p. 549. 97 See VA, s.v.j n h. 86 The interpretation of dreams A man from Ghassan dreamt that he saw on the wall of Damascus a person who recited verses predicting the death of 'Amr b. Sa'Id who "considered the fortress as a place of rescue from death, sought refuge in the fortress, but the fate of death visited him in the fortress." The Ghassanl recounted the dream to 'Abd aI-Malik who asked him to keep the dream in secret. After some time the dream was fulfilled: 'Abd aI-Malik killed 'Amr b. Sa'id (al-Ashdaq) in the fortress of Damascus.sf At the time of 'Uthman a man saw in a dream a person reciting verses predicting the death of 'Uthman, A short time afterwards 'Uthrnan was killed.99 A man saw in a dream 'Ali b. Hisham. He played a Iute and sang: By my life, if Khurasan causes me to forfeit my head so I was indeed far from the gates of Khurasan, After some time al-Ma'mun sent aI-'Ujayf and ordered to kill 'Ali b. Hishiim.IOO Ascetic poetry is represented in verses recited by girls in Paradise (buris) whom a man saw in his dream: God of men, the Lord of Muhammad, created us for people standing on their feet sleepless (praying - K) Whispering to their God, the Lord of all Being the worries of this people, circulate during the night, while (other) men sleep.tv! Of the same character are the verses recited in a dream to Rabi'a al'Adawiyya, when she was ill: Your prayer, when people sleep, is Iight 98 'Ibdra, fol. 15b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Mandm, p. 347; Ibn Kathtr, al-Biddya, VIII, 311 (all the sources recording the verses: alii yii la-qaumi li-l-safdhatl wa-l-wahni wa-li-l- 'iijizi l-mauhiini wa-l-ra'yi dhi l-afni. wa-li-bni sa'Idin baynamd huwa qa'imun 'alii qadamayhi kharra Ii-l-wajhi wa-l-batni. ra' ii l-hisna manjdtan fa-ltajd ilayhi fa-ziirathu l-maniyyatu fi l-I;!i~ni.) and see the story of his killing al-Tabarl, Ta'rikh (Cairo, 1358/1939), IV, 598-600. See ibid., p. 598: 'Amr b. Sa'Id saw in a dream 'Uthman on the night before he was murdered; 'Uthman dressed him in his gown. 99 'Ibdra , fol. 15b; Ibn Abl l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 347: la-' amru abika fa-Iii ta'jalan laqad dhahaba l-khayru tua qalilii wa-qad safiha l-ndsu fi dinihim wa-khallii bnu 'affiina sharran tawtld. 100 'Ibara, fol. 20b; see the story of his execution al-Tabart, Ta'rikh, VII, 192-193. 101 'Ibdra, fol. 15b, inf. - 16a sup. 87 your sleep is diverse, opposed to prayer. Your life is a plunder and a respite it goes on and passes away steadily and ceases. 102 Different in content is a story about a couple who promised each othe r to refrain from marriage in case one of them should die. The husband was the first to die. The widow kept her promise, but was persuaded by some wo men to remarry. On the night of her second marriage she saw in a dream her first husband who said: "How quickly did you forget the obligation, 0 Rab fib!" He recited the following verses: I greeted the dwellers of this house, all of them except Rabab, for I am not greeting her. She became married, while my abode became a grave, indeed graves hide people who dwell in them. 103 Besides the prognostic interpretations of dreams, a great number of interpretations are concerned with unknown facts of the past or the present, mainly details of private Iife, which would never have come to the person's knowledge without the help of the oneirocritic. A man dreamt that he drank from a bottle with two heads, one sweet and one salty. Ibn Sirln said in his interpretation that he sought the favours of his wife's sister and bade him desist. The man admitted that the interpretation was a true one. 104 A man saw in a dream that he drank from a bottle with a narrow neck. Ibn Sirln interpreted it by saying that the man was enticing a girl. 105 A man dreamt a dream that he owned an ostrich that was grinding. Ibn Slrin said that it denoted that the man bought a slave-girl and hid her amongst the tribe of Banu l;Ianifa.106 A man dreamt a dream that his hand was cut off. Ibn Slrln interpreted it that he was a carpenter and changed his occupation.w? A man dreamt a dream that a pebble fell into his ear and he shook it off. Ibn Sirln interpreted it by saying that the man was associated to people of unorthodox innovations and heard vicious words, which his ear shook Off.l08 'Ibtira, fol. 16a; al-Sarraj, Masiiri' al- 'ushshiiq, Cairo, 1325/1907,pp. 146-147. 'Ibara, fol. 15a-b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 344; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Akhbar al-nisii', ed. Niziir Rida, Beirut 1964, pp. 127-128. 104 'Ibara, fol. 17a; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 276-277; al-Khargilshl, op. cit., fol. 125b. 105 'Ibara, fol. 17b. 106 'Ibiira, fol. 17b; and see the version of al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, IV, 368-369 (Parts of the Banu Hanifa were peasants [they supplied Mecca with their agricultural products]. See EJ2, s.v. Hanlfa b. Ludjaym. And see Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., XIII, 92, no. 7355; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 170). 107 'Ibara, fol. 18b; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., p. 115; al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. l06b. 108 'Ibiira, fol. 20a. 102 103 88 The interpretation of dreams A man saw in a dream Qatada swallowing small pearls and spitting them out Iarger than those which he swallowed. Qatada, according to Ibn Sirln's interpretation, transmitted more haditli than he heard,I09 A similar symbolism underlies Abu Bakr's interpretation of a dream, in which a man saw a big bull who came out from a small hole and could not enter it when he tried to return. Abu Bakr interpreted it as a grievous expression which cannot be taken back. I 10 A man heard in a dream a child shouting in his house. Ibn Sirln ordered him to stop playing on the guitar; it was in fact a singer. I II Drinking from a vessel symbolizes, as we have seen above, 112sexual intercourse. The same interpretation is applied by Ibn Sirln in the following dream: a man saw in a dream a woman from his family lifting to her mouth a vessel of milk, but, outspeeded by a pressure to urinate, she had to put down the vessel at every attempt to drink. The woman, according to Ibn Slrln, was a righteous woman who longed for a man. Ibn Sirln advised to find for her a husband.l13 A similar subject is dealt with in another story: Khalid b. Yazld (or Yazld) dreamt that he put three times a knife on the neck of a {i!awd-bird trying unsuccessfully to slaughter it; 114he managed to slaughter it only on the fourth time. An interpreter of dreams was summoned and explained that it refers to a virgin girl whom the dreamer failed to deflower three times, but succeeded on the fourth time. The interpreter added that the girl broke wind during the intercourse, which he deduced from the name of the bird "titawd", Khalid admitted the facts.115 Sagacity was shown by Ibn Slrln in the interpretation of the following dream: A man saw in a dream that Yazid b. al-Muhallab put up an arch between his house and that of the dreamer. Ibn Sirin asked the man: "Did your mother cohabit with Ibn al-Muhallab?" The man asked his mother and she admitted that she had been a slave-girl of Ibn al-Muhallab (scil. his concubine - K), later marrying the dreamer's father. I 16 109 'Ibdra, fol. 20b. Cf. al-Safadl, al- Wiifi bi-l-wafaydt, ed. S. Dedering (Damascus, 1953), p. 146. 110 'Ibiira, fol. 20a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 183; al-Kharglishl, op. cit., fol. 168a. 111 'Ibiira, fol. 20b; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 277; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 75. 112 See above notes 104, 105. 113 'Ibiira, fol. 21a; Ps. Ibn Sirln, op, cit., p. 105. 114 See slaughter as symbol of sexual intercourse in the story recorded by al-Ibshtht, op. cit., II, 79 (a man saw in a dream a woman, who was his neighbour, slaughtered ... ); and see 'Ibiira, fol. 54a, 1. 10: wa-man dhabaha zabyan iftadda jdriyatan ... ; and see ibid, fol. 57b,1. 9: ... wa-man dhabaha dajdjatan iftadda jdriyatan 'adhrd'a. 115 'Ibdra, fol. 21b; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 12;al-Damiri, op. cit., II, 102; Abdel Daim, op. cit., p. 85. 116 'Ibdra, fol. 21a; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., p. 253. 89 A significant dream of Abu 'Amr al-Nakha'I reflects the feeling of the victory of the Arabs over the Persians in the early period of Islam and their sense of self-identification with the past. Abu 'Amr saw al-Nu'rnan b. alMundhir, the king of al-Hlra, in a dream, wearing two earrings and bracelets. When he informed the Prophet about his dream, the Prophet said: "This indicates that the kingdom of the Arabs returned to its splendour and beauty." 117 The "Arab-character" of an object helps Sa'Id b. a1-Musayyab to give an interpretation of a dream. A man saw in a dream on the battlements of the mosque a beautiful white pigeon, which was snatched away by a falcon. Ibn al-Musayyab interpreted it by saying that al-Hajjaj married the daughter of 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, His explanation as to how he reached his conclusion is as follows: the pigeon denotes a woman, the whiteness denotes her pure pedigree; the falcon is an Arab bird, not an alien one (laysa min tayri l-a'iijim); among the Arabs he did not find anyone more closely resembling a falcon than aI-I;Iajjaj.118 The Islamic character of Ibn Qutayba's compilation is underlined by the frequent quotations from Qur'an and hadith, which serve as the basis for the interpretations. Abundance of mushrooms denote sustenance and wealth without fatigue, according to the utterance of the Prophet that mushrooms stem from 111anna.119 The mouse denotes a profligate woman, because the Prophet called the mouse "al-fuwaysiqa" (the small profligate).120 According to this utterance, Ibn Sirin interpreted a dream in which a man saw himself having sexual intercourse with a mouse which gave birth to a date. Ibn Sirln asked the man whether he had at home a profligate wife. "Yes", the man answered. Further he asked: "Is she pregnant?" "Yes", the man answered. Ibn Sirtn predicted that she would give birth to a righteous boy. He based his prognostic on the utterance of the Prophet about the mouse and his favourable saying about dates.U! 117 'Ibiira, fol. 45b; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, III, 8, no. 2789; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 194; Fahd, op. cit., p. 286, note I. 118 'Ibiira, fol. 57a; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, op. cit., I, 150; al-Damlrt, op. cit., II, 181; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 196; Fahd, op. cit., p. 311, no. 6. 119 'Ibara, fol. 39b; al-Damlrl, op. cit., II, 345-346; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad alma'iid (Beirut, [n.d.]), III, 181, 183; al-Hanaft, op. cit., II, 366; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihiiya, IV, 199; al-'Azizi, op. cit., III, 109; Ibn al-Athir, Jiimi' al-usid, VIII, 327, nos. 5636-5637. 120 'Ibara, fol. 5b ult.; al-Damlrl, op. cit., II, 201 inf.; Ps. Ibn SirIn, op. cit., p. 209; Ibn al-Athlr, Jdmi' al-usid, XII, 367, no. 9449; about black and white mice denoting days and nights see 'Ibara, fol. 8a; al-Darnlrl, op. cit., 11,202; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, p. 209. 121 'Ibara, fol. 19a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 209; cf. Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidiiya, IX, 275. 90 The interpretation of dreams The raven symbolizes, according to a hadith, a profligate man.l22 Bottles denote women, according to the utterance of the Prophet to Anjasha.123 A Iong right hand in a dream is to be interpreted as a generous helping person, as the Prophet said, addressing his wives: "The first of you who will join me (i.e. to die after me - K) will be the one with the Iongest hand." The first who died after the Prophet was Zaynab bint Jal)sh.124 A rib seen in a dream denotes a woman according to the recommendation of the Prophet to treat woman gently because woman was created from a crooked rib and cannot be set aright. 125 The Iiver denotes a treasure according to the saying of the Prophet about the troops of Mecca: hddhihi makkatu qad ramatkum bi-aflddhi akbiidihii.126 Watering a garden and seeds denotes sexual intercourse, according to the prohibition of the Prophet to water the seeds of another man (referring to sexual intercourse with pregnant women). 127 Many interpretations of dreams arc based on verses of the Qur'an, on expressions of the Qur'an or meanings attached to them. Eggs denote women according to Sura xxxvii 49, in which the women in Paradise are compared to hidden eggs. 128 Timber denotes hipocrisy according to Sura Ixiii 4: "... but when they speak thou listenest to their speech, and it is as if they were propped up timbers." 129 Stones in a dream symbolize hardness according to Sura ii 74.130 Water denotes sometimes trial and allurement (fitna) according to Sura Ixxii 16.131 A king entering a locality not suiting his rank and honour (because of its smallness) denotes that the locality will be afflicted by humiliation or calamity, op. cit., II, 180; al-Majlisl, LXI, 173. Hajar, al- "Isdba, I, 68, no. 259; al-Bukharl, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. Muhibb al-Dln al-Khatib (Cairo, 1379), p. 305, no. 883; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., I, 140; al-Jurjanl, al-Muntakhab min kindyiit al-udaba', ed. Muhammad Badr al-Dln al-Na'sanl (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 7; al-Tha'iilibi, al-Kindyiit, ed. al-Na'sant (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 4. 124 'Ibara, fol. 7a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., IV, 1850, no. 3355; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 108; al-Haytharnt, op. cit., IX, 248; al-Hanafl, op. cit., II, 250; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, p, 389; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usid, XII, 66, no. 8850; al-Suylitl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 462. 125 'Ibiira, fols. 6a, 31a inf.; al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba, Jerusalem 1954, p. 82, note 245; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 173. 126 'Ibiira, fol, 31a; al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, op. cit., p. 22, no. 1 (and see ib., p. 226, no. 231) 127 'Ibiira, fol, 37b. 128 'Ibiira, fol. 5a. 129 'Ibiira, fol. 5a; and see al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XVIII, 125; al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, op. cit., p. 293, no. 320. 130 'Ibiira, fol, 5a. 131 'Ibdra, fol, 5a. 123 'Ibiira, fol. 6a; Ibn 122 'Ibiira, fols. 5b, 24a; al-Damirl, 91 according to Sura xxvii 34: "Kings when they enter a city disorder it and make the mighty ones of its inhabitants abased."132 Dress denotes women according to Sura ii 187: "Permitted to you upon the night of the fast is to go to your wives; they are a vestment to you and you are a vestment for them." 133 A wood-carrier denotes a slanderer, according to Sura cxi 5: " ... and his wife, the carrier of the firewood" (i.e. the sianderous woman - K).134 The rope denotes a pact according to Sura iii 103, 113: "And hold you fast to God's bond together. .. "; "Abasement shall be pitched on them wherever they are come upon except they be in a bond of God and a bond of the people." 135 Scattered pearls denote servants according to Sura Iii 24: " ... and there go round them youths, their own, as if they were hidden pearls." 136 Fresh dates (rutab) denote good and pleasant sustenance, according to Sura xix 24: "Shake also to thee the palm-trunk, and there shall come tumbling upon thee dates fresh and ripe."137 Drunkenness in a dream, without drinking intoxicants, denotes fear, according to Sura xxii 2: " ... and thou shalt see mankind drunk, yet they are not drunk, but God's chastisement is terrible." 138 Washing with cold water symbolizes repentance, recovering from disease, being freed from prison, paying a debt, or being freed from fear, according to Sura xxxviii 42: "This is a laving-place, cool and a drink." 139 Rain in a restricted place (a house or Iocality) denotes pains and calamities, according to Sura xi 82: " ... and rained on it stones and baked clay." 140 The tongue symbolizes a (convincing) argument or fame, according to Sura xxvi 84: " ... and appoint me a tongue of truthfulness among the others."141 Praying with the back to the Ka'ba symbolizes renouncing Islam, according to Sura iii 187: " ... but they rejected it behind their backs." 142Praying above the Ka'ba also denotes renouncing IsIam, according to Sura ii, 144, 150: "From whatsoever place thou issuest, turn thy face towards the Holy Mosque ... "; the man praying above the Ka'ba has no qibla.w) Eating fruits in Paradise (or getting women there) predicts welfare in this world and improvement of belief, knowledge and piety, according to Sura xv 46: "Enter you there in peace and security." 144 132 134 136 138 140 142 143 144 fol. fol. fol. fol. fol. fol. 'Ibara, fol. 'Ibdra, fol. "Ibiira, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, 5b. 133 "Ibdra, fol. 5b. 135 'Ibiira, fol. 5b. 6b. 45b. 137 'Ibdra, fol. 40b. 38a. 139 'Ibdra, fol. 36b. 36a. 141 'Ibara, fol. 30a, 27a. 27a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 56, ll. 14-16. 26a. 92 The interpretation of dreams Manacles (aghliil) constitute a bad omen, according to Sura v 67: " ... their hands are fettered and they are accursed for saying so ... " and Sura xxxvi 8: "Surely We have put on their necks fetters." 145Another interpretation stresses the difference between manacles and shackles (qayd): manacles denote unbelief, but shackles denote firm belief. 146 'Umar withdrew the nomination of his governor to Syria when the latter told him his dream. He saw the sun and the moon fighting each other; some of the stars aided the sun, some of them the moon. "With which of them were you?" asked 'Umar. "With the moon", answered the man. 'Umar withdrew his appointment, basing his decision on Sura xvii 12: " ... then We have blotted out the sign of the night." 147 Two different interpretations of an identical dream, both based on the Qur'an, were issued by Ibn Sirin. Two different persons dreamt that they were calling to prayer as mu'adhdhins. Ibn Slrln predicted to the first one that he would perform the hajj; to the other he foretold that his hand would be cut off (as punishment for theft). When asked about this opposite interpretation of the same dream, he said: "In the first person I noticed marks of good countenance and based my interpretation on Sura xxii 27: "And proclaim unto mankind the pilgrimage." I was not pleased with the countenance of the other man and I interpreted according to Sura xii 70: " ... then a herald proclaimed: Ho, cameleers, you are robbers."148 A considerable number of verses enhance, the Arabic character of the compilation. It is indeed not surprising to find so many verses in a book by Ibn Qutayba, given his profound knowledge of Arabic poetry. In a Iengthy passage, in which he discusses the meanings of spirit (ruM and soul (nafs) and the differences between them, Ibn Qutayba quotes a verse of Dhu l-Rumma, who said at the point of his death: fol. 8b (but if a pious man sees manacles in a dream it is a good omen). fol. 47a, inf. - 47b sup.; see Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 152a inf.; alTibrlzi, op. cit., p. 394; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, III, 312. Of interest is the interpretation of the following dream: A man saw in a dream that his son tied him with a black rope and then started to slaughter him. Ibn Sirin interpreted the dream by saying that the son is pious in his attitude towards his father and that he would pay a debt owed by his father (,lbiira, fol. 31b inf.; and see a more detailed report of this story Ibn Abt l-Dunya, al-Ishriif fi mandzil al-ashriif, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 32a). 147 'Ibdra, fol. 17a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 285, no. 1353; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., I, 279, no. 378; aI-Ibshihi, op. cit., II, 79; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishriif, fol. 49a; Ps. Ibn Slrin, op. cit., p. 291; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XI, 340, no. 1341; Muhammad b. AI,unad alTamIml, op. cit., fol. 35a. 148 'Ibara, fol. 9a; Bland, op. cit., p. 133; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml, op. cit., fol. 22a; al-Khargushi, op. cit., fol. 36a. 145 'Ibiira, 146 'Ibiira, 93 0, He Who takes my spirit from my soul at the point of death and He Who forgives the sins, remove me from fire (of Hell). 149 and an anonymous verse: I remain the whole day maddened by love, and there meet at night in dream my spirit and her spirit. 150 The interpretation of the quince (safarjat) and the iris (susan) are derived from the components of these words (su-san = su' sana; safarjal = safar-jat) and illustrated by the following anonymous verses: She sent him as gift a quince and he drew a bad omen and remained the whole day contemplating. He was afraid of departure, as the first of it is journey (safar); right be was in that he drew a bad omen. and about the iris: You gave me an iris and you did not do well in (choosing your) gifts, The first of it is evil and its end, is evil of a (barren) year. 151 A surveyer (of Iand) is interpreted as a traveller; this is expounded by two anonymous verses: May God render the people of Barmak ugly, for I became associate in their journeys because of them. If Dhu l-Qarnayn did survey the Earth then I am indeed a keeper of the dust. 152 Two verses of Khidash b. Zuhayr are quoted attesting that the word dajjdla denotes a caravan; an anonymous verse conveys that the word denotes camels smeared with tar. 153 The verb ramo, to throw arrows, denoting also calumniation, siander (for 149 'Ibdra, fol. 3b, I. 1; Diwdn, ed. C. H. H. Macartney (Cambridge, 1919), p. 667 (no. 47); L'A, s.v. z b b; the variants pertinent to the discussed problem may be mentioned: yii qiibit!a I-rubi min nafst idhd bturfirat wa-ghiifira l-dhanbi zahzihn! min al-nari. Diwdn: yii mukhrija I-rubi min jismi idhii btarfarat wa-fdrija I-karbi ... L'A: yii qiibirfa I-rubi 'an jismin 'a~ii zamanan wa-ghdfira l-dhanbi ... 150 'Ibara, fol. 3b, I. 10. See this verse in the Diwdn of Jamil Buthayna, ed, Bashir Yamiit 'Ibdra: (Beirut, 1352/1934),p. 18. 151 "Ibdra, fol. 5a; Ps. Ibn Sirln, op. cit., p. 311, 9; Bland, op. cit., p, 135; al-Khargilshl, op. cit., fol. 217b. 152 "Ibiira, fol. 6b; Ibn al-Faqlh, al-Buldiin, ed. de Goeje (Leiden, 1885), p. 52 ("muwak· kalun bi-I· 'iyiiri", not "bi-l-ghubdri"}, 153 "Ibdra, fols. 6b-7a. 94 The interpretation of dreams its interpretation of dreams in the Iatter connotation) is attested by Sura xxiv 4, 6, and two verses of Labid.154 The symbol of a falcon ($aqr) as a courageous man is attested by a verse of Abu Ta1ib: The courageous men (falcons) came one after the other, as if everyone of them clad in over-long mail (were a warrior) walking heavily.!S5 Honour is symbolized in dreams by the sky. This is attested by a verse of al-Nabigha al-Ja'di, recited during his meeting with the Prophet: Our glory and our greatness reached the sky and we hope to gain an elevated place above that.! S6 The sun symbolizes in dreams the power of the king. A verse of al-Nabigha al-Dhubyani is quoted: So you are the sun and the kings are the stars when it appears, no star from among the stars appears.t>? Stars denote the noblemen from among the people. An anonymous verse testifies it: Whomever you will meet from amongst them you will say: "I me-t their chief" they are like the stars by which the travellers travel.!58 A rib symbolizes, as already mentioned, a woman. A verse of an anonymous poet attests it: She is a hooked rib, you will not set her aright Io, setting aright the ribs means breaking them.!59 Lice in dreams symbolize the welfare of the family. A verse about it is quoted: Up to the time when your clans grew full of Iice (i.e. grew large - K) and you saw that your sons grew up ... !60 154 "Ibdra, fol. 7a; see the verses Diwdn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas (al-Kuwayt, 1962), pp. 194195 (nos. 72, 74); and see these verses analysed by Ibn Qutayba in his Kit. al-ma'iini l-kabir (Hyderabad, 1368/1949), pp. 818, 1046-1047. 155 'Ibara, fol. 7b, I. 8; Ibn Hisharn, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi (Cairo, 1355/1936), II, 18, 1. 8 ('Ibiira: tatiiba'a JiM; Sira: a'tina 'alayhdy; cf. Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayrl, op. cit., p. 431. 156 'Ibiira, fol. 26a; Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Nabiga al-Ga'di (Roma, 1953), pp. 60 (v. 66, and see the references of the editor), 70 (v. 22); Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Tabiitaba al-IAlawi, 'Iydr al-shi'r, ed. Tahiial-l;IajirlandMubamrnadZaghIUlSalfun(Cairo, 1956),p. 45. 157 'Ibiira, fo1. 28b, 1. 10; al-'Askart, Dtwdn al-ma'iini (Cairo, 1352), I, 16; Dtwdn alNiibigha, p. 17, I. 4. 158 "Ibiira, fo1. 28b, 1. 13; al-'Askart, op. cit., I, 23 ult., 41; al-Jurjani, op. cit., p. 99 ult. 159 'Ibiira, fol. 31a ult., al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya, al-Jalis al-$alib al-kiift, Ms. Topkapi Saray. Ahmet III, no. 2321, fol. 103a; Ibn Abl l-Hadld, Sharh nahj al-baldgha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-FaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1964), XVIII, 199. 160 "Ibdra, fol. 32a (in text: qabilat; correct reading: qamilat); L'A, s.v. q m I. 95 A hand-mill in a dream symbolizes war. An anonymous verse and a verse of Zuhayr b. abl Su1ma161 are quoted. 162 A cloth-tent in a dream symbolizes royal power. This is based on the verse of al-A'sha (about the killing of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundhir): He introduced al-Nu'rnan into a house the roof of which were the chests of the elephants after (he dwelt in) the cloth tent. 163 and on an anonymous verse: o Hakam b. al-Mundhir b. Jarud the cloth-tent of glory is pitched upon you.164 There is an oneirocritical utterance which says: "He whose affairs have been accomplished in a dream and who, in a dream, has got hold of this world, has to expect decline and change of state, because everything accomplished is about to decay. This is supported by the following verse: If a thing is accomplished, its decrease is near expect decline if people say: "it is accomplished". 165 A tent denotes sometimes a woman. The explanation for this interpretation is based on an expression in Arabic: "he pitched a tent upon his wife." The origin of this expression, records Ibn Qutayba, is a custom according to which people used to pitch a tent upon the man who married and slept with his wife; consequently a man sleeping with his wife on the night of his marriage was called "the pitcher of the tent". This is illustrated by a verse of 'Amr b. Ma'dtkarib: Have'nt you remained sleepless watching this yemeni lightening it looks as if it were a candle of a pitcher of a tent. 166 Wearing silk brocade not in the usual way forebodes that the dreamer will be whipped or afflicted by small-pox. Two verses of a man afflicted by smallpox expound this meaning: Hasn't she got the tidings that I clothed myself after her (i.e. after my departure from her) with a white stripped cloth, the dyer of which is not foolish. I was bare of it before I wore it and my wearing it was for me bitter and hard. 167 161 162 163 164 Diwdn, 'Ibdra, '[bora, 'Ibara, ed. fo1. fo1. fo1. 'Urnar al-Suwaydi (Leiden, 1306/1889), p, 85. 37b. 40b, I. 6; Diwiin, ed. R. Geyer (London, 1928), p. 251 (no. 169). 40b, 1. 8. 165 "Ibiira, fol. 62a inf. 62b sup.; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. dhamm l-dunyii, Ms. Zahiriyya, Damascus, fo1. 22a, no. 187 (The edition of the manuscript is being prepared by Mrs. E. Almagor); Al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuMc/arat al-udaba', IV, 388. 166 'Ibdra, fo1. 40b ult.; L'A, S.v. b n y (the second hemistich); al-Jurjani, op. cit., p. 16. 167 "Ibara, fol, 41b, penult.; the first verse is recorded in the Diwdn of Dhu l-Rurnma, p, 670, I. 4 (quoted from Aghtini, XVI, 122); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iini l-kabir, I, 486 (only 96 The interpretation of dreams According to the hadith: "the man fearing God is bridled", it seems to be a good omen to see oneself bridled in a dream. A verse is quoted in connection with this interpretation: Free from vices is only he who controlled his mouth with a bridle.168 The milk of hare denotes paucity, subsequently it symbolizes paucity of means of sustenance. This is attested by an anonymous verse: Your evil is present and your welfare is (small like) the milk of a hare after her first parturition.tv? Girding a sword in a dream denotes being appointed as governor; what happens in a dream to the sword or to the sword-belt (I:zama'i!) will happen to the man in his post as governor. The sword-belt takes the position of a cloak; the Arabs called it therefore "the cloak". A verse attesting this is quoted: And in many a calamity brought about by a culprit you turned your cloak into a muffler. Ibn Qutayba adds: you turned your sword in it into a muffler, i.e. you beat with it (i.e. with your sword) their heads.t"? The mare symbolizes a noble woman. This is illustrated by a verse of the wife of Raul). b. Zinba", in which she scoffs at her husband: Am I not merely an Arab filly born from (noble) horses, mounted by a mule.!"! A horse with a blazon on his forehead, or white in the lower parts of his legs (mul:zajjal) denotes in a dream a noble man; a verse of al-Nabigha aIJa'di attests it: Greet you both Layla and say to her: "be calm" as she set out for fame and an eminent deed. 172 These verses current in the circles of philologists and lexicographers, some of them recorded by the udabd' and transmitters of akhbiir, became thus a means of interpreting dreams. the first verse; anonymous); for the expression amarru wa-a'Iaqu see al-A'sha, Diwiin, p. 148, I. 1 (XXXIII, 31). 168 "Ibiira, fol. 62b, penult.; see Abii Nuwas, Diwdn, ed. Mahmud Kamil (Cairo, 1933), p. 287, I. 2; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbiir, Cairo 1924, II, 177. 169 'Ibara, fol. 38a, ult.; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iinll-kabir, I, 710 (with a commentary on the verse); VA, s.v. kh r s; al-Jahiz, Rasii'il, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin (Cairo, 1385/1965), II, 358 (attributed to 'Amr b. Qaml'a); al-Jurjanl, op. cit., p. 129. 170 "Ibdra, fol. 44b, 1. 5; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iint l-kabir, I, 480 (with a commentary); VA, s.v. r d y; cf. al-A'sha, Diwdn, p. 39 (Y, 47); al-Khansa', Diwdn (Beirut, 1888), p. 31. 171 "Ibiira, fol. 50a, 1. 3 from bottom; al-Jahiz, Rasa'i/ (Kitiib af-bighaf), II, 358; Ahmad b. Abl Tahir, Balagllat al-nisa', al-Najaf 1361, p. 97, I. 1; al-Bakrl, Simt al-la'ali, ed, 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Maymanl (Cairo, 1354/1936), p. 179 (see the references of the editor ibid.). 172 'Ibdra, fol. SOa; M. Nallino, op. cit., p. 94; Ahmad b. Abl Tahir, op. cit., p. 185. 97 The examples of verses of poetry, hadiths, Qur'an-verses and pious stories adduced above, may convey some idea about the richness of the material provided by Ibn Qutayba in this compilation. Many of the stories are recorded with isndds in which the names of the scholars from whom Ibn Qutayba directly transmitted, are mentioned: Ishaq b. Rahawayh.Ut Ahmad b. Khalll.I?" Abu J:fatim,175who transmitted a great number of stories from al-A~ma'i,176 al-Husayn b. al-Hasan al-Marwazi,l77 Abu I-KhaHab178 and others. Ibn Qutayba's l"? detailed and elaborate compilation gives information about the different methods of interpretation: the symbolical, the reciprocal and antithetical, the etymological, the interpretation by addition and subtraction and the interpretation based on Qur'an and /:zadith.180 The c1assiffication of dreams according to jins, sinf, tab' is recorded as well. 181 Instruction and advice are given to the oneirocritics about their duties, methods and practices.182 Ibn Qutayba's compilation is, in fact, the continuation of an earlier tradition of oneiromancy already approved of by orthodox circles and drawing on a rich treasury of historical anectodes, adab stories, zuhd traditions, poetry, haditb and Qur'an, The numerous stories about dreams in Ibn Ishaq's Sira, the chapter about interpretation of dreams in Ma'rnar b. Rashid's Jiimi', the hadiths about dreams in Ahmad b. Hanbal's Musnad, the compilation of Ibn Abl l-Dunya about the dreams of the righteous and pious, Kitdb al-mandm, (with a special chapter about verses recited in dreams) bear evidence to the wide currency of this material among the orthodox and pious. It is obvious that there existed another kind of oneiromancy based on nonIsiamic and non-Arabic sources. This is indicated by a remark of al-Shafi'I (d. 204): "I left in a1-'Iraq a thing which was invented by the zanddiqa; they call it "ta'bir" and they occupy themselves with it, being distracted by it from the study of Qur'an."183 One may suppose that al-Shafi'I referred to some Lecomte, op. cit., pp. 52-53, no. 3. Lecomte, op. cit., p. 57, no. 9; Ibn Abl Hatim, al-Jarh wa-l-ta'dil (Hyderabad, 1271/1952), h. 50, no. 49. 175 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 50, no. 1; al-Marzubanl, Nur al-qabas, ed. R. Sellheim (Beirut, 1964), I, 225-228. 176 See e.g. 'Ibara, fols. 3b, 4b, 9b, 17b, 20a, 21b, 14b, 38a, 27a, 40a, 23a, 54b, 55a.' 177 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 64, no. 21; Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh, In, 49, no. 219. 178 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 56, no. 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh, In, 549, no. 2479. 179 See Fahd, op. cit., p. 317. 180 'Ibiira, fols. 4a-8b; see Fahd, op. cit., pp. 317-328; .Joseph de Somogyi, "The Interpretation of Dreams in ad-Darntrt's Hayat al-Hayawan", JRAS, 1940, 1-20. 181 "Ibdra, fol. 23b; see Bland, op. cit., p. 136. 182 See e.g. "Ibiira, fol. 23a. 183 Abu Nu'aym, op, cit., IX, 146. 173 174 98 The interpretation of dreams compilations or traditions of Greek oneiromancy. In fact the translation of Artemidoros' The Interpretation of Dreams was done by Hunayn b. Ishaq (d. 260).184 Ibn Qutayba's compilation seems to have been intended as a response to the unorthodox trend of oneiromancy. It was addressed to the orthodox scholar of hadith, to the kdtib, to the adib, to the pious believer. It differs from the work of Artemidoros in that it has at its core the notion that the interpretation of dreams should be subjected to the Arabo-Islamic tradition. The duty of the oneirocritic is to explain the symbols according to these principles, to admonish and to guide. Nowhere in the compilation of Ibn Qutayba is Artemidoros mentioned, although Ibn Qutayba who died in 270, ten years after the death of Hunayn, might have seen Hunayn's translation, or at Ieast have been acquainted with its contents; no hint is given in the compilation of the opinions of philosophers. Some of the quotations from Artemidoros recorded by Abdel Daim (compared with the text of Ps. Ibn SIrln)185 can in fact be found in the compilation of Ibn Qutayba. But these interpretations of dreams might have been already current in 'Iraq in the first centuries of Isiam and might have lost their foreign character; they were probably absorbed at a very early period into the Iore of Muslim oneiromancy. In fact Muslim oneiromancy seems to have absorbed some elements of the oneiromancy of the Ancient Near East. A vestige of this kind seems to be the story of the dream of "Abd a1-Malik.186 The interpretation of this dream tallies with one used for an identical case in an Assyrian tablet.I''? The idea of classifying dreams by the time of night or day188 is echoed in Muslim oneiromancy.189 Traces of Jewish lore are conspicous. The idea of interpretation based on the Qur'an, followed by Ibn Qutayba, is reminiscent of Talmudic interpretation which is based on the Torah. Edited by Toufic Fahd (Damascus, 1964). Arabe d'apres Ibn Sirin, pp. 151-165. 186 'Abd al-Malik saw himself in a dream urinating four times in the mihriib. Ibn alMusayyab interpreted it, saying that four of his sons will rule as Caliphs. The dream was in fact fulfilled, and four of his sons were Caliphs (al-Quda'I, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodleiana, Pococke 270, fol. 70a; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, op. cit., I, 151; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Mandqil al-durar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 88a; al-Qalqashandl, Ma'athir al-indfa, cd. 'Abd al-Sattar Farraj (al-Kuwayt, 1964), 1,128; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 123; al-Ibshtht, op. cit., II, 80; Fahd, op. cit., p, 310, note 2). 187 See A. L. Oppenheim, "The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East", Transactions 0/ the American Philosophical Society, vol. 46, part 3, p. 265. 188 See Oppenheim, op. cit., pp. 240 inf, - 241. 189 "Ibiira, fol. 8b: ... wa-asdaqu auqiiti l-ru'yd bi-l-Iayli l-ashdru wa-bi-l-nahiiri l-qii'ikuu ... This is recorded as an utterance of the Prophet by al-Hakim (al-Mustadrak IV, 392: asdaqu 1-I"II'ya bi-l-ashiirit and al-Zurqanl (Shar/:l al-mawdhib VII, 166 1. I); see Oppenheim, op. cit., p, 241 (quoting Bland, op. cit., p. 129). 184 185 L'Oniromancie 99 Furthermore, some passages from the Talmud are almost verbally quoted in the Muslim compilations. A man came to Ibn Slrin, according to a story and told him the dream of one of his acquaintances: the man had dreamt that he split the heads of eggs, Ieft the yolk and took the outer parts of the eggs. Ibn Sirln refused to interpret the dream and insisted that the dreamer come to him personally. The man admitted that it was he who had had the dream. Ibn Sirin stated that the dream indicated that he was a grave-digger, plundering the graves, ransacking the shrouds of the dead and Ieaving their bodies. The man admitted and promised to refrain from doing it again.190 This very dream, with an identical interpretation, is recorded in the story of Rabbi Yishma'el talking with the heretic.191 The passage in Berakhot contains also the story of another dream: the man saw himself pouring oil into an olive tree. Rabbi Yishma'el stated that the man had had sexual intercourse with his mother. The same story is recorded in the Muslim sources with an identical interpretation attributed to Ibn Sirin.l92 The principle, related in the Talmud,193 whereby the dream is fulfilled according to its interpretation is recorded as an utterance of the Prophet.tvThis principle is illustrated in the Talmud by a story of a woman, who saw twice in her dream that a beam broke down from her roof. She came twice to Rabbi El'azar and he interpreted it saying that she would give birth to a male child; so it happened in fact in both cases. Then she dreamt again that the beam of her roof broke down; she came to RabbI El'azar but did not meet him. His students interpreted the dream by saying that her husband would die. When Rabbi El'azar heard about it, he accused his students of having caused the death of the man by their interpretation, because dreams are fulfilled according to their interpretation.195 Closely reminiscent is the story recorded in Muslim sources about a woman who came to the Prophet and told him that she saw in a dream a beam of the roof of her house breaking down; he interpreted it by saying that her husband would return; so it happened. After some time she saw in her sleep the same dream; she came "Ibiira, fols. 22b, 23b, 11.5-8; al-Ibshlhf, op. cit., II, 79. 56b. 192 Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 305; al-Ibshlhl, op. cit., II, 79; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 206. 193 Berakhot, 55b; see Lowinger, op. cit., p. 25, note 9; Kristianpoler, op. cit., p, XII, and p. 37, no. 107, note I. 194 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 152b sup.; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 391; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 173, 175 (al-ru'ya 'ala mii tu'abbanq. 195 Kristianpoler, op. cit., pp. 51-52, nos. 164-165; Lowinger, op. cit., pp. 25 inf. - 26 sup. 196 According to another version she told her dream to 'A'isha. See al-Zurqanl, op. cit. VII, 171. 190 191 Bab. Berakhot, 100 The interpretation of dreams to the Prophet but did not meet him, and related the story of her dream to Abu Bakr.196 He interpreted it by saying that her husband would die.197 The stories, recorded in Jewish sources, about the pious in Paradisel98 and about gaining knowledge of religious precepts and guidance in dreams,199 are closely reminiscent of similar passages in Muslim oneiromancy. The continuity of the Hebrew oneiromancy2oo can be gauged from the story of a man who found a book on oneiromancy written in Hebrew in the ruins of a house in al-Basra.P! The various elements of oneiromancy were successfully absorbed and combined in the Muslim Iiterature on dreams. Enriched by genuine Arabic and Isiamic materiaI, thoughtfully developed by Muslim scholars, it reflects the various ideas and trends in Muslim society and became a popular topic of Arabic Iiterature. Ibn Qutayba's compilation is the earliest extant composition in the field of Muslim oneiromancy, a fine and rich specimen of this genre of Iiterature. 197 'Ibiira, fol. 9a inf. - 9b sup. (Ibn Qutayba attempts to justify the two different interpretations by the fact that either the countenance of the woman changed or the times of the two dreams were different); the version recorded by al-Zurqanl (see above note 196) ends with the Prophet's admonition to 'A'isha to give good interpretations to the dreams of the Muslims, because dreams are fulfilled according to their interpretations. This reminds closely the account of the story in Jewish sources. And see al-Zamakhshari, op. cit., I, 243244; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 164-165 (quoted from al-Kiift. The woman came twice to the Prophet; in both cases he interpreted the dream by saying that her husband would return safely. At the third time she met an unlucky man [A'sar] who predicted that her husband would die. AI-Majlisi eagerly gives the Sunnl version identifying the "unlucky man" as Abu Bakr). 198 Kristianpoler, op. cit., p. 31, no. 93 and p. 32, no. 96. 199 Cf. Kristianpoler, op. cit., pp. 29-30, nos. 88-91. 200 About the dependence of the Talmudic material on Greek sources see S. Liebermann, Greek and Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (Jerusalem, 1962), pp. 202 seq. [Hebrew]. 201 Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 274. 101 APPENDIX A. List of chapters of the Jerusalem Ms.: 1. ta'wil ru'yati lliihi ta'iilii 2. ta'wilu l-qiyiimati wa-l-jannati wa-l-ndri 3. ru'yatu l-malii'ikati 4. ru'yatu l-samii'i 5. ru'yatu l-anbiyd'i 6. ru'yatu l-ka'bati wa-l-qiblati 7. man tahawwala kdfiran 8. man tahawwala smuhu 9. man qara'a l-qur'iina au adhdhana au band masjidan 10. al-qiidt 11. mathalu l-qii¢i fi l-maniimi 12. al-imiimu 13. al-shamsu wa-l-qamaru wa-l-nujiimu 14. ru'yatu l-insiini wa-a' ¢ii'ihi 15. al-tazwiju wa-l-nikdhu wa-l-taldqu wa-l-waladu 16. ru'yatu l-amwiiti 17. al-araduna wa-l-abniyatu 18. ta'wilu l-tildli wa-l-jibdli 19. ta'wilu ru'yati l-amtdri wa-l-andii'i wa-mii ttasala bi-dhiilika 20. al-ashribatu 21. ta'wilu l-ashjdri wa-l-thimiiri wa-l-nabiiti 22. ta'wilu 1-l;zubUbi 23. al-surddiqdtu wa-l-fasdtitu wa-mii ashbahahii 24. al-thiyiibu wa-l-libiisu 25. al-farshu 26. al-sildhu 27. al-huliyyu 28. ta'wilu I-niiri wa-mii yunsabu ilayhd 29. al-sahdbu wa-l-mataru wa-md yakimu bihimii 30, al-tayardnu wa-I-wathbu 31. ta'wilu l-khayli wa-I-bariidhini wa-ashbiihihii 32. ta'wilu l-bighdli wa-l-hamiri 33. ru'yatu l-himdri 34. al-ibilu 35. al-thirdnu wa-I-baqaru 36. ta'wilu l-da'ni wa-l-kibiishi 37. al-ma'izu 38. ta'wilu l-wahshi 102 fol. 25a fol. 25b foJ. 26a foJ. 26a foJ. 26a foJ. 26b fol. 27a fol. 27a fol. 27b fol. 27b fol. 28a fol. 28a fol. 28b fol. 29a fol. 32b fol. 33b fol. 34b foJ. 35b fol. 36a fol. 38a fol. 38b fol. 39b fo1. 40b fo1. 41a fol. 42b fo1. 43b fo1. 45a fo1. 47b fo1. 49a fol. 49a fo1. 49b fol. 50b fo1. 51a fol. 51b fol. 52a fol. 52b fol. 53b fol. 53b The interpretation of dreams fo1. fo1. fo1. fol. fo1. fol. fo1. 54b 55a 55a 56b 58b 59a 59b 39. al-filu wa-l-jdmiisu wa-l-khinziru 40. 42. al-hashardtu 41. al-sibii'u It ta'wili l-tayri 43. baniitu I-mii'i min al-samaki wa-ghayrihi 44. al- 'aqdribu wa-l-hayyiitu wa-I-hawiimmu 45. ta'wilu l-sunnii'i 46. ta'wilu l-nawiidiri B. List of chapters of the Ankara 1. Dhikru I-nafsi wa-l-riii: 2. Al-ta'wil bi-I-asmii' 3. Al-ta'wil bi-l-ma'nd Ms.: fol, 62a 4. 5. 6. 7. Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil bi-l-Qur'iin bi-l-ahiidith bi-I-mathal al-sd'ir bi-l-didd wa-l-maqliib 8. Ta'biru l-ru'yii bi-l-ziydda wa-l-nuqsdn 9. Ta'biru l-ru'yii bi-l-auqdt 10. Ta'biru I-ru'yii bi-khtildfi I-hay'iit 11. 'Ajii'ib al-ru'yii 12. Wa-min "ajibi l-ru'yii 13. Intihii'u I-ru'yii 14. Wa-min nawddirihi md rawii Jiibiru bnu Damra 15. Wa-min nawddirihi md rawii Marwdnu bnu Mu'iiwiyata 16. Wa-nawiidir a$Qiibihi 'alayhi l-saldm 17. Nddira fi l-ru'yd 18. Wa-min nawiidir al-ru'yd 19. Wa-min nawiidirihi 'alii ghayri aslin 20. Wa-min nawddirihi wa- 'ajii'ibihi 21. Wa-min nawddirihi fi I-ru'yii 22. Amthilat al-ru'yii 23. Wa-min 'ajii'ibi bni Sirin 24. Adab al-ta'wil 103

On 'Concessions' and Conduct. A Study in early Ḥadīth

concessions.pdf On 'Concessions' and Conduct A Study in Early Hadith Traditions about early ritual practices and customs reported on the authority of the Prophet, of his Companions isahaba) or their Successors (tabi'un) are often divergent and even contradictory. Early compilations of haditb occasionally record these traditions in separate chapters with headings which point out their differences; they also enumerate the scholars who held these divergent views. So, for example, the chapter Man kana yutimmu l-takbir is followed by the chapter Man kana la yutimmu l-takbir ; the chapter Man qala laysa 'ala man nama sajidan wa-qa'idan w u d u' is followed by Man kana y aqisl u i d h a nama ta-t-yatawaddo'. Traditions arranged under headings Man kariha ... followed by Man rakhkhasa [i ... are of a similar type. It is obvious that these diverse traditions reflect differences in the opinions of various circles of Muslim scholars and indicate that in the early period of Islam many ritual prescriptions were not yet firmly established. The rukhas or "concessions," i.e., the changes in ritual prescriptions designed to soften their harshness, were indeed an efficient tool in adapting the prescriptions to the real conditions of life and its changing circumstances. They established practices that were in keeping with the new ideas of Islam. Yet it is evident that the concession, rukhsa, had to acquire authoritative sanction and legitimacy; this could be achieved only through an utterance of the Prophet. As a matter of fact, the following haditb is attributed to the Prophet: "Truly, God desires that His concessions be carried out [just] as He desires His injunctions to be observed" tinna llaha 2 yuhibbu an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu an tuta 'azaimuhui: This tradition was interpreted in manifold ways. According to one interpretation it implies a whole view of life; al-Shaybani (died 189/805) states that the believer who restricts himself to the most basic means of subsistence acts according to the prescriptions, whereas pleasant life and delights are for him a concession, a rukhsa? The purchase of the arable kharaj land in Iraq by Muslims was approved by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz on the ground of a rukhsa interpretation of a Qur'anic verse; grants of land in the Sawiid, given to Muslims, were also based on rukhsa precedents? 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], ed. Habib al-Rabman al-A'zami (Beirut: 11: 291, no. 20569 i=Liimi' Ma'rnar b. Riishid: ... an yu'mala bi-rukhasihi); Ibn Balban, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni Hibban, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 90a; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-taf sir bi=l=ma'thur (Cairo: 1314), 1: 193; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al=awliyh' (Beirut: 1387/1967, reprint), 6: 191 inf., 276, 2: 101 info C, an tuqbala rukhasuhu); al-Miiwardi, al-Amthal wa-l-bikam, MS Leiden, Or. 655, fol. 87b c.. an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kama yuhibbti an yu'khadha bi=farii'i dihi), al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1279/1960), 2: 261, no. 1541 (and see ibid. no. 1539: ._ an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yakrahu an tu'ta masiyatuhu ; another version: ... kama yuhibbu an tutraka masiyatuhu); al-Muniiwi, Fayd al=qadlr; sharb al- jami' al-saghir (Beirut: 139111972),2: 292, no. 1879, 293, no. 1881(; an tuqbala rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu l+abdu maghfirat rabbihi ; 2: 296, no. 1894: ... Kama yakrahu an tu'ta ma'siyatuhu); al-Daylami, Firdaws al=akhbiir, Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 53a; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, M uq.ib awham at-jam' wa-l-tafriq (Hyderbad: 1379/1960), 2: 10 c.. an tu'ta mayasiruhu kama yuhibbu an tu'ta 'azdimuhu); cf. al-Kulayni al-Kiifi, ed. Najm al-Din al-Amuli (Tehran: 1388),1: 208-209, no. 4. 2 al-Shaybiini, al-Ikiisab [i l-rizqi l-mustaiab, Talkhis Muhammad b. Sama'a, ed. Mahrnud 'Arniis (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 81: ... fa-sara l-basilu anna l-iqtisara 'ala adna ma yakfihi 'azimatun, wa-ma zada 'ala dhaiika min at-tana''umi wa-l-nayli min al-ladhdhiui rukhsatun, wa-qala sallii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: inna llaha yuhibbu an yu'ta bi-rukhasihi _. 3 Abu 'Ubayd, Kitab al-amwal, ed. Muhammad l:liimid al-Fiqi (Cairo: 1353), pp. 84-85; cf. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra (Hyderabad: 1356), 9: 140-1: "... bab man kariha shiraa ardi l-khara] ._" And see the traditions against buying of khara] land: Ibn Zanjawayh, al-Amwat, MS. Burdur 183, fols. 1392/1972), 3 The Prophet is said to have denied believers perrmssion to enter baths, but later granted them a rukhsa to enter them, provided they wore loincloths, ma'iuir: There were in fact two contradictory attitudes in the matter of baths: the one disapproving' and the other 29a-32a (and see e.g. ibid., fol. 3Oa, inf., ''; sami'a l=hasana yaqidu: man khalda ribqata muiihidin fa-jdaiaha [i 'unuqihi [a-qad istaqala hijraiahu wa-walla l-islama zahrahu wa-man aqarra bi-shayin min al-jizyati [a-qad aqarra bi-babin min abwabi l-kufri'). 4 al-Shawkani, Nayl ai-awrar, sharb muntaqa l-akhbar min ahadithi sayyidi i-akhyar (Cairo: 1372/1953), 1: 299; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Khan al-Atghani (Hyderabad: 1386/1966), 1: 109-110; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 290-296, nos. 11l6-1136; l-Fakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, MS. Leiden a Or. 463, fol. 412a; al-Mundhiri, 1: 118-122,nos. 267-278; al-Sharishi, Sharb maqiimiu al-Hariri, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafaji (Cairo: 1372/1952), 3: 74; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz al-tummii! (Hyderabad: 138111962),9: 231-234, nos. 1978-2010;cf. al-Hakim, Marifai 'uiion ai-hadith, ed. Mu'azzam I;Iusayn (Cairo: 1937),p. 98. 5 See e.g. al-Munawi, 2: 54, no. 1311: ... uffin li-l-hammam ..." enjoins husbands " to forbid their wives to enter baths, stresses the filthiness of their water and confines the entrance of men to those wearing the ma'Iizir ; cf. al-Tayalisi, Musnad (Hyderabad: 1321), p. 212, no. 1518:'A'isha reproaches the women from Hirns for entering baths. And see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majmd al-zawdid wa-manbd a/-fawa'id (Beirut: 1967, reprint), 1: 277-278 (the prohibition for women to enter baths; and see ibid., p. 114:the bath is the abode of the Devil); al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal (Cairo: 1353/1934), 10: 246; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-Itidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajawi (Cairo: 1382/1963), 3: 631, no. 7889; al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 90b (the prohibition to enter baths by women is preceded by a prediction of the Prophet that the Muslims will conquer the lands of the 'ajam and will find there "buildings called baths"; a concession at the end of the haditn is granted to women who are ill, or after confinement). And see al-Kattani, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 9b ("; bi'sa l-bayt al-hammam'; the Prophet permitted, however, men to enter the bath wearing the maazir, after being told of the importance of the bath for the cleanness of the body and the treatment of the sick). Cf. Ahmad b. I;Ianbal, al-Tlal wa-marifat ai-rijai, ed. Talat Kocyigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu (Ankara: 1963), I: 266, no. 1716 (the prayer in a bath is disliked), 271, no. 1745 ("ai-arq.u kulluha masjidun illa l-hammam wo-l-maqbara'), And see the story of Ibn 'Umar who was shocked when he saw the naked men in the bath (Ibn Sa'd, 4 recommending them," Accordingly scholars are divided in their opinion as to whether the water of the bath can be used for ritual washing, ghus/, or whether, on the contrary, ghusl has to be performed for cleaning oneself from the very water of the bath? The knowledge of rukhas granted by the Prophet is essential for the proper understanding of the faith and its injunctions. The misinterpretation of the verse: "Those who treasure up gold and Tabaqiu (Beirut: 1377/1957), 4: 153-154);and see the various Shi'i traditions in Yiisuf al-Bahrani's al-Haddiq ai-nadira [i ahkam al-'itra al-tahira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawani (Nadjaf: 1378),5: 528-540. 6 See al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, 2: 311, 11.4-5; Ibn al-Sunni, 'A mal ai-yawm wa-Hayla (Hyderabad: 1358),p. 85: "ni'ma l-bayt al-hammam yadkhuluhu l-rajulu l-muslim ..."; al-Daylarni, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 174b; al-Wassabl al-Habashi, al-Baraka fi [adli l-sdyi wa-l-haraka (Cairo: n.d.), p. 268; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 279 (a bath was built on the spot approved of by the Prophet). The tradition that the Prophet used to frequent the bath is vehemently refuted by al-Qastallanl, as recorded in a l-Zurqani's Shari) ai-mawiihib al-laduniy ya (Cairo: 1327), 4: 214. Al-Qastallanl, quoting the opinion of Ibn Kathir, states that there were no baths in the Arabian peninsula in the time of the Prophet. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, discussing the tradition of Umm al-Darda' about her entering a bath in Medina (Muq.ilJ 1: 359), states that there were no baths in Medina in the period of the Prophet; in that period baths existed only in Syria and Persia (Muq.ii) 1: 362-364). Cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li=l=i atiiwi, ed. Muhammad MulJyi I-Din 'Abd al-I:Iamid (Cairo: 1378/1959), 1: 526-528; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikn (Tahdhib) (Damascus: 1329), 3: 380; Murtada al-Zabidi, ItlJiif al-siida al-muttaqin bi-sharh asrar iIJy1i 'ulum al-din (Cairo: 1311) (reprinted Beirut), 2: 400. On the building of baths in Basra in the early period of Islam and the profits gained from them see al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], 1, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Cairo: 1959): 502; al-Tha'alibl, Thimar al-quliib, ed. Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1384/1965), p. 318,no. 476. 7 See Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 107-108; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 295-298 (see e.g. the answer of Ibn 'Abbas, "innama ja'ala llahu l-mii'a yutahhiru wa-la yutahharu.' ibid., no. 1142; and see the answer of al-Sha'bi when asked, on leaving the bath, whether one is obliged to perforn the ghusl (to clean oneself) from the water of the bath: "So why did I enter the bath?", ibid., no. 1146); and see the outspoken answer of Ibn 'Abbas when he entered a bath in the state of ihriim: "Mii ya'ba'u lliihu bi-awsakhinii shay'an.' al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 63 info 5 silver, and do not expend them in the way of God -- give them good tidings of a painful chastisement ..." (Qur'an 9:34) by Abu Dharr is explained by the fact that Abu Dharr met the Prophet and heard from him some injunctions of a severe character (yasma'u min rasidi llahi [s] l-amra fihi l-shiddatur; he then left for the desert. The Prophet, in the meantime, alleviated the injunction (yurakhkhisu [ihi) and people adopted the concession. But Abu Dharr, unaware of this, came back and adhered to the first (scil, severe) injunction," In later periods of Islam the practice of rukhas was presented as the attitude of the first generations of Islam. The righteous predecessors (ai-saiat), argues Abu Talib al-Makki, were in the habit of alleviating (yurakhkhisitna) the rules of ritual impurity, but were strict in the matter of earning one's li ving by proper means alone as well as in the moral aspects of behavior like slander, futile talk, excessive indulgence in rhetoric etc., whereas contemporary scholars, Abu Talib continues, are heedless in problems of moral behavior, but are rigid tshaddadii) with regard to ritual impurity," Sufyan al-Thawri speaks about rukhsa in the following terms: "Knowledge in our opinion is merely [the knowledge of] a rukhsa [reported on the authority] of a reliable scholar; the rigid, rigoristic practice can be observed by everyone?" The pious 'Ata' al-Sulaymi asked for the traditions of rukhas ; they might relieve his grief, he said." The rukhas-traditions were of great importance for the strengthening of belief in God's mercy for the believers thusnu l-zanni bi-llah).12 Sulayman b. Tarkhan asked his son to tell him rukhas-traditions in order to come to the Presence of God (literally: to meet God) with hope for God's mercy," 8 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 3: 243. 9 Abii Tiilib al-Makki, QUt al-quliib (Cairo: 1351/1932),2: 46. 10 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jami' b ayii» ai-t ilm wa-f adlihi (a l+Mad ina al-munawwara: n.d., reprint), 2: 36: innama l-'ilmu 'indana l-rukhsatu min thiqatin ; [a-amma l-tashdidu [a-yuhsinuhu kullu ahadin. 11 Abii Nu'aym, 6: 217. 12 See Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at al-rasiiil (Cairo: 1354/1935), pp. 39-72: kitabu husni l-zanni bi-llah. 13 Ibid., p. 45, no. 29; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 31. 6 In a wider sense rukhas represent in the opinion of Muslim scholars the characteristic way of Islam as opposed to Judaism and Christianity. The phrase "... and he will relieve them of their burden and the fetters that they used to wear" (Qur'an 7:157) is interpreted as referring to the Prophet, who removed the burden of excessively harsh practices of worship'? and of ritual purity," The rigid and excessive practices of worship refer to Jews and Christians alike. The Prophet forbade his believers to follow the harsh and strict way of people who brought upon themselves destruction. The remnants of these people can be found in the cells of monks and in monasteries; this, of course, refers to Christians." These very comments are coupled with the haditb about the rukhas mentioned earlier: inna llaha yuhibbu ... It is thus not surprising to find this rukhas tradition together with an additional phrase: ... ia-qbalic rukhasa llahi wa-Ia takiinic ka-bani israila hina shaddadii 'ala anfusihim ta-shaddada llahu 'alayhiml' The ruk hs a tradition is indeed recorded in chapters condemning hardship in the exertion of worship and ritual practices," stressing the benevolence of God for His creatures even if they commit grave sins, reproving cruelty even towards a cat," 14 ... al-t athqitu lladhi kana [i dinihim ... al-tashdl du fi l-'ibadati ... al-shadii'idu llati kiinat 'alayhim ... tashdidun shuddida 'ala l-qawmi, [a-iao Muhammadun (s) bi-l-taiawuzi 'anhum. 15 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthlir, 3: 135; al-Tabari, Taf sir, ed. Mahmiid and Ahmad Shakir (Cairo: 1958), 13: 167-168; al-Qurtubi, Tat sir. (Cairo: 1387/1967), 7: 300; Hashim b. Sulayman al-Bahrani al-Tawbali al-Katakani, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'an (Qumm: 1393),2: 40, no. 3. 16 al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ol-manthia, 1: 193. 17 al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 221. 18 See Ibn Balban, fol. 90a-b, the headings: ... dhikru t-ikhbari 'amma yustahabbu li=lrmari min qubidi ma rukhkhisa lahu bi-tarki l-tahammuli 'ala l-naf si ma la tuiiqu min aHa'ati _ ; ai-ikhbaru bi-anna 'ala l-mar'i qubida rukhsati llahi lahu fi ta'atihi diina l-tahammuli 'ala l-najsi ma yashuqqu 'alayha hamluhu ... ; ... mii yustahabbu li-l-mar'i l-tarafiuqu bi-l-taiui wa-al-amru bi-l-qaSdi fi Ha'ati diina an yuhmala 'ala l-naisi ma la tutiqu. 19 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 11, no. 20549. The authenticity of the story of the woman who was put in Hell because she caused the death of a cat, was 7 and recommending leniency, moderation and mildness towards the believers. Rukh sa is rukhsatu llah; God's concession for His community; it imposes on the believers kindness and moderation towards each other. Rukhsa is in this context associated with riiq, yusr, samaha and qasd?" In a different context a concession, rukhsa, is meant to ease the burden of the decreed prescription (al-hukm) for an excusable reason ilir'udhrin hasala); the acceptance of rukhsa is almost obligatory in such a case (yakiidu yulhaqu bi-l-wujub); the believer must act according to the rukh sa, subduing his pride and haughtiness." Breaking the fast of sawm al-dahr is such a rukhsa ; continuing the fast is stubborness." Commenting on the haditb "The best of my people are those who act according to the rukhas,' al-Munawi stresses that the rukhas apply to specific times only; otherwise one should follow the incumbent prescription." The haditb "He who does not accept the concession of God will bear a sin as heavy as the mountains of 'Arafat" 24 was quoted in connection with a concession according to which it is recommended 20 21 22 23 14 questioned by 'A'lsha, She asserted that the woman was an unbeliever, a kalira. The believer is more respected by God iakramu 'inda [[jihi) than that He would chastise him because of a cat, she argued. She rebuked Abii Hurayra, the transmitter of the hadlth, and bade him to transmit the tradition more accurately. See al-Zarkashi, al+l jaba li-Iriidi rna st adrakat-hu 'A'ishatu 'ala I-sahaba (Cairo: n.d.), p. 61; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 116; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh misr, ed. C. Torrey (Leiden; 1920), p. 292; Hanniid b. al-Sariyy, Kitab al-suhd, MS. Princeton, Garret 1419,fo!. lOla, inf. -lOlb. See 'Abd al-Razziiq, 11: 282-288, nos. 20546; 20559 (Bab al-rukhas wa-l-shadiiid) and 11:290-292, nos. 20566-20574 (Bab al-rukhas [i l-'amal wa-l-qasd). al-Muniiwi, 2: 296-297; and see ibid., pp. 292-293 (see the commentary: the 'azima, injunction, order, has an equal standing with the rukhsa. According to the circumstances the ordained wu4u' is as obligatory as the rukhsa 0 f tayammum). And see ibid., p. 293: the concessions have to be carried out according to the circumstances for which they were given. Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 1: 11l. al-Muniiwi, 2: 51, no. 1300;al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo!. 94b. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 292; al-Muniiwi, 6: 225, no. 9031; al-Daylami, MS. 8 to break the fast when on a journey. The core of the discussion was whether the breaking of the fast during a journey is obligatory or merely permitted. Some scholars considered it as a rukhsai? The phrase in Qur'an 2:187 "... and seek what God had prescribed for you" (fa-i-i.zna bashiriihunna wa-btaghii ma kataba llahu lakum) indicates, according to one interpretation, God's concession concerning the nights of Ramadan." The phrase in Qur'an 2:158 .,. io-ta junaha 'alayhi an yattawwaja bihima ... ("... it is no fault in him to circumambulate them ..."), referring to the circumambulation of al-Safa and Marwa, gave rise to the discussion whether it indicated an order or a concession." The bewailing of the dead by hired women, the niyaha, is forbidden; but the Prophet granted the afflicted relatives the rukhsa to mourn the dead and to weep over a dead person's grave," Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 158b. 25 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 193; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 265; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Shakir (Cairo: l368/1949), 8: 238, no. 5392; al-Dhahabi, 2: 483; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir (Beirut: l385/1966), 1: 382; cf. al-Tabari, Tafsir 3: 461-469 (see p. 460: al-iftaru [i l-maradi 'azmatun min alliihi wajibatun wa-laysa bi-tarkhis ; and see p. 464: al-iitaru fi l-saf ari rukhsatun min allahi tdala dhikruhu, rakhkhasaha li=ibadihi wa-l-fardu l-sawmu ...); Ibn Balban, fol. 9Ob, sup; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqin al-anwar (Cairo: 138111961), p. p 716-717; al-Mundhiri, 2: 258-262; Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukht ali] al-badith (Cairo: 1326), pp. 307-308; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwatta (Cairo: 1381/1961), 2: 415-420. 26 al-Tabari, Tafsir, 3: 500 ult., 508; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1: 390, line 5 from bottom; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 199, line l. 27 See al-Tabarl, Tafsir, 3: 230-246; al-Qurtubi, 2: 182 (and see ibid., about the reading: fa-lii junaha 'alayhi an la yattawwaf ar; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar (Tehran: 1388),99: 235, 237-8, 239 line 2; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 78-9; al-Fakihi, fols. 374b-380a; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 5: 96-8; Amin Mahmiid Khattjib, Fatb al-malik at-mabiid, takmilat al-manhal al-'adhb al-mawriid, sharh. sunan abi dawitd (Cairo: 1394/1974), 1: 243-50, 2: 15-16. 28 al-l;Iakim, al=Mustadrak (Hyderabad: 1342), 1: 203; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Mit(j.ih, 2: 12 sup.; al-Zajjjiji, Amali, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hariin (Cairo: 1382), p. 181 L wa-kadhalika al-naqu: raf'u l-sawti bi-l-bukiii ; wa-hadha kana manhiyyan 'anhu [i awwali l-islami+ani l-bukita 'ala l-mayyit, thumma rukhkhisa [ihi ... ; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuhMarat al-udabd (Beirut: 1961), 9 In some cases the choice between the prescription and the rukhsa has been left to the believer: such is the case of the ablution of the junub. Three traditions about how the Prophet practised wudu' ablution, when in the state of janaba contain contradictory details: two of them state that he, being a junub, performed the wudu' before he went to sleep, while the third one says that he went to sleep without performing wudu'. Ibn Qutayba, trying to bridge between the contradictory traditions, states that in a state of janaba washing before one goes to sleep is the preferred practice (afejal); by not washing the Prophet pointed to the rukhsa?" The believer may choose one of the two practices. In some cases the rukhsa completely reverses a former prohibition. The Prophet forbade the visiting of graves, but later changed his decision and granted a rukhsa to visit them: naha rasidu llahi [S] 'an ziyaraii l-qubkri thumma rakhkhasa fihlz bddu/" Cupping during a fast was forbidden by the Prophet; both the cupper and the person whose blood was drawn were considered to have broken their fast. The Prophet, however, changed his decision and granted a rukhsa ; cupping did not stop the fast," Lengthy chapters contain discussions of the problem as to whether kissing one's wife while fasting is permitted. Some scholars considered kissing or touching the body of the wife as breaking the fast, others considered it permissible. Both parties quote traditions in support of their arguments. The wives of the Prophet, who 4: 506; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 389-395; al-Tabarani, al-Mujam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina al-munawwara: 1388/1968), 2: 82 (noteworthy is the report of Ibn Abi Shayba 3: 391 about the faqih Abu I-Bakhtari: ... kana rajulan [aqihan wa-kana yasmau l-nawh); Mahrniid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al-Manhal alradhb al-mawriid, 8: 281-4; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 34, 50-1. 29 Ibn Qutayba, pp. 305-6. 30 a l+Hji z i m I, at-F't ibiir f i b a yiini l=niisikh' wa-l=mansickk min al-akhbar (Hyderabad: 1359),pp. 130-1, 228; al-Fakihi, fol. 478b, 479 penult. 31 Ibn Daqiq al-'Id, al-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam, ed. Muhammad Sa'Id al-Mawlawi (Damascus: 1383/1963), p. 244, no. 592; al-Zurqani, Shorb al-muwatta, 2: 428-30; al-Hazimi, pp. 137-42. 10 testified as to their experience, were not unanimous about the problem. 'A'isha's evidence was in favor of kissing. The statement that old and weak people may kiss their wives, while men may not, is an obvious attempt at harmonization." A similar problem was whether kissing one's wife imposes wudu, Scholars were divided in their opinions. 'A'isha testified that the Prophet used to kiss his wives and set out to pray without performing ablution. Many scholars stated that kissing or touching one's wife does not require wudu', but others argued that it does. Some scholars found a compromise: wucj.u' is required if the kiss is accompanied by a feeling of lust," The rukhas, apparently, were exploited by scholars attached to rulers and governors. As usual precedents of wicked court-scholars in the period of banii isra'il were quoted: they frequented the courts of kings, granted them the required rukhas and, of course, got rewards for their deeds. They were happy to receive the rewards and to have the kings accept their 32 al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhar, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjir (Cairo: 2: 88-96; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 59-64; al-Bayhaqi, Mc'rif at al-sunan wa-l-iuhar, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo: 1969), 1: 21 sup.; Ibn Qutayba, pp. 308-9; al-Dhahabi 2: 398 sup.; Abu Nu'aym, 7: 138;al-Zarkashi, al-[ jaba, p. 54; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-muwatta, 2: 410-15; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 4: 182-94, nos. 8406-8456. See e.g. nos. 8412, 8418; kissing during the fast was considered as rukhsa ; against the rigid prohibition to look at a woman (see e.g. nos. 8452-8453) there are traditions permitting much more than kissing (see e.g. no. 8444 and the extremely permissive tradition no. 8439); and see Abu Nu'ayrn, 9: 309 (kuliu shay'in laka min ahlika haliilun [i l-siyami ilia ma bayna l-rijlayn); and see this tradition al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 120b, 1.1;al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 8: 384-5, nos. 2787-2793; Ibn Daqiq aI-'id, pp. 243-4, nos. 590-1; al-Kattiini, MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 3a; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm (Cairo: 1321 reprint), 2: 84 sup.; Mahmiid Muhammad al-Subki, al-Man hal al-tadhb al-mawrisd, sharb sunan abi dawud (Cairo: 1390), 10: 109-13, 115-16;Ibn Abi l:liitim, 'Ilal al-I;!adith (Cairo: 1343 reprint), 1: 47, no. 108. 33 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 44 (man qala: laysa fi l-qubla wu4u'), 45 (man qala: fiha l-wudli'); 'Abd al-Razziiq, 1: 132-6, nos. 496-515; al-Hakirn, al+Must adrak, 1: 135; al-Shawkani, Nayl, 1: 230-3; al-Zurqani, Sharh ai-muwauo', 1: 129-30; Ibn Abi l:liitim, 1: 48, nos. 109-110,63 no. 166. 1388/1968), 11 concessions. The verse in Qur'an 3:189 "Reckon not that those who rejoice in what they have brought, and love to be praised for what they have not done -- do not reckon them secure from chastisement ..." refers, according to one tradition, to these scholars," Orthodox, pious scholars fiercely criticized the Umayyad court-jurists and muhaddithiin= The [uqaha' seem to have been liberal in granting rukhas, as can be gauged from a remark of the pious Sulayman b. Tarkhan (who himself very much appreciated the granted rukhas, see above note 13) that anyone who would adopt every rukhsa of the [uqaha would turn out a libertine." In order to assess the actions of rulers it became quite important to find out to what extent they made use of rukhas. 'Umar is said to have asked Muhajirs and Ansaris in his council what their opinion would be if he applied rukhas in some problems. Those attending remained silent for a time and then Bishr b. Sa'id said: "We would make you straight as we make straight an arrow." 'Umar then said with approval: "You are as you are" (i,e, you are the proper menl.'? When al-Mansur bade Malik b. Anas to compile the Muwatta' he advised him to stick to the tenets agreed upon the Muslim community and to beware of the rigoristic opinions of Ibn 'Umar, the rukhas of Ibn 'Abbas and shawadhdh (readings of the Qur'an) of Ibn Mas'iid.38 34 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ai-manthia, 2: 109 inf. 35 Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 218: ... [a-ataw l-umara'a [a-haddathiihum [a-rakhkhasii lahum, wa-atawhum [a-qabilii minhum ...; al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madarik, ed. Ahmad Bakir Mahmiid (Beirut: 1387/1967), 1-2, 616 (Sahniin): ... wa-baiaghani annahum yuhaddithunahum min al-rukhas ma yuhibbiina, mimma laysa 'alayhi l-'amalu ...; al-Dhahabi, 1: 14 inf.: '" ila kam tuhaddithu l-nasa bi-l-rukhasil ... and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ol-mamhia, 3, 139. ; 36 Abii Nu'aym, 3:32; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, 1: 133:... man akhadha bi-rukhsati kulli [aqihin kharaja minhu fasiq. And See Ahmad b. Hanbal, 'Ilal, 1: 238, no. 1499: Malik, asked about the rukhas of singing granted by some people of Medina, said: "In our place the libertines behave in this way." 37 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4 (majmu'a), fol. 44b, inf.-45a (the text: antum idhan antum); al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, 5: 405 inf., no. 2414 (the text: antum idhan antum idhan). 38 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Tarikh, MS. Bodley. Marsh. 288, p. 167: ... wa-qala 12 Many a rukhsa indeed served to regulate relations between people, establish certain privileges for the weak and disabled, to alleviate some rigorous practices and finally, in some cases, to turn Jahili practices into Muslim ones by providing them with a new theoretical basis. Al-Hakim al-Naysabiiri" says that the Prophet's command to Zayd b. Thabit to learn the writing of the Jews ikitaba; al-yahiui) in order to be able to answer their letters, serves as the only rukhsa permitting the study of the writings of the People of the Book. Weak and disabled people were given special instructions on how more easily to perform certain practices during the pilgrimage.'? The Prophet enjoined that the ritual ablution (wutju') should start with the right hand; but a rukhsa was granted to start from the left." The cutting of trees and plants was forbidden in the haram of Mecca, but the Prophet allowed as a rukhsa the idhkhir rush ischoenanium) to be cut since it was used in graves and for purification." A special rukhsa was given by the Prophet to take freely the meat of animals sacrificed by him; the nuhba (plunder) of sugar and nuts at weddings was also permitted by the Prophet," A rukhsa was issued by the Prophet allowing use of gold and silver for the embellishment of swords, for the repair and fastening of damaged cups and vessels, for a treatment in 39 40 41 42 43 abi: ja'farin al-mansiiru li-maliki bni anasin hina amarahu bi-wad'i muwauaihi: ya abii 'abdi lliihi ttaqi shaddida bni 'umara wa-rukhasa bni 'abbasin wa-shawadhdha bni mas'iidin wa+alayka bi-l-amri l-mujtamdi 'alayhi. al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 75. al-Tahawi, Sharb mdani, 2: 215-218. al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 86-87. al-Baliidhuri, Futul; al-buldiin, ed. 'Abdallah and 'Umar al-Tabba' (Beirut: 1377/1958), p. 58, 1.3. Abu 'Ubayd, Gharibu l-hadltl: (Hyderabad: 1384/1965), 2: 54; al-Tai)iiwi, Sharb mdani, 3: 49-50; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib ; 4: 325 inf. -326; al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-tarikh; MS. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 32a, sup. ('an ibni mas'iidin annahu kariha nihaba l-sukkar). 13 dentistry and for the restitution of a cut nose." The Prophet uttered a r uk h s a about the nabi dh of jars;45 the use of jars for nabidh (steeping of dates) was forbidden before that. The muttering of healing incantations, the ruqya, a current practice in the Jahiliyya period, was forbidden by the Prophet. Later he fixed the formulae of these healing incantations for various kinds of illnesses, bites from snakes and scorpions, and the evil eye, giving them an Islamic character." This was, of course, a rukhsa of the Prophet. It is also a rukhsa to denounce Islam in case of danger to one's life. Two Muslims were captured by a troop of Musaylima and were ordered to attest the prophethood of Musaylima. One of them refused and was killed; the other complied and saved his life. When he came to the Prophet, the Prophet said that he had chosen the way of the rukhsa:" The discussion of a rukhsa could, in certain circumstances, turn into a bitter dispute. 'Uthman disapproved of the tamattu' pilgrimage." 'Ali, who was at the council of 'Uthman, opposed this opinion fiercely, arguing that tamattu' was a sunna of the Prophet and a rukhsa granted by God to his servants. 'uthmdn 44 al-Tahawl, Mushkil al-iuhiir (Hyderabad: 1333), 2: 166-179; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 5: 147-151;al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 28-30. 45 al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, p. 196 sup.; al-Hazimi, pp. 228-230. 46 Ibn Wahb, Jami, ed. 1. David-Weill (Cairo: 1939), pp. 103-106; al-Tahawl, Sharb mdiini, 4: 326-329; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 5: 109-114;al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', 6: 348-350; idem, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 68-82; al-Wa$$iibi, al-Baraka; pp. 268-270; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, al-Tibb al-nabawi, ed. 'Abd aI-Ghani 'Abd al-Khaliq, 'Adil al-Azharl, Mahrniid Faraj al-'Uqda (Cairo: 1377/1957), pp. 127, 131 inf.-147; idem, Zad al-ma'Iid (Beirut: n.d.), 3: 116-125; al-Damiri, Hayiu. al-I;ayawan (Cairo: 1383/1963), 2: 139-140;al-Tha'alibi, Thimar oi-quliib, pp. 126, no. 672, 431, no. 690. 47 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 4: 133. 48 On the tamauu pilgrimage see e.g. Ibn Hazm, Haj]at al-wada', ed. Mamdiib Baqqi (Beirut: 1966), pp. 49, 89, 90, 102; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 236; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 15-26. . 14 excused himself saying that he had merely expressed his personal opinion which anybody could accept or reject. A man from Syria who attended the council and disliked 'Ali's argument said that he would be ready to kill 'Ali, if ordered to do so by the Caliph, 'Uthman, He was silenced by Habib b. Maslama'" who explained to him that the Companions of the Prophet knew better the matter in which they differed." This remark of Habib b. Maslama is a projection of later discussions and represents the attitude of orthodox circles which recommend refraining from passing judgement on the contradictory arguments of the sahaba. However the passage also reflects the contrasting ways in which the pilgrimage was performed. It is noteworthy that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya wrote lengthy passages in which he examined in a thorough manner the contradictory opinions of the scholars about the tamattu' pilgrimage," Close to the concept of rukhsa was the idea of naskh. abrogation, total change, referring to hadith. Such a case of naskh is the practice of wudii' after the consumption of food prepared on fire. The Prophet is said to have uttered a hadith: tawadda'ii mimma massat al=nar. A great number of traditions assert that the Prophet later used to eat cooked food and immediately afterwards prayed without performing the wudii, The traditions concerning this subject are found in some of the compendia arranged in two separate chapters, recording the opinions and deeds of the righteous predecessors who respectively practised wudu' or objected to it.52 49 See on him al-Fasi, al-T qd al-thamin [i tarikhi l-baladi l-am in, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo: 1384/1965), 4: 49-52; Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at Siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harlin (Cairo: 1382), index; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1392/1972), 2: 24-26, no. 1602. 50 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jiimi' bayan, 2: 30; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwaua; 3: 52 (and see pp. 48-51); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 83, no. 678, 88, no. 704. 51 Zad ol-maad. 1: 188-191,203-18. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq 1: 163-171(man qala ia yutawaddau mimma massat al-nar), pp. 172-174 (ma ja'a fimi: massat al-nar min al-shidda); Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-52 (man kana ia yatawadddu mimma massat ai-nar ; man kana yara lrwudiia mimma ghayyarat al-nar); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 153-158; al-Hazimi, pp. 46-52; Nlir ai-Din al-Haythami, 1: 248-249 (ai-wu4u' 15 The arguments brought forth by the partisans of both groups and toe traditions reported by them may elucidate some aspects of the problem under discussion. According to a tradition, reported by al-Hasan b. 'Ali, the Prophet was invited by Fatima and was served the shoulder of a ewe. He ate and immediately afterwards started to pray. Fatima asked him why he had not performed the wudii' and the Prophet answered, obviously surprised, "[To wash] after what, 0 my daughter?" She said, "[To wash] after a meal touched by fire." Then he said, "The purest food is that touched by fire."53 A similar tradition is recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, When she asked the Prophet why he did not perform the wudu' after eating meat and bread he answered, "Shall I perform the wudis' after the two best things: bread and meat?"54 There is a tradition on the authority of Umm Habiba, the wife of the Prophet, who had ordered the performance of wudii' after having eaten gruel of parched barley tsawiq) on the grounds of the hadith: Tawaddaii mimma massat al-nari? but traditions recorded on the authority of Safiyya, Umm Salama and the Companions of the Prophet affirm that the Prophet prayed after eating cooked food without performing the wu4it'.56 The scholars who deny the obligation of wudis' after the consumption of meals state that the principle established by the Prophet was that wudii' is obligatory 53 54 55 56 mimma massat al-nar), pp. 251-254 (tarku I-wut/u' mimma massat al-nar); al-Tahawi, Sharb maani, 1: 62-70; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al+Llal, 1: 305, nos. 1984-1985, 317, no. 2062, 366, no. 2424; al-Shawkani, N ayl, 1: 245-247, al-Fasawi, fo1. 229a; Abu Yiisuf, Kiiab al-iuhar, ed. Abu I-Wafii (Cairo: 1355), pp. 9-11, nos. 41-50; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, pp. 30, 217; al-Bayhaqi, Mo'rif at al=sunan, 1: 401; Ibn Sa'd, 7: 158; al-Bukhiiri, at-Ta'ri kb al-kabir (reprint), I, 2 no. 1543, III, 2 nos. 2361, 2805; Abu Nu'ayrn, 5: 363; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 125, 174, 321;al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad (Cairo: 135111931), 3: 100; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isaba, 3: 263, no. 3701, 8: 248, no. 12125;Ibn 1 l;Iibbiin, Kitab al-majriihin; ed. 'Aziz aI-Qiidiri (Hyderabad: 1390/1970), 2: 173. Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252 inf.-253. al-Dhahabi, 3: 243, no. 6270. Ibn Abi l-Jawsa', Hadith; al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 64b. al-Tabiiwi, Shark mdiini, 1: 65. 16 after what comes out (of the body) not after food taken in.57 Ibn 'Abbas, who authoritatively stated that there is no injunction of wuqil after food prepared on fire, argued that fire is a blessing; fire does not make anything either forbidden or permitted." On the authority of Mu'adh b. Jabal, a Companion of the Prophet and a very indulgent person in matters of ablutions, who stated that no ablution is needed in case of vomiting, bleeding of the nose or when touching the genitalia, the following philological explanation is given: people had indeed heard from the Prophet the utterance: tawaddaii mimma massat ai-niir, but they did not understand the Prophet's meaning. In the time of the Prophet people called the washing of hands and mouth wudk' ; the Prophet's words simply imply the washing of hands and mouth for cleanliness (ii-i-tan?if); this washing is by no means obligatory (wiijib) in the sense of ritual ablution." There are in fact traditions stating that the Prophet ate meat, then rinsed his mouth, washed his hands and started to pray." Another tradition links the abolition of the Prophet's injunction of this wudu' with the person of Anas b. Malik, the servant of the Prophet, and puts the blame for the persistence of wudii' after the consumption of cooked food on authorities outside Medina. Anas b. Malik returned from al-Iraq and sat down to have his meal with two men of Medina. After the meal he came forth to perform the wudii'. His companions blamed him, asking: "Are you 57 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan ai-kubra, 1: 157 inf.; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170-171,nos. 658, 663; al-Tabawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 69. S8 'Abd al-Razzjiq, 1: 168-169, nos. 653, 655-656; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158, lines 4-5; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 1: 70 sup. 59 al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 1: 141; Niir ai-Din al-Haytharni, 1: 252 ult.-253, line 1; al-Sharif al-Murtada, Amali, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1373/1954), 1: 395-3%. 60 al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 66, 68; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 157; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252, lines 12-15, 254, line 8 and line 18; Muhammad b. Sinan al-Qazzaz, Hadith, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 18, fol. 2a; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Qattan, al-Fawdid, al-Zahiriyya, Majrnii'a 18, fol. 24a info 17 following the Iraqi way?,,61This story implies that in the practice of Medina no wudii' was observed after eating cooked meals. The emphasis that Anas's practice was Iraqi is noteworthy. It can hardly be conceived that the Iraqis stuck to the earlier practice of the Prophet which was later abrogated by him. It is more plausible to assume that Anas adopted an Iraqi usage observed there since the Sasanian period. The severe reproach which Anas faced seems to indicate that it was a foreign custom, considered as a reprehensible innovation by the Muslim communityf? The lenient character of the abrogation of wu(jil after eating food prepared on fire is exposed in a tradition reporting that the Prophet ate roast meat, performed the wu(ju' and prayed; later he turned to eat the meat that was left over, consumed it and set to pray the afternoon prayer without performing wu(ju' at all.63 It is evident that his later action (akhiru amrayhi) is the one to be adopted by the community, as it constitutes an abrogation, naskh, of the former tradition, although some scholars consider it as rukhsa. The problem of wudii' mimma massat al-nar was left in fact to the inventiveness of the [uqaha' of later centuries; it becomes still more complicated by an additional hadith according to which the Prophet enjoined wu(ju' after the consumption of the meat of camels, but did not regard wudii as necessary after eating the meat of small cattle (ghanam).64 The two chapters in the Musannai of Ibn Abi Shayba about wuQ.u' after consuming meat of 61 al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 69; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158 (Anas regrets his mistake and wishes he had not done it: laytani lam af'al); 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659; al-Zurqiini, Sharf) al-muwaud, 1: 88 inf.-89. 62 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659: ... ma hiidhihi l-'iraqiyyatu llatl ahdathtaha ._? 63 al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 247; al-Hakim, Marif at 'uliim, p. 85; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 156; al-Tahawi, Sharf) mo'ani, 1: 67; al-Bayhaqi, Marifai al-sunan, 1: 395, 401, lines 1-2; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 321. 64 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-7; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 70-1; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 237-9; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 158-9; idem, Ma'rifat al-sunan, 1: 402-6; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, I'lam al-muwaqqiin 'an rabbi l-'alamin, ed. Tiihii 'Abd al-Ra'iif Sa'd (Cairo: 1973), 2: 15-16, 106; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 250. 18 camels, contradictory as they are, bear additional evidence to the diversity of practice and usage, and to the divergencies in opinions held by the scholars of hadith. 'No less divergent are the views of the scholars about the wuq.u: before the consumption of food, 65 the confinement of wudii', as an obligatory act, before prayer only, the question whether ablution before every prayer was obligatory for the Prophet only,66 and whether the wuq.u' may be replaced as a concession by cleaning the mouth with a toothpicks? The great number of diverse traditions, merely hinted at above, clearly indicate that the formation of a normative code of ritual and usage began relatively late. A survey of some traditions about the t aw at, the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, and certain practices of the haji may shed some light on the peculiar observances and customs followed in the early period and may explain how they were later regulated, transformed or established. The tawaf was equated by the Prophet with prayer isaliu). In an utterance attributed to him the Prophet said, ''The tawai is indeed like a prayer; when you circumambulate diminish your talk."" In another version of this haditb the Prophet, making 65 See al-Zurqani, Shorb al-mawahib, 4: 352 barakat al-tdiim al-wuq,u' qablahu ; and see the interpretation). 66 See al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 247, lines 24-30 [aaltuhu ya 'umaru-rydni li-bayani I-jawazi Ii-I-nasi wa-khawfa an yu'taqada wujiibu mii kana yaf'alu min al-wudiii li-kulli saiiuin ; wa=qila innaha nasikhun li-wujiibi dhiilika, wa-taaqqaba bi-qawli anasin: kana khassan bihi diina ummatihi wa-annahu kana ya(aluhu li-I-faq,ila _). 67 Ibid., 7: 248, line 1 seq. Concerning the concept of Sufi rukhas cf. M. Milson, A Sufi Rule for Novices, Kitab adab al-muridin (Harvard: 1975), pp. 72-82; and see his discussion on the subject in the Introduction, pp. 19-20. 68 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496; al-Qastallani, [rshad al-sari, (Cairo: 1323),3: 173-4; al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan al-Mas'iidi (Beirut: n.d.), 5: 222; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 5: 85; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad: 1362), 1: 174; al-Muniiwi, 4: 292-3, nos. 5345-5347; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 24, nos. 220-222; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 258; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mustafa I-Saqii (Cairo: 1390/1970), pp. 306, 331;al-Tabiiwi, SharI) c.. c.. 19 tawat equal to prayer, bade the faithful confine their conversation to good talk. During the tawai the Prophet invoked God saying, "Our Lord, give to us in this world and in the world to come and guard us against the chastisement of Fire" (Qur'an 2:201).This verse was recited as an invocation by some of the Companions," Some of the invocations were extended and included praises of God, assertion of His oneness and omnipotence as they were uttered by the angels, by Adam, Abraham and the Prophet while they went past various parts of the Ka'ba during the tawai?" The pious Ibn 'Umar and Ibn 'Abbas are said to have performed the tawat refraining from talk altogether." Tawfis and Mujahid circumambulated in solemnity and awe "as if there were birds on their heads."> This was, of course, in the spirit of the imitatio prophetarum; Wahb b. Munabbih reported on the authority of Ka'b that three hundred Messengers (the last among whom was Muhammad) and twelve thousand chosen people tmustaian) prayed in the hi jr facing the maqam, none of them speaking during the tawa], except to mention the name of God.73 When 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr approached Ibn 'Umar during the tawat, asking him to give him his daughter in marriage, Ibn 'Umar did not reply. After some time 'Urwa came to Medina and met 'Abdallah b. 'Umar. The latter explained that he had not been able to answer him because mdiini , 2: 178 info 69 al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fiikihi, fols. 292a, 296a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, 52; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 5: 90, nos. 717-719, 722; al-Waqidi, Maghazi, ed. M. Jones (London: 1966), p. 1098; al-Bayhaqi, at-Sun an al-kubra, 5: 84; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-latif (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 124; Ibn Kathir, Tajsir, 1: 432-3. 70 See e.g. al-Fiikihi, fo. 296a, sup. (The Prophet urges the people to praise God and to extol Him during the tawiif ; and see ibid., similar reports about some Companions); al-Azraqi, pp. 259 inf.-26O; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 51, nos. 8964-8965; al-Qastallani 3: 170; al-Harbl, ai-Manasik wa-amakin turuqi l-haj], ed. Hamad al-Jasir (al-Riyiid: 1389/1969), pp. 431-3; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, pp. 305-6; al-Shawkiini, Nayi, 5: 53-4. 71 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, no. 8962. 72 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a-b; cf. Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 73 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a, inf. 20 he "conceived that he faced God" during the tawat (wa-nahnu natakhayalu llaha 'azza wa-ialla bayna dyunina). Now he replied and gave him his daughter in marriage." Merriment and joviality were, of course, forbidden and considered as demeaning. Wahb b. al-Ward," while staying in the hiir of the mosque of Mecca, heard the Ka'ba complain to God and Jibril against people who speak frivolous words around it.76 The Prophet foretold that Abii Hurayra would remain alive until he saw heedless people playing; they would come to circumambulate the Ka'ba, their iawat would, however, not be accepted." The concession in the matter oj speech granted during the tawai was "good talk."" Pious scholars used to give guidance, exhort, edify and recount hadiths of the Prophet." Common people made supplications during the tawai, asking God to forgive them their sins and to grant them Paradise, children, and wealth. It was, however, forbidden to stand up during the (awiif, and to raise one's hands while supplicating. "Jews in the synagogues practise it in this way," said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'As) and advised the man who did it to utter his invocation in his council, not to do it during the fawiif.80 The fact that large crowds were gathered during the t awat was, however, exploited by the political leaders. Ibn al-Zubayr stood up in front of the door of the Ka'ba and recounted before the people the evil deeds of the Umayyads, stressing 74 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 160b; al-Fakihi, fol. 292b; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 270. 75 See on him Abii Nu'aym, 8: 140-61; al-Pasl, al-Tqd, 7: 417, no. 2678. 76 al-Azraqi, p. 259; Abii Nu'aym, 8: 155 (the tafakkuh is explained as talking about women and describing their bodies during the (awaf); Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 77 al-Fakihi, fol. 292b. 78 See Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 271, line 1: ... wa-anna hukmahu hukmu l-saliui, ilia fima waradat [ihi l-rukhsaiu min al-kalam. 79 See e.g. al-Fakihi, fols. 311a-312a;'Abd al-Razzaq, 3: 377, no. 6021. &0 al-Fakihi, fol. 296b; and see al-Azraqi, p. 257; Amin Mahrniid Khattab, Fat/:! al-malik al-mdbiid, 1: 200-2; Ibn Abi Shayba, 4:96; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 72-3. 21 especially the fact that they withheld their payment of fay'.8! 'Ali b. al-Husayn cursed al-Mukhtar, after his death, at the door of the Ka'ba.82 Some traditions narrate details of the behavior of certain persons in the tawat who did not conform to this requirement of awe and solemnity in the holy place. Sa'id b. Jubayr used to talk during the (awllf and even to laugh," 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf was seen to perform the tawaf wearing boots and singing hida' tunes. When rebuked by 'V mar he replied that he had done the same at the time of the Prophet and so 'V mar let him gO.84 Al-Fakihi records certain frivolous conversations which took place during the tawat, which may indeed be considered coarse and were certainly out of place in the sanctuary." But groups of people engaged in idle talk during the tawat were reprimanded. 'Abd al-Karim b. Abi Mukhariq" strongly reproved such talk; al-Muttalib b. Abi Wada'a" was surprised when he came to Mecca after a period of stay in the desert and saw people talk during the tawat. "Did you turn the tawaf into a meeting place," he asked," The "arabization" of the tawat is evident from an utterance attributed to the Prophet making it unlawful to talk in Persian during circumambulation. 'Vmar gently requested two men who held a conversation in Persian during the tawat to turn to Arabic," Reciting verses of the 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 al-Fiikihi, fol. 296b. al-Fakihi, fol. 296b. al-Azraqi, p. 259; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari p. 273; al-Fakihi, fol. 293b, sup. Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 3: 244. See al-Fakihi, fol. 293a (the remark of Husayn b. 'Ali about the buttocks of Mu'awiya during the (awaf ; and see fol. 294a: al-Sa'ib b. Sayfi and his talk with Mu'awiya about Hind). See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhlb, 6: 376-378, no. 716; aI-Fast, al-Tqd, 5: 480, no. 1856. See on him al-Fasi, al-'/qd, 7: 218, no. 2469. al-Azraqi, p. 260; Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 278. al-Fakihi fol. 291b (dhikru karahiyati l-kaliimi bi-l-farisiyyati [i l-(awaf); see the tradition about 'Umar: 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496, no. 9793; cf. al-Turtiishl, al-Hawaditb wll-l-bida', ed. Muhammad Talbi (Tunis: 1959), p. 104. 22 Qur'an during the t awaf in a loud voice was disliked and considered a bad innovation tmuhdath): the Prophet is said to have asked 'Uthman to turn to dhikru llah from his qirixa. Nevertheless certain groups of scholars permitted the recitation of verses from the Qur'an.?" The problem of the reciting of poetry during the tawat is complicated. The Prophet is said to have told Abii Bakr who recited rajaz verses during the circumambulation to utter allahu akbar instead. This injunction of the Prophet seems to have been disregarded. Ibn 'Abbas, Abii Sa'id al-Khudri and Jabir b. 'Abdalliih used to talk during the (awaf and recite verses," A report on the authority of 'Abdallah b. 'Umar says that the Companions used to recite poetry to each other ty at an ash adicn) during the circumambulation/" The argument in favor of the lawfulness of the recitation of poetry during (a wa] was based on the precedent of 'Abdallah b. Rawaha who had recited his verses during the Prophet's tawat in the year A.H. 7 ('umrat al-qadii): Khallii bani Lrkutfiu: 'an sabilih ...3 Also during the fawaf 'A'isha discussed with 9 some women of Quraysh the position of Hassan b. Thiibit and spoke in his favor, mentioning his verses in defense of the Prophet; 94 Hassan, some traditions say, was aided by the angel Jibril in composing seventy verses in praise of the Prophet." Al-Nabigha al-Ja'di recited his verses in the mosque of Mecca, praising Ibn al-Zubayr and asking for his help at a time of drought." Ibn al-Zubayr asked, during the tawat, a son of Khiilid 90 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 10; Al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fakihi, fols, 295b-296a; and see the survey of the different opinions: Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 129-30; al-Majlisi, 99: 209, no. 19. 91 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 92 al-Fakihi, Col.307b. 93 al-Wiiqidi, p. 736; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 8: 130; al-Fiikihi, Col. 307a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 95, no. 745. 94 al-Azraqi, p. 257; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al=l stl'ab, ed. 'Ali al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 347; al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 95 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 96 Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Niibigah al-Ga'di (Rome: 1953), p. 137 (IX) (and see the references of the editor); al-Fakihi, Col.307b inf, 308a. 23 L. Ja'far al-Kilabi to recite some verses of his father against Zuhayr (b. Jadhima al-'AbsD. "But I am in a state of ihram; argued the son of Khiilid. "And so am I," said Ibn al-Zubayr and urged him to recite the verses. He responded and quoted the verse: "And if you catch me, kill me _" tPa-tmma takhudhiini ja-qtuliini: wa-in aslam [a-laysa ilii l-khuliaii). Ibn al-Zubayr sadly remarked that this verse suited his position in relation to the Banii Umayya,?? Sa'id b. Jubayr recalled having heard during the iawa] the verses of a drunkard who prided himself on the fact that he would not refrain from drinking wine even in old age," An old woman recalled verses composed about her beauty in her youth." There are moving verses composed by devoted sons, who carried on their backs their old mothers during the tawat and supplications by women asking God to forgive them their sins. Poets had the opportunity to watch women doing their tawa] and composed verses extolling their beauty.l'" The wearing of a veil by women performing the fawiit was the subject of a heated discussion among scholars who used as arguments the contradictory utterances attributed to the Prophet and quoted as precedents the fawiit of his wives.'?' Another important problem was whether men and women could lawfully perform the tawat together. According to one tradition women used to perform the fawiit together with men in the early period. The separation of women from men was first ordered by Khiilid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri.l'? Al-Fakihi remarks that this injunction was aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 307b; and see a different version of this verse Aghani (Biiliiq), 10: 12. 98 al-Fakihi, fo1. 308a; and see the verses: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buldan, s.v. Amaj; and see Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Dhamm al-muskir, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 8a (Sa'Id b. Jubayr changes the text of the verse from wa-kana kariman fa-lam yanzi into wa-kana shaqiyyan fa-lam yanzi). 99 aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 308a. 100 aI-Fiikihi, fols. 307b-3IOa. 101 al-Shiifi'i, 2: 127; al-Azraqi, p. 260; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 296a-297a; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 219-20; Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 133 uIl-I34. 102 aI-Azraqi, pp. 265-6; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 299a ult.-299b; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, pp. 319-20; al-Qastallani, 3: 172-3; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 384-5; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 127; al-Fasi, al-T qd, 4: 273. 97 24 received with approval and people conformed to it until al-Fakihi's own time. Two other decrees of al-Qasri continued to be observed by the people of Mecca: takbir during the ceremony of tawai in the month of Ramadan and a special arrangement of rows of men around the Ka'ba.103 The separation between men and women in the mosque of Mecca was carried out by the governor 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Hashimi as late as the middle of the third century by drawing ropes between the columns of the mosque; the women sat behind the ropes,'?' At the beginning of the third century (about 209) the governor of Mecca under al-Ma'miin, 'Ubaydallah b. al-Hasan al-Tiilibi.l'" ordered a special time to be set apart for the women's tawilf after the afternoon prayer; men were not allowed to perform the tawa] at that time. This regulation was implemented again by the governor of Mecca, Ibrahim b. Muhammad about A.H. 260.106 These changes in the ceremony of the iawat seem to point to a considerable fluctuation of ideas and attitudes among the rulers and the orthodox in connection with the sanctuary and the form of the tawa]. The new arrangements, which were apparently meant to grant the haram more religious dignity and sanctity and to turn the tawilf into a solemn ceremony with fixed rules, may be compared with some peculiar customs practised in the early t awa], as recorded by al-Fakihi, The passage given by al-Fakihi begins with 103 al-Fakihi, fol. 432a (and see ibid., fol. 439b, lines 5-7 and fol. 354b: dhikru idiirati l-saffi [i shahri ramadana wa-awwalu man [dalahu wa-awwalu man ahdatha l-takbira bayna t-t ariiwibi hawla l-bayti fi shahri ramadana wa-tatsiru dhiilika); al-Zarkashi, I'lamu l-saiid bi-ahkami l-masiiiid, ed. Abii I-Wafii Mustafa I-Mariighi (Cairo: 1385),p. 98; al-Fiisi, al-'Jqd, 4: 272, 276 sup; al-Shibli, Mal;lasin al-wasdll [i mdrifaii I-awa'il, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 1530,fols.38b-39a, 41b-42a. 104 al-Fakihl, fol. 443a; al-Fiisi, al-'J qd, 6; 151, no. 2050 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); idem, Shifa' al-gharam (Cairo), 2: 188 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); Ibn Zuhayra, p. 300 inf. (quoted from al-Fakihi), 1J5 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al=qudiu, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Mustafa al-Mariighi (Cairo: 1366/1947), 1: 257-258; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 297. 106 al-Fiikihi, fol. 443a; al-Fasi, al-Tqd, 3: 247-8, no. 720 (quoted from al-Fiikihn. 25 a rather cautious phrase: wa-qad zaama badu ahli makkata, which clearly expresses a reservation on the part of the compiler. In the old times (kanu fima mada) when a girl reached the age of womanhood her people used to dress her up in the nicest clothes they could afford, and if they were in possession of jewels they adorned her with them; then they introduced her into the mosque of Mecca, her face uncovered; she circumambulated the Ka'ba while people looked at her and asked about her. They were then told "This is Miss so and so, the daughter of so and so," if she was a free-born person. If she was a muwallada they said: "She is a muwallada of this or that clan." Al-Fakihi remarks in a parenthetical phrase that people in those times had religious conviction and trustworthiness iahlu dinin wa-amanatin) unlike people of his day, whose manner of belief is obnoxious (laysu 'ala ma hum 'alayhi min al-madhahibi l+makriiha), After the girl had finished her tawat she would go out in the same way, while people were watching her. The purpose of this practice was to arouse in the people the desire to marry the girl (if she was free-born) or to buy her (if she was a muwallada). Then the girl returned to her home and was locked up in her apartment until she was brought out and led to her husband. They acted in the same way with slave-maidens: they led them in the tawa; around the Ka'ba clad in precious dresses, but with their faces uncovered. People used to come, look at them and buy them. Al-Awza'I asked 'Ala' (apparently Ibn Abi Rabah) whether it was lawful to look at maidens who were led in tawaf around the Ka'ba for sale; 'Ala' objected to this practice except for people who wanted to buy slave-girls,"? This report is corroborated by a story recorded by Ibn Abi Shayba, according to which 'A'isha dressed up a maiden, performed the iawat with her and remarked: "We may perhaps succeed in catching (literally: hunting) a youth of Quraysh" (scil, for 107 al-Fiikihi. fol. 309b. 26 the girO.los 'Umar is said to have encouraged the selling of slave-maidens in this manner.l'" All these reports - al-Fakihi's reference to "people with religious conviction and trustworthiness," al-Awza'i's inquiry, 'Ata"s answer, 'A'isha's story - seem to reflect t awai customs prevailing in the early period of Islam, in all likelihood during the first century of the Hijra. The reports indicate a certain informality and ease of manners. All this was bound to change if the haram was to acquire an atmosphere of sanctity and veneration. The early informality and intimacy can be gauged from a number of traditions concerned with the daily behaviour of the faithful in the mosque of Mecca. Ibn al-Zubayr passed by a group of people who were eating their meal in the mosque and invoked upon them his benediction. Abu Nawfal b. Abi 'Aqrab"? saw Ibn 'Abbas there eating roasted meat with thin bread; the fat dripped from his hands. A broth of crumbled bread used to be brought to Ibn al-Zubayr in the mosque. One day a boy crawled towards it and ate from it; 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr ordered the boy to be flogged. The people in the mosque, in their rage, cursed Ibn al-Zubayt/" A similar problem was whether it is lawful to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. Scholars arguing for it quoted the precedent of the Prophet whose isrii took place (according to the report of Anas b. Malik) from the mosque of Mecca where he had slept'" Another 108 al-Musannaf, 4: 410; Lisan al+Arab, s.v. sh-w-f; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya, s.v. sh-w-f. 109 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 411 ('Umar remarks, however, that girls should not be compelled to marry ugly [or mean; in text dhamim ; but probably damiml men; "the girls Iike in this matter what you like," he said}, cf. Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil al-durar Ii mana bit al-zahar, MS. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 19b: qala 'umaru: ia yuzawwijanna l-rajulu bnatahu l-qablha [a-innahunna yarghabna lima targhabiin. 110 See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhib, 12: 260. Ill al-Fiikihi, fo!. 355b: dhikru l-akli fi l- masjidi l-harami wa-l-ghada flhi ; and see al-Turtfishl, pp. 106-8; al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, pp. 329-30. 112 al-Fiikihi, fol. 355b. 27 argument in favor of sleeping in mosques was mentioned by Sulayman b. Yasar,"" when questioned by al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Dhubab: 114 "How do you ask about it, said Sulayman, knowing that the ashab al-suita slept in the mosque of the Prophet and prayed in it." 115 Ibn 'Umar used to sleep in the mosque (of Medina) in the Prophet's Iifetime.'" When Thabit (al-Bunani) consulted 'Abdallah b. 'Ubayd b. 'Umayr"? whether to turn to the amir in the matter of the people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca, 'Abdallah bade him not to do that, quoting the opinion of Ibn 'Umar who considered these people as 'akifun, people praying in seclusion. The pious Sa'id b. Jubayr used to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah spent forty years in the mosque of Mecca, sleeping there, performing the tawat, and prayingJ" In a conversation with his student Ibn Jurayj he expressed a very favourable opinion about sleeping in mosques. When 'Ata' and Sa'id b. Jubayr were asked about people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca who have night-pollutions they nevertheless gave a positive answer and advised them to continue to sleep in the mosque. In the morning, says a tradition, Sa'id b. Jubayr used to perform the tawiif, wake up the sleepers in the mosque, and bid them recite the talbiya. These reports quoted from a chapter of al-Fakihi entitled Dhikru l-nawmi fi I-masjidi l-harami wa-man rakhkhasa iihi wa-man karihahu'" give some insight into the practices in the 113 114 115 116 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 4: 228, no. 381. See on him ibid.• 2: 147, no. 249; al-Dhahabi, 1: 437, no. 1629. al-Turtiishi, p. 105. al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, p. 307; al-Turtiishi, p. 105;al-Mariighi, Tahqiq ai-nusra bi-talkhis mdiilim diiri l-hijra, MS. Br. Mus.• Or. 3615, fo1. 50a. 117 See on him al-Bukhiiri, al-To'rikn al=kablr, 31, no. 430; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 5: 308, no. 524. 118 Cf. al- Turtiishi, p. 105. 119 Ta'rikh Makka, fo1. 355b-356a; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-saiid, pp. 306-8, 317-18; Mubibb al Din al-Tabari, pp. 659-60, nos. 30-31; al-Majlisi, 99: 240, no. 1; about the odious impurity which causes bad smells see al-Fakihi, fo1. 357b, ult.-358a idhikru irsiili l=rihi [i l-masiidi l-harami); al-Zarkashi, l'lam ai-sajid, pp. 313-14; cf. about a superstitious belief 28 mosque of Mecca in the early period of Islam and help us to understand the ideas about ritual and the sanctity of the haram current at the time. Of special interest are some customs of t aw a] and include hardships, rigid self-exertion and self-castigation. Tradition tells about people who vowed to perform the fawaf while crawling's? or fastened to each other by a rope,'?' or being led with a rope threaded through a nose-ring.F' Tradition reports that the Prophet and his Companions unequivocally condemned these practices, prohibited them and prevented the people from performing the tawat in this way. It is obvious that these usages reflected the Jahiliyya ideas of self-imposed harshness, of vows of hardship and severe practices. These went contrary to the spirit of Islam which, while transforming it into an Islamic ritual, aimed to give the tawat its own religious values. Ibn Hajar is right in tracing back the prohibited forms of (awat to their Jahili source,'> Similar to these vows of self-exertion during the tawa! are the vows of hardship during the hajj. The traditions tell about men who vowed to perform the hajj on foot. Some women vowed to perform the hajj walking, or with faces uncovered, or wearing coarse garments, or keeping silent.124 The Prophet passed censure on h a i j which 120 121 122 123 124 among common people in Egypt: 'Ali Mahffiz, al-Ibdii' fi (Cairo: 1388/1968), p. 454. al-Fakihi, fol, 297a; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 457, no. 15895. al-Pakihi, fol, 297b; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, no. 15862; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5:88; al-Qastallani, 3: 173-4; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 460; Ibn l;Iajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 386-7; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 319, no. 73. al-Fakihi, fo!. 297b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, nos. 15860-15861,11:292, no. 20572; Lisan al-'Arab, s.v. z-m-m-, kh-z-m. Fath al-bari, 3: 386. al-Tabawi, Sharb maani, 3: 128-132; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-l;Ianafi, 1: 260-2; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 351-2; idem, Ta'rikn al-khulaia', ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1371/1952), p. 99; al-Shatibl, al-I'tisam (Cairo: n.d.), 2: 52; Bahshal, Ta'rikn Wasil, ed. current madarr al-ibtidii 29 these practices, emphasizing that God does not heed (literally: does Lot need) vows by which people cause harm and suffering to themselves. These practices recall certain customs observed by the Bums which therefore had to be abolished in Islam. It may however be remarked that some early Muslim ascetics or pious men used to perform the hajj on foot, or vowed not to walk under a shade during their hajj.125 It is true that the outer form of these practices recalls the old Jahiliyya ones; there is however a clear line which has to be drawn between them: the devotional practices of the pious Muslims are different in their content and intention; they are undertaken out of a deep faith and performed for God's sake. These practices of the pious gained the approval of the orthodox circles and were considered virtuous. This attitude is clearly reflected in a haditb attributed to the Prophet: 'The advantage of the people performing the hajj walking over those who ride is like the advantage of the full moon over the stars."126 Fasting on the Day of 'Arata gave rise to another important controversy. The contradictory traditions and reports are arranged in Fakihi's compilation in two chapters: the one encouraging the Gurguis 'Awwiid (Baghdad, 1387/1967), p. 231; Ibn Sa'd, 8: 470; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 10: 76; al-Fasawi, fol. 157b; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakarn, p. 294; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 341, no. 2265, 449, no. 2507; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, 11: 7, no. 6714; al-Tayalisi, p. 112, no. 836; al-Tahawl, Mushkil at-iuhar, 3: 37-41; 'Abd al-Razziiq, 8: 438, no. 15825, 448, no. 15863; al-Fiikihi, fols. 315a-b; Ibn Daqiq al-'ld, pp. 310-11,nos. 791-793. (And see al-Fiikihi, fol. 511b:the story of the woman who vowed to perform the pilgrimage in silence if God would help to reconcile the fighting factions of her tribe. Abu Bakr, ordering her to discontinue her silence, remarked: takallami, fa-inna I-islam a hadama ma kana qabla dhalika); al-Tusi, Amali (Najaf: 1384/1964),1: 369. 125 Ibn Abi I-Dunyii, al-Tawba, MS. Chester Beatty 3863, fol. 17b; Bahshal, p. 167; al-Khuwiirizmi, Mukhtasar ithiirati l-targhib wa-l-tashwiq ila l-masiijidi l-thaliuhati wa-ila l-bayti l-'atiq, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 8a-b. 126 al-Fiikihi, fols. 321b-322a idhikru l-mashyi fi I-hajji wa-f adlihi): al-Khuwiirizmi, fol. 8b: wa-li-l-mashi [adlun 'ala l-rakibi ka-fadli laylati l-qadri 'ala sa'iri l-layali, 30 faithful to fast on this day, the other reporting about Companions who refrained from fasting,'?" According to a tradition of the Prophet the sins of a man who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa will be remitted for a year;128 another version says two years,"? a third version a thousand days.130The list of persons who did fast includes also 'A'isha, who emphasized the merits of fasting on that day. The opponents who forbade fasting on that day based their argument on accounts and evidence that the Prophet had broken the fast on the Day of 'Arafa,!" 'Umar,132 his son 'Abdallah and Ibn 'Abbas prohibited fasting.l" In another version Ibn 'Umar stressed that he performed the pilgrimage with the Prophet and the three first caliphs; none of them fasted on the Day of 'Arafa, He himself did not fast, but did not explicitly enjoin either eating or fasting.P' The 127 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a-529a (dhikru sawmi yawmi 'araf a wa-f adli siyamihi ; dhikru man lam yasum yawma 'arafa makhiifata l-du'fi 'ani l-du'a); Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 1-3, 21, 3: 104; al-Tahawi, Mushkil, 4: lll. 128 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528a, ult.; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236, no. 1463; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 97; al-Tahawi, Shorb maiini, 2: 72; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283. 129 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a, inf., 528b; al-Tabaranl, I: 255, 2: 71; Bahshal, p. 276; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236; 7 nos. 1461-1462,1464-1465, 1467-1468; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 96-97; al-Tahawl, Sharb maiini, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil, 4: 112; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 2; al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283, 130 al-Mundhiri, 2: 237, no. 1466; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Suyiltl, al-Durr ai-manthia, 1: 231 (another version 1,000 years). 131 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4, fol. 4Oa; Abu 'Umar, GhuIiim Tha'Iab, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 3495, fol. 97a; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 4; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283-4; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231. 132 al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir, 32, no. 1600. 133 al-Fakihi, fol. 529a; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 286, nos. 1849, 1852; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 2: 338-9; al-Pasawi, fol. 61a; cf. Abu Nu'aym, 7: 164; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 404. 134 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-haditn 3: 4; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 1: 434; al-Tahawl, Shorb mdiini. 2: 72; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 404 (and see ibid., p. 405 inf.); al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 268; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya (Beirut, al-Riyad: 1966), 5: 174. 31 conciliatory interpretation assumed that the prohibition of fasting referred to the people attending 'Arafa; but people not present on that Day of 'Arafa may fast, and are even encouraged to fast.!35 The reason given for not fasting on that day in 'Arafa was the care for the pilgrims, who might be weakened by the fast and prevented from properly performing the du'ji' and dhikr, which are the most important aims of the pilgrims staying at 'Arafa.136 The transfer of some rites performed at 'Arafa to the cities conquered by the Muslims is of special interest. This practice was introduced in Basra by 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas'" and by 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan in Fustat.138 the Day of 'Arafa people used to gather On in the mosques to invoke and to supplicate. When Ibn 'Abbas summoned the people to gather in the mosque he argued that he wished that the supplications of the people may be associated with those attendant at 'Arata and that God may respond to these supplications; thus they would share God's grace with the attendants 135 al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil 4: 112; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 347; al-Fasawi, fol. 32b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 3; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 4: 289; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, 1: 152; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, I: 231. 136 al-Fakihl, fol. 529a; cf. Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, p. 405, lines 3-7 '(fasting on the Day of 'Arafa is not favored for people performing the pilgrimage; it is however encouraged for people not performing the hajj. See the compromise-recommendations of al-Mundhiri, 2: 238: "; there is nothing wrong in fasting, if it does not weaken him in his du'a' ... for the pilgrims it is preferable to break the fast ...•.See the story of Ibn Wahb, who broke the fast at 'Arafa because he was occupied by the thought of breaking the fast: al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madiuik, 1, 430; and see on this subject: al-Shawkiini, Nayl 4: 269). 137 See al-Quda'i, Ta'rikh, MS. Bodley, Pococke 270, fol. 67b (quoted from al-Jahiz's Nazm al-qur'iinr; al-Qalqashandi, Ma'athir ai-inaia [i maalim al-khilafa, ed. 'Abd al-Sattiir Ahmad Farriij (Kuwait: 1964), 1: 129; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabarl, pp. 387 inf.-388 sup; al-Fasawi, fol. 16a: ._ haddathanii abu 'awana, qiil a: ra'aytu I-has an a kharaja yawma 'oraf a min al-maqsiirau ba'da I-'asri [a-qaada fa-'arrafa; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 5: 117 inf.; see S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden; 1966),-p. 137. 138 al-Kindi, Wulat ut», ed. Husayn Nassar (Beirut: 1379/1959),p. 72. 32 at 'Arafa.P" Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr introduced this innovation in Kiifa.140 Some pious Muslims participated in these gatherings, others considered them as bid'ar" The tarit in Jerusalem is linked in some sources with 'Abd al-Malik, who is accused of having built the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem in order to divert the pilgrimage from Mecca to Jerusalem, since 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, the rival caliph in Mecca, forced the pilgrims to give the oath of allegiance. When the Dome of the Rock was built people used to gather there on the Day of 'Arafa and performed there the wuqufr" So the bid'a of wuqid in Jerusalem arose. Al-Turtiishi describes a gathering of the people of Jerusalem and of its villages in the mosque, raising their voices in supplications. They believed that four "standings" twaqafiu) in Jerusalem were equal to a pilgrimage to Mecca.r" Ibn Taymiyya, of course, strongly censured this innovation.r" It is evident that the idea behind the ta'rit is that it is possible to transfer sanctity from 'Arafa to another sanctuary where the rites of 'Arata are being performed on the same day, or that one may share in the blessing of 'Arafa through the performance of certain devotions at the same time as they are done at 'Arafa (as is the case with the supplications in the tdrit mentioned in note 139 above), or the notion that two sanctities may be combined as indicated in the tradition about Zamzam visiting Sulwan on the night of 'Arafa.!" The idea of transfer of sanctity is clearly reflected in a 139 al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasiiil ila mdrifati l-awail, MS. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fol. 153a. 140 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231 inf. 141 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya, 9: 307; al-Turtiishi, pp. 115-16;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231 info 142 al-Quda'I, fol. 67b; al-Qalqashandi, 1: 129. 143 al-Turtiishi, pp. 116-17. 144 Majmu'at al-rasall al-kubrii (Cairo: 1323), 2: 57; Jamiil a-Din al-Qiisimi, I slab- al-masaiid min al-bidd wa-l-'awa'id (Cairo: 1341), p. 215 (from Ibn Taymiyya), 145 al-Muqaddasi, line 11. Ab-san al-taqasim, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1906), p. 171, 33 Shi'i tradition in which a Shi'i adherent asks the imam Ja'far al-Sadiq whether he may perform the to'rii on the grave of Husayn if the opportunity to perform the hajj (scil, to Mecca) escapes him. The imam enumerates in his answer the rewards for visiting the grave of al-Husayn on common days and those for visits on feasts, emphasizing that these rewards are multiplied for a visit on the Day of 'Arafa, This visit is equal in rewards with a thousand pious pilgrimages to Mecca and a thousand 'umr a accepted by God and a thousand military campaigns fought on the side of a prophet or a just imam. The adherent then asked, how he could get a reward similar to that of the mawqii (of 'Arata), The imam looked at him as if roused to anger and said: "The believer who comes to the grave of al-Husayn on the Day of 'Arafa, washes in the Euphrates and directs himself to the grave, he will be rewarded for every step as if he had performed a hajj with all due rites." The transmitter recalls that the imam did say: "and [took part in] a military campaignr" Some changes of ritual were attributed to the Umayyads and sharply criticized by orthodox scholars. A number of innovations of this kind are said to have been introduced by Mu'awiya, It was he who refrained from the takbir on the Day of 'Arafa, because 'Ali used to practise it.147 He forbade the loud recitation of the talbiya at 'Arafat, and people obeyed his order; then Ibn 'Abbas ostentatiously came forth and uttered the talbiya loudly,':" It was Mu'awiya who transformed a place where the Prophet had urinated into a place of prayer.v" and invented iahdatha) the adhan in the saliu a[-'idayn.150 He changed the order of the ceremony of the 'id peculiar 146 Ibn Biibawayh, Amali i-sadiu; (Najaf: 1389/1970),pp. 126-7. 147 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 529a. 148 Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 464 inf.-465; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 79, nos. 646, 648. 149 Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 417; Amin Mahmiid Khattab, Fatb al-malik al-mdbisd, 2: 59 inf.-60, lines. 1-7; aI-Fiikihi, ·fol. 531a,sup. 150 al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafa', p. 200. 34 al-adha and ordered the khutba to be delivered before the prayer.P' He was also the one who banned the tamattu' pilgrimages.P? Changes of this kind were recorded as wicked innovations of the impious Umayyad rulers. The inconsistencies of the usages, customs and ritual practices of the early period of Islam are reflected in almost every subject dealt with in the early sources of hadith. Opinions divergent and contradictory are expressed about the sutra which has to be put in front of the praying Muslim and whether a dog or a donkey or a woman passing by invalidates the prayer-" Scholars differ in their opinions as to whether the form of sitting during the prayer called iq'a' is permitted.P' whether the prayer by a believer clad in one garment ithawb) is valid.!" and whether counting of the tasbib by pebbles is allowed!" Some of the subjects dealt with in the early hadiths lost their actuality and relevance. It is however a special feature of Muslim haditn literature and haditn criticism that some of these themes reappear and are discussed even in our days. Thus, for instance, the contemporary scholar Nasir al-Din al-Albani examines 151 al-Shibli, Maf)asin al-wasdil, fol. 120a; al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafd, p. 200. 152 al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 88, no. 708; al-Shibli, MahQsin al-wasdil, fol. 119b (and see above notes 48, 50); and cf. the wicked innovations of al-Hajjij Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 2: 53-4. 153 al-Hakirn, al=Mustadrak, 1: 251-2; Niir al-Din al-Haytharni, 2: 59-62; al-Fakihi, fol. 481a inf.; al-Fasawi, fol. 217b; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 276-83; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 9-38, nos. 2272-2396; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 458-64; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 8: 132-8, nos. 946-989; al-Zarkashi, al=l iaba, pp. 66, 84. 154 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 285; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 190-7, nos. 3024-3053; and see Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. q-'-a, '-q-b. 155 al-Tal)iiwi, Sharf) maani, 1: 377-83; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 2: 83-4; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 310-15. 156 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 389-91; Ibn Abi I-ijadid, Sharf) nah] al-balagha, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibriihim (Cairo: 1964), 18: 164; and cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Ttal, 1: 325, no. 2122; Sa'Id b. Jubayr throws out the pebbles with which a woman counted her circlings during the the tawa]. 35 the tradition prohibiting fasting on the Day of 'Arafa for people attending 'Arata,"? He carefully analyzes the isnads, finding out their faults; he harshly reprimands al-Hakim for his heedlessness in considering the haditb sound and states that the haditb is in fact weak. He argues that the haditb about the forgiveness of sins for a period of two years for him who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa is a sound tradition; but the attached phrase about the rewards for fasting on every day of Muharram is a forged one.ISS An exhaustive scrutiny of hadiths about the counting of tasbih by pebbles is included by al-Albani in the examination of the haditb about the rosary (ai-subha).IS9 Of interest are certain traditions in which some social and cultural, as well as religious, trends are exposed. Of this kind are the traditions in which the Prophet predicted that his community would erect sumptuous mosques in the manner of Jewish synagogues and Christian churches, adorn them richly and embellish them with inscriptions. This will be the sign of decline of the Muslim community and portend the End of the Days. Traditions of the very early period of Islam reflect the opposition against arched mihrab« "Beware these altars" tittaqii hadhihi l-madhabih), followed by an explanatory comment, "he meant the mahiirib' (ya'ni l-maharib), says a tradition attributed to the Prophet,"? "My people will fare well as long as they will not build in their mosques altars 157 Na s ir aI-Din aI-AIbiini, Silsilat al=ah a d i t n al+d a'Lf a wa-l-mawdiia (Damascus: 1384),no. 404. 158 Ibid., no. 412. 159 Ibid., no. 83. 160 al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 27a (al-Daylami adds: wa-kana ibriihlmu l-taymi la yusalli [i (aqi l-mihrab); al-Suyiiti, ai-Khasii'is ai-kubrii; 3: 189; al-Muniiwi, 1: 144-5, no. 153 reviews the different meanings of the word mihrab. And see the peculiar story of the Christian youth in the mihrab: al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, To'rikh Baghdad, 9: 45; al-Turtiishl, p. 94; al-Bahranl, 7: 281-5; Mahmiid Mahdi al-Miisawi al-Khawansiiri, Tuhfat al-siijid fi ahkiim al-masiijid (Baghdad: 1376), pp. 111-16.And see R.B. Serjeant, "Mii)riib," BSOAS (1959):pp. 439-53. 36 like the altars of the Christians," the Prophet foretold/?' Pious men usually refrained from praying in these mihrabs.162 Of the same kind were traditions against the adornment of mosques.'" prayers in the maqsiaa of the mosque,164 and against writing Qur'an verses on the walls of the mosque, or in the qibla of the mosque.'" These traditions should, of course, be studied against the background of the reports about the sumptuous buildings which were erected by the impious rulers and their governors and the richly decorated [ami' mosques in which delegates of the rulers led the prayer. Many a time a pious Muslim had to ask himself whether he should pray behind them, as can be deduced from the numerous traditions dealing with this subject. The few traditions reviewed in this paper clearly demonstrate the fluidity of certain religious and socio-political ideas reflected in the early compilations of hadith; as already proved by I. Goldziher. The diversity and divergence of traditions expose the different opinions of various groups of Muslim scholars. The divergent traditions are faithfully recorded in the compilations 161 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubra; 3: 188-9; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59; and see the careful evaluation of this hadith' by Albiini, Silsila, no. 448. 162 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 412, no. 3898-3902; the tradition about the altars of the Christians, no. 3903; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59-60 (ai-saiat Ii i-taq, man rakhkhasa l-saliu Ii Haq); Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 64, no. 373. 163 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, 3: 56-7; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 309; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ai-manihiir, 3: 217 inf.; al-Shaybani, pp. 77-8; Abii 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 4: 225; al-Shawkanl, No yl, 2: 167-70; idem, al-Fawii'id al-majmiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latif (Cairo: 1960), pp. 25-7; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf; Ibn Abi Jamra, Bahjat al-nufiis (Beirut: 1972 reprint), 1: 183; al-Sarnarqandl, Bustan ai-'arilin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin) (Cairo: 1347), pp. 127-8; Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Radi, Thimar al-maqasid [i dhikri t-masaiid, ed. As'ad Talas (Beirut: 1943), pp. 166, 170; al-Bahrani, 7: 277; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-siijid pp. 335-8; Muhammad Mahdi al-Miisawi, pp. 87-92. 164 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 414-16, nos. 3907-3913; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 3: 238; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf.; Ibn Sa'd, 7: %. 165 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 46; al-Turtiishi, p. 97; al-Zarkashi, I'lam al-saiid, p. 337; cf. Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadi, p. 170. 37 of the second century of the Hijra with no obligatory conclusions imposed and no prescriptions issued. This activity reflects a sincere effort to establish the true path of the Prophet, the Sunna, which the believer should follow.

Ḥaddithū ʿan Banī Isrāʾīla Wa-Lā Ḥaraja: A Study of an Early Tradition

bani_israil.pdf Haddithu 'an bani isra'ila wa-Ia haraja A Study of an early tradition This widely current tradition was variously interpreted by Muslim scholars. They differed in their opinions about the significance of the words of this hadith, its intent and its implications. The core of the discussion lay in fact in the problem whether it was lawful to turn to Jewish and Christian sources for guidance, to study Jewish and Christian compilations and to incorporate certain aspects from them into the Muslim cultural tradition and belief. Scrutiny of some of these discussions may help to elucidate the tendencies of the various religious groups in Islam and assist us in gaining a deeper insight into the attitudes of Muslim scholars. I The tradition Haddithu 'an bani isra'il was considered by Goldziher as one which is opposed to the trend of Muslim orthodox scholars who watched with reluctance the influence of Jewish Aggada and of Christian legends on Muslim tradition.1 The transmission of this hadith, says Goldziher, serves as evidence of the controversy among the scholars of the second century about the transmission of Jewish lore. The earliest source in which this tradition is recorded is the Risala of al-Shafi'i (d. 204).2 This tradition is also reported in the Jami' of Ma'mar b. Rashid (d. 154),3 and in 'Abd al-Razzaq's Musannafwith the following isnad: 'Abd al-Razzaq > aI-Auza'I4 > Hassan b. 'AtiyyaS > Abu Kabsha6 > 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. aI'As. The Prophet said: "Transmit on my authority, be it even one verse (from the Qur'an), narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and there 1 Muhammedanische Studien (Halle, 1890), II, 137, note 3; and see G. Vajda, "Juifs et Musulmans selon Ie Hadit", JA CLXXIX (1937), 115-120; S. D. Goitein, Banu [sra'i1, E[2. 2 Melanges Judeo-Arabes, IX, "Isra'iliyyat", REJ XLIV (1902) 64, note 2. 3 Ms. FeyzuIlah 541, fo1. 59b, inf. (See F. Sezgin, GAS, I, 291). 4 See on him F. Sezgin, GAS, I, 516. 5 See on him Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib (Hyderabad, 1327), II, 251, no. 460; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, ed. 'Ali Mul;!arnmad al-Bijawi (Cairo, 1382/1963), I, 479, no. 1809. 6 See on him Ibn I;Iajar, Tahdhib, XII, 210, no. 974. is nothing objectionable (in that); he who tells a lie on my authority - let him take his place in Hell."? In the Musnad of Ahmad b. Hanbalf this tradition is recorded with the same chain of transmitters; it contains however a slight variant: wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan, "intentionally't.? 7 Ms. Murad Molla 604, fol. 113b: ballighii 'annt wa-lau iiyatan wa-haddithii 'an bani isra'tla wa-ld haraja fa-man kadhaba 'alayya kadhibatan fa-l-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-niiri. And see this tradition: al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (Cairo, 1388/1968), I, 166; al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol, 162b; al-Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-arab (Cairo [reprint] 1964), XIV, 182; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyii' (Cairo, 1351/1932), VI, 78. 8 Ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1953), XI, 127, no. 6888; cf. al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rifat al-sunan wa-l-dthiir, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1389/1968), I, 48-51. 9 See about the tradition man kadhaba 'alayya: Ibn al-Jauzi, Kitdb al-maur/u'at, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (Cairo, 1386/1966), I, 55-98; and see ibid., p. 63 the remark of Wahb b. Jartr: wa-lldhi, md qdla "muta'ammidan", wa-antum taqalana "muta'ammidan"; cf. al-Khattb al-Baghdadl, Taqyid al-'ilm, ed. Youssef Eche (Damascus, 1949), p, 29: waman kadhaba 'alayya; qiila hammiimun: ahsibuhu qdla "muta'ammidan" ... fa-l-yatabawwa' ... ; cf. J. Goldziher, Muh. St., II, 132 (see notes 3-4); and see Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., IV, nos. 2675, 2976; V, nos. 3694, 3801, 3814, 3847; II, nos. 584, 629, 630, 903, 1()()()"'1001, 1075, 1291; I, nos. 326, 469, 507; VI, nos. 4338, 4742; VII, nos. 5232, 5291; IX, nos. 6309, 6478; X, nos. 6592, 6593. And see an interesting setting of this utterance ibid., VI, no. 4156: jama'ana rasidu Ildh! (s) wa-nahnu arbaiina, fa-kuntu fi dkhiri man atiihu, qdla: innakum mansiiriina wa-musibuna wa-maftiihun lakum, fa-man adraka dhiilika fa-l-yattaqi llaha wa-lya'mur bi-l-ma'rufi, wa-l-yanha an al-munkari, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan ... ; and see a remarkable version ibid., V, no. 3025: ittaqii l-haditha 'annt ilia md 'alimtum; qdla: wa-man kadhaba 'ala l-qur'dni bi-ghayri 'ilmin fa-l-yatabawwa' ... ; cf. al-Daylaml, al-Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 27a: ittaqu l-hadttha 'anni ilia md 'alimtum, fa-innahu man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan ... ; cf. Ahmad b.Hanbal, op. clt., IV, no. 2976: ... man kadhaba 'alayya ... wa-man kadhaba fi l-qur'iini ... ; and see ibid., III, no. 2069: ... man qiila ft l-qur'iini bi-ghayri 'ilmin ... ; and see Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1957), II, 337: ... man qiila 'alayya md lam aqul fa-qad tabawwa'a ... ; cf. al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafd' wa-muzil al-ilbiis (Cairo, 1352), II, 275, no. 2593; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. al-Zawl-al- Taniil)l (Cairo, 1963), I, 159; al-Tirmidhi, $a/.zi/.z (Cairo, 1934), XIII, 167 where this utterance is connected with the story of khiisif al-na'l; al-Qundiizl, Yaniibi' al-mawadda (Kazimiyya, 1385), pp. 59, 209; al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, Ta'rtkb Baghdad (Cairo, 1349/1931), I, 265; al-Safarlni, Ghidha' al-albdb (Cairo, 1324), I, 118; Yusuf b. Musa al-HanafI, al-Mutasar min al- mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 261-262; al-Tabaranl, op. cit., II, 55;al-Fasawi op. cit., fol. 158a; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak (Hyderabad, 1342), II, 401; al-Dhahabt, Mizdn, IV, 393 sup.; AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 369; cf. Abu 'Ubayd, Farla'if al-qur'iin, Ms. Leiden, Or. 3056, fol. 3b: ... anna rasiila lldhi ($) 'ahida ilaynd fi hajjati l-wadd'i fa-qdla: 'alaykum bi-l-qur'iini fa-innakum sa-tarji'iina ilii qaumin yashtahiina l-haditha 'anni fa-man 'aqifa shay'an fa-l-yuhadditk 'annt bihi, wa-man qdla 'alayya md lam aqul fa-l-yatabawwa' bay tan au maq'adan It jahannam; and see al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-kabtr, Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, I, 351: haddithi; 'anni kama sami'tum we-ld haraja, ilia man akhbara 'ala lldhi kadhiban muta'ammidan li-yudilla bihi l-ndsa bighayri 'ilmin fa-I-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futu/.z Misr, ed. 216 Haddithii 'an bani isra'ila The tradition haddithii 'an bani isrii'il forms, as we see, a part of a combined hadith in which the Prophet bids the faithful to transmit verses (of the Qur'an), urges them to narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and warns them not to lie while transmitting traditions on his authority. In some versions only two parts of the combined tradition are recorded: "Transmit on my authority be it even one verse and narrate concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable (in that)."10 The same version as given in the Jiimi' of Ma'mar b. Rashid, consisting of three parts, is recorded by al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya (d. 390) in his al-Jalis al:;alil,lal-kiifi wa-l-anis al-na$il,lal-shdfi.t) and is accompanied by a comprehensive comment by the author. The Children of Israel, al-Mu'afa argues, were specified in this tradition because of the miraculous events which had happened to them, just as the sea was specified because of the miraculous features which are in it; the permission was granted to narrate about (the wonders of) the sea with keeping away from sin of lie. 12 The tendency apparent in this tradition to emphasize the miraculous and wonderful aspect of the stories about the Children of Israel is reflected in an enlarged version of this saying: haddithu 'an bani isrd'ila fa-innahu kdnat fihim a'iijibu.s> Al-Mu'afa records two views about the syntax of wa-lii haraja. These views give two quite different interpretations of the expression. According to one opinion ld haraja is a khabar, a predicate; the meaning of the expression is thus: there is nothing objectionable in telling these stories. As many people, argues Mu'afa, are reluctant to listen to these stories, this hadith' grants permission to transmit them, for refraining from transmitting them might bring about the disappearance of wisdom and might cause the roads of thought to be closed up, the means of knowledge to be interrupted, the doors of consideration and exhortation to be shut. The other view considers the phrase wa-ld haraj as denoting a prohibition. It is equivalent with wa-lii tahruju, do not commit sin by telling stories which you know are lies deceiving peopie by telling these stories. 14 C. Torrey (New Haven, 1922),273 inf.-274: man kadhaba 'alayya kadhibatan muta'ammidan ... associated with: ala, wa-man shariba l-khamra ... 10 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jdmi' bayiin al-'ilm wa-fadlihi (Cairo, 1346), n, 40; al-Quda'], Shihab al-akhbiir, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6496, fo1. 39a. 11 Ms. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, 2321, foIs. 3a-4a. 12 Fo1. 4a: ... wa-khassa bani isrii'ila bi-hiidhd li-ma madd fthim min al-a'ajibi kama khassa l-bahra bimd fihi min al-a'ajibi ... (the allusion refers apparently to the well known utterance, or proverb: haddith 'an al-bahri wa-ld haraj; see al-Jarraht, op. cit., I, 352, no. 117). 13 Al-Daylaml, op. cit., fo1. 72a; L 'A, s.v. /:I r j. 14 Al-Mu'afa, op. cit., fo1. 4a: ... wa-lii haraja yattajihu fihi ta'wilani, ahaduhumd an yakiina khabaran mahdan fi mandhu wa-lafzihi, ka-annahu dhakara bani isra'tla wa-kiinat fihim 217 The two grammatical constructions reflect in fact two conflicting interpretations of the tradition. Taking la haraja as khabar implies that there is no objection whatsoever to tell the stories about the Children of Israel whether true or invented. The motivation adduced for this permission is of interest: refraining from transmitting these stories would bring to a stop the transmission of the hikma, the wisdom, and of thoughtful scrutiny of stories concerning past people and prophets. Further it brings to Iight the fact that some orthodox circles disliked stories about the Children of IsraeI, which must have been widely current. On the other hand Iii haraja, taken as prohibition, implies an interdiction to transmit popular stories similar to those of the qU$$ii$. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi records the same hadith. in a different context altogether. "Do not write anything on my authority except the Qur'an" - says the Prophet. "Let one who writes anything else efface it. Narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable (in that). He who tells lies on my behalf shall take his place in Hell."15 In this version of the hadith the permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel is coupled with the interdiction to record in writing the utterances of the Prophet. A certain difference is noticeable in the intent of a tradition recorded on the authority of Abu Hurayra. The Prophet, the tradition says, saw people writing his utterances. He rebuked them and forbade to write his hadith. "Do you desire a book besides the book cf God"? - the Prophet asked. "The only thing that Ied astray the peoples preceding you was the fact that they put down in writing (things) from books beside the Book of God." Then people asked the Prophet: "Shall we transmit (traditions) on your authority?" "Transmit on my authority, said the Prophet, and there is nothing objectionable (in that); and he who lies about me intentionally let him take his seat in Hell." Those present asked: "Shall we tell the stories about the Children of IsraeI"? The Prophet answered: "Narrate concerning them and there is nothing objectionable (in that). Whatever you tell about them, there are always a'ajibu, wa-kiina kathirun min al-ndsi yanbis sam'uhum 'anha, fa-yakunu hiidha maqta'atan Ii-man 'indahu 'i1mun minhii an yuhadditha l-niisa biha; fa-rubbamd addii hiidha ilii durusi l-hikmati wa-nqitti'i mawiiddi I-fa'idati wa-nsidddi tariqi i'mali l-fikrati wa-ighliiqi abwdbi l-itti'iizi wa-l-ribrati, fa-ka-annahu qdla: laysa fi tabadduthikum bi-md 'alimtumuhu min dhdlika harajun; wa-l-ta'wtlu l-thdni an yakima l-ma'nd It hadha l-nahya; fa-ka-annahu qdla: wa-lii tahrajti bi-an tatahaddathii bi-md qad tabayyana lakum I-kadhibu fihi, muhaqqiqina lahu au gharrina abadan bihi. 15 Taqyid ai-iilm, pp. 30-31: Iii taktubii 'anni shay'an ilia l-qur'iina, fa-man kataba ghayrahu fa-l-yamhuhu, wa-haddithii 'an bani isrii'ila wa-la baraja, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya fa-l-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri. 218 Haddithii 'an bam isra'ila things which are more wonderful."16 The permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel is here put in opposition to the prohibition to record the traditions of the Prophet in a written form. It is however established as being on a par with the oral transmission of Prophetic traditions. Even the wording is identical: haddithii 'anni wa-lii haraja and haddithii 'an bani isrii'ila wa-lii haraja. Of quite a different content is the tradition reported by Zayd b. Aslam and recorded in Ma'mar b. Rashid's Jiimi',17 The Prophet said: "Do not ask the people of the Book about anything, because they will not show you the right path having already led themselves astray." We asked: "0 Messenger of God, may we not narrate (stories) concerning the Children of Israel" ? The Prophet answered: "Narrate, there is nothing objectionable (in that)." In this tradition the setting and the circumstances of the utterance are quite different. Here a clear line is drawn between the problem whether to consult the people of the Book in religious matters and the question whether to narrate stories from their history. It is forbidden to ask the people of the Book about problems of religion and belief; they cannot guide anyone because they themselves went astray. But it is permitted to narrate stories about them. Ibn al-Athlr recordstf some of the interpretations already mentioned, in which the miraculous character of the stories is stressed, and he further mentions some additional ones. Haraj denotes narrowness l? and is applied to denote "sin" and "forbidden deeds." Ld haraja has to be glossed: Iii ithma, Iii ba'sa.2o The expression indicates that there is no sin, there is nothing objectionable in narrating the wonderful events which happened to the Children of Israel, even if these events might not happen to the Muslims; this does not mean, however, that one is permitted to tell lies. Slightly different is another interpretation quoted by Ibn al-Athlr that there is no sin or objection to narrate about the Children of Israel stories as they 16 Ibid., p. 34: kharaja 'alaynd rasidu lldhi (s) wa-na(znu naktubu l-ahiiditha, fa-qdla: mii hiidhd l/adhi taktubiina'l qulnii: aluidithu nasma'uhii minka. qiila: kitiibun ghayru kitdbi lldhi ], atadriina md [a] dalla l-umama qablakum? ala bi-ma ktatabii min al-kutubi ma'a kitiibi lldhi ta'ala? qulnd: a-nuhaddithu 'anka ya rasida lliihi'! qdla: haddithii 'anni wa-la haraja, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan fa-I-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri. qulnd: fanatahaddathu 'an bani isrii'lla'l qiila: haddithii wa-ld haraja, fa-innakum lam tuhaddithii 'anhum bi-shay'in ilia wa-qad kdna fihim a'jabu minhu ... 17 Fol. 59b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Ms. fol. I13b: bab hal yus'alu ahlu l-kitdbi 'an shay'in ... 'an zaydi bni aslama anna I-nabiyya ($) qa/a: la tas'alu ahla l-kitiibi 'an shay' in fa-innahum Ian yahdiikum, qad adalla anfusahum. qi/a: ya rasida lldhi, ala nuhaddithu 'an bani isrd'ila ? qdla: (zaddithu wa-ld haraja. 18 Al-Nihiiya, I, 361. 19 See Raghib al-Isfahanl, al-Mufraddt It gharib al-qur'iin (Cairo, 1324), p. llI, S.v. (z r j. 20 See al-Majlisi, Bihdr, IV, 495 (new ed.). 219 were told, whether these stories are true or not; the remoteness of time (i.e. between the period of the Children of Israel and the time of Islam - K) makes it impossible to verify the story and the transmitter cannot be responsible for its reliability. This is set in opposition to the traditions about the Prophet: a haditb should only be transmitted after one has made sure about the soundness of the transmission and the righteousness of the transmitters.s! This interpretation was adopted by al-'AzIzI (d. 1070) who is even more explicit in his comment. "Narrate concerning the Children of Israel" glosses aI-'AzIzI by "tell about them the stories and exhortations" (ballighii 'anhum al-qisasa wa-l-mawii'izai. La haraja is explained by the statement that there is no sin incumbent upon a transmitter who records these stories without isndd. Because of the remoteness of time it is enough to make an assumption that the tradition concerns them (fa-yakfi ghalabatu l-zanni bi-annahu 'anhum). This tradition is followed by a hadith, which urges people to transmit traditions about the Prophet and warns against invention and lie in such traditions.22 Here the expression haddithii 'anni bimd tasma'iina is explained by the recommendation to observe sound isndds and to refrain from the transmission of hadiths with faulty isndds. The reasons for the permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel as opposed to con suIting them concerning their religious tenets is expounded by al-Munawl (d. 1031). There is no contradiction between the haditli which allows the transmission of stories and the one which interdicts the transmission of tenets and rules, al-Munawl argues. The transmission of their religious law is in fact forbidden because their rules were abrogated.23 Al-'AlqamI (d. 969) considers the permission to narrate stories in the light of the changes which took place in the Muslim community. The Prophet, al'Alqami argues, disapproved of studying the books of the Children of Israel and deriving knowledge from them. Later the situation improved and the prohibition was lifted. The prohibition was issued when the prescriptions of M uslim law and the foundations of the Islamic religion had not been firmly established, out of fear of e fitna (allurement). When that which was apprehended ceased, permission to narrate was granted, because listening to accounts of past events 21 Al-Nihdya, I, 361; and see al-Jazarl, Qi$a$ al-anbiyii' (al-Najaf, 1964), p. 522 (quoting Ibn Athir); and see ibid., p. 522 supra, a ShI'i permission to transmit the stories of the Children of Israel. 22 Al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo, 1957), II, 223: baddithu 'anni bimd tasmaana wa-la taqidt; illd haqqan, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya buniya lahu bay tun fi jahannama yarta' u fihi. 23 Al-'Azizi, op. cit., II, 145: ... wa-idhnuhu Iii yunaft nahyahu ft khabarin dkhara li-anna l-ma'dhiina fihi l-tahdithu bi-qisasihim wa-l-manhiyyu 'anhu l-'amalu bi-ahkdmihim li-naskhihd, 220 Haddithii 'an bani isrilila entails edification.24 Al-'Alqaroi seems thus to consider the saying haddithii 'an bani isrii'i/a as an utterance abrogating an earlier prohibiting utterance. Al-Jarrahl (d. 1162) quotes this interpretation among other interpretations recorded by him. As proof of the prohibition to narrate stories concerning the Children of Israel al-Jarrahi mentions the story of 'Umar who was forbidden by the Prophet to copy from the Torah. Later, says al-Jarrahi, the permission to narrate such stories was granted, and this is why the utterance was issued. 25 Some of the interpretations reflect a tendency to limit this permission or even to cancel it. The Iii haraja, "there is nothing objectionable", may be complemented by a phrase: "if you do not narrate". 26 The hadith thus stresses the obligatory character of the transmission of a tradition of the Prophet, but leaves it to the discretion of the faithful whether to narrate about the Children of Israel. A restricting interpretation asserts that the term Banii Isra'Il refers to the sons of Jacob; the haditn urges their story to be narrated together with that of Joseph. This interpretation is rejected by al-'AzIzI with the remark: wahddhd ab'adu l-aujuhi.tt A peculiar interpretation explains the reason for this permission by stating that the stories about the Children of Israel contain some distasteful expressions and therefore it was necessary to stress that their transmission was not objectionable.28 But these restricting interpretations were not effective. The saying haddithii 'an bani isrd'ila wa-ld haraja, attached to various other traditions, became widely current among Muslims in the first half of the second century. This permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel caused the door to be opened widely to Jewish lore and traditions transmitted by Muslim scholars. II The themes covered by the stories about the Children of Israel are very extensive. They include stories about prophets and their warnings, about sins committed by the Children of Israel and the punishment inflicted on them, 24 Ibid.,: ... wa-qdla I-'alqamiyyu: ay la 4iqa 'alaykum l-tahdithi 'anhum li-annahu kana taqaddama minhu (~) al-zajru 'an al-akhdhi 'anhum wa-l-nazari ft kutubihim thumma basala l-tawassu'u Ii dhdlika; wa-kdna l-nahyu waqa'a qabla istiqrdri l-ahkdmi l-isldmiyyati wa-lqawd'idi l-diniyyati khashyata l-fitnati; thumma lammii ziila l-mahdhiau waqa'a l-idhnu Ii dhdlika lima sima'! l-akhbdri llatt kiinat fi zamanihim min al-i'tibdrt. 25 Al-Jarrahr, op. cit., I, 353. 26 Ibn al-Athtr, op. cit., I, 361: ... wa-haddithu 'an bani tsrii'tla wa-ld haraja, ay: lii haraja 'alaykum in lam tuhaddithii 'anhum; and see al-Jarraht, op. cit., I, 353, Il. 11-12; ai-'Azizi, op. cit., II, 145. 27 Al-Siriij al-munir, II, 145. 28 Ibid. n n 221 about the sufferings of the righteous and pious and the reward granted to them by God, about utterances and sayings of sages and wise men, about supplications of prophets and pious men, about speeches and wills of nobles, saints and martyrs. These stories usually called "Lsrii'iliyydt" included predictions of the early prophets about the appearance of the Prophet and descriptions of the Muslim community, about Caliphs and rebels, about decline of dynasties, about the Mahdi and the signs heralding the Day of Judgement. This lore was transmitted by Jews and Christians or by members of these two religions who studied their Scriptures and embraced the faith of Islam. In the widely current tradition about the supplications of Moses,29 he implored the Lord to grant his people, the Children of Israel, the excellent qualities and merits which were enumerated in the Torah; God preferred however to choose the Muslim community and to grant them these qualities and merits.sv The Torah also contains the description of the Prophet.s! God revealed to Moses that the Prophet would be sent and bade him inform the Children of Israel to obey him and embrace his faith,32 God also disclosed in the Psalms to David the appearance of the Prophet and recorded the qualities of his people.v Isaiah predicted in his prophecy the appearance of Jesus and Muhammad.ss God bade Jesus urge his people to embrace the faith of Muhammad and told him about the latter's personality.V Accordingly, it is evident that Muhammad is the heir of the preceding prophets and that the Muslim community inherited the rank and position of the Chosen People. A ShI'I tradition tells a story about a talk of the Prophet with a Jew in which the Prophet said that the first passage in the Torah stated: Muhammad is the Messenger of God; in Hebrew it is Tab (Tov - K); the Prophet then quoted other passages in which the wa$iyy 'Ali, his children Hasan and Husayn (Shubbar and Shubbayr) and Fatima were explicitly mentioned,36 It may be See Miskawayh, al-Hikmatu l-khiilidatu, 29 ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Badawl (Cairo, 1952), p, 133 imundjdt musa). 30 AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., V, 385-386; Ibn Zafar, Khayru l-bishar bi-khayri l-bashar ([n.p.), 1280), pp. 25-34; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafd bi-ahwdl al-mustafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1966), I, 38-42; al-Tha'labI, Qisa« al-anbiyii' (Cairo [n.d.]), p. 27; al-Suyiltl, al-Hdwi li-l-fatiiwi, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1387/1959),II, 281, 282 ult.-283; Ibn Kathlr, Shamii'il al-rasid, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1967), 114-115; al-BayhaqI, Dald'il al-nubuwwa, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fo!' 64b. 31 See AbU Nu'ayrn, op. cit., V, 387; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, pp. 111-115; al-Suyiitl, all;ltiwi, II, 282-283. 32 AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., VI, 33-35; al-Majlisl, Bihdr, XIII, 332-333, 340-341 (newed.). 33 Al-Suyutt, al-Hdwi, II, 281 inf.-282; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, p. 115. 34 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 32. 35 Al-Suyiitl, al-Hdwi, II, 114; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Wafd, I. 60. 36 AI-Majlisi, op, cit., XIII, 331-332 (new ed.). 222 Haddithii 'an bani isra'ila mentioned that the names of the two sons of 'Ali, Hasan and Husayn, were given by the Prophet himself. The angel Gabriel revealed to the Prophet the names of the two sons of Aharon, Shubbar and Shubbayr, which are written in the Torah and ordered him to give these names to the two children of 'AlI. The rendering of these names is al-Hasan and al-Husayn-? (probably Hebrew: Shefer and Shaflr - K). Taking into account the fact that at first the name intended to be given to the children was Harb and that the Prophet stated in the well known haditli that 'Ali was in relation to the Prophet like Aharon to Moses, one can assess the political implication of the story. Scholars of the Holy Scriptures, Jews and Christians, were supposed to have the ability to foretell future events: they were thought to derive their knowledge from the Torah or other Holy Books. Ka'b standing at Siffin put his leg on a stone and said: "Woe to you Siff'in! The Children of Israel fought here with each other and left on the battle-field seventy thousand killed; so it will be with the Muslims." It really happened at the battle of Siffin between 'Ali and Mu'awiya, "There is no space on earth the events of which were not recorded in the Torah" - said Ka'b.38 In a talk with 'Umar, Ka'b is stated to have said: "Were it not for a sentence in the Qur'an (Sura xiii, 39), I would foretell to you everything which will happen until the Day of Judgement."39 Ka'b was accordingly able to tell 'Umar that the description of his personality is given in the Torah as qarn min hadid, and he could further predict that 'Umar would be killed; then the following Caliph will be killed by an unjust faction; afterwards disasters will prevail.w A bishop consulted by 'Umar could assert that he found 'Umar's description in his Scriptures as qarn min hadid (glossed 37 Al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'liim al-nubala', ed. As'ad Talas (Cairo, 1962), III, 165; Yawdqilt al-siyar, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3771, fol. 141a; al-Tabarl, Dald'il al-imdma (al-Najaf, 1383/1963), pp. 63, 73; Ibn Maktila, al-Ikmdl, (Hyderabad, 1381/1962),IV, 378; al-Tfisl, A mali (al-Najaf, 1384/1964), I, 377; Rijal al-Kashshi (al-Najaf [n.d.]), p. 26; al-Majlisi, op. cit., XII, 113; XXXIX, 63; XLIII, 237-242 (new ed.). 38 Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishrdf [i mandzil al-ashriif, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'db, ed. 'Ali MuO. al-Bijawi (Cairo [n.d.]), III, 1287; al-Suyiitl, atHawt, II, 283-284; al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira, ed. Ahmad MuO. Mursi (Cairo [n.d.l), p, 543; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba (Cairo, 1325/1907), V, 250, no. 7157; al-Suyutl, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd, ed. Muhammad KhalU Haras (Cairo, 1386/1967),I, 80. 39 Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Mahmud Muh, Shakir (Cairo, 1969), XVI, 484, no. 20485; alQurtubt, Tafsir, ed. Ibrahim Itfish (Cairo, 1387/1967),IX, 330; a ShY'!source (al-t.Ayyashl, To/sir, II, 215, no. 54) attributes this saying to 'Ali b. al-Husayn, 40 AI-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id (Beirut, 1967), IX, 65 infra.-66; cf. Abii Nu'aym, op. cit., V, 387 ult.-388 supra.; Muh, b. Yahya al-Ash'art al-Malaqi, al-Tamhid wa-l-bayiin fi maqtal al-shahid 'uthmdn, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zayid (Beirut, 1964),p. 21 ; Ib;J.Ra's Ghanama, Mandqil al-Durar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 23a; Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kit. al-fitan, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 9449, fol. 22a-b; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is, I, 77. 223 by him as qawiyyun, shadidun) and predict that he will be followed by a man, who has nothing objectionable in him (Iii ba'sa bihi), but he will prefer his relatives; 'Umar recognized forthwith that it would be 'Uthman, Afterwards, said the bishop, there will be "a crack in the rock" which he explained as "a sword drawn and blood shed." Later there will be a united congregation (jama'atun).41 'Abdallah b. Salam reported that the description of 'Uthman in the Book of God was: "the Commander of those who forsake and kill,"42 and foretold that he would be murdered.O Ka'b foretells the rule of Mu'awiya.s+ 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr stated that everything foretold by Ka'b about his rule really happened to him.45 It is a Jew who foretells the just rule of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz;46 and it is from the Torah that the prediction that heaven and earth will bewail the death of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz is quoted.s? Ka'b foretells the appearance of the black banners of the 'Abbasids,48 gives the names of the descendants of 'Abbas who will rule the Muslim community-? and emphasizes in a separate statement: al-mansiiru mansiiru bani hiishimin.50 It is, of course, an utterance with important political implications. Who was the person the YemenIs believed to be al-Mansiir, can be gauged from the refutation of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'A~): yii ma'shara l-yamani, taqidiina inna l-mansiira minkum.fa-lii; wa-lladhi nafsi bi-yadihi, innahu la-qurashiyyun abiihu, wa-Iau ashii'u an ansibahu i/ii aqsii jaddin huwa lahu fa'altu.s) Tubay', the stepson of Ka'b, quoted from the Torah the name of Saffal). and predicted that he would live forty years.52 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A~ quoted from the Books which he found after the battle of Yarmuk the names of the 'Abbasid Caliphs who would rule the Muslim community: Saffah, Mansur, al-Amln etc.53 Ka'b Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 28a; al-Suyutt, al-Khasii'is, I, 78-79. Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 41b; but al-Malaqi, al-Tamhid, p. 113 has instead of "amirun 'ala l-khddhil wa-l-qatil" "amtrun 'alii l-qatil al-amir" (erroneous) and "amirun 'ala l-qdtil wa-l-dmir" (correct); al-Suyiitl, al-Kh~ti'i$, I, 78-79. 43 AI-MiilaqI,op. cit., p. 113, 135-136, 176-177; al-Qurtubt, Tadhkira, p. 534; al-Haythamt, op, cit., IX, 92-93. 44 Nu'ayrn b. Harnmad, op. cit., fol. 28b. 45 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Atif Ef. 602, fol. 4a, 1. 5 from bottom; al-Suyutt, al-Khasa'is, I, 80 ult.-81. 46 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 9449, fol. 28a; al-Suytitl, al-Khasii'is, I, 81. 47 Al-Suyiitl, al-Hdwi, II, 284. 48 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Br. Mus., fol. 53a. 49 Ibid., fol. 27b: .. .'an ka'bin qdla: yamliku thaliithatun min wuldi l-'abbasi al-mansiiru 41 42 wa-l-mahdiyyu 50 wa-l-saffdbu. Ibid., fol. 27a. 51 Ibid., fol. 27a. 52 Ibid., fol. 27a. 53 Ibid., fol. 25b; and see about the books and these traditions Ibn KathIr. al-Bidiiya, II, 298 infra.- 299 supra. 224 Haddithii 'an bani isra'/la predicts the signs which will announce the end of the 'Abbasid rule,54 gives details about civil wars which will occur in the different provinces of the Muslim Empire,55 and foretells the appearance of the SufyanI.56 Farqad aISabakhi predicts from the Holy Scriptures cruel battles in Judda.s? Jews and Christians predicted the appearance of the Prophet'f and it was Jews and Christians who knew the exact date of his death: two Jewish scholars from Yemen informed Jarlr b. 'Abdallah al-Bajali on the day of the death of the Prophet about the sad event. 59 A monk could fix precisely the date of the death of the Prophet for Ka'b b. 'Adiyy according to what he found in his Book.6o A Jew from 'Uman informed 'Amr b. al-'A~ on the day of the death of the Prophet about this; 'Amr recorded the date, checked it later and found it accurate.s! The opinion that the Holy Books of Jews and Christians include information about the life and actions of prophets of the period preceding Islam, about the Prophet and the fate of his community and the events which will occur became widely accepted.v- It was further a common belief that the contents of the Qur'an are included in the Books of the prophets preceding Muhammad.cThe Qur'an, on the other hand, includes the contents of the Books revealed to the earlier prophets. "What is contained in the Qur'an is contained in the earlier Books", formulates it al-Suyutl.e+ Nu'ayrn b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 56a-b, 57a-b, 58b, (SOb, 1b. 6 Ibid., fols. 34b, 61b, 62a, 63a-b, 65a-b, 69b, 71a-b, 72a-b. 56 Ibid., fols. 74a-b, 81a. 57 Al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Leiden, Or. 463, fol. 414a. 58 See e.g, al-Nuwayri, op. cit., XVI, 136, 143, 149-153; al-Haythami, al-Ni'ma l-kubra (l;Ialab [n.d.]), pp. 28-29, 52-53, 62. 59 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya, Y, 278. 60 Ibid., Y, 278-279. 61 Ibn Hubaysh, al-Maghdzi, Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, p, 24. 62 See al-Suyuti, al-Hiiwi, II, 283: ... wa-waradat al-iithdru aydan bi-anna lldha bayyana li-anbiyd'ihi fi kutubihim jami'a md huwa wiiqi'un tt hddhihi l-ummati min ahdiithin wa-fitanin wa-akhbdri khulafa'iha wa-muliikihd ... And see 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dald'ili l-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd aI-Karim 'Uthmiin (Beirut, 1966-68), II, 413: innamd lam yatammanau I-mauta li-anna l-yahiida wa-l-nasdrii kanu yu'miniina bi-miisd wa-ghayrihi mimman kana yadda'i l-nubuwwata, . wa-qad akhbara ha'ula'i fi kutubihim bi-nubuwwati muhammadin (s) fa-lam yuqdimii 'ala l-tamanni li-hiidhii . 63 Al-Suyutl, al-Hiiwt, II, 284: wa-qad u'turida 'alayya fi hddhd l-tariqi bi-annahu yalzamu 'alayhi an yakima kullu rna tt l-qur'iini mudammanan fl jami'i l-kutubi l-sabiqati; wa-aqidu: la mdni'a min dhalika, bal dallat al-adillatu 'ala thubiai hddhii l-lazimi ... 64 Ibid., II, 285: ... wa-qad nassa 'ala hddhii bi-t aynihi l-imdmu abu hanifata haythu stadalla bi-hddhihi l-ayati 'ala jawiizi qirii'ati l-qur'iini bi-ghayri l-lisiini l-'arabiyyi, wa-qdla; inna 1qur'iina mudammanun It l-kutubi l-siibiqati, wa-hiya bi-ghayri l-lisiini l-'arabi, akhdhan bihadhihi l-dyati (i.e. Siiraxxvi, 197-98), wa-mimmd yashhadu bi-dhdlika wasfuhu la'ala li-l54 55 225 The idea of identity of contents led consequently to the identification of some passages of the Holy Books with those of the Qur'an. The beginning of the Torah is identical with the beginning of Siirat al-An'iim, the end of the Torah is identical with the end of Siirat Hud.65 The Siirat Ya Sin is called in the Torah al-Mu'amma/o God urged Moses to read the verse of the Throne (Sura ii 256) after every prayer and mentioned the reward for this reading.s? Muhammad b. Ka'b al-Qurazi could identify a quotation from some Holy Books mentioned by Abu Sa'Id al-MaqburI with Sura ii 204.68 The first sentence in the Torah was Sura vi 152: "Say: Come, I will recite what your Lord has forbidden you ... etc.69 "Hiidhd" in Sura lxxxvii, 18: inna hddhd lafi l-suhufi l-iild, suhufi ibrdhima wa-miisii was interpreted as referring to the whole sura; the whole sura, the commentators maintained, was included in the Holy Books of the earlier prophets.v Another tradition states explicitly that the sura was copied from the Books of Moses and Abraham."t Some commentators tried to limit the extent of inna hddhii ... to some verses (ayat) of the sura.72 The Prophet is said to have given an utterance about the suhuf of Ibrahim and Musa: the suhuf of Ibrahim were proverbs, the suhuf of Musa were exempla ('ibar).73 Quotations from these suhuf are in fact uttered by the Prophet.IA very early compilation containing wise sayings, stories and exhortations of Ibrahim, Musa, Ayyub, Dawud, Sulayman, 'Isa, Yahya b. Zakariyya and Luqman is the Kitiib al-mawii'iz of AbU 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam (d. 224).75 The numerous traditions, sayings and stories, provided with chains of isndd and recorded by one of the greatest scholars of the second century of the Hijra, attest that in this period knowledge of Jewish and Christian tradition qur'iini yadayhi 'iddati mawiidi'a bi-annahu musaddiqun (text vowelled: rnusaddaqun) li-ma bayna min al-kutubi; fa-lau-ld anna rna fihi maujiidun fihii lam yasihha hiidlui l-wasfu ... 65 Abu Nu'aym, op, cit., V, 378. 66 Al-Suyuti, al-La'iili al-masnira, I, 234. 67 Al-Suyuti, al-La' ali al-masnu:a, I, 232-233; idem, al- Durr al-manthur, I, 325; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir, I, 546. 68 Al-Tabarl, Tafslr, IV, 231-232, nos. 3964-65; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, I, 238. 69 Al-Mausill, Ghdyat al-wasii'il ila ma'rifati l-awd'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 33, fol. 41a; al-Tabari, Tafsir, XII, 227, no. 14157 (and see nos. 14158-59); Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., V, 383. 70 Al-Shaukanl, Pat/:l al-qadir (Cairo, 1383/1964), V, 427; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, VI, 341. 71 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr, VI, 341; al-Shaukant, Fatk al-qadir, V, 427: nusikhat hddhihi 1suratu min suhufi ibrdhlma wa-miisii; Cf. al-Suyuti, al-Hdwi, II, 285: hiidhihi l-siiratu fi suhufi ibriihima wa-miisii; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XX, 24: inna hddha ... qiila: hiidhihi l-silratu. 72 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr, VI, 341; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XX, 24: min qaulihi qad aflaha i1a dkhiri l-siirati : Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, VII, 273. 73 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, VI, 341. 74 Ibid. 75 It M~. Hebrew University, Collection Yahuda, Ar. 95. 226 If addithii 'an bani isrd'ila was widely current and was without serious opposition incorporated into the Muslim religious tradition. "It is written in the Torah", says Khaythama b. 'Abd al-Rahman, "0 man, exert yourself in My service and I shall fill up your heart with sufficiency and I shall supply your want; but if you do not do it, I shall make your heart busy and shall not supply your wants. "76 "God revealed to Ibrahim," Wahb b. Munabbih reports, "0 king who undergoes trials, I did not send you in order to collect the goods of this world, nor to erect buildings; I sent you in order to answer on My behalf the call of the oppressed, because I shall not drive it back, even if it comes from an unbeliever."77 This utterance is recorded by al-Suyuti as a hadith.t» Ka'b quotes from the Torah, according to the early Jdmi' of Ibn Wahb, a commandment to obey one's parents.I? A saying about the disobedience of sons to their fathers is transmitted by Ka'b from the "Book of God."8o Ka'b asserts that the invocation of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr in connection with augury is found in the Torah.s! From the Torah Ka'b also quotes a saying about the contemptous attitude towards the wise on the part of his own people.e? The final sentence in the Torah, says Ka'b, is: al-hamdu li-lldhi lladhi lam yattakhidh waladan wa-lam yakun lahu sharikun Ii l-mulki.s» Maymiin b. Mihran states that on the Tablets of Moses was written: "Do not covet the possessions of your neighbour, nor his wife."84 The Chidren of Israel asked Moses to choose for them a sentence of the Torah, which they could learn by heart. He said: "In the same way you would like people to treat you, treat them." Al-Zamakhsharl remarks: "This phrase is the one chosen best from the Torah."85 Sa'Id b. abl HilaI86 records two commandments in the Tablets of Moses written by God on the tablets "with His own hand" and His injunction: "Like for the people what you like for yourself and dislike for them what you dislike for yourself. "87 In the first tablets given to Moses by God there was written: "Thank Me and thank your parents, then I shall keep you from danger of decay and I shall 76 AbU 'Ubayd, op. cit., f. 9b; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XIII, 357, I. I (new ed.); al-'Amili, alJawdhir al-saniyya, al-Najaf 1384/1964, p. 48. 77 Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 6b; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiin al-akhbdr (Cairo, 1346/1928), II, 263. 78 Al-Durr, VI, 341. 79 Ibn Wahb, Jiimi'; ed. J. David Weill (Cairo, 1939), p. 12, I. 11. 80 Ibid., page 11, I. 10. 81 Ibid., page 98, I. 4. 82 'Abd al-Jabbar al-Khaulanl, Ta'rikb Diirayyd, ed. Sa'id al-Afghanl (Damascus, 1369/ 1950), p, 107. 83 Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., VI, 30. 84 Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 9b, 1. 9. 85 Al-Zamakhsharl, Rabi' al-abriir, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6511, fol. 132b, infra. 86 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IV, 94, no. 159. 87 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 20, I. 18. 227 lengthen your life and I shall give you a good life and transfer you into a better one."88 Tha'laba b. abl Malik89 says that 'Umar invited Jewish scholars and asked them to discuss (religious subjects - K). With them came Tha'laba's father, Abu Malik, who was a Jewish convert to Islam.w He came with a book, opened it and put his hand on a passage of it. When he lifted his hand and the Jewish scholars read: "he who shows filial piety to his father, God will lengthen his life" they admitted that it was revealed by God. People did not know it until that day.91 AI-Tha'iabi records the Ten Commandments revealed to Moses.92 Al-Nuwayri quotes al-Tha'Iabt; he remarks that God revealed to the Prophet the contents of the Ten Commandments in eighteen verses of the Qur'an, which he records.v' The maxim that as a part of filial piety one has to be beneficient to the friends of one's father after his death is quoted from the Torah.P+ Afaqih quoted from the Torah: "Woe to the man who sins, then asks forgiveness from Me ... "95 "In the Torah it is written", a Shi'i tradition says, "0 man, remember Me when you are angry, then I shall remember you when I am angry and I shall not annihilate you among those whom I shall annihilate; if you are unjustly treated be satisfied with My help to you, as My help is better for you than your help for yourself."96 "In the Torah it is written: he who sells landed property or (rights on) water not investing the sum gained in land or water (rights), the money (gained) will be squandered."97 It may be remarked that a similar tradition is reported on the authority of the Prophet: fa biiraka lldhu fi thamani ardin au ddrin Iii yuj'alu Ii ardin au darin.98 Some quotations from the Gospel and "other Books" are transmitted by Thaur b. Yazid.P? He read in the tauriit that Jesus said to the Apostles: Converse much with God, converse with people a little". They asked: "How should we converse with God"? He said: "Be in solitude with Him in your invocations and supplications",lOO Ka'b states that the well 88 AI-Majlisi, 90 91 92 89 See on him Ibn Hajar, op. cit., XIII, 358, no. 63. al-Isdba, I, 209, no, 948; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 169, no. 998. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 15, ll. 9-14. Qisas al-anbiyd'; p. 270. OPt cit., I, 212, no. 277 Nihdyat al-arab, XIII, 215-217. 94 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 14, ll. 14-15; cf. al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba (JerusaJem, 1954), p. 83, nos. 248-249 (and see ibid., the references of the editor). 95 Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. al-tauba, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3863, fo1. 20b. 96 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 358, no. 66. 97 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 360, 73. 98 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bdsim, Leiden Or. 370, fol. 120b; al-Tabari, al-Muntakhab min dhay/i l-mudhayyal (Cairo, 1358/1939), p. 59. 99 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, II, 33, no. 57. 100 Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., VI, 94. 93 228 Haddithii 'an bam isra'i/a of Zamzam is mentioned in "some Books."lOl "I found in the Torah", states Ka'b, that he who prays the five prayers in the mosque of Mecca (al-masjid al-bariim) God will record for him (the reward of) twelve million and five hundred thousand prayers.102 Even the verse of al-Hutay'a man yaf'al al-khayra Iii ya'dam jawiiziyahu: Iii yadhhabu I-'urfu bayna lldhi wa-l-ndsi was stated by Ka'b to be a sentence from the Torah.103 Additional quotations "from the Torah" could easily be muitiplied.l04 Only few of these quotations are in fact derived from that source. 105The majority of the flow of these quotations was derived from popular Jewish and Christian stories, legends, wise sayings and traditions which were introduced by Jewish and Christian converts to Islam and gained wide popularity. The Muslim scholars were however aware of the fact that the expressions "I found in the Torah", "it is written in the Torah", "it is recorded in the Torah" do not necessarily refer to the Pentateuch, or even to the Bible. Al-Jahiz remarks that the expression "maktiibun fi l-taurdti" as told on the authority of Ka'b refers in fact to things found in the Scriptures of the Jews like the books of the prophets and the books of Salomon. 106In a report given by Abu I-Aswad107 the Ra's al-Jdlia explains thst Ka'b lied when he said that his predictions were derived from the Torah; the Torah is a Book like the Qur'an ; Ka'b was in fact quoting from the books of the prophets and their companions, exactly as the Muslims narrate stories of the Prophet and his Companions.108 The sources are often referred to in a vague manner: "maktiibun fi I-kutubi", "qara'tufi ba'ifi I-kutubi", ''fi kitdbi lliihi";109 often the sources are not mentioned at all. 101 102 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol. 342a. Ibid., fol. 453a. 103 Usama b. Munqidh, Lubab al-iiddb, ed. Ahmad Muh. Shakir (Cairo, 1353/1935), p. 424 ult.; and see al-Hutay'a, Diwdn, ed. Nu'rnan Amtn Tiihii (Cairo, 1378/1958), pp, 291-292. 104 See e.g. al-Dhahabl, al-i Uluww li-l-t aliyy I-ghaffar, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muh. 'Uthman (Cairo, 1388/1968),p. 95; AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 48,38,58; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, IV, 182; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishriif, fol. 76a-b; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XIII, 331, 342, 348, 357, 340; al-Tust, Amdli (al-Najaf, 1384/1964), I, 233; al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad alZawl (Cairo, 1380/1961), II, 132, 153. lOS See J. GoIdziher, "Uber Bibelcitate in muhammedanischen Schriften," ZATW XIII (1893), pp. 315-316. 106 Al Hayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiiriin (Cairo, 1385/1966),IV, 202-203. 107 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IX, 307, no. 506. 108 Ibn Hajar, al Isdba, V, 324. 109 See e.g, Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 16b; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 27, 32, 33, 57; VI 16,55. 229 From "Hikmat ai Diiwiid" Abu 'Ubayd quotes the following passage: "It is incumbent upon a wise man not to be neglectful about four hours: an hour in which he exerts himself for his God, an hour in which "he makes accounts for his soul", an hour in which he talks with his friends who speak to him frankly about his vices and bad behaviour and an hour devoted to his lawful pleasures; this (latter) hour is a recreation for his heart and should help him to carry out the obligations of the three (former) hours. It is incumbent upon a wise man to know his time and to set about his matters. It is incumbent upon a wise man to set out on his journey with provision taken only for his life to come, approving the means of Iife and lawful pleasure" .110 In some other sources these utterances are quoted from the Suhuf Ibrdhim.s+) From the /fikmat dl Ddwiid the following saying is quoted: "Good health is a hidden good".112 Some quotations from Hikmat iii Ddwiid are given by al-'Amili113 and al-MajlisI.114 Abu Nu'aym records some quotations from "Mas' alat Diiwiid" .115 Al-'Amili quotes "Akhbiir Diiwiid" twice.1I6 The Psalms of David seem to have been in wide circulation. Qatada and RabI' b. Anas state that the Zabiir contains only invocations and praises of God; there are no commandments, no rules of penaI-Iaw, no statements about what is lawful or forbidden. 117 The first verses of the Psalms are often quoted. Two translations of these verses are recorded by aI-SuyutI,118 a third one by Ibn AbI l-Dunya, I 19 Ibn Tawus copies from the zabiir the following suwar: 110 Al-Mawa'iz, fol. lOb; cf. al-Suyuti, al-Durr, IV, 189, 1. 10; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi- Murjil; auhdm, I, 457 tfi hikmati al dawilda); Ibn Kathrr, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya, II, 15 (fi hikmati al-da'uda). III Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XII, 71; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XX, 25; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, VI, 341. 112 Ibn Abi l-Dunyzr, al-Ishriif, fol. 93a (al-'afiyatu l-mulku I-khafiyyu). 113 Al-Jawiihir al-saniyya, p. 90, I. 3 from bottom, p. 95. 114 Bihar, XIV, 36, 41 (new ed.). 115 Al-Hilya, VI, 56-57; and see Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 14 inf. 116 Al-Jawdhir al-saniyya, p, 94. 117 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, IV, 188. 118 Ibid., IV, 188: a ... tuba Ii-rajulin fa yasluku tariqa l-khattii'tna wa-Iam yujdlis al-battiilina wa yastaqimu 'ala 'ibiidati rabbihi 'azza wa jalla, fa mathaluhu ka mathali shajaratin niibitatin 'ala siiqiyatin ld taziilu fihd l-mti'u yafdulu thamaruhii ft zamdni l-thimiiri wa ta tazdlu khadrti'a fi ghayri zamdni l-thimdri; (cf. Abii Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 62 penult.), p. 189; b ... tuba Ii-man lam yasluk sabila I-athamati wa-Iam yujdlis al-khattii'ina wa-Iam yafi' tt hammi l-mustahzi'ina wa-Iakinna hammahu sunnatu Ilahi wa-iyyiihii yata'allamu bi-I-Iayli wa-l-nahari, mathaluhu mathalu shajaratin tanbutu 'ala shattin tu'ta thamaratahii fi IJiniha wa-ld yataniitharu min waraqihii shay' un, wa-kullu 'amalihi bi-amri, laysa dhalika mithla 'amalt l-mundfiqin ... 119 Kitiib al-tauba, Chester Beatty, 3863, fol. 15b: sal/am b. miskin: sa'altu nasriiniyyan md awwalu l-zabiiri, qdla: tilba Ii-tabdin lam yasluk sabila I-athamati wa-lam yujdlis I-mustahzi'ina wa-I-khiiti'Inai fa-dhakartu dhiilika li-miiliki bni dinarin fa-qdla: sadaqa. 230 lfaddithii 'an bani isrd'ila 2, 10, 17,23,30, 36,46,47,65,67,68,71,84, 100.120The Iast thirty Iines of the zabUr121 and a short passage from this source are given by Wahb.122 These translations are however not accurate; sometimes no similarity with the text can be detected. The wise sayings attributed to Salomon123 can be traced to Ecclesiastes and Proverbs. 124 Al-Muhasibi quotes from Hikmat 'jsii a saying about the love for worldly goods125 and a saying from Risdldt 'jsa.126 Lengthy chapters from $abii'ij Idris and Sunan Idris are recorded by Ibn Tawus.127 It would be needless to add quotations from the prophets Iike Isaiah, Jeremiah, Habaquq or from the Injil of Jesus. The compilation of Abu 'Vbayd may serve as the best proof for the flow of Jewish and Christian traditions which poured into Muslim circles and were gladly taken up by Muslim scholars. Reading the Torah was made lawful by the Prophet's permission. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. a1-'A~ told the Prophet about his dream. He saw that he had on one of his fingers honey and on the other one butter. The Prophet explained the dream and said: "You will read the two Books: the Torah and the Furqan (i.e. the Qur'an - K)". He read in fact both these Books.128 This tradition, transmitted by Ibn Lahi'a,129 was vehemently attacked by al-Dhahabi in the eighth century AH: nobody was allowed to read the Torah after the Qur'an had been revealed. The Torah, argues al-Dhahabi, had been changed and tampered with; truth and falsehood are mixed in this book. It is permissible to read this book for one purpose only: to answer the Jews.130 But opinions about the study of the Torah were quite different in the first century. Ibn 120 Sa'd al-suud (al-Najaf, 1369/1950), pp. 47-63; a great part of the quotations of Ibn Tawus were copied by al-Majlisi, op. cit., XIV, 43--48; and see ibid., pp. 36-37. 121 Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 46-47. 122 Ibid., IV, 67 inf. 123 Usama b. Munqidh, op. cit., p. 444: "wa-min kaldmi sulaymiina bni diiwuda 'alayhi l-saldm": Proverbs xxvii 1, 2, 10; xxix 19; Ecclesiastes xi 1. A'mdl al-qulub wa-l-jawdrih, ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'Ata (Cairo, 1969), p. 45. 126 Ibid., p. 82. 127 Sa'd al-su'ud, pp, 32--40; cf. al-Majlisi, op. cit., XI, 120-121, 151-152, 269, 282-283 (newed.). 128 Al-Dhahabt, Ta'rikh al-isldm (Cairo, 1367), III, 38; Abu l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musii al-Hanaft, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 265; cf. al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (10) fol. 42 inf. 129 See on him Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidiiya, VI, 242 ult. (ga'i); al-Tibrizl, Mishkiit al-masdbtb (Karachi, 1350), p. 160, I. 5 (ga'if); al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tidiil, I, 479, ult.; ibid., III, 267 (wa-bnu lahi'ata mimman qad tabarra'nd min 'uhdatihi); ibid., II, 475--483, no. 4530; al-Fasawt. op. cit., fol. 84a, inf.; Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bdsim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 116a. 130 Siyar a'lam al-nubala', ed. As'ad Talas (Cairo, 1962), III, 57. 124 125 231 Sa'd records a story about 'Amir b. 'Abd Qays and Ka'b sitting in a mosque: Ka'b read the Torah and explained some interesting passages to 'Amir.131 Ab111-Jald al-Jauni used to read the Qur'an and the Torah. He used to celebrate each conclusion of reading of the Torah (he read it during six days) summoning people (for this purpose) and used to quote a saying that Mercy descends at each conclusion of the reading of the Torah.132 sun tradition explicitly stressed the link between the Torah and the true knowledge of the Prophet, 'Ali and the succeeding Imams. The Tablets of Moses reached the Prophet and he handed them over to 'Ali,133 The Tablets of Moses, the Gospel, the $ubuf Ibrahim and the Zabiir are in the possession of the Shi'I Imams.134 The White Jafr contains the Torah, the GospeI, the Zabiir and the first Books of God. 135 The idea that there was identity of contents between Jewish revelation and Isiam was followed by the idea which established identity of fate between these two peoples. Ibn 'Abbas stated that everything which happened among the Children of Israel will happen to the Muslim community. 136The Children of Israel were righteous until the sons of their captive women grew up. They championed ra'y137 and therefore went astray and led other people astray, said the Prophet. 138This tradition is recorded by al-Fasawi and after it comes the following remark: "Sufyan said: 'We examined it and found that the first person to champion ra'y in Medina was Rabi'a, in Kufa Abu Hanifa, in Basra al-Battl; they were the sons of captive women'."139 The Prophet predicted that the Muslim community would follow a path identical with that of the Children of Israel and of the Christians.140 These points of resemblance refer, of course, to pejorative aspects of Jewish history; they are used to point out dangers which the Muslim community is facing. Sometimes, however, the identification is Jone in a laudatory spirit. Tabaqdt, VII, 110. Ibid., VII, 222. 133 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 225 (new ed.); and see al-Saffar al-Qumml, Basii'ir al-darajiit, ([n.p.], 1285), pp. 37-38 sup.; al-'Ayyashi, op, cit., Ms. India Office 4153, fol. 127b. 134 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XXVI, 180-189 (new ed.). 135 Ibid., XXVI, 18. 136 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fo1. 4b: lam yakun [i bani isrii'ila shay'un ilia wa-huwa [ikum kii'inun. 137 Cf. "Ashab al-Ra'y", EI2 (Schacht). 138 Ibn Majah, Sunan (Cairo, 1349), 1, 28; al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rifat al-sunan, I, 110 (and see the references of the editor). 139 AI-Ma'ri/a wa-l-ta'rikh, fo1. 271a. 140 Al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, XI, 123, nos. 555-556; Ibn al-Athrr, al-Nihdya, IV, 28; Ibn Tawas, Sa'd, pp. 64, 65, 116,1. 3; al-'Ayyashi, op. cit., Ms. foI. 93a-b; and see M. TaJbi, "Les Bida", Studia Islamica, XII, 50. 131 132 232 lJaddithii 'an bani isra'i/a The Aus and the Khazraj, says a tradition recorded by Ibn Ishaq, are descendents of four hundred scholars from among the Children of Israel, left by Tubba' in Medina. Abu Ayyub was the descendant of the scholar whom Tubba' entrusted with the keeping of the letter for the Prophet; Abu Ayyub indeed handed it over to the Prophet, 141A late compilation recording the story remarks that this genealogy of the An~ar is a Jewish plot.142 The Prophet states, according to a ShI'I tradition, that his name is Ahmad and Isra'Il and that the obligations Iaid by God upon Isra'Il are incumbent on him as well.l43 By Children of Israel the ('Alid - K) Al Muhammad are meant.t+t The 'Alids in the Umayyad period complained that they were "like the Al Musii in the time of Al Fir'aun".145 Ibn Tawas records many passages from the Torah about Aaron146 in order to stress the importance of the utterance of the Prophet, that 'All is in relation to the Prophet in the position of Aaron in relation to Moses.t-? The role of 'Ali as wa~iyy in relation to the Prophet corresponds to the role of Joshua b. Nun in relation to Moses.148 But the feeling of affinity or identity which Muslims experienced with regard to the righteous from among the Children of Israel did not detract from the latter's faults, sins and vices. The sunna of the Children of Israel should not be followed. In many traditions the Faithful are warned of these sunan and ordered to act contrary to them.149 Even their strictness in observing religious rites was criticized. "Do not be like the Children of Israel; having been strict with themselves, God imposed strictness on them."150 141 AI-Samhiidi, Wafa' al-wafd, ed. MuI;!.Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Hamld (Cairo, 1374/1955), I, 188-189; Mughultay, op. cit., fol. 194a; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-lattf, (Cairo, 1357/1958), pp. 51-54; aI-SaliQ.i, al-Sira al-shiimiya, Ms. Atif 1753, fol. 69a. 142 'Abd al-Hafiz b. 'Uthman al-Qari' al-Ta'if], Jala' al-quliib wa-kashf al-kurub bi-mandqib abi ayyiib, (Istanbul, 1298), pp. 14-15. 143 AI.'Ayyashi, op. cit., I, 44, no. 45 (and see ibid., note 6). 144 Ibid., I, 44, nos. 43, 44 (refers to Siira ii 48). 145 Furat, Tafslr (al-Najaf [n.d.]), p, 47, I. 1. 146 Sa'd al-su'iid, pp. 43-46; Ex. xxix 5, 27,31,44,13; Nurn. xvii 17. 147 Sa'd al-su'iid, pp. 43-46 (and see p. 43: t'lam anna qaula l-nabiyyi (~) li-mauliind 'aliyyi bni abi talibin ('a) anta minnt bi-manzilati hiiruna min musa yashtamilu 'alii kh~ii'i~a 'azimatin nabwi l-khiliifati; wa-qad wajadtu fi l-tauriiti min mandzili hiirUna min masa ma yadtqu mii qasadndhu bi-fusidi hadha l-kitiibt mimmd yantafi'u bi-ma'rifatihii dhawi; (text: dhawi) I-albabi, 148 149 Furat, op. cit., pp. 65-68. Furat, op. cit., p. 42: wa-ld ta'khudhu sunnata bani isrii'tla kadhdhabil anbiyii'ahum wa-qatalii ahla baytihim. 150 AI.'Amm, al-Kashkiil, I, 221: inna lliiha yuhibbu an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kamii yuhibbu an yu'khadha bi-razd'imihi, fa- qbalu rukhasa Iliihi wa-ld takunu ka-bant isra'il btna shaddadii 'ala anfusihim fa-shaddada lliihu 'alayhim; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1,193-194; cf. Samau'a\ la-Maghribl, If/;lam al-yahud, ed. M. Perlmann (New York, 1964), pp. 71-85. 233 III Contrary to the permission to transmit traditions about the Children of Israel concerning their history or stories about their prophets and saints, the early sources point clearly to the tendency of the orthodox circles to prevent the Faithful from learning or copying the Holy Scriptures of the People of the Book, and especially of legal chapters or chapters concerning the tenets of faith. 'Umar, says a tradition, walked past a Jew from Qurayza and asked him to copy for him summary chapters from the Torah. When he came to the Prophet and begged his permission to read these chapters, the face of the Prophet became changed (scil, with anger - K). 'Umar was frightened by this and exclaimed: "I am satisfied by Allah as God, by Islam as religion and by Muhammad as Prophet." When the rage of the Prophet had gone, he remarked: "I swear by Him Who keeps in His hand the soul of Muhammad: were Moses among you and if you followed him, leaving me, you would have gone astray; you are my lot among the peoples and I am your lot among the prophets" .151 It is interesting to note that the Jew in the story is referred to in a favourable manner: marartu bi-akhin li min qurayzata.tst It is also of interest that the Prophet emphasizes the adherence of Moses to his faith. According to a tradition on the authority of Anas, the Prophet met Jesus153 and al-Dhahabi considered Jesus as one of the Companions of the Prophet.154 An utterance of the Prophet similar to the one about Moses is recorded in the story of Hafsa. She brought to the Prophet a shoulder-bone on which was written the story of Joseph. The Prophet became angry, the colour of his face changed and he said: "Were Joseph to come while I am amongst you and were you to follow him, you would have gone astray" .155 Slightly different is the utterance of the Prophet as recorded in another tradition. 'Umar asked the Prophet whether he would be permitted to write down traditions (al;ziidith) heard from Jews, by which he was pleased. The 151 Al-Jiimi'; fol. 60a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, fol. 114a; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, II, 48; cf. another version of this tradition 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., fol. 114a with the utterance: innamd bu'ithtu fatiJ.zan wa-khdtaman wa-u'titu jawdmi'a l-kalimi wa-fawiitihahu wa-khtusira lt l-hadithu ikhtisiiran. And see AbU Da'ud, Mariisil (Cairo, 1310), p, 48; al-Khatib al-Baghdadt, Taqyid, p, 52. 152 See another version of this tradition in Muttaqi al-Hindi's Kanz, I, 334, no. 1629: 'Umar visited Khaybar and was pleased by some sayings of a Jew. The Jew dictated the sayings to 'Umar upon his request and 'Umar wrote them down on a skin which he brought to the Prophet. When 'Umar read it to the Prophet, he became angry and erased the writing. He said: "Do not follow these people because they got confused". 153 Al-Suytitl, al-Hiiwi, II, 288. 154 Ibid., p. 289, sup. 155 Ma'mar b. Rashid, al-Jdmi", fol. 133b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, fol. 114a. 234 Haddithii 'an bam isra'ila Prophet said: "Are you following the Jews and Christians in their confusion? I brought it (i.e. the religion, or the Qur'an - K) white and pure; if Moses were alive he would have to follow me",156 A special dya was revealed in connection with this problem. Some Muslims, the tradition asserts, brought to the Prophet certain books which they had copied from the Jews. The Prophet said: "It is an error grave enough when people prefer a thing brought by someone else to another people over that which their own Prophet brought to them". Then iiya 51 of Sura 29 was revealed: a-wa-lam yakfihim anna anzalnd 'alayka l-kitiiba yutlii 'alayhim ... etc. 157The Prophet finally gave his decisive utterance when asked by 'Umar about studying the Torah: "Do not learn the Torah, you have to learn what has been revealed to you (i.e. the Qur'an - K) and believe in it",158 In fact 'Umar forbade copying or reading the Books of Jews and Christians. According to a tradition a man came to 'Umar and informed him about a wonderful book which he had found in Mada'in when the Muslims had conquered the city. "Is it from the Book of Allah"? (i.e. the Qur'an - K) 'Umar asked. "No", said the man. 'Umar began to beat him with his whip, reciting the first four dyas from Siirat Yiisuf and said: "What caused the peoples who lived before you to perish was that they devoted themselves to the study of books of their scholars and bishops and abandoned the Torah and the Gospel until those two Books became effaced and knowledge of them disappeared",159 In another story a similar case is told. 'Alqama and al-Aswad came to Ibn Mas'ud and showed him a scroll ($abifa) containing a story which they found pleasing. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud ordered to efface the script. "These hearts are vessels (of knowledge - K); engage them with the Qur'an, not with anything else", he said,16o 'Umar seems to have been especially concerned about the Book of Daniel. The book is said to have been found in a grave in Tustar when the Muslims conquered the city. It is said to have been Daniel's grave,161 The book was brought to 'Umar and he sent it to Ka'b who rendered it into Arabic. It is 156 Al-Zamakhshart, al-Fii'iq, ed. 'Ali Muh. al-Bijawi - Muh, Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1367/1948), III, 218; Abu 'Ubayd, Ghartb al-hadith (Hyderabad, 1385/1966), III, 28-29; cf. Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihdya, s.v. h w k; al-Majlisi, op. cit., VIII, 211 (lithogr. ed.). 157 Al-Suyutl, Lubab al-nuqid (Cairo, 1373/1954), p. 170; al-Qurtubl, Tafslr, XIII, 355; Ibn Shahrashub, Mandqib al abi falib (al-Najaf, 1376/1956), 1,48; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' baydn al-tllm, II, 40-41. 158 Al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., I, 333, no. 1627. 159 Ibid., I, 335, no. 1632. 160 Abu 'Ubayd, FarJa'il al-Qur'iin, Ms. Leiden, Or. 3056, fol. 4a-b. Abu 'Ubayd remarks: "We think that this scroll was taken from a man who belonged to the People of the Book, therefore 'Abdallah b. Mas'Iid disliked it". 161 See £12, s.v. "Daniyal" (G. Vajda). 235 said to have contained information about strifes (fitan) which will happen,162 Abu 1-'Aliya163 says about the book: "I was the first Arab to read this book the way I read the Qur'an." It contained, says Abu I-'Aliya, information about your history (siratukum) and your matters, your religion and the ways of your speech (lulziin kaldmikumy and what will happen in the future. 164When 'Umar was informed about a man who copied (or read) the Book of DanieI, he ordered that man to be brought into his presence, beat him with his whip until he promised to burn books of this kind and not to read them. 165 A saying from Kitiib Ddniydl is recorded by Hamd b. Muhammad aIKhattabi.166 A lengthy passage about the campaigns of the Sufyani is quoted from Kitdb Ddniyiil by AbU l-Husayn Ahmad b. Ja'far b. al-Munadi in his Kitdb al-maldhim and recorded by al-Qurtubi.to? A significant passage from Kitiib Diiniydl is recorded by al-Majlisi. It contains predictions about weather during the year, crops, plagues and wars established according to the date of the first day of Muharramtxaturday, Sunday, Monday ... etc.) and the month in which the eclipse of the sun or the moon will occur. Al-Rawandi marks this material as stories of the type of maliil;zim.168 The Book of Daniel seems to have been read by Ka'b and the twenty Jewish scholars in their discourse in Jerusalem. Ka'b gave orders to throw this book, which he described as being "the Torah as revealed by God to Moses, unchanged and unaltered", into the sea of Tiberias. Ka'b feared that people might rely on it (khashitu an yuttakala 'ala mii fihii). When the man sent by Ka'b arrived at the middle of the sea, the waters parted so that he could see the bottom of the sea, and he threw the Book into the sea,169 There was, of course, the danger of the intentional changes and alterations of the Scriptures carried out by the People of the Book. This is reflected in a tradition about Ka'b. He brought a book, whose leaves were torn out, to 'Umar stating that it contained (chapters of) the Torah, and asked permission to Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 4b (= Ms. Atif, fol. 3a). See on him Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 112-117. 164 Al-Bayhaql, Kit. dala'it al-nubuwwa, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fol. 65a; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 40-41. 165 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, Taqyid, p. 51; al-Muttaqt al-Hindt, op. cit., I, 332-333, no. 1626; ibid., 335-336, no. 1633; 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., fol. 114a. 166 Kitiib al-iuzla (Cairo, 1352), p. 80. 167 Al-Tadhkira, ed. Ahmad Muh, Mursl (Cairo [n.d.]), pp. 610--611. 168 Bihiir aI-anwar, LVIII, 346-350 (new ed.). 169 Al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'ldm al-nubald', III, 323-325; and see idem., Ta'rikn al-isldm, III, 99-101, on the bottom of the sea of Tiberias are buried the Ark of the Covenant and the Staff of Moses; they will be raised on the Day of Judgement. See al-Nuwayrl, op. cit., XVI, 43. 162 163 236 Haddithii 'an bani isra'/la read it. 'Umar said: "If you know that the book contains the Torah revealed by God to Moses on Mount Sinai, read it day and night." 170 Ibn Kathir, quoting the traditions which forbid the consultation of scholars from among the People of the Book remarks: "These traditions serve as evidence that they made changes in the Holy Scriptures which they possess ( ... baddalii mii bi-aydihim min al-kutubi l-samiiwiyati), altered them and interpreted them in an improper way." They did not possess comprehensive knowledge of their Scriptures; in their translations into Arabic they made many errors and mistakes. Furthermore, they had bad intentions and erroneous views. One part of the Torah is manifest, publicly revealed, but a great part of it is hidden. The manifest parts of the Torah contain changes, alterations, erroneous expressions and elusive ideas. Ibn Kathir accuses Ka'b of transmitting traditions many of which are not worth the ink with which they are written, and some of which are false. 171"Some of the Isra'iliyyiit were invented by some of their zaniidiqa; some of them may be sound, but we do not need them: what is written in the Book of God (i.e. the Qur'an - K) is sufficient for us and we do not need to look for it in the remaining books (revealed) before it; neither God nor His Messenger caused us to lack their knowledge."I72 The same accusations of lies, alterations, changes and intentional misinterpretations are repeated by Ibn Kathir in the course of a section in which he records the traditions which forbid consultation of scholars from among the People of the Book. 173 Ibn al-Jauzi, the prolific author of the sixth century AH, expresses similar views. The stories concerning the early peoples and especially the Children of Israel rarely contain authentic accounts. The Muslim religious law (shar'), Ibn al-Jauzi says, is sufficient and the Prophet ordered 'Umar to discard certain passages from the Torah which he brought to him. Some stories of the Isra'tliyyat are absurd, like the story about David who sent Uri yah to be killed in order to marry his wife,174 The early sources mentioned in this paper bear evidence of the close contacts between Muslims, Jews and Christians at the end of the first century of the Hijra. The traditions recorded by Ma'mar b. Rashid in his Jiimi' can be estimated as going back to original sources of the end of the first century. The material of Abu 'Ubayd in his Mawii'i? seems to stem from the same 170 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadith, IV, 262; al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fd'iq, I, 651; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, II, 468, s.v. sh r m; J. Goldziher, "Ober Muh. Polemik gegen Ahl al-Kitab", ZDMG XXXII, 345 (read correctly: fa-qra'hii ana'a l-layli). 171 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 132-134. 172 Ibn Kathir, Tafstr, IV, 282. 173 Ibid., V, 329-330. 174 Ibn al-Jauzi, Kit. al-qussd«, Ms. Leiden, Or. 988, fol. 20a. 237 period. The assumption of W. Montgomery Watt175 that the material of the Bible discussed above was directed in the first phase towards illiterate people with no knowledge of the Bible, can hardly be accepted. W. M. Watt takes it that the passage in Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's Jiimi: baydn al-'ilm, II, 40-43 about "Avoidance of information from Jews and Christians" suggests "that it belongs to the first phase" because "it envisages Muslims conversing with Jews and Christians, but not reading their books"; 176 but this argument is in fact untenable. The tradition recorded by al-Bukharti?? reports explicitly that "the Jews used to read the Torah in Hebrew and to interpret it to the people of Islam in Arabic." AI-Suddi reports that some Jews used to compile books, claiming that they are books revealed by God, and used to sell them at cheap prices to the Arabs. 178 The stories about books of Ahl al-Kitdb being copied by Muslims, quoted above and mentioned in the chapter of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr bear evidence that the contacts between Muslims and the People of the Book were not confined to mere consultation. Lastly it may be remarked that the title of the chapter is: Biib mukhtasar fi mutdla' ati kutubi ahli l-kitdbi wal-riwdyati 'anhum. It is plainly stated that the subject discussed in the chapter is the reading of books of the Ahl al-Kitiib and transmission of traditions on their authority, not merely conversing. W. M. Watt's doubts, as to "whether any of it (i.e. the traditions recorded by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr) had its present form at a still earlier period" are unfounded; as far as the "Jdmi" of Ma'mar and the "Musannaf " of 'Abd al-Razzaq are concerned, the traditions and their isndds are copied by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr with accuracy; this can be ascertained by comparing the material of Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr with the Mss. quoted in this paper. As already mentioned there was no serious opposition to the Jewish and Christian traditions transmitted by Jewish and Christians converts, in so far as they concorded with the views of orthodox Isiam. Opposition seems to have appeared in connection with those aspects of the Jewish and Christian tradition which may have some bearing on Muslim belief or practice. In such cases the motives are clear; the stories about the prohibition to copy the Scriptures of Ahl al-Kitiib seem to be connected with cases of this kind. This can be gauged from the tradition about a group of Jews who embraced IsIam, but asked the Prophet's permission to observe the Sabbath and to study the Torah at night. They were, of course, denied this permission. A verse of the Qur'an (Sura ii 208) was revealed about it.179 175 The Early Development of the Muslim Attitude to the Bible (Glasgow Univ. Oriental Society Transactions. XVI. 1955-1956, pp. 50-62. 176 Ibid., pp. 60--62. 177 AI.. al;zil;z $ (Cairo [n.d.l), VI, 25; Ibn Kathlr, Tafstr, I, 329. 178 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 83. 179 Al-Tabarl, Taftir, IV, 255-256, no. 4016; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, I, 439-440; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, I, 271; al-Razt, Tafsir, V, 226. 238 Haddithii 'an bani isra'lla The orthodox solution was that a Muslim had to believe in the Torah and the Gospel, but not to observe the practices enjoined in these Books. The Prophet said: "Believe in the Torah, the Zabiir and the Evangel, but the Qur'an should suffice you."180 This formula, which breathes an air of compromise, enabled indeed the transmission of Jewish and Christian tradition. This tradition, licensed by the utterance haddithii 'an bani isrd'il became part and parcel of Muslim literature as is abundantly reflected in the literature of the tafsir, zuhd and adab.181 180 Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, I, 329-330: qdla rasidu lliihi: dminii bi-l-tauriiti wa-l-zabiiri wa-linjili wa-l-yasa'kumu l-qur'iinu, and comp. ibid.: innamd umirnd an nu'mina bt-l-taurati wa-linjili wa-Iii na'mala bi-md fihimd; and see al-Suyiltl, al-Durr, II, 225-226: Iii dina illd l-isldmu, wa-kitdbunii nasakha kulla kitdbin, wa-nabiyyund khatamu l-nabiyyina, wa-umirnd an na'mala bi-kitiibind wa-nu'mina bi-kitabikum. 181 I wish to thank Dr. M. Nadav and Mr. E. Wust of the National and University Library, Jerusalem; Dr. A. Sj. Koningsveld of the University Library of Leiden; the keepers and staff of the British Museum; Cambridge University Library; Chester Beatty Collection, Dublin; and the Siileymaniye, Istanbul, for granting me permission to peruse manuscripts and providing me with microfilms. 239

Lā yamassuhu illā 'l-muṭahharūn…: Notes on the Interpretation of a Qurʾānic Phrase

la_yamassuhu.pdf The Institute of Asian and African Studies The Max Schloessinger Memorial Foundation Offprint from JERUSALEM STUDIES IN ARABIC AND ISLAM 34(2008) M.J. Kister La yamassuhu illa 'l-mutahharun ... Notes on the interpretations of a Qur'anic phrase THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM THE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES JSAI 34 (2008) LA YAMASSUHU ILLA 'L-MUTAHHARUN ... NOTES ON THE INTERPRETATIONS QUR'ANIC PHRASE M.J. Kister The Hebrew University of Jerusalem In memory OF A of Dr. Suliman Bashear The meaning of the phrase la yamassuhu illa l-mutahharuna1 (Qur'an 56:78-80) became the subject of a heated discussion; this is reflected in the various Qur'anic commentaries and l,tadzth collections. The verses read: innahu la-qur' an un karzm [77]fZ kitabin maknun [78]la yamassuhu illa l-mutahharun [79]. Several interpretations of the phrase and the different opinions of Muslim scholars concerning the Book referred to in this verse may give us a clue regarding the sanctity of the written version of the Qur'an circulating in the Muslim community. Some traditions provide information on the integrity of the text and the reliability of the scribes; others indicate that some scribes were not trained in copying the Qur'anic text and the errors of these copyists are sometimes pointed out in the early sources. Some ofthe copyists were not Muslims. There are also accounts revealing differences concerning the text found in the various versions of the Qur'an in circulation. Reports about the transmission of the Revelation to the Prophet and from him to the believers are also of interest. I Opinions found in the early sources concerning the meaning of the word qur' an address questions such as whether this denotes only the heavenly lSee different readings in Ibn Khalawayh (d. 370 AH), Mukhta$ar fi shawadhdhi l-qur'an min kitabi l-badf', G. Bergstraesser, ed. (Cairo, 1934), p. 151: illa 1muttahharun; it is understood in the sense of al-mutatahhirun; al-mutharun (which is understood as referring to angels, al-mala'ika). See also the readings and the explanations in I.Iusayn b. Ab! I-'Izz al-Hamadan! (d. 643 AH), al-Farzd fi i'rabi 1qur'ani l-majzd, ed. Fahm! I.Iasan al-Nimr and Fu'ad 'AlI Mukhaymir, eds. (al-DawJ:ta, 1411/1991), vol. 4, p. 422. 309 310 M.J. Kister Book or it refers also to the Quranic scrolls in the Muslims' possession, and whether the heavenly Book was written by Allah himself or it is only a reflection of his revelation. The well known scholar 'Abd al-Razzaq al-Sanani (d. 211 AH) records in his Tajsfr2 the interpretation of Qatada (d. 117 AH) 3 (as transmitted by Ma'mar b. Rashid): the phrase refers to the heavenly Book of the Quran which will not be touched "in the Presence of God" (la yamassuhu 'inda llahi) , meaning that the heavenly Quran will not be touched except by the purified (i.e., by the angels -k), while in this world the Book is touched even by an impure Zoroastrian (al-majiisf al-najis) and by a filthy hypocrite (wa-l-munafiq al-mjis). 4 A clear line is thus drawn between the exalted heavenly Book which only the angels are permitted to touch and the scrolls of the Quran circulating in the Muslim community, touched (among others -k) by hypocrites and unbelievers. Similar interpretations are put forward by other exegetes. Mujahid (d. 104 AH) explains is yamassuhu uu l-rnuiohhariin saying that "the Book in heaven will be touched only by the angels." 5 Abu Zakariyya Yalfya b. Ziyad aI-Farra' (d. 207 AH) understands the "Book" to refer to the "Preserved Tablet" (al-law!} al-mal}fii?), and the muiahliariin are the angels purified from polytheism (shirk). 6 The identification of the Book with al-law!} al-mal}fii? is also recorded by al- Tabrisi (d. 548 AH); 7 2'Abd al-Razzaq b. Harnmam al-San'ant, Tajsir al-quriiin; Mu~tafa Muslim Muhammad, ed. (al-Riya<;l, 1410/1989), vol. 2, p. 273. 3For Qat ada, see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, TahdhZb al-tahdhZb (Haydarabad , 1326), vol. 8, pp. 351-356, no. 635; Salah ai-DIn Abu Sa'Id b. KhalIl b. KaykaldI al-'Ala'I, Jiimi'u l-tal,!?zl fi ahkiimi l-mariisil; Harndr 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, ed. (Beirut, 1407/1986), pp. 254-256, no. 633; 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad al-Hanzali, Ibn AbI Hatim, Kitiib al-rnariisil, ~ubJ:.1I l-Samarra't, ed. (Bagdad, 1386/1967), pp. 105a 110. On the influence of traditions reported by Qat.ada as transmitted by Ma'mar b. Rashid, see 'Abdallah Abu l-Sa'ud Badr, Tafsir Qatiida (Cairo, 1400/1980), pp. 51-52,54. 4See al-Tabarf, Jiimi' al-bayiin fi t.ofsiri l-qur'iin (= Tajsir al-Tabarz) (BUlaq, 1328; reprint Beirut, 1392/1972), vol. 27, p. 119 and al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-monthiir fi l-talszr bi-l-ma'thiir (Cairo, 1314), vol. 6, pp. 162-163. 5Mujahid b. Jabr al-Makhzumi, Tajsir , 'Abd al-Rahman al-Tahir b. Muhammad al-Sura.tI, ed. (Islamabad, n.d.), vol. 2, pp. 652 infra-653 I. 1; see also Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam (d. 224 AH), Fa¢ii'il al-qur'Iin, Wahbl Sulayman Ghawuji, ed. (Beirut, 1411/1991), p. 25; al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rilatu l-sun an ura-l-iithiir, Ahmad Saqr, ed. (Cairo, 1389/1969), vol. 1, pp. 253-254; Ibn al-Ja'd, Musnad, 'Amir Ahmad I.Iaydar, ed. (Beirut, 1410/1990), p. 344, no. 2366; Malik b. Anas, al-Muuiatio", Bashshar 'Awwad, Ma'ruf and Mahmud Muhammad Khaltl, eds. (Beirut, 1412/1992), vol. 1, p. 90, no. 234 and cf. ibid., p. 91, no. 239. On Mujahid b. Jabr see Salah al-Din b. Khaltl b. Kaykaldr, Jiimi'u l-tal,!?Zl, pp. 273-274, no. 736. 6'Abd al-Fatt.ah Isma'tl Sh alabi and 'AlI al-Najdt Nasif, eds. (Cairo, 1972), vol. 3, pp. 129 infra-130 supra; on al-Farra', see Ibn Hajar al-Ajurrr, al-SharZ'a, Muhammad I.Iamid al-FiqI, ed. (Beirut, 1403/1983), p. 89. 7 Al-Fadl b. al-I.Iasan al-Tabrisr, Majma' al-bayiin Iz t.afsiri l-quriiin. (Beirut, t.s yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 311 it is the Preserved Tablet, guarded and hidden from His creatures, in which God put down (athbata fihi) the Qur'an. The perception that "the Qur'an" denotes the exalted Scripture which only the angels are privileged to touch was widely circulated in orthodox circles. Al-Ajurrr, one of the great scholars of the fourth century (d. 360 AH), relates that Ahmad b. Hanbal harshly censured those who claim that the text of the Quran in the earthly books is a narration (J:tikiiya) of the contents of the Preserved Tablet. 8 A verse of the Quran recited in the presence of a person (or a group of persons -k) is indeed the true speech of God (kaliimu lliihi) , says al-Ajurrr, not the narration (J:tikiiyatun) of God's Word. This utterance refers to the scrolls of the Quran (ma$iiJ:tif).9 Other interpretations relate the phrases in our verses more closely to purely human activities. Raghib al-Isfahani (d. 502 AH) also interprets kitiib makniin as al-lasoh. al-ma/:tfW:.10 However, he records also another explanation: the word makniin indicates that the Quran is kept in the hearts of the believers. This is closely related to the virtue of learning the Qur'an by heart, keeping it in memory and reciting it orally; oral transmission is considered superior to written transmission. AI-MawardI, for his part, mentions four interpretations of al-kiiiib al-makniin: al-lawJ:t al-ma/:tfii?; the iauniii and the injfl; the Psalms (zabiir), or the Quran as circulated in this world. 11 Another interpretation of iii yamassuhu, which associates the required purity with humans, is quoted on the authority of al-Farra ': "Only the purified and believing will find its taste (ta'mahu) and its usefulness (nat' ahu)." 12 That the pure beings referred to in the verses are humans is supported by another interpretation in 'Abd al-Razzaqs Tajsir (given on the authority of Abu Bakr b. I.Iazm,13 reported by his two sons and 1380/1961), vol. 17, p. 132. 8MuJ:tammad b. al-Husayn al-Ajurrr, al-Shari' c; Muhammad Hamid al-Fiql, ed. (Beirut, 1403/1983), p. 89. 9 Ibidem, p. 89 infra. 10 Al-Mujradat fi qh.arib: l-qur'iin (Cairo, 1324), p. 457. llAI-MawardI, Tajsir ; vol. 4, p. 178 penult.-179 supra; see the explanation of 'Ikrima in al-Suyuti, al-Durr ol-truuitliiir, vol. 6, p. 162: "fi kitabin maknunin," «ai«. al-t.auiriit uia-l-itijil, ns yamassuhu illa l-muuihluiriina? qiila: hamalatu l-taurriiii uia-l-injil, and in Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yusuf b. Hayyan al-Charnatr alJayyanr's (d. 745 AH), ol-Babr al-muhi; (Cairo, 1328), vol. 8, p. 214. 12AI-MawardI (d. 450 AH), al-Nukat wa-l-'uyun (Tajsfr al-Mawardr), Khi<;lr Muhammad Khidr, ed., revised by 'Abd al-Satt.ar Abu Ghudda (Kuwayt, 1402/1982), vol. 4, p. 179 and traced back to al-Farra'. It is also recorded by Ibn al-'ArabI alMalikl in his Ahkiirn al-quriin; p. 1725 and traced back to al-Farra'. 13See on 'Amr b. Hazrn: Ibn Hajar al-i.Asqalanr, al-I$aba fi tamyfzi 1-$alJaba, 'AlI Muhammad al-Bijawt, ed. (Cairo, 1328), vol. 8, p. 214. 312 M.J. Kister transmitted by Ma 'mar): the Prophet wrote a letter in which he stated that only a pure person would be permitted to touch the Qur 'an (la yamassuhu tus tahir) .14 It is evident that the Qur 'anic prohibition refers to persons who are not in a state of purity and are willing to touch the Quran, It indicates as well that the scrolls of the Quran may be desecrated if touched by an impure person. This is reflected in the story of 'Umar's conversion to Islam. While still an unbeliever, he approached his Muslim sister and her husband while they were reciting Siirat Tiihii and asked them to show him the musha]: They quoted the phrase is yamassuhu tus i-muiohluiriin; 'Umar understood, washed his body and embraced Islam.15 The fact that the story is told by Ibn Ishaq (d. 150 AH) indicates that the belief in the sanctity of the Quranic scrolls was current in the Muslim community already in the second century AH. Ibn al-'ArabI al-Maliki's opinion regarding the sanctity of the copies of the Quran can be deduced from an elegy mourning the Prophet's death, attributed to Abu Bakr: We lost the Revelation when you left us: and the Word of God left us (as well). Except that what you left for us in the past, transmitted from generation to generation in the noble sheets. [al-wafir] [aqadsui l-waJ:tya idh wallayta 'anna: wa-wadda'ana mina llahi t-kolomu. 14'Abd al-Razzaq, Tajsir , vol. 2, p. 273; 'Abd al-Razzaq al-San'ant, al-Mu?annaj, Habtbu l-Rahman al-A'zamt, ed. (Beirut, 1390/1970), vol. 1, pp. 341-342, no. 1328; Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Falj,a'il al-quriin: p. 244, (67, 1-2); 'Abdallah b. AbI Dawtid Sulayman b. al-Ashath al-Sijist anl, Kitiib al-musiilii] (Dar Qurtuba, n.p., n.d.), pp. 185-186 infra; Abu l-Layth Nasr b. Muhammad al-SamarqandI, (d. 375 AH), al-Tajsfr al-musamma bohr al-'uliim, 'All Muhaddad Muawwad et alii, eds. (Beirut, 1413/1993), vol. 3, p. 319; 'All b. Ahmad al-Wahidt al-Naysaburl (d. 468 AH), al- Wasz:t fi t.ofsiri l-qur'iin: l-majid, 'Adil Ahmad 'Abd al-Mawjud et alii, eds. (Beirut, 1415/1994), vol. 4, p. 240; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Ansari l-Qurtubt (d. 671 AH), al-Jiimi' li-ahkiimi l-qurt iir: (Cairo, 1387/1967), vol. 17, p. 225; Ahmad b. alHusayn al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Haydarabad, 1344), vol. 1, p. 88; al-Suyilt'i, al-Durr al-matithiir, vol. 6, p. 162; Abu 'All al-Fadl b. al-Hasan al-Tabrisi (d. 548 AH), Majma' al-bayan fi tajsfri l-qur'iin (Beirut, 1380/1961), vol. 27, p. 132 records the interpretation of Muqatil (d. 150 AH) stating that the phrase innahu qur' iinun karfmun points to the fact that the Quran is noble (karfm) because God honoured it. It is, therefore, forbidden for the ritually impure to touch the Qur'an, 150n 'Umar's conversion to Islam, see Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, al-Saqqa, al-Abyarr, Shalabr, eds. (Cairo, 1355/1936), vol. 1, pp. 369-370; al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrii, vol. 1, p. 88. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 313 siuiii mii qad tarakta lana qadiman, tauuiraihahni l-qariitisu l-kiramu.16 Ibn al- 'Arab! comments on these verses, saying that they refer to the scrolls of the Quran (~ulJuj al-qur' an) in the hands of the Muslims, dictated by the Prophet (allatf kana l-nabiyyu soll« lliihs: 'alayhi wasallam yumlfhii) to his scribes. According to Ibn al- 'Arabi, the ~ulJuj al-qur' an are identical with the qaratfs mentioned in Abu Bakr's elegy.17 The scrolls of the Qur'an are thus reproductions of the revelation granted by God to the Prophet and must be treated with proper reverence. The people of Iraq (among them Ibrahim al- Nakha 'I) consequently requested that only a believer in a state of purity be permitted to touch the Quran.l" The need to preserve the purity of the book seems to have been the reason for a number of prohibitions aimed at preventing those considered unclean from touching the Quran; this probably caused Ibn 'Abbas to prevent Jews and Christians from reading the Qur'an.19 The famous scholar 'Izz aI-DIn b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami (d. 360 AH) is said to have forbidden to give a copy of the Quran to a Jew or a Christian for binding. It is also forbidden to leave books of luuliih. or tajsfr in the hands of an infidel who was not expected to embrace Islam. 20 In his al-Bohr al-muMt,21 Abu Hayyan quotes an anonymous scholar who says that the kitab makniin refers to the codices of the Muslims (ma~alJij al-muslimfn), guarded from (vicious -k) changes and alterations (ma~iina min a l-iabdil wa-l-taghyfr). It is instructive that Abu Hayyan adds a note saying that at that time (idh dhiika), no codices (ma~alJif) of the Quran existed; this is a prediction concerning the situation in the future (ikhbiirun bi-ghayb). Ibn al- "Arabi quotes the opinion of Abu Hanifa who permitted the impure to touch the Quran on its outer side and on the margins which are without script (wa-ruwiya 'anhu annahu yamassu ?ahirahu ma-Iuuoiishi: yahu ina-rna is maktiiba jfhi). The script, on the other hand, may only be touched by the pure believer. Ibn al- "Arabi himself rejected this opinion, saying that "the precinct of the forbidden is also forbidden" (li-anna 16Ibn al-i Arabr, Ahkomu l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 1739. 17About the bayt ol-oariitis in the time of 'Uthman, see M.M. Bravmann , The spiritual background of early Islam (Leiden, 1972), pp. 312-314; Bravmann renders the word qaratfs by rolls of papyrus (i.e. documents) on p. 312 infra. 18Ibn al-i Arabr, Ahkomu l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 1739. 19AI-QurtubI, Tofsir ; vol. 17, p. 226. 20See 'Izz aI-DIn 'Abd al-'AzIz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami, Kitiiini l-fatawa, 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-Fattal)., ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), p. 67, no. 39. 21Vol. 8, p. 214. 314 M.J. Kister harima l-mamnii'i mamnii'un). 22 A legal opinion of Ahmad b. Hanbal mentions a case in which the believer in a state of impurity could read the Qur'an without touching it, being helped in reading by a stick.23 It is evident that we find here two different interpretations of the meaning of the word qur' an: it denotes either the Holy Book in Heaven, or the text of the Quran in the possession of the believers which should not be touched by the impure, according to the injunction of the Prophet in his letter to 'Amr b. Hazrn. Al-Mawardi records in his Tajszr24 six interpretations for the phrase is yamassuhu illa l-muiohhariin when referring to the text of the Quran which we hold in our hands: it can only be touched by persons purified from polytheism (shirk), 25 from sins and faults,26 from ritual impurity and filth (illa l-triuiohluiriin min a l-aluliiih. wa-l-anjas), 27 or only the believers in the Qur'an who will find the taste of its benefit,28 reap its reward.r'' or finally - only the believers will request the Quran (la yaltamisuhu uta l-mu' miniin). 30 However, early scholars of Muslim law did not always agree how to preserve the required state of purity. Some Companions (Ibn 'Umar and Ibn 'Abbas) used to read the Quran in a state of ritual impurity after breaking wind (lfadath), without using water for their ablution. 31 Salman al-FarisI used to read verses of the Quran without performing the unuiii', 32 The story of Salman is recorded in a slightly different version by al-Samarqandi in his Tajszr:33 Salman came out of the privy and was 22Ibn al-i Arabr, AJ:tkamu l-qur'iini, vol. 4, p. 1727. 23AbU l-Fadl :;;alil:). . Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'il ol-imiim Ahrnad b. lfanbal, 'Abd b al-Rahman DIn Muhammad, ed. (Delhi, 1408/1988), vol. 3, p. 208, no. 1667. 24See al-Mawardr, Tajsir , vol. 4, p. 179; Abu Bakr 'Abdallah b. AbI Dawud Sulayman b. al-Ashat.h al-Sijistanr, Kitabu l-truisiilyi]', p. 185 penult. 25Reported by Ibn al-Kalbt. 26Reported by al-Rabr' b. Anas. 27Reported by Qat ada. 28Reported by al-Farra', 29Reported by Muadh b. Jabal. 30Reported by Ibn Bahr, Cf. Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaj, vol. 13, p. 548, no. 17320: ... 'an AM l-'Aliya: Iii yamassuhu sua l-muiahhoriin; qala: laysa antum, antum ashiiini l-dhunilb; see al-Suyiltf, ol-Durr al-ttuuiitiiir . vol. 6, p. 162. 31See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaj, vol. 1, p. 338, no. 1316: iruui la-naqra'u ajza'ana min al-qur'iin: ba'da l-luuiatlii mii namassu l-mii:«, See also al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrii, vol. 1, p. 90 and Sulayman b. al-Ash'ath's Kitiib ol-mosohi], pp. 184-185: hal yamassu l-musho] man qad massa dhokaroliu; and pp. 187-188: wa-qad rukhkhisa jf massi l-msisho] 'ala ghayri wu{lil'in and al-mustaluida tamassu l-miishu]'. 32'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaj, vol. 1, p. 340, no. 1324. 33 Tajsir ; vol. 3, p. 319, and see this tradition: al-Bayhaq", al-Sunan al-kubrii, vol. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 315 asked by his companions to perform the ablution, as they wanted to ask him about some verses of the Quran. Salman quoted the tradition about the prohibition of touching the Book by an impure person; he refrained from touching it, but recited the verses of the Quran which his companions had forgotten. Al-Samarqandi concludes that an impure person is forbidden to touch the Quran, but may recite it. Al-Hasan did not see anything wrong with touching the Quran (almu~1.taf) and in carrying the Book without performing the required ablution, and al-Sha 'bI did not see any fault (kana is yara ba' san) in carrying the book of the Quran (al-mu~1.taf) wrapped (bi-' alaqatihi) without performing the required ablution.i'" Ibn 'Abbas permitted a person to carry the Quran while wearing a garment in which he had had sexual intercourse. " 'Abdallah b. al- 'Abbas reports that the Book touched only by the pure is the Book in Heaven. Mujahid says that the phrase indicates that this Book is guarded from dust (al-qur' iimi jf kitabihi l-makniini lladhf is yamassuhu shay' un min turiibin wa-lii ghubiirin). 36 'Ata' b. AbI Rabah held that a person who read the Quran and noticed suddenly the smell of his breaking wind must stop reading and wait until the smell disappears.i'? An instructive tradition recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq seems to indicate that reading the Quran without performing ablution after relieving oneself was a common Islamic practice. 'Urnar b. al-Khattab came out of the privy (kanff) and started to recite verses of the Quran, Abu Maryam al-Hanafi asked him in astonishment: "You just came out of the privy (al-khalii') and you read the Quran?" 'Umar retorted: "Is it a legal opinion given to you by Musaylima?" 38 A similar case is recorded in Abu Yusuf''s (d. 182 AH) Kitab al-athiir 1, p. 90. 34'Abd al-Razzaq, ot-Mnsorma], vol. 1, p. 344, no. 1341; and see Abu 'Ubayd alQasim b. Sallam, Fa¢a'il al-quriin; p. 245, (67, 4-5). I owe this rendering of 'alaqa to Dr. Mithqal Nattlr. 35Al- TabarI, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 27, pp. 118-119. 36 Al-Qurtubi, al- Tidhkiir fi af¢ali l-rulklikiir, p. 10l. 37AI-BayhaqI, al-Sun an al-kubrii, vol. 1, p. 340, no. 1326; this tradition is recorded as well by Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Ansarr al-Qurtubl (d. 671 AH) in his al-Tidhkiir If af¢ali l-adkhkiir If la¢li l-quri iin. wa-qari'ihi wa-mustami'ihi wa-l-'amili bihi waliurmati l-qur'Iini wa-kayfiyyati tiliiuiatilii (Beirut, n.d.), p. 108, on the authority of Mujahid, On a special kind of an "imaginary" breaking of winds caused by Satan, see Abu Yusuf Ya'qub b. Ibrahim al-Ansart, Kitiib u l-iithiir , Abu l-Wafa' , ed. (Cairo, 1355), p. 38, no. 137. 38'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu?annal, vol. 1, p. 339, no. 1318. On Abu Maryam alHanafi, see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tobaqiit al-kubrii (Beirut, 1377/1957), vol. 3, pp. 377 infra378; al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrii, vol. 1, p. 90; the name of the man who asked 'Umar why he recites the Quran after returning from the privy is not mentioned in this report. 316 M.J. Kister on the authority of Ibn Mas'Iid who stated that there is nothing wrong with reading the Qur'an without performing ablution. 39 Scholars were divided in their opinion whether menstruating women and men in a state of impurity are allowed to read the Quran and to recite its verses; some objected to an impure believer (al-junub) reading the Qur'an, while others permitted the reading of a small number of verses.40 Scholars also disagree whether the impure are allowed to touch dinars and dirhams on which Quranic verses are inscribed. Some held this to be strictly forbidden, while others tried to compromise, saying that people have no choice but to touch the coins.j ' Another explanation connects ta yamassuhu illii al-mutahharun to the story of the Satans who were jailed by Sulayrnan in the sea; they would come out and read to the people a Quran; Quran is rendered here as "a recitation" qirii' ii,42 AI-Tabarf records a report on the authority of al-Dahhak saying that the Satans strove to bring down the Quran from Heaven to Muhammad, but God prevented them and the Quran remained out of their reach.43 AI-Tabari records opinions of many Muslim scholars who glossed "the pure" as referring to the angels in heaven. He mentions, however, another explanation: "the pure" indicate those who are purified from their sins. 39Abu Yusuf', Kiiiibu t-nua«, Abu l-Wafa", ed. (Cairo, 1355), p. 66, no. 327: ... faqiila 'abdu lliihi: ta ba'sa an taqra'a l-qur'ana 'ala ghayri wurj,u'in. 40See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, ol-Mueonno]; vol. 1, pp. 336-337, nos. 1302-1309; see al- Wahidi, al- Wasz:t, vol. 4, p. 239 penult.; al-Dhahabi, al-Arba'una luuiitluin, mashyakhatu Ibn Taymiyya, 'Abd al-'AzIz al-Sayrawan , ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), pp. 147-148, no. 30. 41See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mufannaf, vol. 1, p. 343, nos. 1335-1338. Cf. Ibn AbI Shayba (d. 235 AH), al-Mufannaf, 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghani, ed. (n.p., n.d., reprint), vol. 1, p. 113: Some pious believers disliked to enter the privy (al-khala') carrying the "white" dirhams, others did not consider it odious. Some pious people considered it necessary to carry the "white" dirhams entering the privy in order to keep their money safe. See Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibli, Ma/:!asin al-wasa'il ff ma'rifati l-auuiii, Muhammad al-TunjI, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), p. 291: awwalu man kataba l-qur'ana 'ala dirhamin al-/:!ajjaju bnu yusufa l-thaqafiyyu kana l-/:!ajjaju awwala man daraaa hiidtuh.i l-iloriitiima l-bida wa-kataba 'alayha siiraiari min alqur' ani. [a-qiila l-qurrii': "qiitololiu llahu, kataba suraian min al qur' ani [a-homala l-tiiisa 'ala mii yakrahuna, ya'khudhuhu l-junubu wa-l-/:!a'irj,." See Abu Hilal alHasan b. 'Abdallah al-'AskarI, al-Awa'il (Beirut, 1407/1987), p. 174: ... uui-daroba l-luijjiiju ol-dariihim wa-naqasha ffM: Alliiliu atuul, Alliihi: l-samad, [a-karihahii 1ruisi: li-maktini l-qur'iini ft;ha, Ii-anna l-junuba wa-l-/:!a'irj,a yamassuha; Abu Dawud al-Sijist.anr, Kitiib u l-mafa/:!if, pp. 186-187; Abu 'Ubayd, Farj,a'il ol-qur'iin; p. 245. Cf. W. Muir, The Caliphate, its rise, decline and fall (Edinburgh, 1924), pp. 339-340; see especially p. 340, n. l. 42Al- Tabarr, Jamie al-bauiin; vol. 27, p. 118. 43Al-Tabarr, Jamie al-bauiin; vol. 27, p. 118 infra; and see above, note 8. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 317 'Ikrima says that "the pure" were the bearers of the Torah and the Injil. 44 An interpretation transmitted by Ibn Wahb extends the usual limits of the "pure" by including the angels, prophets and the messengers. 45 Al-Qurtubi comments on the phrase innahu la-qur' iinun karfmun stating that the Quran is not a book of sorcery or of soothsaying; it is a book granted to the Prophet as a miracle; it is respected by the believers because it is the Word of God, as well as by the people in Heaven because it is God's revelation. It is a Book sent down by God. 46 This explication given by al-Qurtubi is a true example of the ja¢a'il al-qur' an genre, which was current already in the early period of Islam. A typical example of a tradition attributed to the Prophet, emphasizing the miraculous qualitites of the text of the Quran was transmitted on the authority of 'Uqba b. "Amir al-Juhani: "Were the Quran wrapped in raw leather and thrown into fire, it would not burn," (another version: "it would not be touched by fire" -k) (law kana l-qur' iinu jf ihiibin thumma ulqiya jf l-tuiri mii 'l}taraqa).47 A tradition transmitted by Jabir b. Zayd (died at the end of the first century of the Hijra -k) and AbU Nahik (al-Azdi, al-FarahIdI -k) establishes a link between the heavenly Book and the Quran in the believers' possession; it states that the earthly Quran was sent down from the Tablets of the Quran in Heaven.48 II The verses discussed in the present article were used also in the controversy related to the createdness or otherwise of the Quran. Regarding this issue, it was necessary to define the relationship between the heavenly book and the earthly copies of the Quran. Such a definition is found in Muhammad b. AbI Bakr al-RazI's Tafsir . Quran 7:155 reads: "And when Moses' anger abated in him, he took the Tablets; and in the inscription of them was guidance, and mercy unto all those who hold their Lord in awe" (akhadha l-alwal}a wa-jf tiuskhatihii hudan wa-ral}matun lilladliina hum li-rabbihim yarhabiina). When commenting on this verse, 44Al-Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, vol. 27, pp. 118 infra-1l9 supra; al-Qurtubl, al-Jiimi' li-ahkiim: l-quriin = Tajsiru. l-Qur.tubf, vol. 17, p. 225. 45Al-Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 27, p. 1l9. 46AI-QurtubI, Tofsir ; vol. 17, p. 224. 47Al-Munawr, Fayg,u l-qadir , vol. 5, p. 324, no. 7466; Nur aI-DIn al-Hayt.hamr, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 7, p. 158; al-Firyab'i, Fag,a'il ol-qur=tin; pp. 109-1l1, nos. 12. 48AI-TabarI, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 17, pp. 1l8-1l9. 318 M.J. Kister al-RazI stresses that the verse explicitly states wa-jf nuskhatihii, not wajfhii; this indicates that this was not the original text (awwalu maktubin), but merely a copy (nuskhatun) of the original text. The word nuskha was used because Mllsa began to copy the contents of the broken tablets on a golden tablet (fa-nasakha mii jfhii jf lawl}i dhahabin) which contained (rules of -k) the Right Way (hudan) and of mercy. The other tablets contained details of everything (which would happen in the future -k). According to another opinion, the word wa-jf nuskhatdui was used because God dictated (laqqana) to Moses the Torah and later ordered him to write it down; Moses then transferred the Torah "from his heart" to the tablets and called it a copy (nuskha). It is obvious that God sent Jibril to the Prophet and the angel recited to him the verses of the Quran as he heard them from God. Instructive is al-RazI's analysis of the phrase innahu la-qur' iinun karimun jf kitabin makniinin: According to two different explanations, the word kitiib makniui refers either to the Guarded Tablet (al-lawl} al-maMu:;), or to the the written book (mu$l}af) used by the believers. AI-RazI argues that writing down the Quran does not mean that the Quran dwells in the book (wa-la yalzamu min kitabati l-qur' ani jf l-kiiiibi an yakuna l-our' iinu hiillat: jf l-kiiiibi ... ). By way of illustration, he explains that this is like a man who writes on the palm of his hand "a thousand dinars;" this does not mean that he holds in his hand a thousand dinars, and thus too if one writes on the palm of one's hand al-'arsh or al-kursi. AI-RazI further discusses whether it can be assumed that the whole Quran is contained in one book, or that every compendium of the Qur'an contains only a part of the Quran and only when all the Qurans gathered together contain the entire text. AI-RazI rejects all the three options, leading to the idea that the Quran is not contained in any of the books. AI-RazI affirms that the Quran is God's Word; it is a pre-existent, eternal attribute of God, existing in Him and cannot be separated from Him (bal huwa kaliimu llahi ta'alii, wa-kaliimuhu $ijatun qadimatun qa'imatun bihi is tujariquhu). Finally al-RazI deals with the expression iomzil and munzal. These two expressions could lead one to the erroneous conclusion that the revealed Quran which was sent down was separate from the Essence of God; that would of course mean that the Quran was created, as everything - except God - is created. But the truth is that the Qur'an was sent down in a way which did not invalidate the concept that it is an indivisible part of the Essence of God, since it is His Word. The "sending down" of the Qur'an was carried out in the same way as revelation was given to Moses: God taught Jibril the Quran and he learned it by La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 319 heart. Jibril in turn taught the Quran to the Prophet who then taught it to the Muslim community. 49 The problem of the status of the Quran as an inseparable part of the divine essence was the subject of exhaustive discussions among Muslim scholars. "God's Words" (al-nabf al-ummf alladhf yu'minu bi-'llahi wakalimatihi), mentioned in Qur'an 7:158, are understood as referring to the Qur'an.50 In the same way, the expression 'ilm in Qur 'an 3:61 and 2:146 was interpreted as referring to the Quran constituting a part of God's essence.51 Al-Ajurrf mentions a specific group of believers who held that the Quran is the Word of God, but refrained from stating that the Qur'an was not created. This group was called al-waqifa and were accused of belonging to the J ahmiyya. 52 In his al-Ibiisui an usiili l-diyana, al-Ash'arI (d. 324 AH) draws a peculiar comparison between the JahmI view that God's Word was created and placed in a tree (or in a bush -k) and the Christian allegation that the Word of God was located in the womb of Maryam; he vigorously refutes this claim. Al-Ashart also rejects the Jahmiyya's perception according to which the names of God are created; these are included in the Quran; the Quran is the uncreated Word of God; thus the names of God are uncreated.P'' AI- Tabari (d. 310 AH) gives a concise account of his credo regarding the nature of the Quran. He stresses that it is the uncreated Word of God. He who denies this is to be considered an infidel (kafir) and shedding his blood is lawful. Some curses attached by al-T abarf at the end of this account are directed against those who would distort his opinions concerning the Qur'an.54 A comprehensive exposition of this subject is given by Ibn Hazrn (d. 457 AH). Of special importance is his opinion concerning the difference between the written Quran and the orally transmitted Quran, The first tenet challenged by Ibn Hazrn is the assumption that the Quran 49 AI-RazI, Utimiidtiaj jalzl fi as'ila wa-ajwiba min ghara'ib ayi l-t.atizil; Ridwan al-Daya, ed. (Beirut, 1411/1990), pp. 158-159 and 496-497. 50See al-Ajurrr, al-Sharf'a, p. 76. 51AI-A.jurrI, al-Sharf'a, p. 76-77. See also on pp. 77-82 the utterances of 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak: "He who says that the Qur'an was created is an infidel (kafir);" Malik b. Arias, 'Abd al-Rahman b. Mahdr, Waki' , Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Shafi'r and others - all repudiated the assumption that the Quran was created and demanded severe punishment for those who held this belief. 52Al-Ajurrr, al-Sharf'a, p. 88; and see al-Khallal, al-Musnad min masa'il Ahrruul, MS. BL. Or. 2675, fols. 154b-158a, 179b, 180a, infra, 180s, 159a, 160b, 181b. 53Al-Asharr, al-lbiina, pp. 22-23. 54Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Jarrr al- 'I'aban, $arzlJu l-sunna, Badr b. Yusuf alMatuq, ed. (al-Kuwayt , 1405/1985), pp. 18-19: ... fa-man rasnii 'anna aw lJaka 'anna aw taqawwala 'alayna fa-'dda'a anna quina ghayra dhiilika fa-'alayhi la'natu lliilii wa-gharf,abuhu wa-la'natu l-la'inzn wa-l-mala'ikati uia-l-ruisi ajma'zn .... 320 M.J. Kister was created. It was based on Quran 85:21-22: ... bal huwa qur' iinun majfd fi lauihin. ma1!Ju(:. This verse might mislead people to think that the Qur'an, having been put into the Guarded Tablet, was created after the creation of the Tablet and afterwards placed in it. Whether the Quran was allegedly created simultaneously with the Tablet, or put into the Tablet after its creation, one might erroneously conclude that it was created by God. But the truth is, according to Ibn Hazm, that the Qur'an, the everlasting Word of God, was not put into the Tablet after God created it. The Tablet contains merely a written reproduction of the Quran, not the Quran itself. Ibn Hazrn affirms that God created the Tablet, but the Tablet contains only writing which cannot be heard (lii yu1!ftu ius bi-rasmin maktiibin fihi, ghayri masmu'in), while the Quran is God's Word, voiced (masmu'), which cannot be seen (tn yura). Conversely, the writing in the Tablet can be seen, but cannot be heard until read aloud and brought to the knowledge (of the people -k). The written script in the Tablet constitutes an exposition of God's Word (fa- 'lladhi jf-l-law1!i khattun nuirsiimun, "ibtiratus: 'an kaliimi llahi 'azza wa-jalla). Ibn Hazrn also observes that the Guarded Tablet is of limited size; were it true that the Quran is included in the Guarded Tablet, it must be smaller than the Tablet. This is however impossible, as God assured the Prophet about the endless dimensions of the book in Quran 18:110 and 31:28. Ibn Hazrn concludes that the Word of God will not be exhausted, it has neither beginning nor end; thus it cannot be contained in the Tablet which has finite dimensions. The Word of God, like His other attributes will last forever; what is in the Guarded Tablet is just a script (fa-lladM fi-l-law1!i inn am a huwa khattun maktubun). Ibn Hazrri's opinion relates to God's Word in the ma~a1!ij: God is indeed mentioned in the Quranic compendia, circulating among the believers, pronounced with their tongues, but He does not reside in their compendia (wa-huwa, 'azza wa-jalla, ghayru luillin uia-lii dakhilin fi ma§a1!ifina). He is seated on His throne, He is omniscient, His Word has been written down on the Tablet. His Word is heard, but not seen; Moses and Adam heard His Words; the Prophet heard His Words on his nocturnal journey (isra'). 55 In another passage, Ibn Hazrn lists among the books of revelation containing divine speech the Torah, the Gospel (injfl), the Psalms (zabur) and the scrolls (~u1!uf) (the sheets on which God's Revelation was recorded -k); all of these are also the Words of God and no one in the 55Ibn Hazm, 'AlI b. Ahmad, al- Usul ura-l-furii, Muhammad 'A.tif al-Iraqi, Suhayl Fadlullahi AbU Wafiya and Ibrahim Ibrahlrn Hilal, eds. (Cairo, 1978), pp. 394-400. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 321 Muslim community would contradict it. Materials which help to convey God's Word to his creation, such as parchment, ink, as well as the voice of those who recite the Quran or the other scriptures - all these are created by God but are not identical with the uncreated Word of God. 56 'Abd al-Qadir al-JIlanI (d. 561 AH) reiterates a part of al- abari's credo quoted above. He maintains that even the expression "My recitation of the Quran is created" (laf?z bi-l-qur' an makhliiq) must be renounced and the person who uttered it must be severely punished. The letters of the Arabic alphabet were also not created by God; they are a part of His Essence. He who says that these letters are created ( muJ:tdatha or makhliiqa) is an infidel (kafir), and is guilty of transforming the Quran into a created Book. 57 Some scholars in the later period of Islam compiled special treatises concerning the problem of the Quran as a part of God's Essence. These treatises are of a popular character and are widely circulated in the Muslim community. Two of the authors of these treatises may be mentioned. Muwaffaq aI-Din 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Qudama al-Maqdisi (d. 620 AH),58 and Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi (d. 643 AH), who thoroughly analyzed a widely circulating tradition, transmitted by several Companions of the Prophet in which the idea of the Quran as a part of the Essence of God was especially emphasized: "From Him it began and to Him it will return." 59 r III There were contradictory opinions as to the problem of selling and buying written copies of the Qur'an (ma~aJ:tif). Some scholars disapproved of both buying or selling the books of the Quran, while others opposed only selling Qurans, for it is not right to make a profit from God's Book.6o 56Ibn Hazrn, ol-Fisal fi l-milal wa-l-ahwfi' uio-l-niluil, Muhammad Ibrahim Nasr and 'Abd al-Rahman 'Umayra, eds. (Beirut, 1405/1985), vol. 3, pp. 11-23. 57'Abd aI-Qadir al-JIlanI, al-Ghunya li-tfilibz tariqi l-haqq (Cairo, 1322), vol. 1, pp. 65-67. 58 Al-L'Liqiid, 'Adil 'Abd al-Mun'im Abu l-'Abbas, ed. (Cairo, 1990), pp. 36-39. 59Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, Hikcuat al-muruiztira fi l-quriin maca ba'qi ahli l-bid'a, 'Abdallah b. Yiisuf b. Juday', ed. (al-Riyad, 1409/1989). 60See Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Faqfi'ilu l-qur'tin, pp. 237-239, nos. 62, 1-62, 12. The same opinions were uttered by the early scholars according to the traditions recorded by Abu Dawud al-Sijist.anl in his Kiiiib al-ma?fi/.!iJ, pp. 173-178. See Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu?annaJ, vol. 6, pp. 60-63: man kariha shirii'o, l-ma?fi/.!iJ; p. 62: ... 'an ibni 'umara qfila: wadidtu anni ra'aytu l-aydiya tuqta'u fi bay'i 1ma?fi/.!iJ. See also 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu?annaJ, vol. 8, p. 112, nos. 14524; Ibn AbI 322 M.J. Kister The chapter concerning the selling and buying of masiihi] in Abu Dawud al-Sijistani's al-Ma~a1!ij contains some peculiar traditions which reflect uncommon opinions concerning the purchase of scrolls of the Quran, AI-Sha'bI (d. 109 AH) argued that people selling copies of the Quran merely sell the sheets (of paper, or the parchment -k), and get paid for their labour (of writing the text -k) (wa-llahi mii yabfiina kitiiba llahi, inn am a yabfiina l-waraqa wa-'amala aydfhim).61 It is noteworthy that the assumption that the books of the Qur 'an contain only the ink and the sheets (of the paper or parchment -k), exposed above by al-Sha'bi and other respected scholars, was sharply censured by some orthodox scholars as belonging to the Mu 'tazila. 62 The problem of writing ma~a1!ij for sale was dealt with by the well known jaqfh 'Izz aI-DIn 'Abd al-'AzIz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami.f" He was asked whether a man who professionally copies the text of the Qur'an and sells the written books may be considered to be performing a lawful work, or whether he should refrain from this work out of piety (wara'). Likewise, may he pursue this profession if he finds it difficult to observe ritual purity during the copying of the Quranic text; in this case, is he allowed to write it while ritually impure? 'Izz aI-DIn states in his legal opinion that it is lawful to gain profit from copying the Quran, and that there is no piety (wara') in giving up this occupation. It is even a laudable profession because it encourages the person to repeat the text continuously (istidhkar al-qur' an). Such a person must, however, observe the conditions of ritual purity while writing the text of the Qur'an, 'Izz aI-DIn was also asked concerning a scribe who made some mistakes while copying the Quran: some people reading this text might accuse the scribe of perpetrating a sin. What is the status of the copied text? 'Izz aI-DIn rules that if the copyist is a learned man, he has to correct the mistakes; if he does not know how to fix the text properly Shayba, ol-Musunno]; vol. 6, pp. 63-64: man rakhkhus« fi ishtira'iha; pp. 64-65: man rakhkhosa bay'a l-mceiihi]: Cf. Ibn Hazrn, al-Muhollii, vol. 9, pp. 45-46. 61 Abu Dawud, al-Ma$alJif, p. 177, infra; and see ibid., ult. the saying of al-Sha'br: laysa yab'i'una kitiiba llahi, inruimii yab'i'una l-waraqa uia-l-anqiish: cf. Ahmad b. alHusayn al-Bayhaq", al-Sunan al-kubrii, (Haydarabad, 1352), vol. 6, pp. 16-17; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'il ol-imiim; riuuiuat ibnihi AM l-Fadl $aliIJ. Fadlu I-Rahman DIn Muhammad, ed. (Delhi, 1408/1988), vol. 2, p. 402, no. 1081. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu$annaf, vol. 8, pp. 110-114, nos. 14516-14531, 14530; Ibn AbI Shayba, alMU$annaf, vol. 6, p. 64, no. 270: ... 'ani l-Sluiibi' 'annahu qiila: innahum laysu yab'i'una kitaba llahi, innanui yabr'una l-waraqa wa-'amala aydzhim. 62See e.g., Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdisi, Hikiiua: al-nuuuizara fi l-qur'tin; p. 47: ... wayaquliina inna l-qur' ana mokiiibun fi l-truisiihi], thumma yaquliina: laysa fiha ilia 1liibru wa-l-waraqu. wa-in kana kama za'amu fa-lima ta yamassuha ilia l-muiahliariiti wa-ma ra'ayna l-mululitlia yumna'u min massi hibrin wa-la waraq. 63 Kitiib al-fatawa, p. 147, no. 106. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 323 (ia ya'rifu rJabta l-qur' ani), he should refrain from working as a scribe, because he may lead the ignorant astray.64 On the other hand, there is a prophetic tradition stating that if a believer reads the Quran distorting the text, or erring in his reading, the angel will put it down exactly as it was revealed.65 In a similar vein, a non-Arab who mispronounces some words in the Quran will be granted a reward as if he had read them correctly.f" This indicates that some non-Arabs who embraced Islam used to pronounce the Qur 'anic text incorrectly. In the early period of Islam, the believers seem to have been reluctant to pay professional scribes for copying the Quran. They doubted their sincerity, faith and knowledge. Many anecdotes circulate concerning warnings issued by the pious as to the knowledge which is required of the copyist in Arabic, in matters of abrogation (naskh) and in the various readings of the Qur'an, In the first period of Islam, the believers did not buy copies of the Quran (ma~alJif); they used to ask their acquaintances, people of piety and virtue, to copy out some parts of the Quran; sometimes people used to gather and write the text of the Quran together. It was a collectively written text, accomplished out of expectation of divine reward (kanii ya1Jtasibiina bi-ma~alJifihim). 67 It seems that the use of professional scribes became prevalent at the end of the first century AH. One of the respected scholars who decided to make his living by copying the Quran with the approval of the Muslim community was Malik b. DInar. 68 Another person who became a professional scribe was Matar al-Warraq. 69 64'Izz aI-DIn b. 'Abd al-'AzIz, Kitiibu l-fatiiwii, pp. 144-145. 65Ibn KathIr, Fag,ii'il al-quriin; p. 66. 66Ibn Kathtr , ibid., p. 66. 67'Abdallah b. AbI Dawud al-Sijist.anr, Kitiibu l-ma?ii/.!if, p. 17l. 68Ibn Abr DawU:d al-Sijistanr, Kitiib ol-musiihi]', index; Abu: Nu'aym al-Isfahanr, IJilyat al-awliyii' (Beirut, 1387/1967), vol. 2, pp. 357-389. 69Ibn Abr Dawu:d, Kitiib ol-musiihi]', index; Abu: Nu'aym al-Isfahanr, IJilyat alawliyii', vol. 3, pp. 75-78. 324 M.J. Kister Excursus Abrogated verses and variant readings in the Quran Abrogated verses of the Quran were sometimes circulated and transmitted by scholars. 1 Such was for instance the case of an abrogated verse defining the aim of the money donated for performing prayer and paying zakat.2 Another verse remembered by the believers despite its abrogation was a verse revealed during the expedition of Bi'r Ma'una, concerning the readers of the Quran (al-qurra') killed in this battle: "Let our people know that we met our Lord" (ballighu 'anna qaumiomii anna laqfna rabbana).3 A verse of legal character not included in the text of the Quran was transmitted by 'Umar: "An old man and woman, if they fornicate, definitely stone them" al-shaykhu wa-l-shaykhatu idhii zanaya [a-rjumiihsmui al-battata," lSee e.g., Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, al-Mu'ta?ar min al-muklitasar, vol. 2, p. 163: wa-qad yakhruju mina l-quriitii wa-yabqa ff 1-?UI.luri. 2See Ibn Rajab al-Hanbalr, Hisiilatu l-jihiid; Laurenziana, mojmii:« 197, fol. 89b, infra: uia-kiina fi l-qur'iin: l-mcnsiikh: inruimii an.zolrui l-miila li-iqiimi l-soliiti wafta'i l-zakat; this is mentioned in connection with the division of spoils. See alHarith al-Muhasibl, al-'Aql wa-fahmu l-qur'ani, Husayn al-QuwwatlI, ed. (Beirut, 1402/1982), p. 399. 3Ibn Hajar al-t Asqalani, Fadiiilu l-qur'iiti, p. 134; al-Suyirtl, al-Durr al-manihiir, vol. 1, p. 105: ballighu qauntuuui anna qad laqfna rabbarui fa-ra(liya 'anna uia-crdana. Al-Suyutl', al-Ltqiin; vol. 2, p. 26. Ibn Sa'd, al-Tubo.qiit ol-kubrii (Beirut, 1377/1957), vol. 3, p. 515. See al-I;!arith al-Muhasibi, al-'Aql wa-fahmu l-qur'iin, p. 399: kunnii tuiqiilu fima nusikha an: ballighu ikiuniiruuui anna qad laqfna robbanii fa-rarliya 'anna ioo-radino 'anhu. Cf. the story of Hamza: when he and his friends were killed at Uhud , his friends were eager to inform their brethren (i.e., the believers -k) how God had honored them. Then a special verse was revealed: ... Iii yu(l'i"u ajra l-murninin in Sulayrnan b. Ahmad al-Tabaranr's Musnad al-Shamiyyfn, Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 1, p. 418, no. 735; see also Khaltfa b. Khayya], Musnad, Akram Diya I-DIn, ed. (Beirut, 1405/1985), pp. 14-15, no. 3. 4Ibn I;!ajar al-t Asqalani, Fa(la'ilu l-qur'iiti, p. 136; al-I;!arith al-Muhasibl, al-'Aql wa-fahmu l-qurIini; p. 398; al-Suyuti, al-Ltqiin ; vol. 2, p. 26. Another story transmitted by 'Umar relates that he approached the Prophet when the verse was revealed and asked him to include it in the Quran. The Prophet, however, disliked the idea. See the conversation of 'Umar with God about the difference of punishment for fornication met out to the old in contradistinction to the punishment imposed on the young. This verse was transmitted by 'Umar in a slightly extended form: al-shaykhu wa-l-shaykhatu idha zanaya [a-rjumiiliunui al-battata nakiilan mina ura-lliiliu sluuiidu l-i iqabi, 'Umar is said to have refrained from including the verse in the Quran, fearing that he would be accused of falsely inserting the verse into the book. See al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, MuJ:!a(larat al-udabti' (Beirut, 1961), vols. 3-4, pp. 433 uit.-434, I. 1; Ya'qub b. Sufyan al-FasawI (= al-Basawi}, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-La'rikh , Akram Diya" al-Tlmarr, ed. (Beirut, 1401/1981), vol. 2, p. 728; al-Suyuu, al-Ltqiin ; vol. 2, p. 26; Hossein Modarressi, "Early debates on the integrity of the Qur'an: a ust« La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 325 A peculiar story about the disappearance of this verse as well as of a verse concerning the suckling of an old man 5 is reported on the authority of 'A'isha. According to this story, the verse ordering the stoning of a fornicator and the verse concerning the suckling of an adult were sent down and were kept under 'A'isha's bedstead on a parchment. When the Prophet once fell ill and was being taken care of, a domestic animal entered 'A'isha's home and ate the parchment containing the two verses. 6 A tradition reported by Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam and traced back to 'A'isha says that the verse concerning the punishment for fornication was included in Siirat. al-a!;,zab, which originally contained the same number of verses as Siirai al-baqara. The verses of Siirai ol-oliziib were however reduced to 73 and the verse concerning the fornication was "lifted" (rufi'at, i.e., it was abrogated -k) and was not included in the mu~!;,af. Thus, according to the statement of 'A'isha, God lifted to Himself several verses reducing the number of the verses of Siirat. ala!;,zab to 73. Al-Qurtubi, however, denies that the verse concerning the punishment of fornication was recorded on a sheet (~aMfa) in the home of 'A'isha and was devoured by a domestic animal; he holds that this story was invented by the ShI'Is (rawafi¢) and the heretics (mala!;,id). 7 The verse concerning fornication and its punishment is indeed recorded in al-Suyutr's al-Durr al-manthiir. 8 According to a tradition traced to Ibn 'Abbas, 'Umar is said to have summoned the believers to attend a gathering in the mosque, ascended the min bar and told the believers that the fornication verse was revealed to the Prophet and read by the believers, but had "gone" with the Prophet together with many other verses of the Quran, It is, however, a convincing proof of the validity of stoning for fornication. The Prophet laid down the punishment of stoning in that case, as did Abu Bakr; but there would come (in later generations -k) people who would brief survey," Studia Islamica 77 (1993): 10-11, at notes 17-21. 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Zawa'id fi l-musnad, 'Amir Hasan Sabra, ed. (Beirut, 1410/1990), p. 364, no. 158, recorded on the authority of Ubayy b. Ka'b: la-qad ra'aytuha (i.e., the Siira; al-al}Zab -k) uia-innahii la-tu'adilu surata l-baqara, wa-la-qad qarano fiha: "al-shaykhu wa-l-shaykhatu idiui zanaya [a-rjumiihamui al-battata nakiilan mina lliihi ura-lliiliu "alimun; luikimun", See also ibid., pp. 365-370, on the evaluation of this luulith, 5 Al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, Mu/:!ar!arat al-'udaba', vols. 3-4, p. 434 supra. 6 Al-Qurtubl, Tofsir ; vol. 14, p. 113. 7 Ibidem. 8AI-SuyutI, al-Durr al-manihiir, vol. 5, pp. 179-180. See a shorter version of this tradition in Muhammad b. Ayyub b. al-Durays al-Bajalr's Far!a'il al-quriin; Gh. Budayr, ed. (Damascus, 1408/1987), p. 153, nos. 225-227; see also 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. I.Ianbal, Zawa'id, p. 370; Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallarns Far!a'il ol-qur'iir: (Rabat(?), 1995), vol. 2, pp. 147-148. 326 M.J. Kister say that punishment by stoning was a lie and an invention.? Some well known scholars argued that stoning of fornicators was not mentioned in the Quran, and was merely a rule commonly accepted by the Muslim community. 10 Ubayy b. Ka'b held that the following verses were part of the Qur'an (ubayy b. ka' b qiila: kunnii narii hiidhii mina l-qur'iini: law anna li-bni iidama wiidiyayni min miilin la-tamannii wiidiyan thiilithan. is yamla 'u jawfa bni iidama illii l-turiiou, thumma yatiibu lliihu 'alii man tiiba). Ubayy b. Ka'b said: "We considered that (i.e., the following sentences -k) as being a part of the Quran: "If a man had two valleys of goods, he would desire a third valley; the interior of the man will not be filled except by dust; then God will restore the man who repented to His grace." Ubayy added: "This was the practice of reading these verses (including the verse alhiikum al-takiithuru) until Sura 102 was revealed." Abu Musa al-Ash'arI said that a Sura the length of Siirat. al-barii' a was revealed to the Prophet, but was later abrogated (fa-rufi'at). Abu Musa remembered only one verse of this Sura: "God will aid this religion by means of people who have no share (in Paradise)" (innii lliiha layu' ayyidu hiidhii l-dzna bi-aqwiimin is khaliiqa lahum ... ).n A prediction of similar content is sometimes described as a iuuiiih. rather than as a Quranic verse. 'Urnar reported a saying in which the Prophet he predicted that the Christian nomads of the tribe of RabI'a, dwelling on 9See 'AlI b. Hazrn al-Andalusi, al-Ihkiim fi usiili l-ohkiim; Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Azlz, ed. (Cairo, 1398/1978), vols. 5-8, p. 1139. 10 Al-Suyiltr, al-Durr al-rnanthiir, vol. 6, p. 387. This verse was included in the version of the Quran transmitted by 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: see al-Raghib al-Isfahani, Muhiidariit al-udabii' (Beirut, 1961), vols. 3-4, pp. 433-434; al-Suyiltr, al-Durr almonthiir, vol. 1, p. 105 infra. 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Darimi (d. 255 AH) records in his Sunan, Muhammad Ahmad Dahhan , ed. (Beirut, n.d.), vol. 2, pp. 318-319, the verse as transmitted by Qat.ada on the authority of Anas (b. Malik -k). Arias, the Companion of the Prophet, records the verse uttered by the Prophet with a remarkable reservation: "I do not know whether it was a verse (of the Qur'an -k) sent down to him or was it his saying as he said it," (fa-Iii adrf a-shay'un unzila 'alayhi am shay'un yaquluhu wa-huwa yaqulu ... ). The opinion of Anas casting doubt on whether the utterance was a saying of the Prophet or an abrogated verse of the Qur'an is attributed to Ibn 'Abbas in Abu 'Ubayd's Farj,ii'il, p. 192, nos. 51-9. The utterance about the valleys coveted by man is preceded by the prediction of the Prophet: innii lliiha sa-yu'ayyidu hiidhii l-dina bi-aqwiimin Iii khaliiqa lahum. And cf. this verse of the abrogated Sura about the wicked people coupled with the saying about the man who covets the third valley: Abu l-Mahasin Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, al-Mu'ta~ar min al-muktitasar min mushkili l-iithiir (Haydarabad, 1362), vol. 2, p. 163 infra; al-Muhasibr, al-'Aqlu wa-fahmu l-qur'iini, p. 405. 11 Nur-al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawii'id wa-manba' al-fawii'id (Beirut, 1967), vol. 5, p. 302. The chapter in which the report of Abu Musa al-Asharr is recorded contains several utterances of the Prophet predicting that Islam will be aided by wicked people. A peculiar utterance attributed to the Prophet says that "the stock of my people are the wicked" (qiwiim umniati shiriiruhii). La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 327 the shores of the Euphrates, will assist the cause of Islam, and therefore refrained from killing them. This was, of course, a justification of the political decision to grant the Arab Christians a special status in the Muslim polity of the Arabian peninsula.l ' A tradition transmitted by Abu Urnama supplies a vivid description of how certain Suras of the Quran were suddenly abrogated. Some believers memorized a Sura of the Quran, One morning they got up and were unable to recite even one verse of the Sura. They came to the Prophet and complained that they had forgotten the Sura. The Prophet calmed them by saying that the Sura had been abrogated during the night.13 Several cases of abrogated verses are mentioned in adab collections, in zuhd literature and in works of iafsir .14 *** There were considerable differences in the reading of words in the Qur 'an. 'A'isha read in Quran 4:117: in yad'iina min diinihi at« cuiihiisuin; instead of the usual reading: in yad'iina min diinihi ituiiluui, Another reading attributed to 'A'isha is in yad'iina min diinihi illii unthii .15 The verb wa-qarja in the phrase wa-qarja rabbuka an ta ta' budii iyyahu of Quran 17:23, was glossed by amara. Several commentators considered the reading uia-qadii an error; the scribe had erred and read the word wa-qarja because a wa was seen as attached to the sa and au: au: 12Nilr aI-DIn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 5, p. 302: ... wa-'an 'umara bni l-khatiiibi, qala: lawla anni sami'tu rasiila llahi sou« uss« 'alayhi wa-sallam yaqulu "inna lliilui sa-yumatti'u (scil. sa-yamna'u -k) hadha l-ilina bi-ruisiirii min rabf'ata 'ala shiiii": l-Jurfiti mii taraktu a'rabiyyan tua qataltuhu aw yuslima. 13Yilsufb. Milsa al-Hanafi, al-Mu'tafar min al-mukluosor . vol. 2, p. 163; al-Suyutf, al-Durr al-monthiir, vol. 1, p. 105; idem., al-Ltqiin; vol. 2, p. 26 supra; al-Muhasibr, al-'Aql wa-Jahmu l-qur'iin; p. 406. 14See e.g., al-Fasawr, al-Ma'riJa ura-l-ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. 727 and p. 262; al-Harit.h alMuhasibl, al-'Aql wa-Jahmu l-qur'tin, pp. 359-475; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, Hamdr 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, ed. (n.p., 1400/1980), vol. 11, pp. 268-269, nos. 91489152; see the opinion of Ibn Masud about the two last Silras, the mu'awwidhdhatan: ... 'an 'abdi lliilii 'annahu kana yal:!Ukku l-mu'awwidhdhatayni mina l-rnosiihs] wayaqulu: innamii amara rasiilu falla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam an yuta'awwadha bih.imii wa-lam yakun yaqra'u bihimii, Ibn Mas'ud stated that the two Silras were deliberately inserted into the Qur'an but they do not belong to it. 15See al-Suyntr, al-Durr al-momthiir, vol. 2, pp. 222 inJra-223; auitluinan was the reading of Mujahid as well. (The Tajsir of Mujahid , 'Abd al-Rahman al-Tahir b. Muhammad al-Silratf, ed. [Islamabad], p. 174 gives the reading iruitluin; but glosses it by awthanan). See Sa'ud b. 'Abdallah al-Fanrsan , Marwiyyat ummi l-murninina 'A'isha Jf l-taJsfr (al-Riya<;l, 1413/1992), pp. 168-169. ust« 328 M.J. Kister erroneously read wa-qa¢a. The proper reading should be read wa-wa$$a robbuka+" Shahr b. Hawshab transmitted a peculiar reading of Quran 106:12: waylu ummikum qumyshu rihlaia l-shita'i wa- 'l-$ayji instead of the common li-iliiji qumyshin rlajihim rihlat« al-shita'i wa- 'l-$ayfY The issue of the reading of Quran 20:63 is well known. 'j\'isha read the phrase in hadhani la-saf;,irani in contrast to other readers, who tried to comply with certain grammatical rules. 'j\'isha was aware that it was a lohn of the Bedouins, or a mistake of the scribe, but it could be hoped that the Arabs would improve the reading in the future. 18 * The Quran was highly respected and the writing of the text, learning it by heart, reciting verses in public prayers - all these were laudable deeds characterizing people of distinction and piety. "Those who carry the Quran in their memory (f;,amalatu l-qur' an) are the nobility of my people," was an utterance of the Prophet transmitted by Ibn 'Abbas.19 Another prophetic saying states that reading the Quran fills the body of the believer with prophecy, even though he was not granted revelation.r? When a man enters the room with a copy of the Quran, those present must stand up; this is out of respect for the Quran which is thus honoured, in the same way as one honours a learned man.21 16Al-Suyut.I, al-Durr al-matithiir, vol. 1, pp. 170-171; al-Samarqandr, Tafsir ; vol. 2, p. 264; al-WaJ::tidI al-Naysabflrf, al- Wasft, vol. 3, p. 102. 17Ibn 'Asakir , Taluihib tairikh. Dimashq al-kabir, 'Abd al-Qadir Badran, ed. (Beirut, 1399/1979), vol. 6, p. 346 supra. 18See the lengthy discussion of the subject in al-Qurtubr, Tajsir , vol. 11, pp. 216219; al-Wahidi al-Naysnbnr", al-Wasft, vol. 3, pp. 211-213, (and see the note of the editors (p. 212) who criticize sharply the reading of 'A'isha and her opinion on this reading by the believers after some centuries -k); Abu I-Layth al-Samarqandr, Tajsir , vol. 2, pp. 347-348; Niildeke-Schwally, Geschichte des Korans (Hildesheim, 1961), vol. 3, (G. Bergstraesser and O. Pretzl) pp. 3, 5; Abu Dawud al-Sijistanl, Kitiib al-ma?aJ.!ij, p. 34. 19Ibn Kathtr , Fa¢a'il al-qur'Iir: (Beirut, 1966), p. 89. 20Ibn Kathlr, Fa¢a'il al-qurIin, p. 92: man qara:c l-qur'ana ja-ka'annama ustudrijat al-nubuwwatu bayna janbayhi ghayra annahu ta yuJ.!a ilayhi. 21Abu Zakariyya Yahva b. Sharaf aI-DIn al-NawawI, al- Tibyan fi adab luimolat: l-qur=iin (Cairo, 1379/1960), p. 99. t.s yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 329 * Worn out copies of the Quran were carefully collected and respectfully disposed of. Scholars discussed at length the proper ways for their disposal. 22 * An item discussed by early scholars of Islam was the loud recitation of the prescribed parts of the Quran during the obligatory prayers in the mosque. A report recorded by 'Abdallah b. AbI Zayd al-Qayrawani in his Kitiib al-jiimi' says that in the "old time" people were not used to listening to the recitation of the Quran from a book. Malik (b. Anas) disapproved of such recitation. It was introduced by al- F.£ ajja]. 23 According to early traditions, people disliked to be led in their prayer by an imiim who read the Quran from a mU$lJ,aJ;this was seen as adopting customs of the People of the Book. Some scholars indeed quoted the hadith: iii tashabbahu bi-ahli l-kitiib in connection with the reading of the Quran from a muslui] by the imiim during the canonical prayer. 24 Furthermore, the Prophet enjoined that the Qur'an be read with the tunes of the Arabs, not with the tunes of the libertines (ahl al-fisq); time would come, after the death of the Prophet, that people would read the Quran with tunes of the monks, with voices of weeping or lamentation. Their hearts would go astray and this would be the lot of their adherents as welp5 22See the magisterial work of Joseph Sadan on this subject: "Genizah and Genizahlike practices in Islamic and Jewish traditions, customs concerning the disposal of worn-out sacred books in the Middle Ages, according to an Ottoman source," Bibliotheca Orientalis 43 (1986): 36-58. See Ibn AbI Dawud, Kitab al-mafaJ:tif, p. 195; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Farj,a'il ol-qur=tin; pp. 41-45; al-Qurtubl, al-Tidhkiir fi af¢ali l-adkhktir, p. 114; al-'Izz b. 'Abd al-Salam, al-Fatawa, p 167, no. 117. 23'Abdallah b. AbI Zayd al-Qayrawanr, Kiiiib al-jiimi' ff l-sunan uia-l-iidiib wa-lmaghazf ura-l-tti'rikh, Muhammad Abu l-Ajfan and 'Ut hman Bittrkh, eds. (BeirutTunis 1402/1982), p. 164; Ibn al-Hajj, al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), vol. 2, p. 211: ... wa-awwalu man aiuiath.a hadhihi l-bid'ata fi l-masjidi l-ljajjaju, a'nf l-qira'ata fi l-muf/.!aJi, wa-lam yakun hadha min 'amali man nuuiii, 24Ibn AbI Dawud al-Sijist.anI, al-Mafa/.!if, pp. 190-191; and see p. 191: ... an qatiida 'ani l-liasan annahu kariha an ya'umma l-rajulu fi l-musha], qiila: kama taf'alu l-nafara. On in toshabbohii, see M.J. Kister, "Do not assimilate yourselves ... : La tash.abbaliii ... ," JSAI 12 (1989): 321-322. 25AI-FasawI, al-Ma'rifa ura-l-ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. 480; al-Qurtubr, al- Tidhkar fi af¢ali l-tulkhkiir . p. 117. 330 M.J. Kister On the other hand, dictating the Quran from memory to be written down in the ma$aJ:tiJ was a rare case. It was the Companion Ibn Mas'ud, a man with an outstanding knowledge of the Quran, who used to dictate the ma$aJ:tiJ from memory.e" Believers were enjoined not to read the Quran to the people of the truisiilii]: and not to gain knowledge from the $aJ:tafiyyun, the people of the sheets (i.e., people using written compendia, or compilations of the J:tadfth). 27 Christian copyists of the Quran In contrast to the injunctions according to which one should restrict learning, memorizing and writing the ma$aJ:tiJ to the orthodox and the pious, the leaders of the Muslim community were forced in many cases to resort to non-Muslims in order to spread the religious ideas of the Muslim faith. A profound change in the Muslim community occurred a very short time after the death of the Prophet. This is indicated in a report of 'Arnr b. Murra: kana Jf awwali l-zostuini yajtami'una Ja-yaktubuna lma$aJ:tiJa thumma innahum kasoli: wa-zahidu jf l-ajri Ja- 'sta 'jaru l-'ibiida Ja-katabuhii lahum.28 These Christian 'ibiid from the region of al-Hira were the first to sell the ma$aJ:tiJ, according to a report by al-Sijistani, and some details about them have been preserved in the tradition. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Awf, the Companion of the Prophet, asked a Christian from al-Hira to copy out the Quran for him and paid him sixty dirhams. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Layla paid a man from al-Hira seventy dirhams for a musha] copied for him.29 Several details in the early sources confirm the reports concerning the activity of the 'ibiid and other Christians in copying the masiilii]: Abu 'Ubayd records in his Farja'il ol-qur' an a report saying that Alqama entrusted a Christian with copying a musha] for him.i''' 'Abd al-Razzaq records the report mentioned above,31 saying that a Christian from alI.IIra wrote a musho] for 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Layla; 'Abd al-Hahman 26Ibn AbI Dawud al-Sijistanr, al-MafalJif, p. 137. 27Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-La'rikh , vol. 2, p. 412. And see al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, al-Faqih. wa-l-mutafaqqih, Isma'Il al-Ansart, ed. (Beirut, 1400/1980), vol. 2, pp. 9798. 28 Ibn AbI Dawud, al-MafalJif, p. 171, infra. 29 Ibid., p. 133. 30 Abu 'Ubayd, Fa¢a'ilu l-qur'tin, p. 245, no. 67-7. Ibn Hazrn, ol-Muhollii, Ahmad Muhammad Shakir, ed. (Cairo, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 84. 31 See above, note 28. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 331 paid him seventy dirhams for his work. 32 The role of the Christian 'ibiid in copying the Quran in early Islam seems to have been known in the Muslim community. It seems that there were such cases even in the third century AH. This can be deduced from the response of Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241 AH) who was asked by a man whether it was true that Christians copied the texts of the Quran. Ahmad affirmed that the Christians of al-Hira used to write the ma$aJ:tiJ; they did so because there were few others who could perform this task. 33 Ahmad b. Hanbal's answer serves as a clear indication that Christians (and especially the 'Ibad of al-Hira -k) played an important role in early Islam by copying the Quran for the orthodox believers, who had no reservations whatsoever to accept their services. Non-Muslims contributed a great deal to the dissemination of Islam in this initial period. The fact that the Christian 'ibiid were employed in the very early period of Islam in copying the Quran seems to have brought about some changes in the Muslim community's perception of the sacredness of the material on which the ma$aJ:tiJ were written, of the accuracy of the copied text, and of the the liberty to introduce some changes which the transmitter was said to have heard from the Prophet. The text itself, in spite of the officially established version of "Uthman, was not certain and was not recognized by the community's consensus; this was already pointed out by Goldziher. 34 32'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mus'annaf, vol. 8, p. 114, no. 143530. And see this report: Ibn AbI Shayba, ol-Musonno], vol. 6, p. 66, no. 276. 33See Sulayman Bashir , Muqaddima fi l-ic'rikh.i l-iikhur (Jerusalem, 1984), p. 74, note 23; Bashrr quotes the utterance of Ahmad b. Hanbal from the MS Zahiriyya, rruijmii' 83. He was the first to publish a reference from this MS, which was recently edited. See Abu l-Qasim al-BaghawI (al-rawz -k), Masa'il Ahrnad b. Hanbal, 'Amr 'Abd al-Mun'im Salim, ed. (Cairo, 1413/1993), p. 47, no. 10. 34Goldziher, "Katholische Tendenz und Partikularismus im Islam," Beiiriiqe zur Religionswissenschaft 1 (1913-14): 115-116, 118 supra. See also e.g., MakkI b. AbI Talib Hammush al-QaysI, al-Ibiina 'an ma'anz l-qira'at, 'Abd al-Fatt.ah Isma'Il ShalabI, ed. (Cairo, 1379/1960), p. 56: wa-qad turikat qira'atu bni mas'udin al-yawma, wa-mana'a miilik wa-ghayruhu an yuqra'a bi-t-oira'oi: llati tunsabu bni mo.siidin: See also ibidem, p. 57: ... uia-li-tlhiilika qiila Isma'zl al-Qarf,z: mii ruwiya min qira'ati bni mosiidin wa-ghayrihi, ya'nz mimmii yukhalifu kha,t,ta l-mu~J:!afi, laysa yanbaghf li-uho.din an yaqra'a bihi l-yawma. Cf. Ibn Shabba, Ta'rtkh. ol-Matlino: p. 993: 'an zayd b. thiibit: anna J:!udhayfa b. al-uanuin (r) qadima min ghazwatin ghazaha bi-farji arminiua [a-luularahii ahlu l-i iriiqi wa-ahlu l-shiimi [a-idhii ahlu l-ririiqi yaqra'una bi-qira'ati 'abdi lliilii bni mas'udin wa-ya'tilna bi-mii lam yasma' ahlu I-sham, wayaqra'u ahlu l-shiimi bi-qirii'tii: ubayyi bni ka'b, wa-ya'tilna bi-mii lam yasma' ahlu l-i iriiqi, fa-yukaffiruhum ahlu l-r irtiq. un 332 M.J. Kister * 'A'isha and 'Uthman had a very mild opinion concerning the mistakes in the Quran, stating that these mistakes would be corrected in the future by the believing Arabs with their tongues. 35 Abu l-Aswad al-Duali, when asked about the questionable form of the phrase mii hadha basharan in Quran 12:31, answered that this form ("basharan" instead of "basharun") is a scribal mistake.j" Zayd b. Thabit inserted the verse la-qad ja' akum rasiiiun min anfusikum (Quran 9:128) and the following verse into the text of the Quran on the authority of Khuzayma b. Thabit, who kept these two verses in memory.i'" Zayd b. Thabit did listen to the Prophet's reading of the verse min al-mu'minfna rijalun ~adaqii mii 'ahadii lliilia 'alayhi. The verse was lost and Zayd b. Thabit was glad to find that Khuzayma b. Thabit had preserved it, and he inserted it in its proper place (Quran 33:23).38 The tradition attributed to the Prophet, saying that the Quran wrapped in leather would not burn if thrown into the fire39 was given a new interpretation: the leather in which the text of the Qur'an was wrapped and the ink will be burnt, but the Qur'an (i.e., the text in the mu~f.taf -k) will be taken back to God.40 The idea of the glorious Quran as a part of God's Essence, and the miraculous revelation of its verses transmitted by the angel Jibril to the Prophet when he was alone in the cave, were placed side by side with traditions emphasizing the simplicity of the Prophet's life, his suffering during his prophetic activity in Mecca, his persecution by the members of his tribe, the hardships he had to endure and the ascetic and devoted character of his everyday activities, which conformed with the tenets of the Quran, 'A'isha could rightly state that his character was according to the tenets and injunctions of the Qur'an.41 35See Ibn Shabba, Ta'rfkh al-Maditui, p. 1013. 36Al-Baladhuri, Ansab ol-ashriij , MS. "Ash ir Ef., Istanbul 597-598, fo1. 893 b: ... [a-qil« lahu inna lliiha yaqulu: mii hadha basharan, [a-qiila: hadha llo.dlii qultuhu kaliimu l-'arabi l-fuffai}i, wa-lakinna l-kiiiiba zada hadhihi l-alif. 37See Ibn Kathlr, Farj,a'ilu l-qur'iir: (Beirut, 1966), p. 16. 38'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Zawa'id 'Abdallah b. Alymad b. lfanbal ff 1musnad, p. 369 infra-370, and MakkI b. AbI Talib, al-Ibiina ; pp. 30 penult.-31. 39See note 49 above. 40See Ibn Qutayba, Ta'nni; mukhtalif cl-luuiith, pp. 252-254. 41Al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba (Jerusalem, 1954), p. 23, 11. 1-2: wa-su'ilat 'A'ishatu rarj,iya llahu 'anha 'an khuluqi l-nabiyyi soua llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam [a-qiilat: kana khuluquhu l-qur' ana. t.s yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 333 In the period of the prophetic activity in Medina, the Prophet's revelation was transmitted to a growing number of his Companions who circulated it among their relatives and also disseminated details about the Prophet's righteous way of life, his kindness towards his Companions and his noble attitude towards his opponents; all this formed the sunna of the Prophet. The help he gave to his wives and his respect for them was stressed in the early tradition. 'A'isha could state with pride that she was the only woman from among the wives of the Prophet who was granted the honour and the privilege that the Prophet received the revelation in her presence, while both were covered by the same blanket. 42 Ibn Qutayba, the well known scholar of the Quran, tried to bridge the gap between the two perceptions of sanctity, the glorious and holy book of the Quran and the sheet of the Holy Book devoured by a domestic animal. In a lengthy passage, Ibn Qutayba gives a description of the social and economic situation of the Prophet in Medina. The Quran was at that time written on palm branches, soft white stones and dry skins. The verses of the Quran were not collected in a book; the texts written on these coarse materials merely circulated among the believers. Even the letters of the Prophet sent to the kings were written on animals' skins.43 People at that time had no cupboards (khazii'in) or locked ebony chests; when they wanted to deposit anything (of value -k) they put it under the bedstead in order to guard it from being harmed by children or animals. The Prophet used to patch his garments, because of poverty, to repair his sandals and his boots. The Prophet stated about himself that he feels like a servant, eating like a servant sitting on the floor. Other prophets lived like poor people, eating barley-bread and wearing woolen garments. Ibn Qutayba mentions various explanations why Allah allowed verses of the Qur'an to be eaten by the ewe; it may be that it was a revelation which had to be carried out, but not necessarily be put down in the text of the Quran, The phrase ta ya'tzhi l-biitilu min bayni yadayhi uia-lii 42See e.g., al-SuytrtI, 'Ayn al-isiioa If istidriiki 'jf'isha 'alii l-sahiiba; 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Darwish , ed. (Cairo, 1409/1988), p. 31: wa-kiina ya'tfhi l-wa/:!yu waanii wa-huwa If li/:!iifin uuihid, Muhibb al-Drn Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Tabar'i, al-Sinit al-thamfn fi maniiqib ummahiiti l-mu'minfn (Cairo, n.d.), p. 34: ... Iii tu'dhfnanf If 'jf'ishata [a-inncliu, wa-lliihi, mii nazala 'alayya l-wa/:!yu fi tihofi 'mra'atin minkunna ghayrahii. Abu Mansur 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Asakir , Kitiib al-arba'fn fi maniiqib ummahiit al-mu'minfn, Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'AzIz, ed. (Cairo, 1410/1989), p. 130. 43See e.g., the report of a letter sent by the Prophet to the people of 'Uman in Abu Zakariyya Yahya b. Manda, Juz' fihi man 'iisha mi'atan wa-'ishrfna sana mina l-soluib«, Mashhur Hasan Salman, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), p. 84: jii'anii kitiibu 1nabiyyi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam If qit'atin min adim, 334 M.J. Kister min khalfihi44 does not mean that the sheets would not be injured by some mishap. The phrase in fact implies that Satan will not be able to insert into the Quran words which were not in the text before or after the revelation .45 Some details about the writing (or rather: the copying -k) of the Quranic text by a truunlii and the changes introduced into the text by 'A'isha, are recorded in some J:tadzth collections. 'A'isha is said to have ordered her maiolii, Abu Yunus, to write for her a mu~J:taf; she asked him, however, to inform her when he would reach the phrase J:tafi~ii 'ala l-~alawati uia-l-saliiii l-unisiii (Qur'an 2:238). When the ttuuulii reached this phrase, 'A'isha dictated a different version of the phrase to him. Tradition records two versions of the change introduced by 'A'isha: J:tafi~ii'ala l-~alawati uia-l-saliiii l-unisiii wa ~alati l-' asri, and J:tafi~ii'ala l-salonoiiii uia-l-soliiti l-urustii ~alati l-' asri, 46 The reading of 'A'isha constituted a substantial deviation from the accepted version established by 'Uthman, There is a tradition according to which Hafsa, the daughter of 'Umar, ordered the truuulii of 'Umar, 'Amr b. Rafi", to copy a musha] for her. When he reached the verse mentioned above, she ordered him to insert her reading: J:tafi~ii' ala l-saloioiiii wa-l-~alati l-wusta souiti l-' asr .4 7 The scholars differed as to the meaning of the ~alat ol-unisiii: this could refer to salii; cl-subh; saliit ol-zuhr, salii; ol=asr, or even to ~alat al-fajr.48 The tradition of Hafsa, who also entrusted the copying of the Quran to a mawla, may imply that the two servants were youths captured during a military expedition, who were familiar with the Arabic script and were presented as servants to 'A'isha and Hafsa. They may have been Christians. 44Qur'an 41:43. 45Ibn Qutayba, Kiiiib ta'wfl mukhtalifi l-luulitli (Cairo, 1326), pp. 397-404. 46See the different readings in Sa'ud b. 'Abdallah al-Fanisan , Marwiyyat ummi 1mu/ minina 'A'isha (al-Riyad, 1413/1992), pp. 108-112, nos. 163-172; Abu l-Layth al-Samarqandl, Tajsir , 'All Muhammad Muawwad, 'Adil Ahmad 'Abd al-Mawjild , Zakariyya 'Abd al-Majid al-NawtI, ed. (Beirut, 1413/1993), vol. 1, pp. 213-214; Ibn I;!ajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Kafi ol-shii] fi takhrfji aluuiitli al-kosh.sh.a], following alZarnakhsharr's ol-Kushstuij , vol. 4, p. 21, nos. 175-179; al- Tabaranr, al-Mu'jam alkabir, vol. 7, p. 200, nos. 6823-6826, p. 248, nos. 7009-7010. 47See Abu l-Layth al-Samarqandr, Tajsir , vol. 1, p. 213 infra; and see ibidem, the tradition saying that some people stated that that was the reading of 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud. 48See Abu l-Layth al-Samarqandi, Tajsir , vol. 1, pp. 213-214; 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Zawa'id, pp. 169-170; al-Wasrti, al- Wasr,t fi tajsiri l-qur'ritii l-majid, vol. 1, pp. 349-351.

ʿAn Yadin (Qur'ān, IX/29). An Attempt at Interpretation

An-Yadin.pdf «( 'AN YADIN» (QUR'AN, IX/29) An attempt at interpretation PAR M. J. KISTER by commentators of the Qur'an, scholars of Hadit and lexicographers. In recent years F. Rosenthal, C. Cahen and M. M. Bravmann have dealt with this obscure passage 1. The following lines survey some of the Muslim interpretations of the expression 'an yadin and attempt to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. I Abu 'Ubayda (d. 209 AH) explains the expression 'an yadin as yielding on the part of the subdued by payment (scil. of some tax) under compUlsion 2. AI-Kalbi (d. 146 AH) is said to have interpreted the expression by yamsuna biha, they are to bring the gizya walking 3. This interpretation is quoted as an anonymous opinion by Abu 'Ubayd 4. To Abu 'Ubayd (d. 224 AH) himself is attributed a similar explanation of 'an yadin: the payer would not come riding, nor would he send the gizya by a messenger 5. Abu 'Ubayd records other interpretations: 'an yadin denotes payment of the gizya in cash, or that the payer should stand while the receiver of the gizya remains seated 6. The latter interpretation is recorded by al-Nahhas (d. 338 AH) as an interpretation of a sahabi, al-Mugira b. Su'ba and accepted by 'Ikrima (i.e. the mawla of 'Abd Allah b. al-'AbI. Fr. ROSENTHAL,Some minor problems in the Qur'an, in The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume, pp.68-72 (Jewish Social Studies, Publications no. 5, New York 1953); Cl. CAHEN, Coran IX, 29: Hatta yu'tu l-gizyata 'an yadin wa-hum sagiruna, in Arabica, IX, 76-9; M. BRAVMANN,A propos de Qur'an IX, 29. Hatta yu'tu l-gizyata ... , in Arabica, X, 94-5. 2. ABU 'UBAYDA, Magaz al-Qur'an, I, 256 (ed. F. Sezgin; and see ALGAi?i?Ai?, Ahkam al-Qur'an, III, 122 (Cairo, 1347 AH): and see L. 'A., s.v. ydy THE crucial passage of Sura IX/29 has been variously interpreted (vol. XV, 424, ed. Beirut). 3. 4· 5. 6. L.'A., ibid. K. al-Amwal, p. 54: qala ba'duhum (Cairo, 1353 AH). L. 'A., ibid. al-Amwal, ibid. [2] «( 'AN YADIN » (QUR'AN, IX/29) 273 bas) 1. In fact this interpretation, included in the famous conversation of al-Mugira with Rustum, is recorded by al-Suyuti (d. 9lI AH) 2, but is given not as an explanation of 'an yadin, but of the following phrase wa-hum sagiruna. Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 542 AH) rightly remarks that this explanation refers to wa-hum sagiruna 3; his gloss is quoted by al-Qurtubi (d. 671 AH) 4. AISuyuti records interpretations of early scholars. Qatada (d. lI8 AH) rendered 'an yadin by 'an qahrin, under compulsion. Sufyan b. 'Uyayna (d. 198AH) explains that it denotes payment of the tribute in person, not through a messenger 5. Abu Sinan explains 'an yadin by 'an qudratin, ability (i.e. being able to payor having the ability to collect the tax-the definition is ambiguous) 6. Abu Bakr al-Sigistani (d. 330 AH) records three interpretations: 'an qahrin, by compulsion on the part of the receiver and humbleness on that of the payer, 'an maqdiratin minkum 'alayhim wa-sultanin, strength and power of the receivers of the tribute in relation to the payers, 'anin'amin, as recompense for a favour, i.e. the acceptance of the gizya and leaving their life to them is a favour and kindness 7. Similar explanations are given by Ragib al-Isfahani 8. Abu Hayyan (d. 754 AH) records another explanation of Qatada: the hands of the payers should be lower than the hands of the receivers of the tax 9. Two other explanations recorded by Abu Hayyan are the interpretation of the recompense for favour and the interpretation of the power of the receivers and the humbleness of the payers 10. Three interpretations recorded by Abu Hayyan specially deserve to be stressed: the first one renders 'an yadin, 'an gama'atin. I. 2. al-Nasih wa-l-mansuh, p. 169 (ed. Cairo, 1357 AH). al-Durr al-manlur, III, 228 (Cairo, 1314 AH: reprint offset: Teheran 6. al-Durr al-manlur, ibid. 7. Carib al-Qur'an, p. 158 (ed. MUSTAFA 'INAN, Cairo 1355 AH); see for gizya: ibid., p. 79. 8. al-Mutradat, s.v. yad (Cairo 1324 AH). 9. al-Bahr al-muhit, V, 30 (ed. Cairo, 1328 AH). 10. See AL-NAHHAS, op. cit. ibid.; L.'A., s.v. ydy; NIzAM AL-DIN ALNISABURI, Tatsir gara'ib al-Qur'an, X, 66 (on margin of the Tatsir of ALTABARI, ed. Bulaq, 1327 AH); and see AL-TABARSI, Magma' al-Bayan, X, 44-5 (ed. Beirut). 3. Ahkam al-Qur'an, I, 378 (ed. Cairo 1331 AH). 4. al-Gami'li-ahkam al-Qur'an, VIII, 115 (Cairo, 1358 AH); AL-GAi?i?Ai?, op. cit., ibid.; see AL-SuLI, Adab al-kuttab, p. 215 (ed. BAHGAT AL-ATARI, Cairo 1341 AH). 5. Recorded by AL-NAHHASanonymously, op. cit., ibid.; comp. above n. 5. 1377 AH). 274 M. J. KISTER [3] This would imply that the gizya has to be paid for the whole community; no one would be exempted 1. The second interpretation is that of Ibn Qutayba (d. 276 AH): 'an yadin means mubtadi' an gayra mukafi'in; the gizya is not a remuneration for a favour 2. In the third interpretation, 'an yadin does not refer to the receiver, but to the payer of the gizya. The rendering is: ... until they pay the gizya out of (a situation of) ability and (financial) sufficiency ('an ginan wa-qudratin); as gizya is not collected from the poor 3. AI-Zamahsari (d. 528 AH) explains the expression 'an yadin 4 as referring both to the payer and to the receiver of the tax: referring to the payer it denotes obedience, compliance and submission; referring to the receiver it denotes a powerful, compelling hand 5. Other interpretations quoted by al-Zamahsari are payment from hand to hand and payment as recompense for the kindness that their lives (i.e. of the payers) are spared. Bringing the tribute walking (not riding) is mentioned by al-Zamahsari in his description of the humiliation of the payers in connection with the expression wa-hum sagiruna. Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 542 AH) records 15 interpretations of the expression 'an-yadin: 1. the tribute to be given by the payer standing, while the receiver is seated ('Ikrima); 2.-giving it in person; the tribute is brought walking; 3.-from hand to hand; 4.-out of strength; 5.-openly ('an zuhurin); 6.-payment is made without acknowledgment (by the receiver) being made (gayra mahmudin); 7.-receiving (scil. the payer) a blow on his neck; 8.-being in a posture of humiliation; 9.-being in a situation of financial sufficiency (the payer); 10.-on the basis of a contract; 11.-paying in cash; 12.-admitting that the hands of the Muslims are above their hands (i.e. admitting the superiority of the Muslims) ; 13.-by compulsion; 14.-in recompense of a favour received; 15.-payment not being a recompense for a favour or kindness received 6. The various definitions recorded by Ibn al-'Arabi are controverI. ABU HAYYAN quotes IBN QUTAYBA: 'an yadin is identical with 'an zahri yadin; the interpretation recorded by ABU HAYYAN is given in IBN MUTARRIF'S al-Qurtayn, I, 193 (Cairo, 1355 AH). 3. Fa-la tu'hadu min al-taqiri. 4. al-Kassat, II, 147 (inf.) - 148 (ed. Cairo 1354 AH). 2. La yu'ta 'an di tadlin li-tadlihi. 5. Quoted Nihaya, S.v. ydy. by ABU HAYYAN; and see the explanation in IBN AL-ATIR'S 6. Ahkam al-Qur'an, I, 378 (Cairo, 1331 AH). «( 'AN YADIN» (QUR'AN, IX/29) 275 sial. Ibn al-'Arabi is aware of this fact 1 and tries to trace the differences back to various meanings of the word yad: whether it is used in the literal sense, a hand, or it is used metaphorically. Literally it denotes payment from hand to hand in person; metaphorically it indicates power, prompt payment or favour and kindness 2. II One of the principal difficulties in the understanding of this obscure expression was to determine whether the noun yad refers to the receiver of the tribute or to the payer. The expression 'an yadin is defined as ha13 and is interpreted by different commentators as denoting either the payer or the receiver of the tax, according to the suffix added 4. The interpretations in which two divergent meanings are attached to 'an yadin, are an interesting attempt to solve the problem. It is obvious that the interpretations: strength, compulsion, payment from hand to hand, recompense for favour or humbleness of the payer were the current and prevailing ones. These definitions suited the views of the majority of the fuqaha', accorded with the position of the ahl-al-dimma and the actual tax-collecting procedure 5. In order to explain the expression in accordance with some of the interpretations, the preposition 'an had to be glossed by the preposition bi 6. In these interpretations 'an yadin is conveniently complemented by the following circumstantial clause wa-hum sagiruna. But nothing seems to point to the fact that these are the early ones. One may assume that a quite early interpretation was the Hadihi l-aqwalu minha mutadahilatun wa-minha mutanafiratun. yad explained literally and metaphorically, see IBN QUTAYBA, al-Ihtilat fi I-lafz, p. 28 (ed. AL-KAWTARI, Cairo 1349 AH); and see AL-BAYHAQI, al-A sma' wa-l-sifat, p. 319 (ed. Cairo 1358 AH); and see AL-SARIF AL-MuRTADA, Amali, II, 3-5 (ed. Cairo 1954). 3. RAGIB AL-li?FAHANI, op. cit., ibid.; AL-'UKBARI, Imla'u ma manna bihi l-rahman, II, 13: ti mawdi'i i-hali (ed. IBR. 'ATWA 'AWAD, Cairo 1961). 4. 'an maqdiratin minkum 'alayhim (AL-SIGISTANI, op. cit., ibid.); 'an in'amin minkum 'alayhim (AL-QURTUBI, op. cit., ibid.), etc. 5. Comp. the discussion about it'ab al-anbat in ABU 'UBAYD'S Amwal, ibid.; see AL-GAi?sAi?, op. cit., ibid.; see the tradition of SA'ID B. AL-MUSAYYAB in al-Durr al-manlur, ibid.; and see A. FATTAL, Le statut legal des non-Musulmans en pays d'Islam, p. 286-8. 6. Comp.: 'an yadin ya'ni Cannaqdin min qawlihim yadan bi-yadin (ALGAi?i?Ai?, ibid.); ... aw bi-aydihim ... la-can 'ala hada bi-ma'na l-ba', ta-l-zartu lagwun (AL-GAMAL, al-Futuhat al-Ilahiyya, II, 288). I. 2. for M. J. KISTER [5] interpretation of 'an yadin by 'an 'ahdin (no. 10 in the list of Ibn al-'Arabi). According to this interpretation the phrase would be rendered: ••. till they pay the tribute on the basis of a pact (con«( cluded by them with the Muslims) they being inferior (in status) ». According to this interpretation the tribute is in fact paid by the ahl al-dimma in respect of their blood not being shed and their being allowed to reside in the abode of Islam; this is defined by a pact 1. Sagar is interpreted as compliance with the law of Islam 2. This interpretation fairly reflects the spirit of the early period of Islam in which the conquering Muslims concluded pacts with the conquered. It does, indeed, seem to be an early interpretation. The problem whether this is in fact the intention of the phrase of the Qur'an is, however, not solved. III The expression 'an zahri yadin is interpreted by al-Zamahsari in «( al-Fa'iq» 3: it is explained as 'an zahri in 'amin mubtadi'an min gayri mukafa'atin 'ala sani'in. The phrase: A'ta' I-gazila 'an zahri yadin would be rendered thus: he gave plenty, giving it gratuitously i.e. without any favour being granted to him. Asas al-balaga of al-Zamahsari has the same explanation 4: 'an zahri yadin, min gayri mukafa'atin. Two other expressions are recorded by al-Zamahsari in Asas and by Ibn Manzur in L. 'A.: Fulanun ya'kulu 'an zahri yadi fulanin ida kana huwa yunfiqu 'alayhi and al-fuqara'u ya' kuluna 'an zahri aydi I-nasi 5. It is evident that the phrase denotes to live on the expenses, means or resources of somebody. AI-Sarif al-Radiyy (d. 406 AH) explains the word zahr in the saying al-sadaqatu 'an zahri ginan as quwwatun min ginan 6. I. See IBN AL-'ARABI, op. cit., I, 379 sup.: ... annaha tagibu bi-l-mu'aqadati wa-l-taradi ... ; and see the refutation of this view, ibid., I. 3-4 ; and comp. AL-GAMAL, op. cit., II, 288: ... ka-annahu qUa qatiluhum hatta yu'tu l-gizyata an tibi nafsin wa-nqiyadin duna an yukrahu 'alayhi, fa-ida htiga fi ahdiha minhum ita l-ikrahi la yabqa 'aqdu l-dimmati. 2. See AL-BAYHAQI,Ahkam al-Qur'an, p. 79 (ed. AL-KAWTARI,Cairo 1952). 3. III, 228 (ed. 'ALi MUH. AL-BIGAWi-MuH. ABU L-FADL IBRAHIM, Cairo 1945-48). 4. II, 366, s.v. ydy; the same interpretation is recorded in L. 'A., s.v. zahr. 5. Asas al-balaga, s.v. zhr; L.'A., s.v. zhr (vol. IV, p. 521, ed. Beirut). 6. al-Magazat al-nabawiyya, p.66 (nO.44, ed. MAHMUDMUi?TAFA,Cairo 1937); and comp. the explanation of this expression in L. 'A., s.v. Zhr. [6] (( 'AN YADIN )) (QUR'AN, IX/29) 277 In this passage al-Sarif al-Radiyy explains the expression a'taytu fulanan kada 'an zahri yadin as giving somebody (a gift) out of a position of strength, power of resistance, as opposed to humbleness and fear (an imtina'in wa-quwwatin, lam u'tihi 'an hifatin wadillatin). «( This meaning, says al-Sarif al-Radiyy, is contrary to the meaning inherent in the words of Allah hatta yu 'tu l-gizyata wa-hum sagiruna ». «( It seems, continues al-Radiyy, that the omission of the word zahr in the phrase of the Qur'an changed the meaning)). AISarif al-Radiyy concludes that 'an yadin in the discussed sentence of the Qur'an denotes humbleness, submission, fear; the contrary of it is 'an zahri yadin denoting strength, free choice and man's own willi. In his Talhis al-bayan, al-Sarif al-Radiyy explains the expression 'an yadin as a metaphor denoting paying the tribute humbly and submissively (an husu'in wa-dara'atin wa-dullin wastikanatin) 2. He compares this meaning with the idea inherent in the expression a'ta fulanun bi-yadihi (other explanations - already mentioned-are also quoted). It is not all the more striking to find al-Zamahsari interpreting 'an yadin in his Asas al-Balaga 3, as paying the gizya in a position of submission and obedience or payment in cash without postponment. In both interpretations (of al Radiyy and of al-Zamahsari) a line is thus drawn between 'an yadin and 'an zahri yadin. 'An yadin, contrary to 'an zahri yadin, is explained as submission, obedience, humbleness, etc. But the true meaning of 'an yadin can be gauged from the following verse of Durayd b. al-Simma: A-'adila inna l-ruz'a fi milli Halidin wa-la ruz'a fima ahlaka l-mar'u 'an yadi 4. «( O reprover, misfortune is in (the death of a man) like Halid, misfortune is not in what a man squanders (by lavish spending) out of plenty». Yad in this verse explicitly denotes wealth, or sufficient resources for spending (on the poor and needy), or generous distribution (ofgifts). That 'an yadin is identical with an zahri yadin is explicitly stated by Ibn Qutayba 5. Al-Mawardi records as one of his two I. op. cit., p. 67 inf. - 68 sup. 2. P. 59 (ed. Bagdad., 1953). 3. s.v. ydy. 4. alAsma'iyyat, XXIV, 3 (p. 23, ed. AHLWARDT). 5. Quoted in ai-Bahr al-muhit, see above note 2, p. [3]. ARABICA XI 18 M. J. KISTER [7] interpretations of the discussed expression: 'an ginan wa-qudratin, paying the gizya in a situation of (having) sufficient means and resources and ability to pay 1. It is essential to point out that Abu 'Ubayd accepts the idea of the payer's financial ability (wa-hada 'indana madhabu l-gizyati wa-l-haragi, innama huma 'ala qadri l-taqati min ahli l-dimmati) as the basis for fixing the amount of the tax 2. This passage of Abu 'Ubayd is repeated verbatim by his pupil, Ibn Zangawayh 3. This seems to have been, in fact, the intention of the discussed phrase in the Qur'an. The aya was revealed on the eve of the expedition of Tabuk 4. The intention was not to give instructions regarding the ways and procedures governing the collection of taxes 5; it was an injunction as to the attitude to be adopted by the Muslim warriors towards the ahl al-dimma. The phrase enjoined the warriors to combat the enemy until they agreed to pay tribute according to their means and capacity. This idea is clearly reflected in the terms of the pacts concluded with the ahl al-dimma. The pacts concluded with the people of Isfahan and Gurgan, for instance, positively state that the amount of the gizya would be fixed according to the payer's ability ('ala anna 'alaykum (min al-gaza'i fi kulli sanatin 'ala qadri taqatikum)6. The phrase wa-hum sagiruna is not a complementing phrase for 'an yadin; it constitutes a crucial pronouncement concerning the position of the ahl al-dimma: but they are inferior in status. The phrase may be rendered: • .• fight them ... until they pay the gizya out of ability «( and sufficient means, they (nevertheless) being inferiOr)). It is interesting to note that this interpretation is given by the modern Egyptian scholar Rasid Rida. He renders 'an yadin by 'an qudratin wa-sa'atin 7. This rendering seems to be faithful to the original intent of the phrase of the Qur'an. I. AL-NUWAYRI, Nihayat aI-arab, VIII, 235; and see F. ROSENTHAL, op. cit., p. 70, quoted from AL-BAYDAWI: 'an ginan; and see the interpretation in al-Bahr al-muhit, above note 2, p. [3]; and see the interpretation nO 9 in the list of IBN AL-'ARABI. 2. al-Amwal, p. 41-42 (nO 106-7). 3. al-Amwal, ms. Burdur 183, f. 16a. 4. See NOLDEKE-SCHWALLY,Die Geschichte des Qorans, 1,224. 5. See F. ROSENTHAL, op. cit., p. 69. 6. AL-SAHMI, Ta'rih Gurgan, p. 5 (ed. Hyderabad, 1950); ABU NU'AYM, Geschichte Isbahans, I, 26 (ed. S. Dedering). I am indebted to Professor Cl. Cahen for his kind remarks, which stimulated me to check these sources. 7. al-Wahyu I-muhammadi, p. 278 (ed. Cairo, 1354 AH):
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