"al-Aḳraʿ b. Ḥābis"

akra'.pdf al-Aḳraʿ b. Ḥābis b. ʿIḳāl b. Muḥammad b. Sufyān b. Mudjāshiʿ b. Dārim, Tamīmite warrior. Al-Aḳraʿ is an epithet (“bald”); his proper name (Firās? ull?) is disputed. He is said to have been the last judge in the djāhiliyya at ɈUkāẓ, having inherited this office (which was a privilege of Tamīm) from his ancestors; he performed this duty until the rise of Islam, giving his judgments in sadjʿ (al-Djāḥiẓ, Bayān, i, 236). He is said also to have been the first to prohibit games of chance (ḳimār), but was accused of partiality in the controversy between Badjīla and Kalb. He took part, and was captured, in the battle of Zubāla (or Salmān, according to al-Balādhurī and Yāḳūṭ) and was freed by Bisṭām b. Ḳays. Another exploit of al-AḳraɈ was the raid on Nadjrān after the battle of al-Kulāb al-thānī (see al-Naḳāʾiḍ, 46, 448; Ibn Ḥabīb's statement (Muḥabbar, 247) that he took part in al-Kulāb al-awwal is due to a confusion with his ancestor Sufyān: see Aghānī, xi, 61). Ibn Ḥabīb also states that he was one of the djarrārūn, who succeeded in uniting a whole branch of his tribe, the Banū Ḥanẓala, under his banner. According to Ibn Ḳutayba (al-Maʿārif, 194) and Ibn al-Kalbī (quoted in the Iṣāba) he was a Zoroastrian (madjūsī); this is of importance for the estimation of Persian influence on some sections of Tamīm. Nothing is known of his attitude towards Muḥammad up to the time when he joined the Prophet in al-Suḳyā during the expedition to Mecca in 8/630. He took part in the conquest of Mecca and was one of al-muʾallafa ḳulūbuhum who were presented with gifts, which gave occasion to a famous verse of ɈAbbās b. Mirdās. He took part also in the battle of Ḥunayn and refused to return his booty, in spite of the Prophet's request. (For Muḥammad's somewhat negative opinion of him see also Ibn Hishām, iv, 139.) He participated later in the deputation of Tamīm to the Prophet, the traditional account stressing his arrogant conduct; nevertheless, he was appointed to collect the ṣadaḳāt of part of the Banū Ḥanẓala (al-Ansāb, x, 970r). Together with other chiefs of Tamīm, he interceded for the captives of the Banu 'l-ɈAnbar, and was a witness to a letter despatched by the Prophet to Nadjrān. During the ridda, according to Sayf (al-Ṭabarī, i, 1920), al-AḳraɈ and al-Zibriḳān proposed to Abū Bakr to guarantee the allegiance of Tamīm against the grant of the kharādj of Baḥrayn, and it was only ɈUmar who prevented Abū Bakr from accepting the proposal. In view of the situation of Tamīm at this period, this tradition does not seem trustworthy, but it may reflect ɈUmar's attitude to al-AḳraɈ (cf. Bayān, i, 253, and ʿUyūn al-Akhbār (Cairo), i, 85). Sayf relates also that he took part in the battle of the ridda alongside Khālid b. al-Walīd, and was in the vanguard at the battles of Dūmat alDjandal and al-Anbār. His name is last mentioned in 32/652-3, when he was sent by alAḥnaf b. Ḳays to subdue Djūzdjān; he must have been a very old man at that time. AlBalādhurī mentions that his descendants lived in Khurāsān. (M.J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn Hishām, Sīra, index Bukhārī, ch. on Wafd Banī Tamīm, iii, 65 Naḳāʾiḍ (Bevan), index Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamharat al-Ansāb, B. M. 1202, 65 Balādhurī, Futūḥ, Cairo 1319, 414 idem, Ansāb al-Ashrāf, MS, x, 969v-970r Ḥassān b. Thābit, Diwān, Cairo 1929, 243-52, 353 v Ibn SaɈd, index Mubarrad, Kāmil, Cairo 1355, i, 133 Djāḥiẓ, Bayān, i, 236, 253 Ibn Ḥabīb, Muḥabbar, 134, 182, 247, 473 Ibn Ḳutayba, Maʿārif, Cairo 1935, 194, 305 Ṭabarī, index Aghānī, Tables Ibn ɈAbd Rabbihi, ʿIḳd, Cairo 1940 f., index Ibn Rashīḳ, ʿUmda, ii, 160 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamhara, 219 Ibn ɈAsākir, iii, 86-91 Yāḳūṭ, s. vv. Salmān, Djūzdjān Ibn al-Athīr, index LA, s.v. ḳaraʿa Ibn Ḥadjar, Iṣāba, s.v. al-AḳraɈ E. Bräunlich, Bisṭām b. Qais, Leipzig 1923, 46 Maḳrīzī, Imtāʿ al-Asmāʿ, Cairo 1941, index. [Print Version: Volume I, page 343, column 1] Citation: Kister, M.J. "al-AḳraɈ b. Ḥābis b. ɈIḳāl b. Muḥammad b. Sufyān b. MudjāshiɈ b. Dārim." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.


MusaylimaEQ.pdf Musaylima Musaylima b. Thumāma b. Kabīr b. Ḥabīb b. al-Ḥārith b. ɈAbd al-Ḥārith, a leader of the Banū Ḥanīfa and rival of the Prophet. Muslim sources derisively nickname him “Musaylima the liar” (al-kadhdhāb). Musaylima is a diminutive form of Maslama; this can be deduced from a verse of ɈUmāra b. ɈUkayl (Mubarrad, Kāmil, iii, 26). The basis of the rivalry between Muḥammad and Musaylima was the latter's claim to prophethood. Musaylima made his people believe that he was receiving revelation from God the Merciful (al-Raḥmān) through the angel Gabriel. It is essential to stress that Musaylima never denied the prophethood of Muḥammad; he rather claimed that he was destined to share this mission with him. In all their encounters, Muḥammad categorically rejected the quest of Musaylima to share his mission or be appointed Muḥammad's successor after his death. The letters exchanged between them bear clear evidence of their contrasting attitudes. Musaylima wrote to Muḥammad using the title “Messenger of Allāh” and claimed that God bestowed on him partnership in prophethood (fa-innī qad ushriktu fī l-amri maʿaka). “Half of the earth was given to Quraysh and the other half was allotted to us (i.e. to Banū Ḥanīfa), but Quraysh are people who exceed their bounds.” In his response, the Prophet addresses Musaylima as “the liar,” asserts that the earth (in its entirety) belongs to God who gives it “as heritage to whomever he pleases of his servants” (Bayhaqī, Maḥāsin, i, 49). Early traditions may help establish the period of Musaylima's activity and his connections with Mecca. According to reliable sources, he married Kayyisa bint alḤārith of the Meccan aristocratic clan of ɈAbd Shams. Musaylima was her second husband. The Prophet met Musaylima in Medina several times (it is reported that when Musaylima arrived in Medina for the first time accompanied by a unit of Banū Ḥanīfa warriors, he stayed in Kayyisa's grove). In reference to the impertinent demands of Musaylima, Muḥammad refused to give him “even a splinter of a palm branch” which he held in his hand. At a later meeting with a delegation of Banū Ḥanīfa, the members of the delegation decided to embrace Islam, but changed their minds after returning to Yamāma, and aligned themselves with Musaylima instead. Musaylima was held in high esteem: his companions called him “the merciful one of Yamāma” (raḥmān alYamāma). Also, as befitted the usual manner in which holy persons, soothsayers and prophets appeared, he was veiled and disguised. There are many common features and methods in the prophetic careers of Musaylima and Muḥammad. Like Muḥammad, Musaylima claimed to be the recipient of divine revelation. Further, he claimed to heal the sick and work miracles. Naturally enough, Muslim tradition describes his claims to such powers as totally baseless. In Yamāma, Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups who came under his control after the death of Hawdha, the former chief of the area in the service of Persia. In the last years before the Prophet's death, he attempted to establish a social order based on an alliance between the people of Yamāma and tribal groups which moved to Yamāma and settled there. Musaylima erected a safe area (ḥaram) in which certain places inhabited by his allies (qurā al-aḥālīf) were included. According to Muslim sources, the ḥaram was managed in a corrupt way and the Banū Usayyid, who served as its guardians mistreated other groups. When these groups complained, Musaylima did not redress the injustice. Instead, he read to them “the answer he got from heaven,” meaning a verse from his qurɇān: “(I swear) by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate [the sanctity] of the ḥaram”. When the Usayyid continued their transgressions, another verse was released: “[I swear] by the dark night and by the softly treading lion, the Usayyid cut neither fresh nor dry.” The death of the prophet Muḥammad raised the hopes of the community of Musaylima. In one of the speeches said to have been delivered in that period and which was directed to the Banū Ḥanīfa, Musaylima stressed the qualities of his people and his land in comparison with Quraysh and Mecca: “What made Quraysh more deserving of prophethood than yourselves? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than their land. Gabriel (Jibrīl) descends from heaven like he used to descend to Muḥammad.” Musaylima claimed that the revelation transmitted to Muḥammad had ceased with his death and henceforth it would be transmitted to him alone. The feeling that he was now the sole prophet is expressed in a verse attributed to Musaylima: O you, woman, take the tambourine and play, and disseminate the virtues of this prophet! Passed away the prophet of Banū Hāshim, and rose up the prophet of Banū YaɈrub (Ibn Kathīr, Bidāya, vi, 341). Musaylima's adherents grew in number and prestige. The situation in Yamāma inspired a feeling of security and peace. This feeling was, however, shaken by the unexpected arrival of a former soothsayer, who claimed that she had been granted revelations from heaven. Her name was Sajāḥ bt. al-Ḥārith. She was a Christian of the tribe of Tamīm but lived among the Christian Arabs of Taghlib. According to some sources, the forces led by Sajāḥ intended to attack the troops of Abū Bakr under the command of Khālid b. al-Walīd who set out to crush the apostasy (ridda) of the tribes after the Prophet's death. In her forces were warriors from her people and others who joined them. After some skirmishes, she decided to fight Musaylima and conquer Yamāma. Musaylima invited her to meet him in order to negotiate a peaceful solution. He recognized Sajāḥ as his partner in prophethood and declared that the land allotted by God to Quraysh would be transferred to Sajāḥ and her people. The other half would belong to Musaylima. Moreover, Musaylima granted Sajāḥ the crops Yamāma had produced that year and promised her the crops of the next year. Sajāḥ returned to the Jazīra after a few days. (Some reports maintain that Musaylima married Sajāḥ, but differ as to whether she remained with him until his death, or if he cast her off soon after their marriage; cf. Vacca, Sadjāḥ.) Abū Bakr became aware of the rising authority of Musaylima and decided to send Khālid b. al-Walīd at the head of the Muslim army to fight Musaylima and his forces. He wrote a letter to Khālid b. al-Walīd, stressing the power of the Banū Ḥanīfa and their courage. The bravery of Banū Ḥanīfa is said to have been mentioned in q 48:16. On his way to fight Musaylima, Khālid b. al-Walīd informed his army of Abū Bakr's letter concerning Banū Ḥanīfa. In the clashes with the Banū Ḥanīfa, a division of the army that came from those Medinans who had assisted Muḥammad in his emigration from Mecca (the Anṣār) attacked Yamāma and fought bravely together with the Meccans who had fled with Muḥammad (the Muhājirūn). They were summoned to help out in dangerous situations in the bloody battle of ɈAqrabāɇ. At the outset, the Banū Ḥanīfa succeeded in repulsing the bedouin attacks. The solution of Khālid was to put the bedouin fighters of the army behind the lines of the well motivated and steadfast warriors of the Emigrants (Muhājirūn) and Helpers (Anṣār). Cases of exemplary bravery on the part of these groups are recorded in the sources. Eventually, Waḥshī killed Musaylima with his javelin in a place dubbed in the Muslim sources as “the Garden of Death.” According to some far-fetched traditions, Musaylima was 140 or 150 years old when he died in 11/632. The intense loyalty of Musaylima's followers can be gauged from the various stories that have been passed down. A woman who heard about his death exclaimed, “Alas, prince of the believers!” (wā amīr al-muʾminīnāh). A wounded warrior of the Banū Ḥanīfa, in his agony, asked a Muslim warrior to kill him in order to put him out of his misery. Upon hearing of Musaylima's death, he remarked: “A prophet whom his people caused to perish” (nabiyyun ḍayyaʿahu qawmuhu). The Muslim warrior, enraged by these words, gave him the coup de grâce. The belief in the prophethood of Musaylima survived among his believers in the first decades of Islam. His adherents used to gather in the mosque of the Banū Ḥanīfa in Kūfa and the call lā ilāha illā llāh wa-Musaylima rasūlu llāh was heard from the minaret. ɈAbdallāh b. MasɈūd ordered the detention of the followers of Musaylima. Some repented and were released. Those who clung to their faith were executed. M. J. Kister Bibliography Primary: al-Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. Jābir, Futūḥ al-buldān, ed. ɈA. Anīs al-ṬabbāɈ and ɈU. Anīs al-TabbāɈ, Beirut 1958, 119-20 al-Bayhaqī, Abū Bakr Aḥmad b. al-Ḥusayn, Dalāʾil al-nubuwwa, ed. ɈA. al-QalɈajī, 7 vols., Beirut 1985, iv, 79; v, 330 al-Bayhaqī, Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad, al-Maḥāsin wa-l-masāwiʾ, ed. M. Abū l-Fa l Ibrāhīm, 2 vols., Cairo 1961, i, 49 al-Diyārbakrī, Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad, Taʾrīkh al-khamīs, 2 vols. in 1, Cairo 1283, repr. Beirut, ii, 157 Ibn ɈAbd al-Barr al-Namarī, al-Durar fī ikhtiṣār al-maghāzī wa-l-siyar, ed. Sh. Cairo 1966, 270 ayf, Ibn Ḥubaysh, ɈAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad, al-Ghazawāt, ed. S. Zakkār, Beirut 1992 Ibn SaɈd, Ṭabaqāt, Beirut 1957, v, 550 al-KalāɈī, Abū l-RabīɈ Sulaymān b. Mūsā, al-Iktifāʾ fī maghāzī rasūl Allāh wa-l-thalātha al-khulafāʾ, ed. M. ɈAbd al-Wāḥid, 2 vols., Cairo 1970, ii, 435 al-Kalbī, Hishām b. Muḥammad b. al-Sāɇib, Jamharat al-nasab, ed. N. Ḥasan, Beirut 1986, 543 al-Maqrīzī, Taqī l-Dīn Abū l-ɈAbbās Aḥmad b. ɈAlī, Imtāʿ al-asmāʾ, ed. M. M. Shākir, Cairo 1941, 508-9 ed. M. A. al-Nāmisī, 15 vols., Beirut 1999, ii, 100-1 Muqātil, Tafsīr, ii, 555 al-Nuwayrī, Aḥmad b. ɈAbd al-Wahhāb, Nihāyat al-arab fī funūn al-adab, 31 vols., Cairo 1964-92, xix (1975; ed. M. Ibrāhīm), 85-7 Suhaylī, al-Rawḍ al-unuf, ed. ɈA. al-Wakīl, 7 vols., Cairo 1969, iv, 38-9 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, ed. Cairo, iii, 276-300 al-Wāqidī, Kitāb al-Ridda, ed. M. Ḥamīdullāh, Paris 1989, index Secondary: V. V. Barthold, Musaylima, in id., Sočineniya, 10 vols., Moscow 1963-73, vi, 549-74 D. Eickelmann, Musaylima. An approach to the social anthropology of seventh century Arabia, in JESHO 10 (1967), 17-52 V. Vacca, Sadjāḥ, in EI 2, viii, 738-9 W. M. Watt, Musaylima, in EI , vii, 664-5 [Print Version: Volume 3, page 460, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. "Musaylima." Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān. General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe. 2

Ḳays b. ʿĀṣim

aysEI.pdf Ḳays b. ʿĀṣim b. Sinān b. Khālid b. Minḳar b. ɈUbayd b. MuḳāɈis, Abū ɈAlī (according to other versions: Abū Ṭalḥa or Abū Ḳabīṣa), a mukhaḍram chief of the Banū MuḳāɈis and leader of his tribe. Tribal tradition emphasised his generosity, care for people under his protection, mildness and leniency. Al-Aḥnaf b. Ḳays reported the story, recorded in the compilations of adab, of how Ḳays b. ɈĀṣim received calmly the news about the murder of his son and magnanimously pardoned the murderer who was brought fettered into his presence. A poet of Sulaym, ɈAbbās b. Mirdās, praised his noble behaviour towards his djār. He is counted among the magnanimous ones (ḥulamāʾ) and the nobles of the Djāhiliyya who abstained from drinking wine. His reintroduction of the practice of burying alive female infants is connected with a story of a woman of his family who, when captured in a raid on the tribe, preferred to remain with her captor and refused to return to her tribe. In order to prevent the recurrence of such an ignominy he decided to bury his daughters alive; verses 8-9 of Sūra LXXXI are said to have been revealed in connexion with this practice of Ḳays b. ɈĀṣim. Ḳays is recorded as a leader of his tribe in the stories of the battles which took place in the first decade of the 7th century. He was victorious in all of his battles, except that of Abraḳ al-Kibrīt where he was captured with his mother and two of his sisters. In the battle of al-Sitār he is said to have killed Ḳatāda b. Salama al-Ḥanafī; if this report is true, Ḳatāda must have been a very old man when Ḳays killed him, as he had already been a tribal leader during the Expedition of the Elephant and had been warned by Ṭarafa of the advancing troops of Abraha (see Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Munammaḳ, ed. Khursheed Aḥmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1383/1964, 69). The attack on the ɈAbd Ḳays at Djuwāt̲h̲a, in which Ḳays distinguished himself, seems to have been led by al-Ahtam. The attack on the Lahāzim (see W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Leiden 1966, ii, 2627) at Nibādj-Thaytal was a joint action undertaken by Ḳays at the head of the MuḳāɈis and Salāma b. Ẓarib, chief of the Adjārib (see Caskel, op. cit., 144). His rapid action and his effective tactics assured them of victory. In the battle of al-Kulāb II (where the tribal units of Tamīm gathered after the slaughter of al-Mushaḳḳar) Ḳays became the leader of the troops of SaɈd and by his energetic action and bravery helped to win the battle; the Tamīm attacked by allied Yamanī tribes took spoils and captives. It was at this battle, which took place at the beginning of the second decade of the 7th century, that Ḳays clashed with al-Ahtam. The animosity between these two leaders and the rancour between Ḳays and al-Zibriḳān b. Badr are echoed in the recorded verses of hidjāʾ and in the stories about the deputation of Tamīm to the Prophet. A mathal story reports the part played by Zayd al-Khayl (who left his tribe for some time and dwelt in the camp of Ḳays) in repelling an attack of the ɈIdjl against the MuḳāɈis; Ḳays denied Zayd's meritorious deed and because of this gained the epithet “the liar”. Tamīmī tradition stresses the role of Ḳays in the deputation of Tamīm to the Prophet, emphasising that the Prophet was impressed by him and named him “the chief of the nomad people” (sayyid ahl al-wabar). A spurious tradition records a conversation between the Prophet and Ḳays, in which Ḳays told the Prophet that the first man who applied radjaz in driving camels (ḥidāʾ) was the ancestor of the Prophet, Mu ar; the first man who received information about the appearance of a prophet named Muḥammad was Sufyān b. Mudjās̲h̲iɈ al-Dārimī, who accordingly named his new born son Muḥammad. It is apparent that the tendency of this tradition is to stress the Prophet's link with Mu ar and Tamīm. The alleged sincerity of Ḳays' belief is indicated in a story of his divorce of his beloved wife from the Banū Ḥanīfa, because she refused to embrace Islam. The Prophet exhorted Ḳays to donate some of his flocks to the poor and needy, and is said to have forbidden tribal alliances to be formed in Islam. The Prophet appointed Ḳays tax collector of the MuḳāɈis and the Buṭūn (see Caskel, op. cit., 230). After the death of the Prophet, Ḳays seems to have wavered in his loyalty to Medina. He doubted the stability of the Medina establishment and preferred to divide the taxes collected for Medina among his tribe. This he apparently did according to some kind of agreement with al-Zibriḳān; when al-Zibriḳān later hurried to Abū Bakr with the taxes levied from his tribal units, Ḳays felt himself deceived and accused al-Zibriḳān of treacherous behaviour. Both leaders showed no hostility towards Medina at the beginning of the ridda: they escorted ɈAmr b. al-ɈĀṣ in their territories when he was on his way from ɈUmān to Medina; they took a neutral stand towards Medina while waiting to see whether Medina would stand fast against the tribal revolts. Ḳays further aided Sadjāḥ, but no war action of his on her behalf is recorded. After the revolt of the Banū Ḥanīfa was crushed, Ḳays joined ɈAlāɇ al-Ḥa ramī when he was on his way to Baḥrayn, but even then he simply escorted him through the territories of the SaɈd; only later did he decide to fight on his side. He fought bravely, and is credited with the killing of al-Ḥuṭam and Abdjar b. Budjayr. Ḳays settled in Baṣra. He is said to have had 33 sons and many daughters. Ṭalaba b. Ḳays was known for his generosity; Muḳātil b. Ṭalaba was in the deputation of the nobles of Tamīm and ɈĀmir b. ṢaɈṣaɈa sent by Ibrāhīm b. ɈArabī to ɈAbd al-Malik. Mayya, the daughter of Muḳātil b. Ṭalaba, was the beloved of Dhū ɇl-Rumma. According to Ibn Kathīr, Ḳays died in 47/667. He enjoined his sons not to reveal his place of burial, because he feared the Banū Bakr b. Wāɇil, whom he had fought and who hated him. Following the example of the Prophet, he gave orders to refrain from lamentations at his funeral. He was eulogised by ɈAbda b. al-Ṭabīb in his famous elegy in which he said “The death of Ḳays was not the death of one man: it was [as if] the edifice of a people had fallen down”. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Aghānī, index Ṭabarī, index al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, Ms. ɈAs̲h̲ir Ef. 597/8, fols. 1019a-1020b al-Bakrī, Muʿdjam, ed. Muṣṭafā al-Saḳḳā, Cairo 1368/1949, index Abū Zayd, al-Nawādir fī ʾl-lugha, ed. SaɈīd al-Shartūnī, repr. Beirut 1387/1967, 92 al-Sharīf al-Murta ā, Amālī, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1373/1954, index al-Marzubānī, Nūr al-ḳabas, ed. R. Sellheim, Wiesbaden 1964, index Mufa al al- abbī, al-Mufaḍḍaliyyāt, ed. Ch. Lyall, Beirut 1920, 317, 741 Aḥmad b. Abī Ṭāhir, Balāghāt al-nisāʾ, al-Nad̲j̲af 1361, 51, 87-8 Ibn Ḥubaysh, al-Maghāzī, Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, pp. 13, 25, 72 Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamharat al-nasab, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, f. 78b al-Wāḳidī, al-Ridda, Ms. Bankipore, Cat. xv, 1042, fols. 27b-29a Ibn AɈtham, al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, 50-51, 53 al-Djāḥiẓ, al-Bayān wa ʾl-tabyīn, ed. al-Sandūbī, Cairo 1351/1932, index idem, al-Ḥayawān, ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Cairo 1384/1965, iii, 490 Ibn Ḳutayba, al-Maʿānī al-kabīr, Hyderabad 1368/1949, i, 507, ii, 825, 1025 idem, ʿUyūn al-akhbār, Cairo 1349/1930, index idem, al-Maʿārif, ed. al-Ṣāwī, Cairo 1353/1935, 131 (repr. Beirut 1390/1970) Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 126, 237-8, 248 ThaɈālibī, Thimār al-ḳulūb, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1383/1965, 315, no. 484 al-ɈAbbās b. Mirdās al-Sulamī, Dīwān, ed. Yaḥyā al-Djubūrī, Baghdad 1388/1968, 61-2 Ṣadr al-Dīn al-Baṣrī, al-Ḥamāsa al-Baṣriyya, ed. Mukhtār al-Dīn Aḥmad, Hyderabad 1383/1964, ii, 60, no. 157, 238, no. 4 al-Buḥturī, al-Ḥamāsa, ed. L. Cheikho (repr. Beirut 1387/1967), 245, no. 1321 Abū Tammām, al-Ḥamāsa, Sharḥ al-Tibrīzī, ed. Muḥammad Muḥyī ɇl-Dīn ɈAbd alḤamīd, Cairo 1357/1938, ii, 285-6 al-Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1376/1956, index Ibn ɈAbd Rabbihi, al-ʿIḳd al-farīd ed. Aḥmad Amīn, Ibrāhīm al-Abyārī, ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Cairo 1368/1949, index Ibn Durayd, Ishtiḳāḳ, ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Cairo 1378/1958, index Ibn ɈAbd al-Barr, al-Istīʿāb, ed. ɈAlī Muḥammad al-Bidjāwī, Cairo n.d., iii, 1294-96, no. 1240 Ḳurṭubī, Tafsīr, Cairo 1387/1967, iii, 56, xix, 233 Ibn Ḥadjar, al-Iṣāba, Cairo 1325/1907, v, 258, no. 7188 Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba, Cairo 1286, iv, 219-21 al-Ḳālī, al-Amālī, ed. al-Maymanī, Cairo 1344/1926, index al-Bakrī, Simṭ al-laʾālī, ed. al-Maymanī, Cairo 1354/1936, i, 487-8 al-Haythamī, Madjmaʿ al-zawāʾid, Beirut 1967 (repr.), iii, 107-8, iv, 221-2, ix, 404 Bukhārī, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. Muḥibb al-Dīn al-Khaṭīb, Cairo 1379, 328-9 al-Fattāl al-Naysabūrī, Rawḍat al-wāʿiẓīn, al-Nadjaf 1386/1966, 487 Yazīdī, al-Amālī, Hyderabad 1367/1948, 101 al-Wāḳidī, Maghāzī, ed. M. Jones, London 1966, iii, 975, 979 al-Zadjdjādjī, al-Amālī, ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Cairo 1382, 29, 88-9 Abū Dāwūd, Ṣaḥīḥ sunan al-Muṣṭafā, Cairo 1348, i, 59 ɈAskarī, Djamharat al-amthāl, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm and ɈAbd al-Madjīd Ḳaṭāmish, Cairo 1384/1964, index Ḥamza al-Iṣfahānī, al-Durra al-fākhira, ed. ɈAbd al-Madjīd Ḳaṭāmish, Cairo 1971, i, 164-5, no. 187, 287-9, no. 400, 324, no. 511 al-Maydānī, Madjmaʿ al-amthāl, ed. Muḥammad Muḥyī ɇl-Dīn ɈAbd al-Ḥamīd, Cairo 1379/1959, i, 220, no. 1179, ii, 65-6, no. 2711, 169, no. 3211 al-Ḳurashī, Djamharat as̲h̲ʿār al-ʿArab, Beirut 1383/1963, 34-5 Ibn SaɈd, al-Ṭabaḳāt, Beirut 1380/1960, vi, 319, vii, 36 Ibn Sayyid al-Nās, ʿUyūn al-athar, Cairo 1356, ii, 203 Ibn Hishām, Sīra, ed. al-Saḳḳā, al-Abyārī, Shalabī, Cairo 1355/1936, iv, 206-7 212-13, 270 al-Maḳrīzī, Imtāʿ al-asmāʿ, ed. Maḥmūd Muḥammad Shākir, Cairo 1941, i, 434, 439, 509 al-Zurḳānī, Sharḥ ʿalā 'l-mawāhib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1325, iii, 44 Yāḳūt, Muʿdjam al-buldān, s.v. Abraḳ al-Kibrīt, Djadūd, Thaytal, al-Kulāb, Musallaḥa, al-Sitār al-MuɈāfā b. Zakariyyā, al-Djalīs al-ṣāliḥ al-kāfī, Ms. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, no. 2321, fols. 19b, 154a al-Maḳdisī, al-Badʾ wa-l-taʾrīkh, ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1899, v, 109 Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa-l-nihāya, Beirut—al-Riyā 1966, viii, 31-2 Ibn Abī ɇl-Ḥadīd, S̲h̲arḥ Nahdj al-balāgha, ed. Muḥammad Abū ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1962, xv, 128, 130 ult. ɈAbd al-Ḳādir Baghdādī, Khizānat al-adab, Būlāḳ 1299, iii, 427 al-Ḥuṣrī, Zahr al-ādāb, ed. ɈAlī Muḥammad al-Bidjāwī, Cairo 1389/1969, ii, 965 Ibn Abī ɇl-ɈAwn, al-Tashbīhāt, ed. Muḥammad ɈAbd al-MuɈīd Khān, Cambridge 1369/1950, 323 ɈAskarī, al-Maṣūn fī ʾl-adab, ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn, Kuwayt 1960, 16 Thābit b. Abī Thābit, Khalḳ al-insān, ed. ɈAbd al-Sattār Farrādj, Kuwayt 1965, 90 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamharat ansāb al-ʿArab, ed. E. Lévi-Provençal, Cairo 1948, 205-6 idem, Djawāmiʿ al-sīra, ed. Iḥsān ɈAbbās, Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Asad, Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir, Cairo n.d., 25, 290 Dhū ɇl-Rumma, Dīwān, ed. C. H. H. Macartney, Cambridge 1919, 624 (no. 79, v, 57) Ḥākim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342 (reprint al-Riyā ), iii, 611-12 Djarīr and al-Farazdaḳ, Naḳāʾiḍ, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1908-12, index Ch. J. Lyall, Translations of Ancient Arabian Poetry, London 1930, 33-4, 84 W. M. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 138 Ḥusayn b. ɈAlī al-Maghribī, Adab al-khawāṣṣ, Ms. Bursa, Ḥu. Çelebi 85b, fols. 36b-37a Ch. Pellat, Risāla fi ʾl-ḥilm, Beirut 1973, index. [Print Version: Volume IV, page 832, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. “Ḳays b. ɈĀṣim b. Sinān b. Khālid b. Minḳar b. ɈUbayd b. MuḳāɈis, Abū ɈAlī (according to other versions: Abū Ṭalḥa or Abū Ḳabīṣa).” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.

al-Ḥurr b. Yazīd al-Riyāḥī al-Yarbūʿī al-Tamīmī

HurrEI.pdf al-Ḥurr b. Yazīd b. Nādjiya b. Kaʿnab b. ʿAttāb b. al-Ḥārith b. ʿAmr b. Hammām al-Riyāḥī, al-Yarbūʿī, al-Tamīmī came at the head of a troop of 1000 horsemen from al-Ḳādisiyya as a vanguard of the forces sent by ɈUbayd Allāh b. Ziyād, the governor of al-ɈIrāḳ against al-Ḥusayn b. ɈAlī b. Abī Ṭālib. The latter was advancing at the time with a group of his kindred and followers in the direction of al-Kūfa. AlḤurr was ordered to follow closely the group of al-Ḥusayn so as to bring him to ɈUbayd Allāh in al-Kūfa; he was however not told to fight. Accordingly he kept close to the camp of al-Ḥusayn and prevented him from turning back to al-Madīna, but agreed that he should proceed in a direction other than al-Kūfa. The relations between al-Ḥurr and al-Ḥusayn were not at first hostile: he even prayed behind al-Ḥusayn; he denied at the same time having any knowledge of the letters sent by the people of al-Kūfa to alḤusayn. Rigidly adhering to a new order received from ɈUbayd Allāh (2 Muḥarram 61/2 October 680) he prevented al-Ḥusayn and his followers from arriving at a settled place, compelling them to pitch their camp in the barren spot of Karbalāɇ. When ɈUmar b. SaɈd b. Abī Waḳḳāṣ, heading the forces dispatched by ɈUbayd Allāh b. Ziyād, rejected the proposals of al-Ḥusayn and decided to fight him, al-Ḥurr decided to join al-Ḥusayn, although knowing that the latter's situation was desperate. He expressed his regret, went over with a small group of his followers to al-Ḥusayn and the latter promised him God's forgiveness. He fought bravely, killed two warriors of the force of ɈUmar b. SaɈd and was finally killed (10 Muḥarram 61/10 October 680). The tradition about the repentance of al-Ḥurr, his audacity in the encounter and his heroic death became part of the story of the martyrdom of al-Ḥusayn. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., fol. 71b al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, Ms., fols. 241b, 242a-b, 245a-b, 246a, 251a, 994a, 997a Ṭabarī, index MasɈūdī, Murūdj, Cairo 1357, iii, 10 Abu ɇl-Faradj al-Iṣfahānī, Maḳātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, ed. Aḥmad Ṣaḳr, Cairo 1949, 110-111 al-Dīnawarī, al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, ed. ɈAbd al-MunɈim ɈĀmir and Djamāl al-Dīn alShayyāl, Cairo 1960, 249-52, 256 Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya, viii, 170, 172-4, 179, 180, 182-3 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamharat ansāb al-ʿArab, ed. Lévi-Provençal, Cairo 1948, 215 Ibn Athīr, iv, 38-41, 43, 51, 54-5, 57 Ibn Ḥadjar, al-Iṣāba, Cairo 1323, ii, 16 inf. al-Shaykh al-Mufīd, al-Irshād, al-Nadjaf 1963, 224-7, 235-7 al-Ṭabarsī, Iʿlām al-warā (ed. 1312 H), 137-8, 143-5 Ibn Shahrāshūb, Manāḳib āl Abī Ṭālib, al-Nadjaf 1956, 246, 249 al-Madjlisī, Biḥār al-anwār, Tehran 1385 H, xliv, 375-80, xlv, 13-5 ɈAbd Allāh b. Muḥ. al-Shubrāwī, al-Itḥāf bi-ḥubbi ʾl-ashrāf, Cairo 1316, 45-7, 61 Muḥ. al-Ṣabbān, Isʿāf al-rāghibīn (on margin of Nūr al-abṣār), 188 al-Shablandjī, Nūr al-abṣār fī manāḳib āl bayt al-nabī al-mukhtār, Cairo 1345, 129, 130 al-Isfarāɇīnī, Nūr al-ʿayn fī mashhad al-Ḥusayn, 1280 H, 34-5, 38 Muḥsin Amīn Ḥusaynī al-ɈĀmilī, Aʿyān al-shīʿa, Damascus 1945, xx, 369-86 W. Muir, The Caliphate (ed. Weir), 1924, 308 J. Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositions-parteien, Berlin 1901, 65-6 (Ar. transl. by ɈAbd al-Raḥmān Badawī, Cairo 1958, 170-2, 175) Ḥasan Ibrāhīm Ḥasan, Taʾrīkh al-Islām al-siyāsī, Cairo 1935, i, 419. [Print Version: Volume III, page 587, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. "al-Ḥurr b. Yazīd b. Nādjiya b. KaɈnab b. ɈAttāb b. al-Ḥārith b. ɈAmr b. Hammām al-Riyāḥī, al-YarbūɈī, al-Tamīmī." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.

al-Ḥārith b. Suraydj

HarithEI.pdf al-Ḥārith b. Suraydj (or ɈUmayr) b. Yazīd b. Sawā (or Sawwār) b. Ward b. Murra b. Sufyān b. MudjāshiɈ, Abū Ḥātim, leader of a rebellious movement in Khurāsān against the Umayyad administration. His father, Suraydj, had his abode in the quarter of the Banū MudjāshiɈ in Baṣra and received a yearly ʿaṭāʾ of 700 dirham. Ḥārith is mentioned as one of the courageous warriors in the battle against the forces of the Khāḳān at Paykand in 111/729. He was flogged on the order of the governor of Khurāsān, al-Djunayd b. ɈAbd al-Raḥmān al-Murrī, having opposed the latter's injustice. The verse referring to this event says that “he refused to be a djanība (i.e., a horse driven alongside) of the Murra when they went astray and their imām committed iniquities”. He rebelled in 116/734. Aided by the native forces of Djūzdjān, Fāryāb and Ṭalḳān, Ḥārith captured Balkh and marched at the head of a force, which grew to the figure of 60,000, against Marw, defended by the new governor, ɈĀṣim b. ɈAbd Allāh alHilālī. The defeat of Ḥārith at Marw reduced the number of his followers to 3000. The news that he was being dismissed by the Caliph, Hishām, and replaced by Asad b. ɈAbd Allāh al-Ḳasrī drove ɈĀṣim to negotiate with Ḥārith. The basis of their agreement was to be their common call to Hishām to put a stop to iniquity; if he refused, Ḥārith and ɈĀṣim would revolt against his rule. After his arrival the new governor, Asad b. ɈAbd Allāh al-Ḳasrī, succeeded by vigorous action in recapturing Balkh and compelled Ḥārith to cross the Oxus. Ḥārith, aided by the forces of the local leaders, laid siege to Tirmidh, but failed to conquer the city and was compelled to retreat to the fortress of Tabūshkān in Ṭukhāristān. A force sent by Asad under the command of DjudayɈ al-Kirmānī besieged the fortress; the adherents of Ḥārith insisted on leaving and surrendered to the besieging force. Some of them were decapitated; the women were sold as slaves (118/736). Ḥārith with his force joined the Khāḳān of the Türgesh. He fought valiantly on the Khāḳān's side in the encounter of Kharīstān and defended his retreat when his army was defeated (119/737). Ḥārith assisted the Khāḳān in the preparations for a new expedition and received from the Khāḳān 5000 horses. The Khāḳān was, however, murdered and the power of the Türgesh collapsed. Asad died in 120/738. The new governor, Naṣr b. Sayyār, marched in 122/740 with an army against Shāsh, which served as a base for the forces of Ḥārith. There was an encounter between the troops of Naṣr and Ḥārith but the battle between the forces of Shāsh and the army of Naṣr was prevented by an agreement between them, by which the ruler of Shāsh would deport Ḥārith to Fārāb. The assumption of H. A. R. Gibb that the object of the expedition against Shāsh was the expulsion of Ḥārith is plausible. Naṣr apprehended that the dangerous rebel might incite the Turkish rulers to lead a new expedition against him. These fears would seem to be reasonable in view of the instability of the central government after the death of Hishām, the tensions between the Mu arīs and the Yemenīs in Khurāsān, as well as the dissatisfaction of the native rulers with the policy of Naṣr in Transoxania. This explains why Naṣr pleaded with the Caliph, Yazīd b. al-Walīd, to pardon Ḥārith. The letter of safe-conduct granted to Ḥārith by the Caliph promised to return the confiscated property of the adherents of Ḥārith and to act according to the ordinances of “The Book and the Sunna”. When Ḥārith came back to Marw in 127/745 he reiterated the demand to act in accordance with the ordinances of “The Book and the Sunna”. He justified his struggle against the administration and his secession from the community by the statement that “the few who obey God are many and the many who disobey God are few”. He was welcomed by Naṣr and the people of Marw; his son Muḥammad and his daughter alAlūf, who were detained, were released. Naṣr offered to appoint him as governor of a district, but he refused. He divided the gifts given to him by Naṣr among his adherents. He demanded of Naṣr that he should appoint as officials only decent and righteous people. Shortly after his arrival, Ḥārith was joined by 3000 Tamīmīs who gave him the oath of allegiance. He encamped outside Marw, and instructed Djahm b. Ṣafwān to read his “sīra”, setting himself up against Naṣr. DjudayɈ al-Kirmānī joined Ḥārith for a short time. However, they fell out, their forces clashed and Ḥārith was killed in 128/746. Ḥārith is mentioned as a Murdjiɇī. His secretary was Djahm b. Ṣafwān. In his political activity he followed in the steps of Abu ɇl-Ṣaydāɇ, who fought for the rights of the mawālī; some of the companions of Abu ɇl-Ṣaydāɇ fought on the side of Ḥārith. Ḥārith and his followers are the only group in early Islam which seceded from the community and aided the unbelievers against their brethren with the aim of establishing a government acting according to the ordinances of the Ḳurɇān and the Sunna. In the force of Ḥārith are mentioned “ahl al-baṣāʾir”, people of a religious conviction, whom Ḥārith used to consult. When Ḥārith returned, he came back with his ḳāḍī. The black flags raised by Ḥārith seem to have been an imitation of the sunna of the Prophet. A special feature of this peculiar group was the habit of appealing to the enemy during the battle to join them by using moral and religious arguments. Ḥārith seems to have had a feeling of mission. He apparently lived an ascetic life and wanted to establish a just government resembling that of the Prophet and the first Caliphs. He demanded that the principle of election of the Shūrā should be followed. A satirical verse recited after his death claims that he hoped to be a Caliph: “The son of a saddle (Ibn Sardj) hopes to be a Caliph: How remote are the means of the Caliphate from a saddle”. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography H. A. R. Gibb, Arab conquests in Central Asia, London 1923, 69-94 F. Gabrieli, Il Califfato di Hishām, Alexandria 1935, 44-70 Barthold, Turkestan, 190-3 J. Wellhausen, Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, Berlin 1902, 288-306 (English trans. 459-498) G. van Vloten, Recherches sur la domination arabe, Amsterdam 1894, 24-32 Ṭabarī, index Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., f. 66b al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, Ms. f. 295b, 982b Ibn ɈAsākir, Taʾrīkh, ii, 460; v, 36 Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya, ix, 313, 322; x, 26 Arabskiy Anonym XI Veka, ed. P. A. Gryaznevič, Moskow 1960, f. 258b al-Dhahabī, Taʾrīkh al-Islām, iv, 228, 229; v, 35, 56 Ḥasan Ibr. Ḥasan, Taʾrīkh al-Islām al-siyāsī, i, Cairo 1935, 538, n. 4. [Print Version: Volume III, page 223, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. "al-Ḥārith b. Suraydj (or ɈUmayr) b. Yazīd b. Sawā (or Sawwār) b. Ward b. Murra b. Sufyān b. MudjāshiɈ, Abū Ḥātim." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.

Djāriya b. Ḳudāma al-Tamīmī al-Saʿdī

DjariyaEI.pdf Djāriya b. Ḳudāma b. Zuhayr (or: b. Mālik b. Zuhayr) b. al-Ḥuṣayn b. Rizāḥ b. Asʿad b. Budjayr (or: Shudjayr) b. Rabīʿa, Abū Ayyūb (or: Abū Ḳudāma, or: Abū Yazīd) al-Tamīmī, al-Saʿdī, nicknamed “al-Muḥarriḳ”, “the Burner”—was a Companion of the Prophet (about the identity of Djāriya b. Ḳudāma with Djuwayriya b. Ḳudāma see Tahdhīb, ii, 54, 125, and Iṣāba, i, 227, 276). Djāriya gained his fame as a staunch supporter of ɈAlī b. Abī Ṭālib. According to a tradition quoted by Ibn SaɈd (Ṭabaḳāt, vii/1, 38) Djāriya witnessed the attempt at the assassination of ɈUmar; later, he was in Baṣra when the forces of Ṭalḥa and al-Zubayr entered the city. He harshly reproached ɈĀɇisha (al-Ṭabarī, ed. Cairo 1939, iii, 482; al-Imāma wa ʾl-Siyāsa, ed. Cairo 1331 A.H., i, 60), and took part in the battle of the Camel with ɈAlī (although his tribe, the SaɈd, remained neutral); he was given command of the SaɈd and the Ribāb of Baṣra in the battle of Ṣiffīn and distinguished himself in this battle (Naṣr b. Muzāḥim: Waḳʿat Ṣiffīn, 153, 295, ed. Beirut). He seems to have approved the idea of arbitration and was among the delegation of the heads of Tamīm who tried to mitigate al-AshɈath and the Azd (alMubarrad, al-Kāmil (ed. Wright) 539). Djāriya remained faithful to ɈAlī after the arbitration and supported him in his struggle against the Khawāridj: he was at the head of the troop levied with difficulty by ɈAbd Allāh b. ɈAbbās from Baṣra (37 A.H.) and dispatched to fight the Khawārid̲j̲ (al-Ṭabarī, iv, 58; Caetani, Annali, x, 85). He remained faithful when the influence of ɈAlī began to shrink and ɈAlī was deserted by his friends. After his conquest of Egypt MuɈāwiya, being aware of the peculiar situation in Baṣra in which the differences between the tribal groups were acute and the partisans of ɈAlī not numerous, decided to wrest the city from ɈAlī. The details about these events holding ɈIrāḳ are provided by al-Balādhurī's Ansāb al-As̲h̲rāf among other sources (fols. 206b-209a). MuɈāwiya sent to Baṣra (in 38 A.H.) his emissary, ɈAbd Allāh b. ɈĀmir (or b. ɈAmr) al-Ḥa ramī, in order to win the hearts of the Banū Tamīm in Baṣra. He gained in fact the protection of the Banū Tamīm. The deputy prefect of, Baṣra Ziyād b. Abīhi, was compelled to seek protection for himself with the Azd in Baṣra. ɈAlī sent his emissary, AɈyan b. ubayɈa al- MudjāshiɈī, in order to prevent the fall of the city into the hands of MuɈāwiya; he was, however, killed by a group of men said to have been Khāridjites (although the version of the participation of ɈAbd Allāh Ibn al-Ḥa ramī seems to be plausible). Ziyād asked ɈAlī to send to Baṣra Djāriya b. Ḳudāma who was highly respected in his tribe (Ibn Abi ɇlḤadīd, S̲h̲arḥ Nahdj al-Balāgha, i, 353). Djāriya arrived at Baṣra with a troop of 50 warriors (or 500—see al-Ṭabarī, iv, 85; or 1000 or 1500—see Ansāb, fol. 208b), met Ziyād b. Abīhi, rallied the followers of ɈAlī, succeeded in winning the hearts of groups of Tamīm who joined him, attacked the forces of Ibn al-Ḥa ramī and defeated them. Ibn al-Ḥa ramī retreated with a group of 70 followers to a fortified Sāsānid castle belonging to a Tamīmī called Sunbīl (or Ṣunbīl). Djāriya besieged the castle, ordered wood to be placed around it and set the wood on fire. Ibn al-Ḥa ramī and his followers were burnt alive. There are controversial traditions about the course of the encounter between Djāriya and Ibn al-Ḥa ramī (see Ansāb, fol. 208b). According to a rather curious tradition (refuted by al-Balādhurī), Djāriya came to Baṣra as an emissary of MuɈāwiya together with Ibn al-Ḥa ramī, but forsook him however in Baṣra (Ansāb, fol. 209a). After the victory of Djāriya, Ziyād returned to the residence of the Governor of Baṣra. The authority of ɈAlī was thus secured in Baṣra. Ziyād b. Abīhi praised in his letter to ɈAlī the action of Djāriya and described him as the “righteous servant” (al-ʿabd al-ṣāliḥ). It was Djāriya who advised ɈAlī in 39 A.H. to send Ziyād to the province of Fārs to quell the rebellion of the Persians who refused to pay their taxes (al-Ṭabarī, iv, 105). According to Ibn Kathīr (cf. Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, iii, 165), the revolt was caused by the brutal action of burning committed by Djāriya (al-Bidāya, vii, 320). Djāriya fought his last fight in the service of ɈAlī against Busr b. Abī Arṭāt [q.v.] in 40 A.H. When the tidings about the expedition of Busr reached ɈAlī, he dispatched Djāriya with a troop of 2000 men to pursue Busr (another troop under the command of Wahb b. MasɈūd was also dispatched by ɈAlī). Djāriya, following Busr, reached the Yemen (so al-Balādhurī, Ansāb 211b; according to al-Ṭabarī, iv, 107, he reached Nadjrān) and severely punished the partisans of MuɈāwiya. Pursuing the retreating Busr, Djāriya arrived at Mecca and was told that ɈAlī had been killed. He compelled the people of Mecca to swear allegiance to the Caliph who would be elected by the followers of ɈAlī. In Medina he compelled the people to swear allegiance to Ḥasan b. ɈAlī. In the time of MuɈāwiya there was a reconciliation between Djāriya and MuɈāwiya. Anecdotal stories report about the talks between Djāriya and MuɈāwiya (al-Naḳāʾiḍ, ed. Bevan, 608; al-Balādhurī, Ansāb, fol. 358b; al-Djāhiẓ, al-Bayān, ii, 186; al-Mubarrad, alKāmil, ed Wright, 40). According to a fairly reliable tradition in al-Balādhurī's Ansāb (fol. 1048b), MuɈāwiya granted Djāriya a large fee of 900 djarīb. Djāriya died in Baṣra. His funeral was attended by al-Aḥnaf. (M.J. Kister) Bibliography Bukhārī, Taʾrīkh, i/2 (ed. Ḥayderābād 1362 A.H.) 236, 240 (N. 2309, 2325) al-Dhahabī, Taʾrīkh, ii, 182, 187 Ibn ɈAsākir, Taʾrīkh, ed. 1331 A.H., iii, 223 Wellhausen, The Arab kingdom, 100 Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., fol, 82a Ibn Durayd, Ishtiḳāḳ, (ed. ɈAbd al-Salām Hārūn), 253 al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-Ashrāf, fols. 206b-209a, 211a, 366a, 358b, 1048b, 1130b Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, index al-Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, index Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil (ed. Cairo 1301 A.H.), iii, 156, 165-7 Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya, vii, 316, 322, 320 Ibn SaɈd, Ṭabaḳāt, index al-YaɈḳūbī, Taʾrīkh, index al-ɈAsḳalānī, Tahdhīb al-tahdhīb, s.v. Djāriya and Djuwayriya al-ɈAsḳalānī, al-Iṣāba, s.v. Djāriya and Djuwayriya al-Marzubānī, Muʿdjam al-Shuʿarāʾ, (ed. Krenkow), 306 Muir, The Caliphate, Edinburgh 1924, 280 Ṭāhā Ḥusayn, ʿAlī wa-banūhu, 143-6, 150-1 al-Ṭabarī, index For a tradition of Djāriya and its parallels, see: DjāmiɈ Ibn Wahb (ed. David-Weill) 54, 106 Ibn Abi ɇl-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahdj al-Balāgha, ed. 1329 A.H. [Print Version: Volume II, page 480, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. “Djāriya b. Ḳudāma b. Zuhayr (or: b. Mālik b. Zuhayr) b. al-Ḥuṣayn b. Rizāḥ b. AsɈad b. Budjayr (or: Shudjayr) b. RabīɈa, Abū Ayyūb (or: Abū Ḳudāma, or: Abū Yazīd) al-Tamīmī, al-SaɈdī.” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.

Bisṭām b. Ḳays

BistamEI.pdf Bisṭām b. Ḳays b. Masʿūd b. Ḳays, Abu ʾl-Ṣahbāʾ or Abū Zīḳ (according to Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamhara 203, nicknamed “al-Mutaḳammir”)—pre-Islamic hero, poet and sayyid of the Banu Shaybān. His family was considered one of the three most noble and aristocratic Bedouin families (al-Aghānī, xvii, 105). His father is known (al-Muḥabbar, 253) as one of the “dhawū ɇl-Ākāl” (enjoying grants of the foreign rulers) and was granted by the Sāsānid kings as a fee Ubulla and the adjacent border territories (Ṭaff Safawān) against the obligation to prevent marauding raids of his tribesmen. Failing to fulfill his obligation in face of the opposition in his own tribe, and being suspected of plotting with Arab chiefs against Persian rule, he was imprisoned and died in a Persian gaol (al-Aghānī, xx, 140). It is a significant fact, that Bisṭām did not avenge the death of his father. On the contrary, Persian diplomacy succeeded, despite the Arab victory at Dhū Ḳār, in assuring the collaboration of Bisṭām, and a fairly trustworthy tradition (al-Naḳāʾiḍ, 580) shows that the Shaybānī troops were equipped by the Persian ʿāmil at ɈAyn al-Tamr. Born in the last quarter of the 6th century A.D. (T. Nöldeke, in Der Islam, xiv, 125) Bisṭām became a leader of his tribe at the age of twenty (Ibn al-Kalbī, op. cit.) and succeeded in uniting his tribe: he is known as one of the “djarrārūn” (al-Muḥabbar, 250). Abandoning the idea of fighting the Persians he directed all his activities against his neighbours of the Banū Tamīm. His first raid against the Banū YarbūɈ, a branch of the Banū Tamīm, was—according to al-Balādhurī—at al-AɈshāsh (Ansāb, x, 998 b). The Shaybānī troops were defeated, Bisṭām himself was captured and released without ransom. His second raid was probably at Ḳushāwa (Ansāb, x, 1003b). Here it is clearly mentioned that Bisṭām commanded the attacking troops, but the raid itself was insignificant and ended with seizing of camels of a clan of the Banū Salīṭ. To the same early period belongs apparently the encounter with al-AḳraɈ b. Ḥābis at Salmān, in which al-AḳraɈ was captured. A more serious enterprise was the raid of Ghabīṭ al-Madara (known as the Yawm Baṭn Faldj). A tribal federation of the ThaɈālib was attacked and overcome by the troops of Bisṭām, but when the attackers proceeded against the Banū Mālik b. Hanẓala, they met resistance and were put to flight with the aid of warriors of Banū YarbūɈ. Bisṭām, captured by ɈUtayba b. al-Ḥārith, had to pay a very high ransom and was compelled to promise not to attack the clan of ɈUtayba any more (Ansāb, 998a, 988a, 995b, 996a). Breaking his promise he attacked after a short time the camp of ɈUtayba's son at Dhū Ḳār (Ansāb 995b, 998a) and succeeded in seizing the camels (the raid is also known as Yawm Fayḥān). Not content with this victory, he prepared an attack on the Banū Tamīm in order to capture ɈUtayba; but he was defeated in this battle at al-Ṣamd (or Dhū Ṭulūḥ) and barely escaped with his life (Ansāb, 998a). A further battle at al-Ufāḳa (known as the battle of al-Ghabīṭayn or al-ɈUẓāla), prepared and aided by the Persian ʿāmil at ɈAyn al-Tamr, ended with the defeat of the attackers and with the escape of Bisṭām (Ansāb, 1004 b). Bisṭām fought his last battle at Naḳā al-Ḥasan. He was killed by a half-witted abbī, ɈĀṣim b. Khalīfa, who is said to have boasted of his deed at the court of ɈUthmān. The date of his death may be fixed at circa 615 A.D. Very little is known about the posterity of Biṣṭām. His grand-daughter Ḥadrāɇ, the daughter of his son Zīḳ was about to marry al-Farazdaḳ but died before the appointed date. Bisṭām is said to have been a Christian. He was the sayyid of his tribe; when the news of his death reached his tribe, they pulled down their tents as an expression of their sorrow. Many elegies were composed on his death, and his person was glorified as the ideal of Bedouin courage and bravery. But in the times of al-Djāḥiẓ, in the urban mixed society of the towns of ɈIrāḳ, his glory faded away and the common people preferred to listen to the story of ɈAntara (al-Bayān, i, 34) which came closer to their social equalitarian tendencies (cf. EI, s.v. ʿAntara, R. Blachère). (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Sources quoted in E. Bräunlich, Bisṭām b. Ḳays, Leipzig 1923 and by Th. Nöldeke, in his review of Bräunlich's book in Isl. xiv, 123 Ibn al-Kalbī: Djamharat al-Nasab, MS Brit. Mus. No. Add. 23297 (reported by Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb), 203 al-Balādhurī, Ansāb, MS., x, 988a, 995b, 998a, 1003b, 1004b al-Djāḥiẓ, al-Bayān (ed. Sandūbī) index Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar (ed. Lichtenstaedter) index al-Suwaydī, Sabāʾik, Baghdād 1280, 103, 112, 113 al-Āmidī, al-Muʾtalif, 64, 141 al-Marzubānī, Muʿdjam al-Shuʿarāʾ (ed. Krenkow) 300, 324, 405 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamhara (ed. Lévi-Provençal), 306 Djawād ɈAlī, Taʾrīkh, Baghdād 1955, 362-3, 370 R. Blachère, A propos de trois poètes arabes d'époque archaïque in Arabica, iv, 231-249 W. Caskel, Aijām al-ʿArab, in Islamica, iii, 1-100 Muḥammad b. Ziyād al-AɈrābī, Asmāʾ al-Khayl (ed. Levi della Vida), 60, 89 Abuɇl-Baḳāɇ Hībat Allāh, al-Manāḳib (B.M. MS. 23296), 36a, 38b, 42a, 44a, 111b al-Djāḥiẓ, al-Ḥayawān (ed. ɈA. S. Hārūn), i, 330, ii, 104. [Print Version: Volume I, page 1247, column 2] Citation: Kister, M.J. “Bisṭām b. Ḳays b. MasɈūd b. Ḳays, Abu ɇl-Ṣahbāɇ or Abū Zīḳ.” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.

The Struggle against Musaylima and the Conquest of Yamāma

musaylima.pdf THE STRUGGLE AGAINST MUSAYLIMA AND THE CONQUEST OF YAMAMA M. J. Kister The Hebrew University of Jerusalem The study of the life of Musaylima, the "false prophet," his relations with the Prophet Muhammad and his efforts to gain Muhammad's approval for his prophetic mission are dealt with extensively in the Islamic sources. We find numerous reports about Musaylima in the Qur'anic commentaries, in the literature of hadith, in the books of adab and in the historiography of Islam. In these sources we find not only material about Musaylima's life and activities; we are also able to gain insight into the the Prophet's attitude toward Musaylima and into his tactics in the struggle against him. Furthermore, we can glean from this material information about Muhammad's efforts to spread Islam in territories adjacent to Medina and to establish Muslim communities in the eastern regions of the Arabian peninsula. It was the Prophet's policy to allow people from the various regions of the peninsula to enter Medina. Thus, the people of Yamama who were exposed to the speeches of Musaylima, could also become acquainted with the teachings of Muhammad and were given the opportunity to study the Qur'an. The missionary efforts of the Prophet and of his companions were often crowned with success: many inhabitants of Yamama embraced Islam, returned to their homeland and engaged in spreading Islam. Furthermore, the Prophet thoughtfully sent emissaries to the small Muslim communities in Yamama in order to teach the new believers the principles of Islam, to strengthen their ties with Medina and to collect the zakat. These communities later helped Abu Bakr to fight the ridda and became part and parcel of the Medina body politic. Simultaneously, the Prophet did not neglect to prepare a military force to defend these communities. Small garrisons were placed on the borders of Yamama in order to defend them in case of an attack. If a considerable part of the population of a region decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet was informed and sent to them an emissary who was competent to guide the local leader in his decisions. The new converts were granted full rights of Muslims. The Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians were given the status of dhimmis, in return for paying the jizya. The zakat of the Muslims and the jizya of the dhimmis were sent to the Medina authorities. In contradistinction to the carefully planned spread of Islam in the various regions of the Arabian peninsula, we find Musaylima's prophetic 2 M. J. Kister vision essentially confined to Yamama. He claimed to have been sent by Allah to the Banu I:Ianifa only and wanted the Prophet Mul;tammad to acquiesce in this. He wanted MulJammad to be the prophet of Mecca and Medina, on a par with him, the prophet of Yamama. He envisaged the peninsula to be divided between the two prophets who co-existed with each other and guided their respective people in Allah's path. Both territories were to be considered God's land and the income from it was to be equally divided between the two prophets. The aim of the Prophet MulJammad was totally different. He strove to extend his authority and his dzn all over the world. According to his conception, there would never exist a religion equal to Islam: there is only one God, one Prophet and one religion. Therefore, whoever pretended to have a share in MulJammad's prophethood must be considered an impostor. No compromise was possible between these two conceptions of prophetic authority. I Musaylima b. Thumama, or Musaylima b. I:Iablb1, was the "false prophet" who emerged in Yamama during the Prophet MulJammad's activity in the Arabian peninsula. The early historian Hisham b. MulJammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kaibi (d. 146 A.H./763 A.D.) recorded the genealogical chain of Musaylima as follows: Musaylima al-kadhdhiib b. Thumama b. Kablr b. I:Iabib b. al-I:Iarith b. 'Abd al-I:Iarith.2 Ibn I:IazIp. gives his pedigree as Musaylima b. Thumama b. Kathlr b. I:Iabib and records his kunya as Abu Thumama.3 AI-Zurqani rejects this tradition, stating that Musaylima was the nickname (laqab) of the "false prophet" and that his name was Thumama. Thus, his kunya could not have been Abu Thumama.4 Later sources record different details regarding Musaylima's name: his laqab was Musaylima and his kunya was Abu Thumama and his 1 See the different versions of his name in Mughaltay b. Qilij's al-Zahr al-basim it srrat abfl-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 335a. Musaylima b. Thumama is recorded in Suhayll's al-Rau4u l-unul; Ibn Isl,Iaq has his name as Musaylima b. l;IabIb. This name appears also in the compilations of al- TabarI, Abu 'Ubayda, Ibn Durayd and others. See both the traditions in Salama b. Muslim al-'AutabI al-~ul,IarI, al-Ansab, vol. 1, p. 157; cf. al-MaqrIzI, Imta'u l-asma', Mal,Imud Mul,Iammad ShakIr, ed. Cairo, 1941, vol. 1, p. 506. 2 Jamharat al-nasab, p. 543. 3 Ibn l;Iazm, Jamharat ansabi l-'arab, p. 310. Ibn al AthIr, al-MuraHa', p. 113: "Abu Thumama was the kunya of Musaylima the liar, who claimed that he was granted prophethood. Abu Thumama is the kunya of the wolf; it is the kunya of the hoopoe (hudhud) as well." 4 AI-Zurqanf, Shar~ 'ala l-mawahibi l-laduniya li-l-Qastallanr, vol. 7, p. 180. The Struggle Against Musaylima 3 name was Hartin. 5 This name is recorded also by al- Khafaji. 6 Another tradition regarding his kunya is given by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr: his name was Musaylima b. Habib and his kunya was Abu Harun." Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubi records in his al- TaCrz! fi l-ansiib the name of al-Mahabba, a brother of Musaylima.f . The name Musaylima itself is a diminutive from Maslama and its meaning was in the beginning not necessarily derisive. We find in fact a verse of 'Urnara b. CAqil in which he mentions Maslama al-kadhdhiib saying that the Banu Hanifa would not gain glory until they enrage Mudar (by fighting them]." As to the nickname al-kadhdhiib, the Prophet himself "invoked the (huge -k) amounts of dust on earth to attest that Musaylima was a liar." 10 Al-Diyarbakrt, Tai rikh. al-kh amis , vol. 2, p. 157. Al-Khafaji', Nasimu l-riyiiq. jI sh arhi l-shifii li-l-qiiq.f' Iyiiq., vol. 2, p. 486. 7 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Durar /. ikhtis ar! l-maghiiz. wa-l-siyar, p. 270. 8 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubt, al- '['a'ri] [i l-ansiib , p. 114: .,. wa-min banf h anijato: musaylimatu l-k a dh dhiib uia-nkhiiliu l-rnahobbatu bnii Thumiimata bni qaysi bni kathbir (?) bni ~ablbi bni 'abdi I-~iirithi bni tha'labata bni l-diili bni ~anljata. 9 AI-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil , vol. 3, p. 26: wa-qiila 'Umiiratu bnu 'Aqilin: bal ayyuhii l-riikiln: l-miiq.f li-tiyyatihi: balligh ~anljata uia-nshur fihimu l-kh abarii a-kiina maslamatu l-k adh dh abu qiila lakum: Ian tudrikii I-majda ~attii tughq.ibii mudarii. 10' Al-Munawi, Fayq.u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 20, n. 2648; on Wabar b. Mushir al-Hanaft the transmitter of the ~adfth see, al-Bukharr, al- Ta'rikh al-kabir , vol. 8, p. 183, n. 2649; Ibn al-Athir, Us du l-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 82-83; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist"iib, vol. 4, p. 1551; al-BustT, Kit ab al-thi qiit , vol , 3, p. 329. He was a companion of Musaylirna and was sent by him to the Prophet; eventually he embraced Islam. This oath, referring to huge quantities of dust or pebbles, was used in contradistinction to an oath referring to a specific number of pebbles. The latter oath was considered a bid' a. This bid' a is recorded in the Musnad of Sa'd b. Abr Waqqa~. The author of this Musnad, Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dawraqi (d. 246 A. H.), 'Amir Hasan Sabrr, ed. Beirut 1407/1987, p. 150, no. 88. The daughter of Sa'd b. AbT Waqqa~ reports that her father entered the abode of a woman who sat in front of a heap of stone dates or of pebbles. She performed the tasb'~ counting the date stones or the pebbles; then she threw them away. The Prophet advised her to perform the tasbf~ in an easier way: "Glory be to Allah according to what he created in heaven, glory be to Allah according to what he created on earth, and glory be to Allah according to what he created between them (sub~iina Allii]: 'adada mii bayna dhiilika)." See this tradition also in al-HaythamT, Mawiirid a-~am' iin, p. 579 nos. 2330 and 2331. A similar tradition is recorded in Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad, vol. 2, p. 66-67, no. 710. Another tradition recorded in al-Hakirn al-Naysaburr, al-Mustadrak, vol, 1, p. 547. See also ibidem, p. 548 for the tradition on the authority of 'A'isha bint Sa'd, traced back to Safiyya bint Huyayy who declared that in front of her there are 4000 stone dates by which she praises God. The Prophet advised her to use a comprehensive formula. The "comprehensive formula" was the answer to the bid' as of the qUHiis who tried to introduce the tasbf~ in which they counted the praises of God uttered by the people in the mosque. The pious leaders of the people in the mosques frowned upon these practices and forbade the people to count God's praises in this way. See also Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dauraqi, Musnad Sa'd b. Ab, Waqqii§, p. 150, no. 88; Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad , vol. 2, pp. 66-67, no. 710; and see the copious references of the editor; AI-HaythamT, Mawiirid al-~am'iin p. 579, nos. 2313 5 6 4 M. J. Kister Musaylima was born in al-Haddar, a place in Yamama. He grew up there and there he started his prophetic activity. When the Banii Hanifa heard about him, they invited him to Hajr, the chief city of the Yamama. When Khalid b. al-Walld conquered Yamama and killed Musaylima, the people of the villages (qurii) of al-Haddar were captured and expelled; in their place Khalid settled people of the al-Harith b. Ka'b of the Sa'd b. Zayd Manat of Tarnlm.l! Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups in Yamama as well as the confidence of the population in many districts. He made efforts to convince the people to believe in his mission as a prophet who receives revelation directly from "God the Merciful" (al-ra~miin); the revelation is transmitted it to him through the angel Jibril. Musaylima himself came to be known as Rahman al-Yarnama. Muhammad was accused by his enemies in Mecca of learning the basis of.prophecy from a man in Yamama named al-Rahrnan. The Meccans decided to send a delegation to the Jews in Medina to ask them about the truth of Muhammad's prophethood, assuming that the Jews were knowledgeable about such matters, being schooled in the Holy Scriptures. The Jews advised the Meccans to question the Prophet on three issues: Dhu l-Qarnayn, al-rii~ and ashiib al-kahf; in addition they advised them to verify whether he was given the "Seal of Prophethood" (khiitam al-nubuwwa). The Meccans indeed verified the existence of his khiitam al-nubuunua and asked the three additional questions. The Prophet asked Jibrll and the angel answered the question about ashiib al-kahf and Dhii l-Qarnayn; but concerning al-riih, the angel merely said: al-riih min amri rabbi, lii 'ilma II bihi. The Meccans remarked sarcastically "Two sorcerers helped each other" (sii~iriini ta~iiharii), hereby referring to the Torah and to the Furqan (i.e., the Qur'an -k)Y The tradition about the Meccans' inquiry concerning the word alRahman and the position of Rahman al-Yamarna seems to be of some importance. The tradition indicates that the debate about the meaning of al-Hahrnan took place during Muhammad's stay in Mecca. This is the period of discussions between the Meccans and the Prophet and it indicates that Musaylima had already started his prophetic activity at that time. The report according to which the name Rahman al-Yamama was discussed before the hijra finds support in a passage adduced by alTha'alibi in his Thimiir al-quliib fi l-mur!iif uia-l-mansiib, "Musaylima and no. 2330; Muhammad b. Wa<;l<;lal,al-Qurtubr, Kitab al-bida' II (Arabic text), pp. 160-70, no. 1-44. 11 On the birthplace of Musaylima see Yaqut, Mu'jam aI-buidan, vol. 5, p. 394; Lisii» aI-'Arab, s.v. al-Haddar: Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya if ghanoi I-I}adfth, vol. 5, p. 251. 12 Ibn al-Jauzr, aI- Wafa bi-al}wali l-must ajii, p. 58. The Struggle Against Musaylima 5 falsely claimed prophethood while the Prophet was in Mecca before the hijra." 13 When the Prophet came to Medina, he found the people mentioning Musaylima, quoting his sayings and referring to the opinions of Banu Hanifa about him. The Prophet then delivered a speech in which he included Musaylima among the thirty liars who will arise before the coming of the false Messiah (al-dajjiil). Consequently, the Muslims started to revile Musaylima and vilify his narne.l" The name al-Rahman is often mentioned in the Qur'an. It became a subject of a heated discussion between the Muslims and the unbelievers, in connection with the meaning of the word in Qur'an 17:110, where al-Hahrnan is another name of Allah: "Say; Call upon Allah or call upon al-Rahman: by whichever name you call on Him, His are the most beautiful names." Here again the enemies of the Prophet claimed that at a certain stage the Quran enjoined to worship two different deities instead of one God, Whom it had enjoined to worship earlier. Al-Kalbi gives a lengthy explanation ofthe origin of the verse and the quotation of the word al-Hahrnan in the headings of the Suras, In the beginning of Muhammad's revelation, the word al-Rahrnan was rarely used in the Qur'an. But when many Jews embraced Islam and asked the Prophet about the numerous cases in which the word al-Rahman was recorded in the Tauriit , Qur'an 17:110 was revealed.P A far-fetched tradition states that Musaylima adopted the name of Rahman before the 'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad al- Tha'alibr, Tbimaru l-quliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibidem., p. 147. 15 Al-Samarqandr, Bahr al-'ulum (= tajsir al-Samarqandl) vol. 2, pp. 192-193; cf. Qur'an 13:30: wa-hum yakJuruna bi-l-rahrniin. qui huwa rabbi: It was 'Abdallah b. Umayya l-Makhzurnr and his friends (see on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Lsiiba , vol. 4, pp. 11-14, no. 4546; Ibn al-Athfr, Us du I-ghaba, vol. 3, pp. 118-119) who stated: "We do not know any Rahman except Musaylima the Liar." qui huwa rabbi: it was the order of God given to Muhammad. See also the comments on Qur'an 17:110, in Usd al-ghaba, vol. 2, pp. 286-87. According to al-Tabarf (on Qur'an 13:30), the order of Allah to state that al-Rahrnan is God was intended to deny the claims of the unbelievers that al-Rahman is not the name of God. In the al-Hudaybiyya agreement, the infidels of Quraysh refused to sign the document in which the expression rasulu llahi as the title of the Prophet appeared, and in which the expression bi-smi llahi I-ra~man al-rahim was used as the document heading. The Prophet gave way and his title was eliminated. He was mentioned merely as "Muhammad b. 'Abdallah" and the preamble of the document was replaced by the Jahih' formula, bi-smika lliihumm a, See al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayo.n, vol. 16, pp. 445-46, nos. 20397-98 (on Qur'an 17:110); al- Tha'labr, al-K ash] wa-I-bayan, MS. Ahmad III 76/4, fol. 51a-b. See also al- Tabari, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 15, p. 121, where Ibn 'Abbas reports that the Prophet was once overheard by an infidel when he invoked God, saying: ya ra~man, ya rahirn, The infidel in question notified his coreligionists who accused the Prophet of invoking two deities. Then Allah revealed the verse in which God stated that Allah and al-Rahman are identical. See also al-Naysaburi (Ghara'ibu 1-Qur' an wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 15, pp. 92-3), according to whom the man who overheard the Prophet invoking yo. lliih, ya ra~man was Abu Jahl. Another reason for revealing the verses identifying Allah with al-Rahman was the claim of the People of the Book that the mention of al-Rahman in the Qur'an was very rare, while he was mentioned in the 13 14 6 M. 1. Kister birth of Muhammad's father, 'Abdallah.16 The very early date of this event recorded in the sources can probably be explained by the tradition that Musaylima was a man granted longevity (mu'ammar), killed in the battle of 'Aqraba' in 12 A.H. at the age of 150 (or 140).17 Musaylima's epithet Rahman al-Yamama seems to have been well known in Mecca. Umayya b. Khalaf refrained from addressing 'Abd alRahman b. 'Auf, the famous companion of the Prophet, by his name; he rather adressed him by his Jahili name, 'Abd 'Amr, which was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Hahman. Umayya b. Khalaf called him by his Jahili name in order to avoid calling him 'Abd al-Rahman, which could indicate that he was the servant of Rahman al-Yamama, "the false prophet." 18 The first person to use bismi lliihi l-rahmiini l-rahim was the Prophet. The well known muhoddith Abu 'A'ishaI9 recorded on the authority of his father the changes in the headings of the Qur'anic Suras according to the time in which they were revealed. Quraysh asked to put in the headings of their documents and letters the expression bi-smika lliihumma. The Prophet used this heading as well. Then God revealed to him Surat Hiid in which the phrase bi-smi lliihi majriihii wa-marsiiha (verse 41) appeared. The Prophet then ordered to put the heading bi-smi lliihi at the beginning of each Sura. Later Qur'an 17 was sent down, including the phrase qui: ud'ij lliiha au ud'ij l-rohmiina. The Prophet then ordered to use the heading: bi-smi lliihi l-rahmiini, Then Qur 'an 27 was revealed, with the sentence innahu min sulaymiina wa-innahu bi-smi lliihi al-rahnuini l-rahim (verse 30); the Prophet ordered to use this sentence as a heading. After some time he reconsidered his decision: the bi-smi lliihi in this verse is preceeded with the words: innahu min sulaymiina. "My brother Sulayrnan," said the Prophet, "started the verse with his name, but I shall start with the name of God." He therefore established as a headline in letters and Qur'anic Suras the formula: bi-smi lliihi 1rahmiini l-rahim . So runs the headline in all the Siiras, except Sura 9. The diir al-khiliifa also used this headline in its correspondence.I'' Tauriit frequently; therefore, the verse identifying Allah with Rahman was revealed. The story of the Prophet's invocation, overheard by Abu Jahl, appears also in alWahidt's al- WasiJ, vol. 3, p. 11, vol. 3, p. 133 (commenting on Quran 17:110). 16 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 141a. 17 See al- Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120, al-Suytiti', Ta'rikt: al-khulajii", p. 76. 18 Al- Waqidr, al-Maghiizl, vol. 1,-p. 82 inf. 19 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl, Tahdhfbu I-tahdhfb, vol. 7, p. 45, no. 83. 20 See Ibn Sa'd, al- Tobaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 263-£4; al-Qashan), Ra'» miili I-nadfm, p. 146. The Struggle Against Musaylima 7 II According to a tradition mentioned above, Musaylima started his prophetic mission before the Prophet's hijra to Medina.21 The people of Yarnarna were divided in their attitudes towards Musaylima: some of them respected him while others mocked him. He claimed that he shared the prophetic mission with Muhammad; Jibril descends to Muhammad in the same way as he descends to him. A certain al-Rahhal (or alRajjal}, a faithful supporter of Musaylima, used to confirm the veracity of Musaylima's utterances and helped him to circulate his revelations. In some of his speeches, Musaylima tried to convince his audience that he was as suitable for the prophetic mission as Muhammad, also comparing the qualities of Quraysh with those of the Banu Hanifa and the qualites of Mecca with those of'Yarnama. "What made Quraysh more deserving of prophet hood than you? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than theirs. Jibril descends from Heaven to me, like he descends to Muhamrnad.t'V Yamarna seems to have been a prime agricultural area. Its inhabitants boasted of the quality of their dates, which were sold for the highest prices. The people of Yamarna used to say; "We surpass the people of the Earth in East and West by five features: by the beauty of our women (innahunna durriyyiitu l-alwiin), by the high quality of our wheat (named bayq.ii'u l-yamiima), by the sweetness of our dates, by the flavor of our meats (because of the quality of the Yamami pastures) and by the freshness of our water, which cleans the chest of phlegm." 23 The fertile soil of Yamama could supply Mecca with the grain necessary for its population. Skilled workers of Yam am a used to frequent Medina searching for employment. The Prophet praised the skilled artisans of the Banu Hanifa; he employed them in the preparation of clay, when he ordered to build the mosque in Medina and his opinion of the Hanafi artisans was very favorable.f" Al- Tha'alibt, Tliimiiru I-guliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanl, al-Kii/f I-sha//f takhriji a~adfthi I-kashshii/, p. 56; alTha'alibi, Ttiimiiru l-quliib, pp. 146 inf.-47 sup.; and see al-Naysaburi, Ghorii'ibu I-gur'an, vol. 7, p. 161, commenting on Qur'an 6:93: ... wa-man a.,lamu ... aw qiila: ii~iya ilayya wa-Iam yii~a ilayhi shay': kana musaylima yagiilu: mu~ammadun s allii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama rasiilu lliihi If banf gurayshin wa-anii rasiilu lliihi If banf ~anifa ... and see al-Wahidr, Asbiib al-nuziil, p. 148; Ibn Shabba, Ta'rfkh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-74; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir al-gur'iini I-'a.,fm, vol. 3, p. 65 att.--66; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, vol. 11, pp. 535--6, nos. 63557-59; al-Qurtubr, al-Jomi' li-a~kiimi l-quriiin , vol. 7, p. 39, cf. al-Tabrisr, Majma' al bayiin, vol. 7, p. 132; al-RazT, al- Tafsir al-kobir , vol. 13, pp. 83-84. 23 Ibn al-Faqih , Kitiibu l-buldiin, mukhtas ar , pp. 28-30. 24 See al-Tabaranr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 8, p. 4021, no. 8254 (... tj.a'ii 1~anafiyya wa-I-tfna [a-inn ahu atj.batukum li-l-tini; and ibid., p. 399, no. 8242: ... Talq 21 22 8 M. J. Kister Thus, Yamarna was a region whose economy was based on agriculture. This is reflected in the poetry of Jarir who mocks its inhabitants for being peasants lacking in military prowess. "Shame on the Banu Hanifa," says Jarlr, "Bring the days of battles which cover their faces with blackness (~umam) which cannot be wiped out. On those days they do not take captives, but are led into captivity; and they are killed by their enemies if they do not pay poll-tax (khariij). They are owners of palm trees and palm groves and of sown land; their swords are from wood and they carry shovels. Digging channels for irrigation (dibiir; but there is another explanation of this word: patches of land for sowing -k) and grafting of palm trees are their customary occupations since ancient times." In the following verse, Jarir denies that any glory pertains to the Banii Hanifa: when their praiseworthy deeds were counted, the Banu Hanifa became aware that their presumed glory was worth nothing. Referring to the lack of horses in the habitat of the Banii 1:1anifa , Jarir scornfully says: "If you ask where the necks of the horses are, they would not know and would say about their tails: 'These are their necks.' " Jarir emphasizes the ignorance of the Banii Hanifa regarding horses by saying that they would burst into tears rather than saddle a horse even if this could save them from fatal fever. Jarir concludes his vilification recalling the defeat of the army of the Banii Hanifa: "When they saw Khalid (Ibn al- WaiId) annihilate in al-Trd, and the words of their tyrant them (to their enemy) they capitulated humiliation, and stretched (i. e., Musaylima) their forces surrendered out their hand for peace in when the Sword of God (i.e., Khalid] was about to exterminate them." lammii ra'at Khiilidan bi- 'l-ire! ahlakahii qatlan wa aslamahii mii qiila tiighZhii diinat wa aitat yadan li- 'l-silm ~iighiratan min bacdi mii kiida sayfu 'lliihi yufn'ihii." 25 'an abihi qiil a: banaytu ma'a rasuli llahi (~al'am) masjida l-madinnti, [a-kiin a yaqulu: makkinu I-yamiimf min a I-tfni min a~sanikum lahu mass an ... ; and see ibid., vol. 8, p. 398, no. 8239 and no. 8238; the Prophet's opinion about 'I'alq; see Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 552: inn a hiidhii I-~anafiyya la-~ii~ibu t-u«. 25 Jarrr, Dfwiin, p. 600. The Struggle Against Musaylima 9 III The territory of Yamarna was important not only because of its own value, but also because the Muslims had to pass through it on their way to propagate Islam in the eastern part of the peninsula. The story of Thumama b. Uthal, one of the leaders of the Bami Hanifa, is therefore highly significant. Thumarna had intended to kill an emissary of the Prophet who trespassed upon the border of his region; but was prevented by his uncle from carrying out his plan.26 When the Prophet heard about the thwarting of his messengers by Thurnarna b. Uthal, he invoked God to enable him to take hold of Thumarna, when he had no letter guaranteeing his safety.27 Allah responded to the invocation of the Prophet and when the Prophet seized him he had no letter of security; the Prophet could therefore freely decide his fate. Thumama was imprisoned in the mosque of the Prophet, fastened to one of its pillars. After three days he was released. Thumarna washed in order to purify himself before embracing Islam; he uttered the shahiida and became a Muslim. He explained that he converted to Islam because the Prophet addressed him by his kunya, Abu Umama.28 This was the honorable way of addressing a free man. It is significant to note that the man who had been detained by Thurnama before his journey to Mecca (i.e., before he was caught by the emissaries of the Prophet -k) was al- 'Ala' b. al-Hadrami who was sent by the Prophet to Bahrayn and succeeded to persuade al-Mundhir b. Sawa to convert to Islam.29 It was al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni who sent the khariij of al-Bahrayn to the Prophet; the sum mentioned in the sources was 100,000 dirhams.i''' When al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni was on his way back to Medina, he was detained by Thumama b. Uthal; he was released only after Thumarna embraced Islam.i'! It was, of course, essential for the Prophet and for the nascent Muslim communities in Bahrayn to obtain a free and secure passage for the emissaries of the Prophet who passed through Yamarna to the adjacent regions. The emissaries of the Prophet tried to create kernels of Muslim communities there. The small communities of converts were instructed by the Prophet's messengers; small military formations were dispatched 26 Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanf, al-Lsiiba If tamyfzi i-~a~aba, vol. 3, p. 581, no. 4393, cf. al-Maqrtzr, Imtiiiu', vol. 14, p. 257. 27 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniii' l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 257; cf. Ibn Sa'd, ai- T'abaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 550. 28 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniiiiu l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 258. Cf. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. I, p. 267. 29 AI-MaqrTzT, Imta'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 258,1. 11 from bottom. 30 Al-Zurqani, Sh arl, al-m auiiihib ai-iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 300-301. The messenger of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadramr who brought the zakiit and the jizya to Medina was al-'Ala' b. Jariya I-Thaqafi; see on him Ibn Hajar , al-Isiiba, vol. 4, p. 540, no. 5645. 31 AI-MaqrTzT, Imtii's: i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 258, I. 10 from bottom. 10 M. j, Kister from Medina under the command of one of the ~a~iiba in order to provide security for the Muslims, to extend their activities and to strive for the conversion of additional tribal units. The emissaries of the Prophet assisted the tribes faithful to the Medinan authority to pay their zakiit and to establish the superiority of Islam in relation to their Jewish and Christian neighbors. The result of the Muslim efforts in Bahrayn can serve as an example: al-Mundhir b. Sawa, acting under the guidance of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni, provided for the full application of Islamic law concerning the Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians. Significantly, this served as a precedent; the taxation of the Zoroastrians became the established law.32 IV The conversion of Thumama b. Uthal to Islam initiated a new phase in the struggle against Musaylima's authority in Yamarna. It ensured the growth of a safe Muslim community in Bahrayn, facilitated the formation of a Yamarna garrison controlled by Thumarna b. Uthal, and paved the way for the final battle against Musaylima. When Thumarna b. Uthal was released by the Prophet and converted to Islam, he was advised by him to continue his journey to Mecca in order to perform his "umra. When Thumarna arrived in Mecca, he was offended by a provocative question directed at him by the Meccan unbelievers: "Have you reneged on your religion?" (a-~abauta) (referring to his conversion to Islam -k). As a result, he decided to stop the supply of wheat from Yamama to Mecca and refrain from sending even one grain unless permitted by the Prophet. He carried out his threat and the people of Mecca were afflicted by hunger. The unbelieving Meccans complained to the Prophet that they suffered the pangs of hunger and had to eat a mixture of blood and fine hair ('ilhiz) and dog meat. Moved by their sufferings, the Prophet permitted Thurnama to resume the wheat supplies to Mecca.33 Before he returned to Medina in the year of his last pilgrimage (~ajjat 32 See "al-Mundhir b. Sawa," EI2, s.v , (M. J. Kister); "Madjus ," EI2, S.v. (M. Moronyi). 33 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'ab, vol. 1, pp. 213-16; al-Maqrizr, Imta'u I-asma', vol. 14, pp. 258-59; al-Kala't, al-Iktija, vol. 2, p. 435. Many commentators of the Qur'an record the story of Thumama 's boycott against Mecca while explaining Qur''an 23:76: "We did seize them with punishment, but they humbled not themselves to their Lord." Al-Qurtubr, al-Jiimi' li-a~kami I-qur'an, vol. 12, p. 143, al-Wahidr, Asbabu 1nuztil, 210 infdJ-1; al-Naysaburr, Ghara'ibu l-qur+iir; wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 18, p. 32; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthilr, vol. 5, p. 13 inf.; al-Shaukanf, Fat~u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 495; Abu Hayyan al-Gharnatr al-Jayyani, al-Bahru I-mu~ft, vol. 6, p. 415 inf.; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, ed. Bulaq 1328 AH, vol. 18, pp. 34-35. Cf. Fred M. Donner; "Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad's Boycott," JESHO 20(1977): 249-66. The Struggle Against Musaylima 11 al-wadii'), the Prophet appointed Thumarna b. Uthal as "governor of Yamarna.t'P" However, Thumama controlled only one part of the region, while the rest of it was under the sway of Musaylima. In order to strengthen Thumarna in his struggle against Musaylima, the Prophet decided to send Nahar al-Hahhal to Yamama after his return from his last pilgrimage.i" This turned out to be a detrimental decision, because al-Nahar - who had stayed a long time in Medina, had become a student of the Qur'an and studied it with the best scholars in Medina, publicly embraced Islam and had become a faithful Muslim - became a traitor who attested that Musaylimashared prophet hood with Muhammad and, like him, also received divine revelation. He became a close collaborator of Musaylima and even taught him Siiras of the Qur 'an, which he had learned in Medina.i" Nahar 's defection weakened 'I'humarna's position. Consequently, the Prophet decided to dispatch a special messenger to Thumama b. Uthal to discuss with him the struggle against Musaylima and the possibility of killing him. The messenger was Furat b. ijayyan.37 The scanty information which can be derived from Maqrfzi''s Imtii' al-asmii' implies that the Prophet wrote to Thumama b. Uthal advising him to seek help from Qaysi and Tamimi converts to Islam. Thumama marched out with his followers to Washm and placed the auxiliary troops of Tarnirn and Qays at his rearguard. He was helped by al-Zibriqan b. Badr.38 A volunteer who came to assist Thurnarna b. Uthal was See al-Maqrizf, Imt a=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, I. 1; raja'a I-nabiyyu ilii I-madfna ~ajjati I-wadii' uia-i iimiluh u 'alii I-yamiima Thumiima b. Uthiil. 35 See al-Maqrtzr, 1mtii'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 536, Il. 1-2: ... thumma ba'atha Nahiiran ba'da mii balaghahu khuruju musaylimata mu'laman. 36 See on Rahhai (or Rajjal) b. 'Unfuwa: al-Maqrlzr, 1mtli'u I-asmii', vol. 14, pp. 229-31, 536 (the text is corrupt here); Ibn Hubaysh, al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 52; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rtkh , vol. 2, p. 85a, has the attestation of al-Rahhal that Musaylima shared in the revelation of the Prophet, with the remark of Ibn Junghul about al-Rahhal: wa-kiina hiidhii I-mal'un min akbari man adalla ahla I-yamiima ~attii ittaba'u musaylimata ... See also ibidem, fol. 85a, inf .... [a-lammii kiina zamanu I-ridda ba' athnhu abu bakrin ilii ahli I-yamiima yad'uhum ilii I/iihi ta'iilii wa-yuthabbituhun 'alii l-isliim Ja-rtadda ma'a musaylimata wa-shahida lahu bi-I-nubuwwa. Cf. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitaou I-amwiil, p. 280, no. 691. The deputation of the Banu Hanffa, including alMujja'a b. Murara, al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwa and Muhakkim b. al- Tufayl (= Muhakkirn al-Yarnama}, embraced Islam. 37 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lsii' iib , vol. 3, p. 1258, no. 2070 and vol. I, p. 21b, no. 278: .,. wa-ba'atha rasulu lliihi (~al'am) [uriita bna ~ayyiin ilii thumiima bni uihiil JI qitiili musaylima wa-qatlihi. See also Ibn al-Athirs Usd al-ghiiba, vol. 4, p. 175 penult.; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalanf, al-Tsiiba, vol. 5, pp. 357-58, no. 6969; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', p. 317. 38 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, ol-Lsiiba, vol. 2, p. 550, no. 2784. Names of other fighters who joined Thumama do not reveal their tribal affiliation: Qays, Safwan and WakT'. 34 'iima 12 M. J. Kister 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri.P? The valuable note recorded in the Isiiba says: "He came to help Thumama b. Uthal in the fight against the people of Yamama after the death of the Prophet." This was the first military action of a Muslim force in Yamama, led by Thumama b. Uthal of the Banu Hanifa, who was aided by his Muslim allies from Tamirn and Qays. The battle took place in the territory of Yamama and ended with a remarkable victory of the Muslims. The Prophet was informed of the victory.I'' v It is now necessary to study the different stages of the contacts between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima's demands, the Prophet's answers, the Prophet's meetings with tribal leaders, and with converts to Islam. According to reports recorded in early sources, the Prophet used to frequent the markets of Arabia in order to meet the tribal leaders, ask them to renounce their Jahili beliefs, and invite them to embrace Islam. He used to teach them the Islamic tenets and read them various Qur 'anic verses. The leaders of the tribes summoned by the Prophet to convert used to listen to the Prophet, but did not hasten to respond positively. Even if they intended to convert, they had some conditions which had to be fulfilled beforehand. An instructive case is the story of the Prophet's negotiations with the tribe of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The Prophet approached the leader of this tribe, asking him to support his effort to spread Islam and to grant him protection against his adversaries. The leader of the tribe was aware that he could extend the authority of his tribe by granting protection to "the young man of Quraysh (lata Quraysh)." But he asked the Prophet to cede his authority before his death to the head of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The answer of the Prophet was unequivocal. He quoted Qur'an 7:128: "Verily the earth is Allah's. He gives it as heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing," implying that it is not within Muhammad's power to cede Allah's earth to anyone. The reaction of the tribal leader was formulated in the form of a question: "Are we going to expose our chests (to the spears of the Arabs -k) for your cause, and if Allah grants you victory - the authority would be granted by you to somebody else? We do not need to struggle for your cause." (ta ~ajata lana fi amrika).41 Some twenty years later (i.e., a year before the death of the Prophet -k), 39 Maqrlzf (Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, ll. 7-8 from bottom) has 'Amr b. Hazn AnmairT. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Lsiiba ; vol. 4, p. 621, no. 5815 has the correct 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri. 40 AI-M~qrTzT, Irniii=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 537,1. 4 from bottom. 41 Al-Suhayli, al-Raudu l-unu] , vol. 4, p. 38 inf.-39. The Struggle Against Musaylima 13 another leader of the c.Amirb. Sa'sa'a, c.Amirb. al-Tufayl, came to the Prophet and stated that he would be prepared to embrace Islam if he would be granted prophet hood after Muhammad's death, given the right to collect the mirbii' (i.e., the fourth part of the spoils -k) and granted the authority to rule the Bedouin population, while the Prophet would be given authority over the sedentary population. One of the believers present said to him "(Even) if you ask the Prophet (only for) an unripe date (sayiiba) of the dates of Medina, the Prophet would refuse your request."42 The leaders of the Banu Hanifa met the Prophet at the beginning of his prophetic mission. The Prophet summoned them to convert to Islam, but their answer was the harshest he received from any Arab tribe.43 The Prophet's opinion of the Banii Hanifa was similarly harsh: "The most detestable tribal group in the opinion of the Prophet are the Banii ~anlfa."44 The Prophet considered Musaylima as one of the three false prophets whom he mentioned by name as those expected to appear before the Day of Judgement (the other two being al-Aswad aI-cAns! and al-Mukhtar). He is also reported to have said: "The worst tribes are the Banii Hanifa, the Banii Umayya and the Thaq!f.,,45 It may be stressed here that Musaylima never denied Muhammad's prophet hood but merely claimed that he was granted a share (ushriktu) in prophethood. Sometimes he announced that the revelation was brought to him directly from Heaven by the angel Jibril. Muslim tradition states that the ridda of Musaylima and of al-Aswad aI-cAns! was different from the ridda of the Arab idolaters who had converted to Islam, but later apostatized and returned to polytheism. Musaylima and al-Aswad aI-cAns! remained believers in one God, but made false claims concerning their prophetic mission.t'' In the exchange of letters between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima addresses the Prophet: rasiilu 42 Ahmad b. 'All al-Qashanf ibn Babah, Ra's miil al-nadfm, p. 147; and see a comprehensive description of this event in Diyarbakris' Ta'n"kh al-khamts , vol. 2, pp. 192-94; Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, pp. 109-16. 43 Al-Suhayli, al-Rau du l-unuj , vol. 4, p. 38: Ka'b b. Malik: inna rasiila lliihi (~) atii banf I}anfjata ff maniizilihim fa-da'iihum ilii /liihi wa-i arad a 'alayhim n ajsahu, fa-lam yakun ah adun min al-'arabi aqbal}a 'alayhi raddan minhum. 44 Al-Bukhart, Ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. no. 1004: abgharju I-al}yii'i ilii I-nabiyyi, ~al'am, banii I}anffa. 45 Al-Hakirn al-Naysaburi, al-Must adrak , vol. 4, pp. 480-81; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'ilu l-rasiil , p , 457. 46 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihiiya ff ghanai I-I}adfth, vol. 4, p. 187: ... wa-if I}adfthi 1ridda: wa-kafara man kafara mina I-'arab. a~l}iibu I-ridda kiinii ~infayni: ~infun irtaddii 'ani I-dfni wa-kiinii (ii'ifatayni: il}diihumii a~l}iibu musaylimata wa-I-aswadi I-'ansf lladhfna iimanii bi-nubuwwatihimii uia-l-ukhrii tii'ifatun irtaddii 'ani l-isliimi wa-' iidii ilii mii kiinii. 'alayhi if I-jiihiliyyati, wa-ha'ulii'i ittafaqat al-~al}iibatu 'alii qitiilihim wa-sabyihim ... thumma lam yanqarirj 'a~ru I-~al}iibati I}attii ajma'ii 'alii anna I-murtadda Iii yusbii. 14 M. 1. Kister lliihi, The Prophet addresses Musaylima: musaylima al-kadhdhiib.47 The phrases in the letter of Musaylima which form a clear declaration that the earth (i.e., by which term the territories of Yamama and the Muslim territory with the capital city of Medina are meant -k) forms an entity, half of which was allotted to Quraysh, while the other half was given to the Banii 1:£nifa , "but Quraysh are a people who exceed a their bounds." (fa-inna lana ni~fu l-ordi wa-li-qurayshin ni~fuha walakinnahum ya'tadiina). The Prophet vehemently rejected the idea of dividing the territories in question with Musaylima: by quoting Qur 'an 7:128 again (see above, note 42), he made it clear that any agreement with Musaylima was out of the question. Some sources date the exchange of the letters to a very late period of the life of the Prophet. According to the report of al- Ya'qiibi, Musaylima embraced Islam but changed his attitude and started his prophetic career claiming that he was Muhammad's partner in prophethood. At that time he wrote to the Prophet the letter quoted above and received the Prophet's response. It is evident that this report recorded by al-Ya'qubi and others is unreliable. Also misleading is al- Ya'qtibi's report saying that Musaylima was killed at the age of 150 years.48 A prelude to the Prophet's negotiations with Musaylima was the exchange of letters between the Prophet and Hawdha b. 'All, the leader of the Arab tribes in Yamama. The Prophet's efforts to convince Hawdha to embrace Islam were unsuccessful. The influential and respected leader was appointed by the Persian emperor in order to secure the passage of 47 See, Lubiiln: l-ta'wll, vol. 2, p. 53: min musaylimata rasiili ust« ilii mu~ammadin rasiili lloh», The answer of the Prophet: min mu~ammadin rasuli Uahi ilii musaylimata l-kcdh dhiib«, And see al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-t anzil, on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'w.l, for the same address and the same answers. The letter of Musaylima in Ibn Kathlr 's al-Sira al-nabawiyya vol. 4, p. 98 sup. reads: min musaylimata rasuli Uahi ila mu~ammadin rasuli /lahi, salamun 'alayna; amma bat du ja-innf qad ushrikiu if l-amri ma'aka, ja-inna lana nis]« l-amri wa-li-qurayshin nida l-amri wa-lakinna qurayshan qaumun ya'taduna. The text recorded in alTha'alibr's Thimiiru l-quliib, p. 148 differs in one phrase: wa-inna lana ni~ja l-argi wa-li-qurayshin nisjah a, See also Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-BayhaqI, al-Ma~asin wa-l-masawf, vol. 1, p. 49; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad, vol. 3, p. 31 inf.; Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajr, Nasfmu l-riyag, vol. 3, p. 170, vol. 2, p. 486; Ibn Kathtr, Sh anui'llu l-rasiil ; p. 387 inf.; Ibn KathIr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51, vol. 6, p. 341; al-Ansari, al-Mi~ba~ al-mugf, vol. 2, pp. 290-92; al-Maqrfzr, Imiiivu l-asma', vol. 1, pp. 508-09 ed. Shakir; al-Maqdisr, Kitab al-bad'i uia-l-ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. 161; 'Llmar b. Shabba al-Numayri, Ta'rikh al-madfna al-nunawwara, vol. 2, p. 572; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'ilu l-nubuunua ; vol. 5, p. 330; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~agarat al-udabii", vol. 4, p. 431,1. 3 from bottom; al-Saliht, Subulu l-huda uia-l-rashiid , vol. 6, p. 497; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 54b inf.-55a sup.; Ibn Sa'd , al-T'abaqat alkubrii , vol. 1, p. 273 (the messenger of the Prophet was 'Arnr b. Vmayya al-Damrt); al-Halabr, Insanu l-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253 inf.; al-Ya'qubr, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. 48 Al-Ya'qubt, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. It is likely that the letter was written in 9 A. H., according to the report by the early scholar 'Abd Allah b. AbI Zayd alQayrawanl. See his ai-Jami': p. 295. The Struggle Against Musaylima 15 Persian caravans from Yarnarna to Najran. He was respected by the tribes to such an extent that it was enough to put the name "Hawdha" on the flags of the caravans in order to ensure their safe passage. Our sources indicate that Hawdha possessed the qualities necessary for a tribal leader in the Arabian peninsula: he was described as being the poet of his people, their orator and an awe-inspiring person (anii shiiiiru qaumi wa khaiibuhum wa-l-'arabu iahiibu maqiiml).49 Hawdha was given by the Persian ruler a cap (qalansuwa) worn under the turban (' imiima) as a reward for his faithful service to the Persian sovereign; the cap embedded with jewels was worth 30,000 dirharns.P? Nevertheless, to call him "the king of the Arabs" was an exaggeration. 51 The Prophet sent his emmisary Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha, who entertained him in a friendly manner and granted him valuable gifts before his departure. Hawdha's answer to the Prophet's letter was kind: he praised the gentle words of the Prophet, and remarked that if the Prophet granted him a part of his authority before his death, he (i.e., Hawdha) would embrace Islam and would come to his aid. The Prophet considered his answer unsatisfactory; he rejected his stipulation of inheriting his authority and invoked God to free him from Hawdha. Hawdha died a short time after the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet.V Al- Waqidi mentions a conversation between Hawdha and a chief (urkiin) from Damascus. The urkiin blamed Hawdha for not answering a letter from the Prophet; the Prophet is mentioned in the Injil and is described in this book as "the prophet of the Arabs." Hawdha's conversion to Islam could have strengthened his position as governor of Yamama.53 Some reports say that the Prophet sent Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha and to Thumama b. Uthal, "the two heads of Yamarna" (ra'fsii l-yamiima). He sent him on this mission in the year 6 or 7 A.H.54 Ibn Sa'd, al=Tnbaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, p. 262. See al-Kalbi, Nasab ma'add, vol. 1, p. 63; idem, Jamharat al-nasab, p. 539; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, p. 348 sup.; Lisiin al-t arab, s.v. hwdh. 51 See the critical observations of al-Hilli in his al-Maniiqibu 'I-mazyadiyya, pp. 53-5: .. , innamii kiinat kh araziitun lahu ta'ammama 'alayhii [a-mudih a bi-dhiilika 'alii madhhabi l-sh ut arii' /ll-tawassu'i if l-qauli wa-tajawwuzihim if I-mad~i wa-I-~iiati wa-Ihijii'i uia-l-t ashbihi .... See also M. J. Kister, "The Crowns of This Community," JSAI 24(2000): 217-45. 52 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyunu I-athar, vol. 2, pp. 269-70; al-Baladhurr, Futiih u 1buldiin, pp. 118-19. 53 Ibid.; and see about the letter of the Prophet to Hawdha: Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusT, Nashwat al-Iarab, vol. 2, p. 631; al-MaqrTzT, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 1, p. 309. 54 Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalanf, al-Lsiiba, vol. 3, p. 162, no. 3424; al-Mawsilt, al- Wasfla, vol. 4, p. 2, 115; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'iib, vol. 2, p. 645, no. 1040; al-'AwtabT, al-Ansiib, vol. 1, p. 157; and see Muhammad b. 'AIT b. Ahmad bv Hudayda al-Ansarf, al-Mi~bii~ al-mur;Iiyy, vol. 1, p. 214. 49 50 16 M. 1. Kister According to Watt, Hawdha was apparently a Christian. He began negotiations with Muhammad, but had not become a Muslim by the time of his death in 630 A.D.55 According to a report recorded by Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Himyari, Hawdha died as a Christian in 8 A.H.56 VI The Prophet's meetings with Musaylima took place in Medina. One of the earliest meetings took place in a grove of palm trees. According to an early tradition transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, Musaylima arrived in Medina with a great military force (qadima fi jayshin 'a~lm) and alighted in a plantation of palm trees belonging to the daughter of al-Harith (nazala fi nakhli ibnati l-~arith).57 When the Prophet heard the news about the arrival of Musaylima with his convoy and his alighting in the "court of the daughter of alHarith" 58 he went out with Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas't? to meet him. It should be stressed that the Prophet went out to meet Musaylima because he was eager to convince him and his people to embrace Islam.P" When Musaylima asked the Prophet to grant him a share in prophethood, the Prophet flatly refused. Musaylima's attempt to thwart the prophetic mission of Muhammad was referred to in a dream seen by Muhammad. Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas was left with Musaylima in order to explain to him the content of the dream and its meaning: the Prophet only remarked that one of the persons whom he saw in the dream was Musaylima. Thabit b. Qays explained to Musaylima that the Prophet saw in his dream two golden bracelets pressing on his arms. Allah revealed to him that the two golden bracelets symbolised the efforts of the two false prophets, al-Aswad al'AnsI and Musaylima, to curb his activities. The Prophet was ordered See E12, s.v. Hanifa b. Ludjaym (W. Montgomery Watt). Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-HimyarI, Kitab al-rauidi I-mi'tar jf khabari I-aqtar, p. 412. 57 In some sources this text is corrupt and reads nazala /f nakhli abfhi al-Hiiriin», See al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, Juz", fol. 5a, penult.: ... anna musaylimata qadima /f jayshin 'a,..min ~atta nazala /f nakhli abfhi I-~arithi bi-na~iyati I-mad.nati ... ; and so in the printed edition of Jus' al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, p. 1251. 3, no. 38. This reading is erroneous: the name of Musaylima's father was not al-Harith; his father had no plantations of palm trees in Medina, nor had Musaylima any plantations there. 58 See Ibn Shabba, Ta'rikh al-madlna al-munawwara, vol. 2, p. 527, notes 4-5. The grove belonged to a woman of the Ansar, See the correction of this error by the editors of al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni hisham, vol. 3, p. 251, note 2; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, • Uyiinu 1-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. 59 See on him al-Maqdisl, al-Lstibsiir , pp. 117-19. 60 See e.g., al-Zurqanr, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, p. 22 inf.; ... [aaqbala ~alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam ta'il/an lahu wa-li-qaumihi raja'a islamihim wali-yublighahu ma unzila ilayhi. 55 56 The Struggle Against Musaylima 17 to destroy the two bracelets; when he destroyed them, he was no longer under their pressure. Before his death, the Prophet told his daughter Fatima about this dream and its interpretation.P! The next meeting of the Prophet with Musaylima took place in connection with the arrival of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa in Medina. The delegation came with Musaylima, who was veiled, clad in clothes which concealed him and entered the room of the Prophet. This kind of attire indicates the respect in which Musaylima was held: spiritual leaders of a tribe (kahins), soothsayers and "holy persons" 62 were clothed in this fashion. 'All b. Burhan aI-DIn al-Halabi, the author of the Sira ~alabiyya, assumes that Musaylima came to Medina twice to meet the Prophet. When he came for the first time, he was accompanied by a large number of men who came with him to protect him, because he was a "follower" (tabi'), in need of protection. But when he came the second time, he was in a position of leadership (kana matbu'an). His people covered him with clothes as a status symbol (... uia-hiidhii, ay satruhu bi-l-thiuiibi, huuia l-muniisibu li-kaunihi matbu'an).63 The difference between these two meetings is stressed by al- 'Aynl in his' Umdat al-qiiri', 64 Musaylima took care of the luggage of the delegation of the Banii Hanifa and, out of pride and insolence, refused to enter the room in which the Prophet entertained its members. The Prophet acted with magnanimity: he stated that Musaylima, the luggage keeper of the delegation was not the worst of them, and ordered to grant him five ounces of silver, the same gift given to other members of the delegation.P These actions of the 610n this dream, see Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. fol. 54b, sup.; Ibn Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-3, 575; al-Suyutr, al-Khafa'i~u 1kubra, vol. 2, p. 147; al-Zurqanr, Sharl}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 22-3, vol. 7, p. 179 inf.-181; Ibn Kathtr, Shama'ilu l-rasiil, p. 387; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 246; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf, Fatl} al-biiri, vol. 8, p. 72 inf.; alTabart, Jiimi' al-bayan, Shakir, ed., vol. 11, pp. 535~; Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu'ta~ar, vol, 1, pp. 224-25; al-Diyarbakrf, To'rikb. al-khomis , vol. 2, p. 157; al-Bukharr, $al}fl}, vol. 5, p. 216; Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Stra al-I}alabiyya, vol. 3, p. 253; al- Tha'alibi, Thimiiru l-quliib, pp. 147-148; Ibn l;Iubaysh, Ghazawat, vol. 1, p. 51; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafa bi-al}wali I-mu~tafii, p. 764; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiYlla, vol. 4, p. 93 inf.-95; al-Khazin, Lubabu I-ta'wil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-Baghawf, Ma'alimu I-tanzil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 24; Ibn al-Athir alJazarf, Jiimi' al-usiil, vol. 12, p. 375, no. 9480. al-Maqrfzf, Imta'u l-asmii'; vol. 14, pp. 229, 524-5, 532-3; Isma'Il b. Muhammed al-Isfahanr, Kiiiib dala'ili I-nubuwwati, pp. 97-98, no. 93. 62 See, e.g., U. Rubin, "The Shrouded Messenger. On the interpretation of almuzzammil and al-muddaththir," JSAI 16{1993}: 96-107. 63 Al-Halabl, Insiir: al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253. 64 Al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 231. 5 from bottom. 65al-l;IalabT, Insan al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 252, inf.: al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-garf', vol. 18, p. 23; cf. Ibn Kathtr , al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 99 inf.; al-Diyarbakrr, Ta'rikh. al-khnmis , vol. 2, p. 194; 18 M. J. Kister Prophet enabled Musaylima to deduce falsely that Muhammad declared that he considered him as his partner in prophet hood ("he is not the worst among you"). According to another version, the Prophet did speak with the "veiled" Musaylima and heard his requests; the Prophet stated that even if he asked only for a splinter of the palm tree branch which he held in his hand, he would refuse his request.P" The delegation of the Banu Hanifa reverted to the faith of Musaylima.P" It may be mentioned that the Prophet used to meet the emissaries of Musaylima who came to Medina in the presence of his Companions. When these emissaries declared both Muhammad and Musaylima prophets sent by God to their respective peoples, the Muslim believers tried to attack them. The Prophet restrained the believers, stating that messengers are to be protected against any act of violence.P" Some commentators of the Qur'an state that this statement of the Prophet is based on Qur'an 9:6: "... and if anyone of the idolaters ask protection of thee, grant him protection so that he may hear the word of Allah; then convey him to his place of security. That is because they are a people who have no knowledge.l'P'' 'Uyiinu l-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. Shar~ al-mawahibi I-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24, inf.: ... wa-~arra~a bi-~a4rati qaumihi annahu lau sa'alahu I-qit'ata mina l-jarfdi ma a'tahu ... wayu~tamalu an yakiina musaylimatu qadima marratayni, al-iila kana tabi'an wakana ra'sa banI ~anlfata ghayruhu wa-li-hadha aqiima jI ~if:?i ri~alihim wa-marratan matbii'an wa-ffha khiit abah u I-nabiyyu ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam. However, alZurqani doubts whether this description of Musaylima's visits to Medina and about his status (al-tabi' and al-matbii') is sound. Wa-hadha ba'fdun jiddan, says alZurqanl: fa-qad qiila huwa, a'nf I-~afi?a, wa-hadha ya'nf ~adftha bni is~aqa ma' a shudhiidhihi 4a'fju I-sanadi li-inqita'ihi; wa-amru musaylimata kana 'inda qaumihi akbara min dhiilika fa-qad kana yuqalu ltihu ra~manu I-yamiima li-'i?ami qadrihi ffhim. fa-man yakiinu maqamuhu 'inda qaumihi akbara min da'wii I-nubuwwati yab'udu kulla I-bu'di an yakiina tabi'an; [a-l-nuilii qauluhu "aw al-qis s atu wii~idatun" Ii-annahu l-aslu. "wa-kiinat iqiimatuhu ff ri~iilihim bi- 'khtiyiirihi anafatan minhu wa'stikbiiran an ya~4ura majlisa I-nabiyyi ~allii lIahu 'alayhi wa-sallama wa-'amalahu 'alayhi l-s aliitu um-l-s aliirrui mu'amalata I-karami 'alii 'iidatihi ff l-isti'liifi, [a-qiila li-qaumihi, laysa bi-sharrikum ay makanan li-kaunihi kiina yaMa?u ri~iilahum waariida isti'lafahu bi-I-i~siini bi-I-qauli (I-madkhiiri) wa-l-fi'li, [iaythu a'tiihu mithla ma alta qaumahu, fa-Iammii lam yufid fl musaylimata tawajjaha bi-nafsihi ilayhi 67 See al-Zurqarn, 68 See, e. g., Ibn al-Athtr, Jami'u I-u~iil, vol. 12, p. 377, no. 4981: when the Prophet read the letter of Musaylima handed to him by his two messengers, he stated, "By God, were it not that the messengers should not be killed, I would strike your necks" (ama wa-llahi lau anna I-rusula Iii tuqtalu la-4arabtu a'niiqakuma). 69 See Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, pp. 366-7. The Prophet uttered this statement in connection with the emissaries of Quraysh who came to the Prophet to arrange the pact of Hudaybiyya, which Quraysh are said to have violated after a short time. The Prophet uttered this statement again when the messengers of Musaylima arrived in Medina. One of them, Ibn al-Nawwaha, attested in the Prophet's presence that Musaylima was a Messenger of Allah. The Prophet did not punish him, but when 66 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, The Struggle Against Musaylima 19 The story about the sectarian group of Ibn al-Nawwaha, the former emissary of Musaylima, who refused to acknowledge the exclusive prophethood of Muhammad and insisted that Musaylima was also a prophet is a test case for the Muslim attitude towards the emissaries of unbelievers. When Ibn al-Nawwaha and Ibn Uthal, the messengers of Musaylima, were asked by the Prophet whether they attest to his prophethood, they asked him in turn whether he attested to the prophet hood of Musaylima. The Prophet released the two messengers of Musaylima because of their immunity.I? 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud asked Ibn al-Nawwaha: "Is there a book added to the Book of God and a messenger after the Messenger of God?" 71 The execution of Ibn al-Nawwaha, while other adherents of Musaylima were pardoned and later accepted into the Muslim community, is explained by al-Jassas as follows: most believers of Musaylima repented and became faithful Muslims, while Ibn al-Nawwaha admitted that he merely feigned belief in order to save his life (... ayna ma kunia tuzhiru mina l-isliimi? qiila: kuntu atiaqikum bihi). Scholars who assume that the repentance of a zindiq has to be rejected, quote the case of Ibn alNawwaha, who kept his unbelief secret and pretended to be a believer, by way of taqiyya. Ibn Nawwaha's execution took place in the presence of some of the Prophet's Companions. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud informed the Caliph 'Uthman about the capture of Musaylima's followers; the Caliph ordered him to call them to Islam and to pronounce the shahiida, Those who fulfilled the order were to be pardoned; those who remained loyal to Ibn al-Nawwaha persisted in his disbelief after the death of the Prophet, circulating the tenets of Musaylima's faith, he was caught in Kiifa by Ibn Mas'ud who did not hesitate to decapitate him. Cf. Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu't as ar mina l-mukhias ar, vol. 1, p. 225 inf.-225 sup.; and see Ibn KathIr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 52; al-BayhaqI, Dalii'ilu I-nubuwwa, vol. 5, p. 332 (see ibid. the remark of 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: [a-mad at sunnatun anna l-rusula lii-tuqtalu); al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayiin vol. 14, pp. 138-40; al-~ali\:lI, Subul al-hudii, vol. 6, p. 497; al-Tabaranr, alMu'jam al-k abir , vol. 9, pp, 218-20, nos. 8956~0: a mosque in which the followers of Musaylirna used to perform their prayers was destroyed in Kufa during 'Abdallah b. Mas'ucl's governorship of the city. The followers of Musaylima praying in this mosque were heard to read verses included in Musaylima's Qur'an: al-tii~iniiti tabnan, al-'iijiniiti 'ajnan, al-khiibiziiti khubean, al-liiqimiiti laqman .... Ibn Mas'nd ordered to decapitate Ibn al-Nawwaha in the market of Kufa. The rest of the congregation of Musaylirna (some seventy persons) were sent to Syria in the hope that they would repent or perish in a plague. In one of the reports, Ibn Mas'ud ordered to throw the head of Ibn Nawwaha into the bosom of his mother (no. 8960); cf. this report in al-Shashr, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 181, no. 746; al-Haythamf, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 6, pp. 262~2. 70 See al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 182, no. 748; and see the report in al- Ta\:lawI, Shar~ ma'iinf l-iitliiir , vol. 3, p. 213; Cf. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iithiir , Hyderabad 1333, repr. Beirut, vol , 4, pp. 61-62; al-Bayhaqf, al-Sunan al-kubrii , vol. 8, p. 206. 71 Al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, pp, 181-2, no. 747. [The question a-kitiibun ba'da kitiibi lliihi? is often asked in connection with some compendia of ~adfth.l 20 M. J. Kister the tenets of Musaylima were to be executed.P 'Uthmau's letter is preserved in 'Abdallah b. Wahb's Juz", excerpted from his MuwaHa': "Some of the people accepted the terms and renounced belief in Musaylima, while others persevered in it, and were executed."13 The Prophet adhered to the sunna established by him as an interpretation of Qur'an 9:6. Medina became a center for persons eager to understand the tenets of the new religion and to join the Muslim community. Some of them returned to Yamama, remained there as cryptoMuslims, clandestinely disseminating Islamic beliefs. Among these proselytes were some former adherents of Musaylima sent to Medina in order to deepen their knowledge of the Qur'an. They were then expected to return to Musaylima, informing him about divine revelations and the sunan which the Prophet practiced. Thus Musaylima got trustworthy information about the utterances of the Prophet concerning Musaylima's prophethood and his claims of sharing prophet hood with Muhammad. Muhammad honored his obligation not to harm the messengers of the unbelievers, in spite of the fact that Musaylima ordered to kill some of the Prophet's messengers.I" In some instances, this policy caused him bitter disappointment. Such was the case of al-Rabhal (or al-Rajjal -k) b. 'Unfuwa. He came to Medina as a member of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa. This delegation also included Mujja'a b. Murara, and Muhakkim b. al-Tufayl.I'' Al-Rahhal became a keen student of the Qur'an. After some time, the Prophet saw him in the company of some veteran Companions, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan. He said: "A molar tooth of one of you in Hell will be as big as the mountain of Uhud." Abu Hurayra became sad; he was concerned about the identity of the person referred to in this utterance. Later, al-Hahhal disappeared from Medina. When the news about his apostasy and his activity in support of Musaylima and about his attestation that the Prophet granted Musaylima a part (ashrakabu) of prophet hood came to be known, Abu Hurayra sighed with relief. He realized that the tradition referred to alRahhal, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan were thus free from the fear AQkamu I-qur'an, vol. 2, pp. 287-288. b. Wahb, al-MuwaHa', Juz", MS. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 56b. 74 See e.g., on Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im: KhalTfa b. Khayya~, Ta'n'kh, p. 63 (the text reads Khabib b. Zayd). See a report recorded by WathTma in his Kitab al-ridda: Habib b. 'Abdallah al-Ansarf was sent by Abu Bah to Musaylima and to the Banu Hantfa summoning them to return to Islam; he read the letter of Abu Bah and admonished them in an eloquent (balfgh) way and was killed by Musaylima. See the report in Ibn Hajar's al-Lsiiba , vol. 2, p. 21, no. 1590, but the author assumes that the report may refer to Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im, as recorded ibid., p. 19, no. 1586. Cf. alMaqdisT, al-Lstibsor , pp. 81-82, where Habib b. Zayd is mentioned as the messenger killed by Musaylima. 75 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a.tnr s», pp. 551-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, vol. 2, pp. 539-40, no. 2763. 73 'Abdallah 72 AI-Ja~~~, The Struggle Against Musaylima 21 ofhelI.16 Al-Hahhal not only stated that the Prophet granted Musaylima a share in prophethood, but also transmitted to him those parts of the Qur'an which he kept in memory. Musaylima memorized the passages, claimed falsely that they were revealed to him and recited them as a part of his own revelation.?" VII During the last years before the Prophet's death, Musaylima made great efforts to establish a socio-religious order, based on the cooperation of the different groups of the people of Yamama with tribes who immigrated to Yamarna and settled there. Musaylima decided to build a haram in which certain settlements of these immigrants were included. They were settled in small rural communities, named "hamlets of the allies" (qurii al-a~iilif). These hamlets were populated by the Banii Usayyid, a small branch of Tamim. Small units of the Banu Usayyid were incorporated in the haram (!a-waqa'a fi dhiilika l-harami qurd l-a~iilz/, afkhiidh min bani usayyid kiinat dtiruhum bi-l-yamiima, [a-sara makiinu diirihim fi l-~arami) .78 The newly established haram of Yamarna cannot be compared with the haram of Mecca. The tribes chosen by Quraysh as keepers and guardians of the Meccan haram were selected in order to choose the best of them for intermarriage with the population of Mecca, the Quraysh. The independent tribal formations (laqii~) did not serve the kings of the Arabian peninsula. The merchants of Mecca who traded in Syria used to conduct transactions with the heads of the tribal leaders on their way, granting them a certain share in their profits. Furthermore, Mecca ceded the right to provide certain services during the ~ajj to the traditional leaders of the tribal divisions. The nobles of Mecca meted out justice to the pilgrims of the city and to merchants who came to Mecca to ply their trade. Theft of gifts brought for the Ka'ba was rare and was severely punished. Injustice and fraud towards pilgrims and merchants were publiclg denounced in Mecca. According to Muslim descriptions, the haram of Musaylima did not fulfill its desired goal of eradicating iniquity and extending help to the weak and the oppressed. "Musaylima tried to gain the sympathy of all his followers, agreed with their views and did not care if someone noticed 76 Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jr akhbiiri l-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, pp. 149-225, esp. pp. 195-225; p. 197, no. 48 and p. 198 no. 50. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 85a; and Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, pp. 52-3, where the verses of Ibn 'Umayr al-Yashkurr about al-Rahhal and Muhakkim b. Tufayl are quoted. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, al-T'abaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 316-17. 77 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51. 78 Tabarr, Ta'n"kh, vol. 3, p. 288. 22 M. J. Kister any of his vices.,,79 The Meccans did their best to curb the transgressors, the thiefs and those who cheated pilgrims and merchants; they acted according to the injunctions of the dar al-nadwa elders. In contradistinction, the people of Yamama were helpless in their complaints against the guardians of the haram, the Banu Usayyid, who used to plunder the peasants' crops and then would find refuge in the haram, Sometimes the farmers were warned and tried to apprehend the culprits, but they managed to escape into the horam; where they could remain in safety. The people complained to Musaylima who promised "to get an answer from Heaven" concerning their case. Musaylima indeed received an answer and read it loudly, probably as a verse of his Qur'an: "I swear by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate (the sanctity of -k) the harem:" The people complained again and Musaylima again asked for a heavenly ruling. The verdict was read loudly once more by Musaylima: "I swear by the dark night, by the wolf who treads softly the ground, Usayyid did not cut neither fresh nor dry."so The people wronged by the attack of the Usayyid on their palm trees could only remark with bitterness: "The Usayyid did cut the fresh fruit of the palms and broke down the dry fences." Musaylima answered harshly: "Go away and come back, you are not right."s1 A verse of Musaylima's Qur'an, read before the people of Yamama, is indicative of his views: "Go! The Banu Tamim are a pure and independent people (laqa/;l), no affliction should meet them, nor should they be put under taxation; we shall live in their neighborhood, acting with kindness, we shall defend them against every person; at our death their fate (amruhum) will be determined by God."s2 This declaration of Musaylima reflects of his attitude towards the Usayyid, the Tamimi keepers of the Yarnama horam, It also serves as an attempt to establish friendly relations with the tribal groups of Tamirn, who dwelled near Yamama. VIII The death of the Prophet in 632 A.D. raised many hopes in the community of Musaylima who now considered himself the sole prophet receiving 79 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: wa-kiina musaylimatu yu~iini' kulla a~adin mimman ittaba'ahu, wa-yutiibi'uhu 'alii ra'yihi wa-lii yubiil, an yaHali'a 1niisu minhu 'alii qabi~in. 80 AI-NuwayrT, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, pp. 86-87; al-Baqillant, I'jiizu l-qur'iin, pp, 156-157. 81 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 87; cf. Tabarr, Ta'n1:h, vol. 3', p. 287. 82 Tabarr, Ta'rikb. vol. 3, pp. 283-284. . .. wa-kana Jlma yaqra'u lahum Jlhim: inna banI tamlmin qawmun tuhrun laqii~un Iii makriiha 'alayhim wa-lii itawatun, nujawiruhum ma ~ay,na bi-i~san, namna'uhum min kulli insan Ja-idha mutnii [aamruhum ilii I-ra~man. The Struggle Against Musaylima divine revelation. to have said: 23 is reported In a verse attributed to him, Musaylima o you, take the tambourine of this prophet. and play, and proclaim the merits and rose up Passed away the prophet of the Banu Hashim, the prophet of the Banii Ya'rub. khudhi l-duffa, yii hiidhihi, wa-l'abl uia-buththi mahiisina hiidhii l-nabi tawallii nabiyyu bani hiishimin wa-qiima nabiyyu bani ya'rub!.83 Musaylima's adherents increased and his prestige and authority grew.84 The quiet situation in Yamama after the Prophet's death, Musaylima's claim to prophet hood which now became exclusive, his ambitious plan to set up a huge haratti defended by special guards of the laqii~ (which indeed succeeded for a short period) - all this inspired a feeling of selfconfidence and security and generated hopes of long-lasting tranquility and peace. However, Musaylima's confidence was shaken by the information that Abu Bakr was preparing to attack Yamarna and sent a Muslim force under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl to support Thurnama b. Uthal, Musaylima's enemy. Another dangerous event, unexpected by Musaylima, was the activity of Sajah bint Aus b. Hiqq b. Usama.85 Sajah was a former soothsayer, who claimed to have received revelation from Heaven as a prophetess of the Banu Yarbii' who were part of Tamirn. She and her family dwelt in Mesopotamia (al-jazlra); her father was a Tarnimi, and her mother belonged to the Christian tribe of Taghlib. Sajah is said to have been well-versed in the tenets of Christianity. Presenting her words as a divine revelation, she addressed her adherents saying: "0 you Godfearing believers, half of the Earth belongs to us. The other half belongs to Quraysh, but Quraysh are transgressors.v'" The reader will recall that Musaylima claimed to have received a revelation containing the idea of dividing territory between Banu Hanifa and Quraysh, but the 83 See Ibn Kathir, al-Bidau« wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, p. 341 inf. Musaylima claimed that the verses were revealed to him from Heaven. 84 See al-Nuwayri, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: ... wa-qubi4a rasulu lliihi (~al'am) wa-I-amru 'ala dhiilika, fa-qawiyat sh aukatu musaylimata wa-'shtadda amruhu wa-kathurat [umiii uhu, 85 So recorded in Ibn al-Kalbr's Jamharat al-nasab, p. 221; al-MaqrizT, Imta'u 1nsma', vol. 14, p. 241: Sajal:J bint al-Harith b. Suwayd b. 'Uqfan: Abu 'Ubayd ul-Qasim b. Sallam , Kitab al-nasab, p. 236: Sajal:J bint Aus. AI-Tha'alibi, Thimiiru /.qu/ub, p. 315, no. 474: Sajah bint 'Uqfan, 86 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanr, Kitiib al-aqhiini; vol. 18, pp, 166, ll. 1-2. 24 M. J. Kister Prophet had firmly rejected any such offer. In his negotiations with Sajah, Musaylima made a similar offer: half of the Earth belongs to the Banii Hanifa; the other half would have belonged to Quraysh, if they had acted justly; now God granted to Sajah that half of the Earth which Quraysh had to return because of their unjust behavior (... [a-qiila musaylimatu lanii ni~fu l-ardi, uia-kiina li-qurayshin ni~fuhii lau 'adalat, wa-qad radda lliihu 'alayki l-nisja lladhZ raddat quraysh.).87 In order to strengthen her position, Sajal; stated that God never bestowed prophecy on Habi'a (i.e., the Banii Hanifa -k), but only on MU9ar88 to which she belonged.P" It is therefore plausible that God granted her revelation and entrusted her with a prophetic mission. Her first step was to ask Malik b. Nuwayra, whom the Prophet nominated as head ('amid) of the Banii Yarbii' (a subsection of Tamim] to establish peaceful relations with her. Malik b. Nuwayra agreed and asked her to refrain from raiding tribal groups of Tamim, Sajah's raids on other tribal groups in the Arabian peninsula continued unabated. On this occasion, Sajah clearly defined her position as a woman (and probably also as a prophetess -k): "I am merely a woman from the Banii Yarbu"; if there will be authority (and possessions -k), it will be your authority and possession (fa-innl innama anii 'mra'atun min bani yarbu' wa-in kiina mulk [a-l-mulku mulkukum).9o Several leaders of Tarnimi tribal sections joined her and assisted her in her plans. The famous leader of Tamim, Qays b. 'A~im, the sagacious Tamiml chief al-Ahnaf b. Qays and the Ghudani fighter Haritha b. Badr"! were her followers; Shabath b. Rib'i92 was her mu'adhdhin. The force of SajaJ:t, strengthened by new supporters, was ordered to attack certain tribal groups linked with Tamimi sections, but was defeated. Following this failure, she decided to march against Yarnama. Her decision was accompanied by the rousing battle cry: 'alaykum bi-I-yamiima, ruifii [ilayhii) rafifa l-hamiima, fa-innahii ghazwatun ~ariima, Iii ialhaqukum ba'dahii maliima" 93 See al-Maqrlzf, Imtii'u I-a&mii', vol. 14, p. 241inf. Abu I-Faraj al-Isfahani, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 ll. 5-6: ... inn a lltih« lam yaj'al hiidhii I-amra jf rabi' ata, innamii ja'alahu Jf mudar . 89 The tribe of Tarnlm to which Sajal:t belonged is part of MUI;\ar. 90 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahant, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 inf; al-Tabart, Ta'n"kh vol. 3, p. p. 269. 91 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba; vol. 2, p. 161, no. 1939. 92 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiib«, vol. 3, p. 376, no. 3959. 93 For other versions of the "call of Sajal:t," see Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib alAghiinf vol. 18, p. 166: yii ma'shara tamfmin: iq~idil I-yamiima, Ja-4ribii jfhii kulla hiima, ~atta tatruktihii saudii'a ka-I-~amiima. Cf. the faulty text in al-MaqrizI's Imtii'u I-asmii' vol. 14, p. 241 inf. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, 87 88 The Struggle Against Musaylima 25 During the speedy advance of her forces in the direction of Yamama, Sajah received the surprising news of Musaylima's offer to give her a share in the "God's Earth" and to recognize her prophethood. On the face of it, the offer was exceedingly generous and it can be understood only if we take Musaylima's military situation at that time into consideration. His situation is well described by Ibn Junghul. When Musaylima heard the news about the march of Sajah's force, he feared for his country because he was busy fighting Thumama b. Uthal whose force was supported by a detachment of Muslim soldiers under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jah!. His garrison was in the territority of Thumarna. The Muslim soldiers commanded by 'Ikrima expected the arrival of the huge force commanded by Khalid b. al-WalId.94 Even in this situation, Musaylima fostered the hope that the united forces of Hanifa and Tamim would jointly be able to "devour" the Arab tribes.95 Having learned about Musaylima's offer, Sajal; hastened to meet him. When she arrived, they entered a tent prepared for them (and probably for a group of their supporters -k). Musaylima delivered a sermon in which he invoked God "to hear (the prayers) of those who obey (Him) and to enable those who strive to attain their (lofty -k) aspirations and ., . May your Lord watch you and bless you and free you from gloom. On the Day of Resurrection, may He save you and resurrect you. We must perform the prayers of the righteous, not of the wretched and not of the wrongdoers, (but of those who) are awake during the nights and fast during the days for the sake of their great God, the God of the clouds and of the rain.,,96 The pact concluded between Musaylima and Saja}:l during their meeting gave Sajah the crops of Yamarna for one year. But she could get only half of the crops immediately; the other part had to be sent to her later by her representatives in Yarnama.P" n. 10-12. See Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83a: ... [a-lammii sami'a bi-sayriha ilayhi khafaha 'ala biliidihi, wa-dhiilika annahu mashghulun bi-qitali thumama b. uthiil, wa-qad sa'adahu 'ikrima b. abi jahl bi-junudi l-muslimlna wa-hum naziluna bi-ba't/i biladihi yanta?iruna qudiima khiilid, See al-Sharfshf, Shar~ maqamat al-Eariri , vol. 4, p. 36, 22-15-16: ... wa-balagha musaylimata kh abaruhii biha wa khafa in huuia shughila biha ghalabahu thumamatu bnu uthiilin wa-shura~bilu 'ala ~ajri l-yamamati idh humii min qibali abi bakrin (rat/iya lliih u 'anhu) [a-arsala ilayha yasta'minuha 'alii nafsihi .... 95 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib al-aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166: ., .fa-man 'arafa l-lyaqqa tabi' ahu, wa- 'jtama'na [a-akalnii 1-'araba aklan bi-qaumf wa-qaumiki, [a-bo' athat ilayhi: af i alu, 96 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 272; al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 78; Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidaua uia-l-nihiiua, vol. 6, p. 320; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, inf. 97 See, e.g., al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 80, ll. 8-10. 94 26 M. J. Kister The solemn speech of Musaylima while concluding the agreement with Sajah is followed by a short saj' passage in which Musaylima praised the virtues of his community, emphasizing that they do not engage in sexual relations, nor do they drink wine. They fast one day and are burdened (with practicing religious duties -k) on the other. "Glory be to God; when resurrection comes, how will you live and how will you go up to the kingdom of Heaven? On every grain of mustard, there will be a witness who knows the secrets of the hearts. Indeed, most people will perish."98 The rigid prescriptions concerning the tenets of the religion of Musaylima seem to have been observed by his supporters. It is thus of some interest that certain pious supporters of Musaylima complained of his opportunism in his relations with the Bedouins who embraced his belief. According to a report recorded in al-Qashani'a Ra:» mal altuulim, the Bedouins haughtily rejected the bending and prostration during prayers.P'' Musaylima, says a report in al-Tabarf's Ta'rikh, used to tempt anyone and to bribe him in order to gain his sympathy (wa-kana musaylimatu yu~ani'u kulla a~adin), not paying any attention to the fact that people may censure this behavior as improper and reproachable. 100 The commentator of Qa~fdat Nasliuiiin b. Sa'fd al-,lfimyarfmentions that Musaylima used to say when leading Bedouins in prayer, "What is the will of Allah by raising your buttocks and by your prostation on your foreheads? Pray standing upright, in a noble posture. Allah is great." 101 Some medieval Muslim scholars attributed the censure of prostration and bending to Tulayha b. Khuwaylid, also considered a false prophet by Muslim tradition. Tulayha is reported to have said: "What is it to God that you make your cheeks dusty and that you spread your buttocks? Pronounce God's name in a modest posture, standing upright. Allah is great." (ma ya!, alu Allah bi-ta'firi khudiidikum wa-fat~i adbarikum? udhkurii Allah a'iffatan qiyaman). AI-Harlinl who records this speech of Tulayha mentions some Qur'anic expressions borrowed by Tulayha in this speech.102 An additional injunction of Musaylima refers to the marital life of his believers: the husband was instructed to have sexual relations with his wife only until a male child was born; once this happened, he was obliged to desist from any sexual activity. Only in the case of the male child's vol. 3, p. 272 infra. al-'arabu ta'nafu min al-ruku'i wa-tusammfhi al-ta~niya. 100 Tabarr, Ta'rikh, vol. 3, p. 282, in£. 101 Nashwan b. Sa'Id al-Himyarf, Muluk ~imyar wa-aqyiilu I-yaman, wa shar~uhii, Khulii~atu I-~urati I-jiimi'a li-'ajii'ibi akhbiiri I-mulilki I-tabiibi'a, eds., 'All b. Isma'Il al-Mu'ayyad and Isma'Tl b. Ahmad al-Jarafi, Cairo 1378 A. H., p. 176. 102 Al-Harunt, Ithbiit nubuwwati I-nabf, pp, 39-40. And see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jf akhbiiri I-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, p. 167, no. 15. See also "Tulayha b. Khuwaylid," EI2, s. v. (Ella Landau- Tasseron). 99 P. 147,1. 17: wa-kiinat 98 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh, The Struggle Against Musaylima 27 death, the father was allowed to resume his conjugal activity until the birth of a new male child.103 In contradistinction to the injunctions of the Prophet who forbade celibacy (rahbiiniyya) and ordered the Muslims to lead full marital lives.U'f Musaylima encouraged extreme asceticism. The reports about the behavior of his followers, the ascetic trends in their society, the rigorous injunctions concerning marital life, the stories about people who refrained from drinking wine, the stories about people who fasted frequently - all these accounts seem to be reliable. On the other hand, the obscene verses attributed to Musaylima and enthusiastically received by Sajah, the vulgar anecdotes about Sajah - these seem to have been forged by the enemies of Musaylima and Sajal,t with the intention of slandering them. Some Muslim sources refrained from quoting this material. 105 IX The idea of Islamic expansion started to mature when the Prophet migrated to Medina. The principle of the superiority ofIslam over any other belief and the superiority ofIslamic authority became cardinal principles of the new faith. The existence of any belief or practice in Islam is said to have been accepted only on condition of the Prophet's approval. The Prophet gradually became the fully acknowledged and revered leader of the nascent Muslim community. The Muslim community grew and the borders of the Muslim state gradually expanded. Mecca and Medina became cities in which only Muslims were allowed to dwell. Idolaters Al-Tabart, Tarikh , vol. 3, p. 272 ult. See, e. g., al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fii'vq ff gharibi l-hadith , vol. 2, p. 122: ... Iii zimiima wa-lii khiziima wa-lii rahbiiniyyata uia-lii tabaHula uia-lii siyii!}ata ff I-isliimi. See also the b adith. of the Prophet (ibid .), in which he censures the conduct of an unmarried man: ... a-laka 'mra'atun? qiila: Iii. qiila: fa-anta idhan min ikhwiini I-shayiilfn; in kunia min ruhbiini I-na~iirii fa- 'I!}aq bihim, wa-in kunta minnii fa-min sunnatinii I-nikii!}. See al-Munawr, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 6, p. 302, no. 9320: nahii rasiilu l/iihi [s al=am] 'ani I-ikhti~ii', "The Prophet prohibited the (self-) castration of the believers" in order to free themselves from sexual lust. 105 Al-Maqdisi, Kitiib al-bad' uia-l-t a'rikh , vol. 5, p. 164 (her kunya was Umm Sadir, her husband was Abu Kuhayla, the kiihin of the Yamama; she was a false prophetess). The obscene phrase of Musaylima's Qur'an is recorded and his sexual proposal is quoted. A revelation received by Saja~ (ibid., p. 165) allowed a woman to marry two husbands. This was unheard of in the Jahiliyya, See also the story of Sajah's meeting with Musaylima and the remark of Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 57, ll. 1-2: ... fa-qiilat sajii!}: qad ansajt a, fa- 'dhkur. wa-ba'da hiidhii min qawlihi wa-fi'lihii mii a' ra4na 'an dhikrihi. The obscene verses also appear in al-NuwayrT's Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 76; al-Sharishi, Sharry maqiimiii al-bartrt, vol. 4, pp. 35-u; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83b; al-Maydani, Majma' al-amthiil, vol. 1, pp. 326-7, no. 1758 (under the heading: azna min saja!}); Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-jiikhsra , vol. 1, p. 214, no. 290 (under the heading: azna min saja/}) and vol. I, p. 325, no. 515 (under the heading: aghlam min saja!}). 103 104 28 M. J. Kister (mushrikiin) were forbidden to enter Medina; Jews and Christians were granted the concession to enter the city for three days only in order to sell their merchandise.I'" In Islam there is only one God, one Prophet and one community of believers. This community is chosen by Allah, and only this community may dwell in the holy places of Islam: "Two religious beliefs (dfniini) will not exist in the Arabian peninsula" (or in the l:Iijaz) .107 Islam spread in the peninsula in numerous ways. Delegations of various tribes reached Medina, were influenced by the Prophet and impressed by Muslim tenets and teachings. Some embraced Islam and when they returned to their homes, they enthusiastically transmitted the Call of the Prophet. They established small Muslim communities among their idolatrous neighbors. These small communities had close contacts with the Medinan body-politic and were under the control and guidance of Medina during the last years of the Prophet's life. They were active in spreading Islam and made a substantial contribution to the conquest of the Arabian peninsula. A case of such a community was the nucleus of believers set up in Juwatha in Bahrayn. The community started its activity very early: all the sources relate that the first Friday prayer (after the Friday prayer performed in Medina -k) was the Friday prayer performed in Juwatha.108 This was the first time that a small Muslim community in a foreign territory, besieged by unbelievers who endangered their lives, appealed to the community in Medina, asking for help. Help was sent and the beleaguered Muslims were saved. The military unit sent by Abu Bakr was headed by al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrami, It is noteworthy that when the military unit sent by Abu Bakr reached the borders of Bahrayn, it was joined by a large gathering of people led by Thurnama b. Uthal, appointed by the Prophet to govern a certain region of Yamama, Furthermore, the chiefs (umarii') of this region joined the unit of al-'Ala' and defeated their enerny.I'" The utterance of the Prophet who instructed the Muslims to live close to each other if they dwell in a non-Muslim environment may belong to this early period. "I renounce responsibility (ana bari"un) for any See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu§annaf, vol. 6, pp. 51-2, nos. 9977,9970. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mus annaj , vol. 6, p. 54, no. 9985 (only Jews and Christians are mentioned); and no. 9990: ... la yajtami'u bi-ar4i l-'arabi dfnani, au qala: bi-ar4i l-~ijazi dfnani. 108 See Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam vol. 2, pp. 401-2; Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, p. 174; al-Hirnyari, al-Rau4u l-mi'tar, p. 181; and see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun ff akhbari l-ridda li-mu'allifin majMI, p. 162, 1. 2 from bottom: lamma qubi4a rastilu Ilahi §alla Ilahu 'alayhi 'rtadda I-nasu 'ani I-islami ilia thalathata rnasiiji d: ahlu I-madfna wa-ahlu makkata, wa-ahlu juwatha. The word masjid is used here to denote the center of a Muslim town. 109 See Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, pp. 327-29. 106 107 The Struggle Against Musaylima 29 believer who dwells among unbelievers," said the Prophet. When asked about the reason for this, he answered that the believer living among unbelievers is not able to watch the fires of his believing companions." 110 The believers must live close to each other and not mix with their nonMuslim neighbors. The idea of the war against the ridda was extended and contained the obligation of the believers to take up arms against people who refused to pay the taxes (zakiit) prescribed by the Prophet. This was formulated by Abu Bakr who is reported to have said: "If they refused to give me (even) a ewe which they used to give to the Prophet ... , I would fight them because of their refusal" (wa-lliihi lau manaciinz C aniiqan kiinii yu' addiinahii ilii rasiili lliihi sallii lliihu calayhi wa-sallam la-qiitaltuhum calii manCihii). It was especially stressed that the "believers in the prophetic mission of Musaylima, the people of Yarnama," are included in the category of unbelievers (kuffiir) who have to be fought until they repent and embrace Islam.1ll Abu Bakr strove to place the nascent Muslim communities established throughout the peninsula under the sway of the Muslim polity in Medina. Muslim law and Muslim ritual had to be introduced in all these communitites. The Arab idolaters had to be crushed with the help of the Muslim forces of Medina. A letter of Abu Bakr to 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl may give us an insight into the activities planned by the caliph to protect the communities recently established in the eastern region of the peninsula. When Abu Bakr sent military units (sariiyii) against the tribes who rebelled against the authority of Medina, 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl and Shurahbil b. Hasana were sent against Musaylima with a military force (fiCaskarin). 'Ikrima acted in haste and started the attacks against the Banii Hanifa, but was defeated and informed Abu Bakr of his defeat. Abu Bakr's answer indicates that the goal of 'Ikrima's mission was to support the nascent Muslim communities in Yamama, Abu Bakr wrote: "Do not return (to Medina), as you will weaken the spirits of the people. I do not want to see you nor do I want you to see me. But go out to Hudhayfa and 'Arfaja and fight the people of 'Uman and Mahra. Then march out with your military force until you meet Muhajir b. Abl Umayya in Yemen and Hadramawt." Abu Bakr also instructed Shurahbil to stay in Yamama until Khalid arrived with his army. "When they will finish the battle with Musaylima,join 'Amr b. al-'A.!? in order to help him to fight Quqa'a.,,1l2 This material indicates that the Prophet showed great concern for the 110 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Kafi al-shii] fi takhriji al}adfthi l-koshsh a], p. 55, sup., no. 457, and see its explanation in al-Zamakhshari, al-Fa'iq, vol. 2, p. 21; cf. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v. ra'a. 111 See e.g., al-Qastallanr, Irsh ad ai-sari, vol. 3, pp. 6-7; on the followers of Musaylima see p. 6, ll. 7-8. 112 Al-Maqrizt, lrniiiru l-asma', vol. 14, p. 528. 30 M. J. Kister Muslim communities outside Medina and made sustained efforts to expand the Muslim territory. The sources contain impressive descriptions of the Prophet's efforts to help the newly founded Muslim settlements, his efficient reactions to cases of apostasy in distant districts and his judicious decisions to resolve disputes between Muslims and their adversaries. Exhortation was not always sufficient to achieve the desired expansion. For instance, Sayf b. 'Umar says that the letters of the Prophet to al-Aswad al-'Ansl and Musaylimadid not convince them and the emissary of the Prophet tried in vain to persuade them to embrace Islam. The Prophet decided to write to the ethnic Persians living in Yemen (al-abna') 113 asking them to try to "do away" with al-Aswad al- 'Ansi (an tu~awiliJ. l-aswada) and asked them to engage men from Himyar and Hamadhan to achieve this purpose. He also wrote to Thumama b. Uthal and his followers asking them to try to "do away" with Musaylima. He made a similar request to some men from Tamim and they acted accordingly. "The ways of the muriadda became indeed blocked," says the report .114 Many changes in the formation of tribal units and the conclusion of tribal alliances were connected with the division of the tribal territorial possessions. The case of the partition of the vast territory of Dahna' is instructive 11 5 The report about the partition of Dahna' is transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of al-Harith b. Hassan al- 'Amirl (in some sources: al-Bakri+k}, who came to visit the Prophet in connection with a dispute between his tribe (Bakr -k) and the Banii Tamirn. The dispute was about an event which happened in Bahrayn and in which the chiefs of Bakr raised their objections against al-'Alii' b. al-Hadrami, in whose home the discussion was held. At that time a man from the Banu Tarnim sent to the Prophet a message (khabar), informing him that the tribe of Rabi'a (including Bakr -k) reverted to unbelief (qad kafarat) and prevented (by force -k) the collection of zokiit . The information about this incident and about the khabar reached Rabi'a and they sent al-Harith b. Hassan al-'Amirl (or al-Bakri -k) in order to inform the Prophet that they (i.e., Rabi'a -k) remain obedient to him. On his way to the Prophet, he met in Habadhal l" a poor woman, Qayla bint Makrama al-'Anbariyya (of the tribe of Tamirn -k) and agreed to take her to the Prophet.J!" It was al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakri who repreSee on them EI2, vol. 1, p. 102, s.v. "Abna"', Section II. (K.V. Zet.tersteen}, Al-Maqrtzr, lrntiiiu l-asma', vol. 14, p. 525. 115 See the description of Dahria' in Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, pp. 493-4. 116 So in Maqrtzr, Imta'u l-asma', vol. 14, p. 312, 1. 3; al-Tabaranf, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 3, p. 254, no. 3325, I. 10. 117 See the lengthy description of the journey of Qayla and the story of the protection granted her by al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakrr, when he journeyed with her from Rabadha to Medina to meet the Prophet in al- Tabarani, al-Mu 'jam al-kabir , vol. 25, pp. 7-12; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Lsiiba , vol. 8, pp. 83-87, no. 11654; Ibn al-Athtr, 113 114 The Struggle Against Musaylima 31 sented Bakr b. Wa'il (of RabI'a).11s The representative of the Tamirnl tribal groups in Bahrayn who sent the message about the apostasy of Rabi'a (or Bakr -k) reached the Prophet before the arrival of the Bakrl al-Harith b. Hassan, and brought the story of al-'Ala (b. al-Hadrami}; then the Prophet ordered 'Amr b. al-'.A~ to march out and entrusted him with a flag. The Prophet went up to the minbar and urged the believers to join the raid against Habi'a in Bahrayn.l!? He informed the Muslims that al-'Ala (b. al-Hadramt) and al-Mundhir (b. Sawa) reported to him that Rabi'a apostatized (kafamt) and refused to pay the zakiit.120 The Prophet then asked: "Who will volunteer (to march out) with 'Amr b. al_'A.~?"121 At this fateful moment, al-Harith b. Hassan proclaimed loudly the allegiance of Rabi'a to the Prophet; he himself gave the oath of allegiance to Islam and converted,t22 Further, al-Harith b. Hassan asked the Prophet to affirm in a letter that Dahna" belongs to Habi'a and to set up the border line between Habi'a and Tamirn in that district. The Prophet called Bilal and ordered him to bring a piece of parchment and an inkpot (dawiit) .123 But when the scribe started to write the document in which the Prophet intended to affirm the right of Habi'a on the territory of Dahna", Qayla, the poor Tamirni woman, began to shout asserting that the territory between Dahna' and Bahrayn had belonged ill the period of the Jahiliyya to Tamim and on that basis Tamirn converted to Islam. The Prophet immediately changed the letter, affirming that Dahna' belonged to Tamlm.124 The Prophet's decision was significant. The borders of the territory granted to Tarnim in Dahna' enabled them to launch a successful raid against the Bakr b. Wa'i] (i.e., Rabi'a -k). The information about Nibaj, where the battle took place, enables us to assume that the march of the forces led by the leader of Sa'd (Tamim -k), Qays b. 'A.~im was a long and exhausting one. When Qays b. 'A.sim reached Nibaj and Thaytal (two neighboring localities) and watered the riding beasts (khayl), he cut the water bags open and let the water flow out. He then summoned the warriors to fight, saying: "The desert is behind you, death is in front of you." The Tamimi troops fought valiantly and defeated the forces of ll s d al-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 535-36. 118 See about the subdivisions of Bakr b. Wa'il and their mutual relations in Yamarna in "Bakr b. Wa'il," EI2, s.v, (W. Caskel). II 9 The text has sliiil , which is a mistake. 120 The text has wada'at al-sakiit; read correctly mana'at al-zakiit. 121 MaqrTzT, Imtiii u i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 312. 122 Cf. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Isiiba, vol. 8, p. 86, 1. 10. 12:1 The text has idiiwat, which is a mistake. 124 AI-MaqrTzT, Irniii's: I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 313: inna mii bayna l-tiahnii' wa-ib(J~lrayni ii-banI tamlmin II i-jiihihiiiyyati, wa-asiamii 'aiayhii, la-ayna tagfqu, yamu~ammadu, 'alii mu d arika'! 32 M. 1. Kister the Bakr b. Wa'il, the Lahazim.125 Some details about Nibaj deserve to be mentioned: there are two places called Nibaj: the one is Nibaj Ibn 'A.mir (in the neighborhood of Basra); the other is Nibaj near Thaytal, adjacent to al-Bahrayn.P'' The information recorded by Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakn indicates the reasons for Qays b. 'A.!?im's raids: at that time he embraced Islam and it was meritorious for him to march out against the non-Muslim Bakr b. Wa'il. AI-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni and al-Mundhir b. Sawa stated clearly that Bakr b. Wa'il apostatized. A proper military action of the allies of the Muslim body politic in Medina against Bakr b. Wa'il was badly needed. Qays b. 'A.!?im was successful in his raid against the Bakr b. Wa'il apostates. Qays b. 'A.!?im is highly praised in connection with his raids in Nibaj and Thayta1. But one of the verses mentions a third locality in which Qays b. 'A.!?im excelled in a military raid: it was Juwatha in Bahrayn. Qays b. 'A.!?im attacked Juwatha, which was under the control of the tribe of 'Abd al-Qays, and took considerable booty.127 The Muslim warriors who defeated their enemies and forced them to convert to Islam gained great merit: the Prophet saw these captives led in his dream into Paradise in shackles.P" It is noteworthy that some of these warriors were relatives of inveterate enemies of the Prophet. The two relatives of Abu Jahl - his son 'Ikrima and his brother al-Harith b. Hisham - are cases in point. 'Ikrima became a devout Muslim and was killed during the wars of conquest. 129 125 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 1, pp. 351-52; and see the verse of Qurra b. Qays b. 'A~im: "I am the son of the man who cut the water bags when he saw the troops of the Lahazim ready to fight (ana 'bnu /ladhi' shaqqa I-mazada wa-qad ra'a / bi-thaytala a~ya' a '/lahazimi ~u44arii)." 126 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 4, p. 1292, I. 2: wa-I-nibaj nibiijanf: nibaj thaytal wa-nibaj 'bni 'amirin bi-I-ba~ra. wa-qala I-a~ma'f: al-nibiij wa-thaytal ma'ani Ii-banI sa'di bni zaydi manatin, mimma yalf I-ba~rayni. Yaqut provides additional details about the two Nibajs: the one is on the way of Basra and is called" Nibaj banf 'A mir" and faces Fayd; the other Niba] is the Nibaj of the Bani Sa'd. Another definition says that the Nibaj between Mecca and Basra belongs to the Banu Kurayz, the other Nibaj is located between Basra and Yarnama. See Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 5, pp. 255-56. 127 ••. wa-aghiira qaysu bnu 'ii~im bi-banf sa'din 'alii 'abdi I-qays bi-juwatha Ja-a~abu ma aradu [imii yaz'umu banu minqar. [a-qiila sawwiir b. ~ayyiin: wa-ma laka min ayyami ~idqin ta'udduha: ka-yaumi juwathii wa-I-nibaji wa-thaytala. See al-Baladhurt's Ansab al-ashriiJ, part 7, vol. 1, RamzT Ba'labakkT, ed., p. 45 (Beirut, 1417/1997). 128 See Lisiin al-'Arab, s.v., s-l-s-l: 'ajiba rabbuna min qaumin yuqiidilna ilii I-jannati if-I-salasil; and see al-Munawi, Fay4u I-qadfr, vol. 4, p. 302, no. 5383. 129 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqa.lan]', ol-Lsaba , vol. 4, pp. 538-9, no. 5642; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab, vol. 3, p. 1082, no. 1838. See also the tradition about the march of 'Ikrima b. AbT Jahl with 500 fighters against the Prophet in order to prevent him from the entrance to Mecca; his attacks were thrice thwarted by a force of Khalid b. al- WalTd who orotected the Prophet and his Companions. See Ibn Kathlr, Tajsiru I-qur' ani The Struggle Against Musaylima Al-Harith b. Hisham also embraced Islam, took part Yamarna and died in the plague of'Amwas.130 III 33 the battle of x The struggle against Musaylima was an important part of the ridda wars. Abu Bakr was aware of the strength of Musaylima's forces. He understood that sending small units of Muslims against the well organized force of Musaylima was doomed to fail. Yamama had to be conquered in order to pave the way for the establishment of additional Islamic communities in the area of Bahrayn, 'Uman, and in Yamarna itself. A strong army was necessary for the conquest of Yamama. Khalid b. al-Walid, the famous hero nicknamed "the sword of Islam" (say! al-isliim), was chosen to lead the expedition. He was at that time the head of a military force sent against various tribal formations who decided to remain faithful to Islam, but refused to pay zakiit. The rebellious tribes who refused to pay zakiit were branded apostates (ahl al-ridda). They were ruthlessly subdued: some were captured, some were executed; some hastened to pay the zakiii , repented and were forgiven. Having completed the suppression of some big tribal formations who participated in the ridda, Khalid b. al-Walid was ready to embark on another important mission. Leading a huge army, he set out in the direction of Yarnarna, Abu Bakr wrote Khalid a letter in which he stressed the stalwart strength of the forces of the Banii Hanifa: "You have never met a people (qaum) like the Banii Hanifa: they will fight against you all together" (kulluhum 'alayka).l3l Abu Bakr also advised Khalid how to delegate authority to the tribal leaders and section commanders and how to solicit the opinion of the Muhajirun and the Ansar taking part in the expedition. The last part of the letter is of special interest: Abu Bakr recommends to prepare scrupulously the details of the first clash with the enemy: "A spear against a spear, an arrow against an arrow, a sword against a sword. And when you reach the phase of the battle in which the fight is of swords against swords, you reach the time when mothers become bereft of their sons. And if Allah grants you the victory," continues Abu Bakr, "and you get hold of the enemy warriors, beware of being merciful towards them: give the coup de grace to their wounded, pursue their retreating fighters, kill their captive warriors by the sword, frighten them by killing and burn them by fire. Beware of 1-'a?lm, at that 130 See p.69. 131 Ibn vol. 6, p. 344. Ibn KathTr objects the veracity of this tradition, arguing that time Khalid b. al- Waljd was an unbeliever. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Tsiiba, vol. 1, pp. 605..,'!, no. 1506; WaqidT, Ridda, Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf. 34 M. J. Kister disobeying my orders. Peace be upon you." 132 Muslim tradition ascribed considerable importance to the campaign against Musaylima. This can be gauged from the fact that some early traditionists and commentators considered Qur'an 48:16 ("Say to the Bedouins who were left behind: 'You shall be called against a people possessed of great might, to fight them, or they surrender."') a reference to this campain.133 Bakr b. NaHa4, a poet who descended from the defeated Banu I:Ianlfa,134 wrote in the ninth century A. D. verses praising the bravery of his tribe, which was - according to his understanding - mentioned in the Qur 'an: And we were described in the revealed Book, unlike any (other) tribe, as possessing great courage.P" uia-noluiu wu~ifnii duna kulli qabilaiin bi-shiddati ba'sin fi l-kitiibi l-munazzali XI During the years of the Prophet's activity in the Arabian peninsula and his contacts with the Arab tribes, he was often asked by the tribal leaders about the ownership of land. The Prophet's policy on this issue is relevant to the ways in which the Muslims expanded their land holdings throughout the Arabian peninsula, including Yamama, When asked about these matters, the Prophet used to quote Qur'an 7:127: "Verily the Earth is Allah's; He gives it as a heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing." Indeed, when the Prophet arrived in Medina after the hijra, he was given every patch of uncultivated land, not irrigated by water; it was placed under his exclusive authority.136 The injunctions of the Prophet concerning the uncultivated land became obligatory and continued to be in force during the time of the righteous Caliphs, and even later. There was only one 132 Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf-60; and see the letter of Abu Bakr to Khalid b. al- WalTd in al- Waqidt's /( itiib al-ridda, pp. 62-3, no. 86. 133 Al- Wal)idT, al- Wasf! fl tafslri l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 138. However, one must keep in mind that other commentators considered this verse as a reference to other military expeditions, such as those against Persia, Byzantium, the Hawasin, the ThaqTf, and the Ghatafan , These views are beyond the scope of this study. 134 See on him Brockelmann, GAS, vol. 2, p. 628 inf. 135 AI-I:lu~rTal-Qayrawanr, Zahr al-iidiib, vol. 2, p. 966. 136 See Humayd b. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu l-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1035: ... ' ani l-kalb; 'ani bni ~iililfin, 'ani bni 'abbiisin anna rasiila lliihi, ~allii lliih u 'alayhi wasal/ama, lammii qadima I-madfna ja'alii lahu kulla ar¢in Iii yablughuhii l-mii'u ya§na'u bihii mii shii'a. See also ibid., note 4, and Abu 'Ubayd, /(itiib al-amwiil, non __ aa"l The Struggle Against Musaylima 35 stipulation concerning grants of land given by the Prophet (iqtii'): the obligation to ameliorate the plot by digging a well or irrigating it by means of a canal. If the development of the uncultivated plot could not be performed in due time (i.e., three years -k), the plot had to be sold to a Muslim, who would be granted the permission of the Muslim authority to purchase the plot; without such permission the purchase had to be considered null and void. A patch of uncultivated land granted by the Prophet was sold in the time of 'Umar for a sum of 8000 dinars, because the grantees were not able to perform their duty to improve the land. The sum received by the people who sold the plot was deposited with 'All b. AbI T'alib. They were surprised that the sum returned to them was less than that which they deposited. 'All b. AbI Talib's answer was that he had paid the zakiit on the deposit.137 According to the Muslim tradition, it was the Prophet himself who granted plots of uncultivated land in Medina to Abu Bakr and 'Umar. A plot of land was granted by the Prophet to some Bedouins of Muzayna and Juhayna (as iqW), but they did not improve it; a group of other people took hold of the plot and succeeded to ameliorate it. The Bedouins from whom the plot was taken came to 'Umar b. al-Khattab and complained that they had been driven out of the territory granted to them. 'Umar refused to return them to the land, arguing that the qaWa was granted to them under certain conditions: "Whoever got land and failed to ameliorate it during three years, while others improved that soil, the people who neglected to improve the soil do not deserve to own it." 138 The land put at the Prophet's disposal is defined in the ~adzth in the following way: "The ancient land from the time of 'Ad139 belongs to Allah and to His prophet, then (it will pass -k) to you." ('iidiyyu l-ardi li-lliihi uia-rasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum) .140 When asked about the meaning of "Then it will belong to you," the Prophet answered: "You will assign it (i.e., the land -k) to the people." A similar version reads: "The uncultivated land belongs to Allah and to His messenger, and then, from me to you, 0 Muslims" (mawatiinu l-ardi li-lliihi warasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum minnii ayyuhii l-muslimiin) .141 Thus, the ownership of an iqiii' bequeathed by the Prophet to his community requires the approval of the imiim or the ruling authority (sultiin). Abu Yusuf', K itiib u l-khariij, p. 61 inf. Abu Yusuf, K itiibu l-khariij, p. 61. 139 See on 'Ad: E[2, vol. 1, p. 169 (F. Buhl); and see the exhaustive explanation of 'adiyy in connection with iqtii: in Abu Ubayd's al-Amwiil, p. 278, no. 690; see also the explanation of the saying of 'Umar: lanii riqiibu l-ardi, 140 Abu 'Ubayd, Kiiiib u l-amuuil , p. 272, no. 674; Yahya b. Adam, Kit abu l-kh ariij , p. 85, no. 269; p. 88, no. 277. 141 See this version recorded by the editor of the Kitiibu l-amwiil of Abu 'Ubayd, p. 272, on the margin, no. 2. 137 1.18 36 M. J. Kister Every effort carried out by a Muslim on a plot of uncultivated land, like a well dug in a qaii' a, or a tree planted there, has to be considered null and void if not approved by the ruling authority (sultan). This is binding because Allah is said to have bestowed upon the Prophet all uncultivated land. Therefore, the qaWa has to be improved by irrigation and construction. The imam may assign it to a Muslim for this purpose, even without the consent of the former owner who failed to perform this duty. It is, thus, the prevalent view of the Muslim tradition that all uncultivated land was granted to the Prophet by Allah; only the imams, the just and righteous people forming the Islamic authority, are allowed to approve the building up of a qaWa. They are granted the Prophet's privilege to allot the uncultivated land to the Muslims.l V It is possible that the Prophet himself formulated his opinion concering the division of the mawat land. In a ~adfth which seems to reflect this early period, the Prophet defined his mission modestly: "I am merely bringing the news of Allah's revelation, but Allah is guiding onto the right path; I am merely dividing (among you -k), but Allah grants (what He pleases to grant -k)" (innama ana muballighun uia-lliilu: yahdf, uia-innamii ana qiisiinun uia-Iliihu yu'tf) .143 The last action of the Prophet in the field of division of land (or granting of land -k) was the bestowal of land on some noble people of Yarnama who came to the Prophet announcing their desire to embrace Islam. The Prophet bestowed on this delegation some plots of uncultivated land after they embraced Islam (ja-aqta'ahum min mawilt ar~ihim ba'da an aslamu). The document of the iqta' was written on the name of Mujja'a b. Murara.144 According to a report recorded by al-Baladhuri, the delegation came after the Prophet sent a letter to the people of Yamama (and to Hawdha) and asked them to embrace Islam (in 6 A.H.). It was Mujja'a who asked the Prophet to grant him mawatland in Yamarna and the Prophet granted his request.l '! A shrewd remark of Abu 'Ubayd in which he outlined the difference between the iqta' granted to Furat b. Hayyan al- 'Ijll146 and the land granted to Mujja'a deserves to be mentioned. In contradistinction to the same grants of land in territories not yet conquered by Is142 See the advice of Abu Yusuf in his /(itiibu l-kh arii] pp. 63-{)4 defining the prerogatives of the imiims in this matter. 143 Al-Munawi, Fay4u l-o adir , vol. 2, p. 571, no. 2582. 144 Abu 'Ubayd , i(itiibu I-amwiil, pp, 279-81, nos. 691-92. Hurnayd b. Zanjawayhi , i(itiibu 'I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1034. 145 See al-Baladhurr, Futiiii u l-buldiin , pp. 118inf-119: ... fa-aqta'ahu (i.e., Mujja'a -k) arden mawiitan sa'alahu iyyiihii; and cf. Humayd h. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, 1. 3. 146 On Furat h. Hayyan al-'IjlT; see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, ol-Lsiibo , vol. 5, pp. 357-8, no. 6969. The Struggle Against Musaylima 37 lam, the grants of land in Yarnarna were given when a small Muslim community had already been in existence there. When the members of the Yamama delegation decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet granted them the mawat-Iand of Yamarna.l+" It is evident that by this grant the Prophet indicated that Yamarna was put under the sway of Islam, although the number of Yamamis who embraced Islam was very small. The guiding principle applied in Yarnama was that the conversion to Islam of even a small group under its leader was binding on the whole population of the district. The Muslim settlements in the different regions acted according to the instructions of the Medinan body politic. What the Medinan center demanded was the right of passage through the different regions in order to gain direct contact with the isolated Muslim communities. These small communities were decisive in the establishment of Muslim authority over the whole population; hence, the direct contacts of the Medinan center with these settlements became the conquest of the whole province in which these tiny Muslim communities existed. The conquest of Yamama by Islam was in fact the key to the conquest of the adjacent territories in the Arabian peninsula. XII The few passages of Musaylima's "Qur 'an," recorded in adab literature, in some Quranic commentaries, in historical compendia and in biographies of the Prophet, were harshly criticized by Muslim scholars. AIJahia's opinion on these saj' passages is negative: he maintains that Musaylima lacked the gifts of a poet, an orator, a soothsayer (kiihin) or a geneaologist.l t'' AI-Jal,1i~ gives some details about the beginnings of Musaylima's career as the "false prophet" of Yamama, He used to frequent the markets in Arab and Persian territories; he visited the markets of Ubulla, Baqqa, al-Anbar and al-Hira. He learned in these places the tricks of the sorcerers and of the idol temples guardians. He indeed succeeded to insert an egg steeped in acid into a glass bottle with a very narrow opening, claiming this was the miracle which he carried out with the help of Allah. A similar trick was carried out by Musaylima before all audience in which a Bedouin chief and his family were present; the chief was al-Mujja'a (b. Murara -k) al-Hanafi. Musaylima showed those present his miracle: the pigeons with their wings cut off (al-~amiimu 1-1I!aqiis'i~)were able to fly in a dark night. Like in the former case, he 117 See Abu 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, pp. 280-81: wa-amma iq!a'uhu [uriita bna ~ayyanin l'I.Jliyya arden bi-I-yamama Ja-ghayru hadha; uia-dhiilika anna I-yamamata qad kana 1,,/111 islamun 'ala 'ahdi l-nabiyyi s allii lliih u 'alayhi wa-sallam .... p. 281: .,. qiila abii '"/,,,yd: [a-k adhiilika iq!a'uhu [uriiia bna ~ayyiinin; wa-hii'ulii'i ashriiJu l-yamiima, [u II'1!a'ahum mawiita ardihim yata'allaJuhum bi-dhiilika. 14K AI-Jal,1i,? (d. 255 A. H.), al-Bayan wa-l-tabyfn, vol. 1, p. 359. 38 M. J. Kister claimed that he was helped by Allah and forbade on that occasion to keep the pigeons at home by cutting their wings. Mujja'a was fascinated by the two miracles and embraced the faith of Musaylima.l'i'' Al-Jahiz stressed the blind belief of the Bedouins in miracles and their ignorance of the frauds and impostures of jugglers and sorcerers. Muslim scholars, examining the utterances of Musaylima and analyzing the verses of his "Quran," stated that their composition is odd and ludicrous, formulated in poor saj'. The short utterance of Abu Bakr concerning passages of Musaylima's "Qur'an" was often quoted and widely circulated. Abu Bakr said it when the people of the Banii Hanifa came to Medina after the defeat of 'Aqraba' and the killing of Musaylima; they used to quote some of his revelations and his injunctions. Their assessment of the material was: "These utterances are devoid of any virtuous idea" (inna hiidhi: l-kaliima lam yakun min illin).150 Muslim scholars emphasize the differences between the queer utterances of Musaylima, composed in odd sa)', and the clear utterances of Allah revealed in the Qur 'an. The scholars stress that Musaylima borrowed a great deal of his utterances from the Qur'an, using some expressions for quite different situations. In the words of Ibn Kathir: "People of insight will find the deep difference between the feeble words of Musaylima, between his unworthy deeds, between his "Qur'an" - with which he will remain in the fire of Hell until the Day of (his) Distress and Shame - and between the Revelation of Allah;" "there is a great difference between the words of Allah - may He be exalted: Allah, there is no god except Allah, the Living, the Everlasting, slumber seizes Him not, nor sleep" and the "revelation" of Musaylima, may God disfigure him and curse him: "0 frog, the daughter of two frogs, croak as you may croak, you will not turn the water turbid, nor will you bar the drinking person (from drinking)." 151 Ibn Kathir continues to quote "the feeble verses from Musaylima's "Qur'an," accompanying every sentence with 149 AI-Jal:Ii~, Kiuiou l-~ayawiin, vol. 4, pp. 369-71; and see the mention of these miracles in the Kit aou l-~ayawiin vol. 6, p. 206. 150 In some sources, ill is rendered by alliih: if this is correct, the meaning would be: "These utterances are not from Allah." See al-Baqillanl, I'jiizu l-Qur'iin, p. 158: lam yakhruj 'an illin, ay 'an rububiyyatin, wa-man kiina lahu 'aqlun lam yushtabah 'alayhi sakhfu hiidhii l-k aliim, See the explanation of ill in 'Ikrima's readings in the phrase wa-lii yarqubiina jI mu'minin i/lan; it is derived from II, i.e., allah, which appears in the names of the angels: Jibril and MTkarl. In Tha'alibr's al-Kash] wal-bautin , vol. 3, p. 76/2, fol. 133a inf.-133b ill is rendered by al-mithiiq, al-'ahd, ol-hil], See also the quotation of Abu Bakr's saying in al- Tha'alibT, Tbimaru l-ouliib ; p. 174 inf; Lisiin al-'arab, s.v. all; Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 368,491; Mujahid, Tafsfr, vol. 1, p. 273, note 3; al-Tabart, .l iimi" al-bayan, vol. 14, pp. 145-50, (on Qur 'an 9:8). III is rendered by alliih (compared with jibrll, mfkii'lI, isriifll), by ties of relationship. According to the interpretation of the Basrans, ill is identical to 'ahd, mithiu; or yamIn. 151 Ibn Kath'ir , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 490. The Struggle Against Musaylima 39 a curse on Musaylima. Such was the utterance of Musaylima about the pregnant woman who brought forth a living being between the navel and the bowels." 152 Another utterance of Musaylima, scornfully assessed by Ibn Kathir , reads: "The Elephant, what is the elephant? And who shall tell you what is the elephant? He has a poor tail and a long trunk and is a trifling part of the creations of God." 153 Ibn Kathir classifies the utterances of Musaylima as utterances of nonsense and dotage (min al-khuriifiit wa-l-hadhayiiniit) which even youngsters abstain from telling except in the way of scoffing and sneering.154 A new and interesting approach concerning the "Qur'an" of Musaylima is found in the book of the Zaydi imiim al-Hariini, Ithbiii nubuwwati l-nabiyyi. Al-Hariini states that no composition opposing Islam was prevented from circulation in the Muslim community. Yazld b. Mu'awiya could freely circulate his verses in which he threatened that he would take revenge on the prophet Ahmad (i.e., Muhammad) because of his deeds; he expressed this threat when the head of Husayn b. 'An was brought to him.155 The verses of al- Wand b. Yazid b. 'Abd ai-Malik b. Marwan who spoke insolently about the threats of Allah against opressors (jabbiiriin) and tore the Quran to pieces in answer to these threats, says addressing the Qur 'an: "When you come to your Lord on the Day of Resurrection, tell Him: '0 my God, al-Walid tore me (to pieces)." 156 Al-Haruni insists that no "Quran" had been produced which could rival the Quran sent down to the Prophet Muhammad. "We needed not to publish the nonsensical and feeble passages of Musaylima in this book," says al-Haruni. "'We recorded these passages merely to make the astonished man wonder and to convince him that had there been a book really competing with the Qur'an, it would have been transmitted (lau kiinat li-l-qur'iini mu'iirodatur: fi l-haqiqati la-nuqilat)." Al-Haruni continues his argument concerning the impossibility that Musaylima could have intended to imitate (yu'iirilju) the Qur'an. "Though Musaylima was a liar and an insolent person, he was an Arab and (even) his ignorance would not have caused him to claim that he imitated the Qur'an. 152Ibn Kathrr , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 491; and see al-Haruni, Ithbiit nubuwwati l-nabiyyi p. 39; R. Serjeant, Early Arabic Prose (chapter 3) in The Cambridge History oj Arabic Literature to the End oj Umayyad Period, edited by A.F.L. Beeston et alii, Cambridge 1983, pp. 114 ff., 128 sup. 153The translation is by R. A. Nicholson, A Literary History oj the Arabs, Cambridge 1956, p. 183. 154Ibn Kat hlr , Tajsfr vol. 3, p. 491; and see there the story of Abu Bakr who asked the Muslims (from Yamarna -k) to tell him the utterances of Musaylima. They were unwilling, but later agreed and reported his utterances. Abu Bakr then asked: "How did he confuse you and led your minds astray: by God, that (i.e., the utterance of Musaylima -k) did not come out from a righteous source." 155 Al-Harunr, lthbiit , p. 36; and see ibid. the verses of Yastd b. Mu'awiya. 156 Al-Har-unr, lthbiit , p. 36 inf. 40 M. J. Kister Had he acted in this way, he would have been shamed among his people (lau fa'ala dluilika kana yafta4i~u bayna qaumihi). Musaylima did not claim that he imitated the Qur'an; he merely stated that the passages which he uttered (innama kana yiiriduha) were sent to him from Heaven. However, not everything which is said to have been sent by Allah is an imitation of the Qur 'an. This is so because we do not say that the inimitability (i'jaz) of the Qur'an is caused only by the fact it was sent down from Heaven. We say that for the i'jaz of a revealed book additional attributes are needed. Nobody doubts that the Torah, the Gospels and the Psalms were sent down by Allah, but no inimitability had been established for these three books.P" In fact, nobody can imitate the Qur 'an. But poets, writers and scholars did embellish their writings with some of its words or phrases. A verse adorned with such a word turns into a brilliant spot in the poem. That is a special feature of the Qur'an and an indication that the words of the Qur'an differ from human speech.158 Musaylima was aware of the role of Qur'anic words embedded in a speech or in a saj' passage uttered by a religious leader. Al-Haruni's observations concerning the ways of quoting Qur'anic words in passages included in Musaylima's "Qur'an" deserve to be mentioned. Musaylima quotes some words from the Qur'an in which the Prophet referred to certain phenomena or to some occurences and uses them for a different context. Thus, the phrase: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-a~~abi l-fil ("Has thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the people of the elephant?") of Qur 'an 105 - was placed in Musaylima's Siirat al-hubl«: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-l-hublii, "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the pregnant woman." Another Qur 'anic phrase used by Musaylima was: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l-mu'minina (Qur'an 3:164). This was put in the passage about the pregnant woman: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l_~ubla.159 Al-Haruni states with satisfaction that due to Qur'anic expressions embedded in Musaylima's passages, these became an ornament covered with gems. It is quite plausible that the Qur'anic phrases were included in Musaylima's saj' utterances. This seems to have been the reason why some people were impressed by Musaylima's "Qur'an" and embraced his faith. The governor of 'Iraq succeeded, however, to convince some of these people to embrace Islam.160 The Qur'an was keenly studied by the emissaries of Musaylimain Medina who returned to Yamama; Musaylima learned it by heart and quoted it in his speeches as if they were part of his "Quran." 157 158 AI-HarunI, Ithbiit ; pp. 38-9. AI-HarunI, Ithbiit, p. 39 inf. 159 Al-Harunr, Ithbiit , p. 39. 160 Al-Tha'alibr, Thimiiru l-ouliib , p. 147. The Struggle Against Musaylima 41 A glance at the descriptions of the sunrise, the morning, the evening and the night in the passages of M usaylima's "Qur'an" may lead us to some conclusions regarding the influence of the Qur'an on the ideas of Musaylima and on his political views. We read in Qur'an 9:1-2: "By the night when it covers up! And by the day when it brightens up ... " In Qur 'an 9:1-4, we read: "By the sun and its growing brightness. And by the moon when it follows it (the sun). And by the day when it reveals its glory. And by the night when it draws a veil over it ... ;, Qur'an 89:1-4 reads: "By the Dawn, And the Ten Nights, And the Even and the Odd, And the Night when it moves on (to its end.) ... ;, Impressive is the description of sunrise in Quran, 78:14-15: "And We appointed a blazing lamp, and have sent down out of the rain clouds water cascading that we may bring forth thereby grain and plants and gardens luxuriant." These quotations from the Qur'an are comparable to some fragments of Musaylima. It is evident that in the descriptions of the dark night covering the light of the day, Musaylima's text bears similarity to the Quran. In spite of the climate of Mecca in which the Prophet dwelt, in spite of the barren soil of that city, the Prophet recorded in his revelation the graces granted the believers. We read in Qur'an 6:99-100: "And it is He who sends down water from the cloud; and we bring forth therewith every kind of growth; then we bring forth with that green foliage wherefrom we produce clustered grain. And from the date palm, out of its sheath (come forth) bunches hanging low. And we produce therewith gardens of grapes and olive and the pomegranate - similar and dissimilar. Look of the fruit thereof when it bears fruit and the ripening thereof. Surely in this are signs for a people who believe." A short passage of Musaylima's "Qur'an" mentioning Allah's graces reads: "Remember the grace of Allah and thank Him, as He turned for you the sun into a shining lamp and turned the rain falling very thick (thajjaj); He brought forth for you the ram and the ewe and granted you silver and glass, gold and silk clothes (dzbiij). And it is from His grace that he brought out from the earth pomegranates, grapes, royal basilicum (myf}an), and bitter plants (zu'wan).161 The two descriptions of God's grace have the same tendency: to enumerate the bounty of the fruits, grapes, olive trees and palms granted by Allah. It is evident that the short passage discloses the intention of Musaylima to show the superiority of Yarnama over other areas; especially Mecca and Medina. The mention of the silver and gold of Yarnama refers to an important detail regarding the riches of Yarnarna: there were indeed several mines of silver and gold.162 Al-Tabarl163 and 161 162 163 Al-Tha'alibi, Tlumiiru l-quliib, p. 147. Al-Harnadani, [(itiib al-Jauharatayn, index (s.v. Yarnarna]. Al-Tabarr, Ta'rtkh , vol. 3, p. 284. 42 M. J. f{ ister al-BaqillanI164 record an additional passage containing the virtues of Yarnama: it is an injunction to defend the land of Yamama, to oppose its opressors and to help the humble and the poor. Al-Haruni follows this passage with sharp criticism: "These passages of Musaylima are too feeble-minded and poor to deserve inclusion in this book." 165 Musaylima's verse and speeches bear substantial similarity with the Qur 'an. XIII Serious rivalry ensued between the Prophet and Musaylima concerning one ofthe "proofs of prophet hood," (dalii'ilu l-nubuwwa): the miraculous healing of the sick. Well known is the miracle when the Prophet healed 'AlI of an inflammation of the eye. The Prophet sent a messenger to 'AlI asking him to come to his court and head a raid against the enemy. When 'AlI appeared with inflamed eyes, the Prophet spat into his eyes and blessed him. He gave him a banner; 'AlI went out with the troops and was victorious in the raid.166 Many reports concerning cases in which the Prophet cured madness, toothache, bellyache, dumbness, or forgetfulness are recorded in the Sire: as could be expected, the sources present the treatment of the Prophet as successful, while the treatment of Musaylima is always shown to be harmful. When the Prophet arrived in Medina, the people suffered from a plague of fever. The Prophet invoked God and the epidemic fever was removed from Medina to al-JuJ:!fa.167 A special treatment was given by the Prophet to a madman who was brought to the Prophet. The Prophet rubbed his back and invoked God to cure him. The madman recovered immediately and returned sane to his tribe.168 Another treatment was used by the Prophet on a boy from the tribe of Khath'am. When the Prophet was on a journey with one of his Companions, he met a Khathami woman sitting with a boy. She addressed the Prophet imploring him to help her in her distress: the boy was plagued everyday by many fits of madness. The Prophet then asked to pass him the child. He spat into the child's mouth three times. He said: "In the name of Allah, I am the servant of Allah, go away, 0 enemy of Allah!" Then the Prophet passed the child to his mother and asked her to meet him after a year in the same place. When the Prophet met the woman after a year, he asked her about the activity of Satan (al-khabzth). She told AI-Baqillanf, l'jiizu I-Qur'iin, p. 157. Al-Haruni, Iihbiit ; p. 38. 166 Al-Dauraqr, Musnad Sa'd b. Abf Waqqii~, p. 51, no. 19; al-Maqrfzr, asmii', vol. 11, pp. 284-5; 167 Al-Maqrizr, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 11, pp. 295-303; 168 Al-Halabr, [nsiin al-'uyiin, vol. 3, p. 252. 164 165 lmtiii u 1- The Struggle Against Musaylima 43 him that the Satan stopped his activity and they had not yet heard from him. The woman offered the Prophet three sheep. But the Prophet took only one sheep and returned the other two.t69 Another case was reported about 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. alKhatt ab. Abu Lubaba b. 'Abd al-Mundhir, the grandfather of the child from the mother's side brought the child to the Prophet; the child was born unusually small. The Prophet affirmed that he had not seen a child smaller than 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. Zayd. He took the child and performed the treatment of tahnik: he rubbed his palate with the pulp of a date, he stroked the head of the child with his hand and blessed him. After this treatment the child grew up and became a very tall person and a perfect man. 170 Another case of treating a Khath'ami child brought by his mother to the Prophet is recorded in al-Nuwayrr's Nihiiyat ol-arab fi [uniini l-adab. The mother complained that the child does not speak and asked for help. The Prophet ordered to bring him water; he gargled his throat with the water, he washed his hands with it and gave the water to the woman. He ordered her to give the water to the child to drink and to rub it into his body. The child was healed and grew up superior in intelligence. 171 It is not surprising that in contradistinction to the miraculous successes of the healing of Muhammad, the Muslim sources record the fatal results of Musaylima's treatments. Musaylima tried to imitate the Prophet in his miraculous healing. When he heard that the Prophet used to perform the tohnik , spreading pulp of dates on his finger and rubbing it on a child's palate, he did the same, but the boy in question became mute.172 He heard that the Prophet used to stroke children on their heads; he used the same method, stroked the head of a boy brought to him, but the boy became bald.173 When Musaylima heard that the Prophet used to spit into a well and turned its salty water sweet, he tried to imitate him and spat into a well blessing the water, but its sweet water turned salty.174 A case of Musaylima's invocation which caused a tragedy is reported by Ibn Hubaysh, A man came to Musaylima and told him about the sorrow of his family: "I am a wealthy man, but no child born to me lived more than two years, except a boy who is with us; he is more than ten years old. Yesterday," continued the father, "a Imtii'u. l-asrnii", vol. 11, pp. 320-21. AI-MaqrIzI, Imtiii u l-asmii", 312. 171 Al-Nuwayrr, Nihiiyat al-arab, vol. 18, p. 331; and cf. al-Maqrfzr, Imtii=u l-asmii", vol. 11, p. 319. 172 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Ishriif , p. 329. 173 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Lshrii] , p. 329; 'All al-QarI, Sh arb: al-Shifii, on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiir/. of al-Khafaji, vol. 2, p. 486, 1. 3 from bottom): see also Ibn Hubaysh, Kitiib al-qh aeauuit , vol. 1, p. 55 inf., (with an addition: every child born to him was born bald). 174 Ibn Hubaysh , Kitiib al-ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 56. 170 169 Al-Maqrizr, 44 M. J. Kister child was born to me, and I beg you to bless him and to invoke Allah to prolong his life." Musaylima promised to do it, so that the newborn child would be granted forty years of life. The man returned to his house delighted, but found his elder son dead, after he fell into a well and drowned. The newborn child was lying down suffering the pangs of death; both children died in the evening. The mother of the children said sadly: "Abu Thumama has not been granted the position by Allah like that which was given to Muharnmad.l " XIV After the death of the Prophet and the election of Abu Bakr, the main goal of the body-politic in Medina was to quell the vigorous opposition of the Arab tribes against the injunction to pay zakiit from their herds. Abu Bakr began to prepare his army against the rebellious Bedouin tribes (including the Banu Hanifa]. According to the tradition recorded in Ibn Hubaysh's Ghazawiit as transmitted from Ibn Ishaq's slm, Abu Bakr planned to send an army against Yamarna and summoned Zayd b. alKhattab to appoint him the commander of the army. Zayd b. al-Khattab refused the offer because of his resolve to become a matyr (shahld) - an aspiration upon which the head of an expedition is not allowed to act. Then Abu Bakr wanted to appoint Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a (the brother of Hind bint 'Utba, the wife of Abu Sufyan] as commander of the force, but Abu Hudhayfa refused on the same grounds as Zayd.176 Afterwards, Abu Bakr summoned Khalid b. al-Walld [al-Makhzurni] and ordered him to march out with the Muslim force against the Bedouin tribes in order to subdue them. Khalid b. al-Walid marched out against the Asad, Ghatafan, Tayy and Hawazin; using merciless methods of punishment, he succeeded to defeat them totally. After this victory in Buzakha, Khalid decided to turn in the direction of al-Bitah, pursuing the famous Tarnlmi leader Malik b. Nuwayra. But the Ansar, who took part in the march, refused to follow Khalid's orders, arguing that they were waiting for a special letter from Abu Bakr and his clear orders concerning the continuation of their march, as they had been promised by him; Khalid's answer was that he had received a different command from Abu Bakr and he had to continue the march. As Khalid was the amlr, there was no need to wait for the orders of the Caliph because everything had to be decided by him. "But I am not going to act against 175 'All al-Qart, Shar~ al-shifit (on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiig from bottom: kiin ai iiyiituhu mankiisatan: [a-inn ahu kamii yuqiilu min sa'aliihu dhiilika t abarruk an, [a-moluh a mii'uhii. See also Ibn Nashwat al-t arab , vol. 2, p. 630 (with some variants). 176 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit vol. 1, p. 63: ... inna I-amlra shahiida. vol. 2, p. 486,1. 3 tafila If bi'ri qauSa'td al-Andalusr, Iii yaqdiru 'alii 1- The Struggle Against Musaylima 45 you by force," concluded Khalid, and set out with the Muhajirun, The Ansar were perplexed and started to discuss the situation stating: "If the people (headed by Khalid -k) gain booty (khayr), we shall be deprived of it; if a disaster afflicts them, the people will shun us." So the Ansar decided to join Khalid. They sent a messenger to him and asked to be permitted to join the army. Khalid magnanimously agreed.177 Modern historians of Islam have not paid enough attention to the opposition of the Ansar and their withdrawal from the army of Khalid at a decisive stage. Khalid intended to attack a strong section of Tarnim, who claimed that they embraced Islam and were only accused that they refused to pay the zakiit imposed by Abu Bakr. The withdrawal of the Ansar seems to indicate that there was a real split in the Muslim army in connection with the unfaithfulness of the Bedouins. After the victory of Khalid b. al-Walid in Buzakha, some of the Bedouins came to Abu Bakr asking to grant them letters of safety and to enable them to convert to Islam. Abu Bakr refused and advised them to join the army of Khalid; those about whom Khalid would report that they had stayed with him (in his army -k) in Yamama would be granted safety. That was Abu Bakr's decision and the Bedouins were asked not to bother him anymore. An instructive report of al- Waqidi (quoted on the authority of Abu 'Abdallah b. Abi l-Jahm) says that the Bedouins who joined Khalid b. al-Walid caused the defeat of the Muslim force on the Day of Yam am a three times and were a disaster for the Muslims. As a result of this, the Ansar demanded to wage battle alone.178 During the campaign against the Bedouin tribal formations Khalid disarmed the Bedouin troops and handed over their weapons to the Muslim units. The weapons were registered and returned after the battles; Khalid handed over the returned weapons to Abu Bakr .179 In contradistinction to the sharp criticism of the actions of the Bedouins during the battles, the reports of the Muslim sources abound in impressive descriptions of the heroic deeds of the Companions for the cause of Islam in obedience to the Prophet's orders. The veterans of the sahiiba were admired for their resolve; 'Umar b. al-Khattab was highly praised because he killed every unbeliever captured in the battle. Among those killed was al-'A~ b. Hisham, his uncle on his mother's side (al-khiil). It was 'Urnar b. al-Khattab who suggested killing the captured non-Muslims, or to extradite them to their relatives in order that they AI-TabarI, tv-o«, vol. 3, pp. 276-77. Ibn Hubaysh, al- Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili 1nubuwwati, vol. 2, p. 587: ... [a-qiilu: qad 'awwadanii I-a'riibu l-firiir, mii hii-kadhii kunnii nuqiitilu mae a l-nabiyy; s alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam. uia-qiilii li-khiilidi bni l-uialidi, wa-huwa amfruhum: "akhli~nii bi-'aduwwinii," [a-okhlas ahum, 179 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 46. 177 178 46 kill them .180 M. J. Kister It is noteworthy that the religious fervour pervading the faithful Muslims caused them to engage in duels even with their unbelieving fathers in order to kill them. Such was the case of Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a who was prevented by the Prophet from fighting his father with the intention of killing him. The sarcastic poetry of his sister Hind bint 'Utba b. Habi'a, the mother of Mu'awiya, did not convince her brother to change his decision. She reminded him that the father was kind to him, brought him up until he became a young man and granted him a proper education, blaming him as a squinting, inauspicious and faithless person.I''! However, Abu Hudhayfa was convinced by the Prophet to refrain from killing his father: "Leave him," said the Prophet, "and let somebody else kill him." And, indeed, Abu Hudhayfa's father, his uncles, his brother, his nephew (ibn akhZhi) and other relatives were killed by the Muslims. Abu Hudhayfa was glad and thanked Allah for these fatal events in his family.182 The situation in Abu Bakr's family was not less complicated. One day Abu Bakr heard his father, AbU Quh afa , reviling the Prophet. Abu Bakr violently slapped his father so that he fell upon his face. He told the Prophet about the event; the Prophet asked him not to do it again. Abu Bakr nevertheless said: "Had I had a sword at hand, I would have killed him." 183 Additionally, Abu Bakr summoned one of his non-Muslim sons to a duel on the day of Badr .184 The first clash between the force of Khalid b. al-Walid and the warriors of Musaylima ended with a defeat of the force of Khalid. In the following two clashes the force of Musaylima was also victorious. The Muslim fighters felt that they were threatened by strong warriors with superior arms and swords.185 The forces led by Khalid b. al-Walid against the rebellious tribes and later against the Banu Hanifa are reported in some sources to be enormous. These reports seem to be exaggerated. A concise tradition transmitted by Rafi' b. Khadij, a warrior in Khalid's force,186 gives us some details about the number of warriors: "We went out of Medina about 180 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 584, inf.; for 'Umar's advice on this, see al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-ta'wil, vol. 3, p. 41. 181 See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lstit iii», p.1631, no. 2914; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr remarks with sharp criticism: "He was the best man in his belief, but she was - writing these two lines of poetry - the worst person in belief." See also Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 84-5. 182 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 585. 183 Al-Mawardi, Tajsir (al-Nukat wa-I-'uyiin), vol. 4, p. 205. 184 Al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-i a'suil, vol. 7, p. 46. 185 See Tabarl , Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 289; about the hinduwiiniyya swords, see Friedrich Wilhelm Schwarzlose, Die WafJen der alten Amber (Leipzig, 1886), pp. 127-8. 186 See Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 72. The Struggle Against Musaylima 47 4000 men, the people from the Ansar were about 400-500 men," and "the Banu Hanifa counted about the same number (4000 men)." 187 Ibn Khadij continues his report saying that the Muslim force was defeated three times because of the Bedouins in their lines, who used to flee at every enemy attack, drawing with them people of conviction and sincerity (Ja-yastakhiffii ahla l-basii'iri wa-l-niyyiiti). Then Thabit b. Qays called Khalid to give the Ansar and Muhajiriin the exclusive prerogative to act against the enemy (akhli~nii li-'aduwwinii). Khalid consented: "It is up to you (dhiilika ilayka)," was his answer. Thabit b. Qays took the banner, cried "yii la-l-onsiiri" and gathered his men. Then Khalid cried: "yii-la-l-muhiijirzn!" and the Muhajinin came and surrounded him. The Bedouins were stationed far behind the fighters.188 After the failure of the Muslim force to achieve victory in three assaults against the Banii Hanifa, the Muslims decided to march out against them a fourth time. The Muslim force marched vigorously and put a part of the Banii Hanifa to flight. In this attack, the Muslims succeeded in killing one of the commanders of the Hanafi force; it was 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Bakr who killed him. Shocked by the killing of their commander, the Barril Hanifa retreated to a large garden which came to be known as the Garden of Death. It was a place with a high wall closed by a gate. The Banu Hanifa who retreated to this place considered it suitable for their last stand. The pursuing Muslim force reached the closed gate of the Garden, but did not fight the Banii Hanifa. In their peculiar situation, al-Bara'a b. Malik, the hero of the attacking force, decided to perform a dangerous mission: he asked a group of Muslim fighters to throw him from above the fence into the Garden where the fighters of the Banu Hanifa had the upper hand in the struggle. The Muslim fighters threw al-Bara'a b. Malik over the wall into the Garden and he succeeded to open the gate. The Muslim warriors poured through the open gate into the Garden and began to kill their enemies. Nearly everyone who was in the Garden was killed or wounded. Musaylima was killed along with many of his followers. Many famous Muslims vied with each other claiming that they participated, together with a black slave named Wahshi, in Musaylima's death. The Banii 'A.mir claimed that Khidash b. Bashir together with Wahshi killed Musaylima. After the killing of Musaylima, a woman looked from the window of her house in the Garden and saw Musaylima lying on the ground and shouted: "Alas, let us grieve for the commander of the faithful! He was killed by a black slave," (wii-amzm l-mu'minin, qaialahu al-'abd al-aswal/)! 189 187 188 189 See Ibn Hubaysh , Gh azauuit ; vol. 1, p. 72 and seq. See Ibn Hajar , al-Lsiiba , vol. 3, p. 16 no. 3054. See Baladhurr, Fuiiil; al-buldiin , p. 121 where Wahshr says that he killed both 48 M. 1. Kister This exclamation reflects the feelings of Musaylima's supporters: they considered him as the head of their religious community while alive.190 Many Muslims were introduced into the fictitious lists of men who were credited with killing Musaylima. The most surprising tradition is that Muawiya claimed to have killed Musaylima, although we have no evidence that he participated in the battle at all.191 Baladhuri mentions a report according to which Musaylima was killed by 'Abdallah b. Zayd b. 'A~im of the Banii Najjar of the Ansari clanJ92 Some other people are also mentioned as taking part in the killing of MusaylimaJ93 After the end of the bloody battle of al-fAqraba", Khalid b. Wand sent al-Mujja'a b. al-Murara to evaluate the situation of the Banii Hanifa in their nearby town and to assess their feelings and plans after their defeat. Mujja'a returned to Khalid and informed him that their dwellings were full of warriors and that they were ready to renew the war against the Muslims. Mujja'a advised the Banu Hanifa to clad the women and the youths in military clothing and to appear in this manner in the windows of their dwelings. Mujja'a spoke about the weariness of the Muslim warriors and suggested to agree to a ceasefire. Khalid agreed, although Abu Bakr ordered him to be harsh towards the Banu Hanifa, to kill the wounded, to apprehend those who were in retreat, and to kill the prisoners.v'" The fatigue of the Muslim army forced Khalid to be more considerate towards the Banu Hanifa, The treaty stated that the Banu Hanifa would convert to Islam and surrender their gold or silver, their weapons and coats of mail. Abu Bakr was enraged by this; nevertheless he decided to ratify the treaty. However, he did not forgive Khalid his concessions. He publicly expressed his fears that the Banu Hanifa would remain faithful in their belief to Musaylima until the Day of Resurrection. 195 "the best man," meaning Harnza (the Prophet's uncle) and "the worst man," meaning Musaylima. 190 Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Liim al-nubalii', vol. 1, p. 132; al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24 sup. 191 See al-Baladhurr, Futiil; al-buldiin , p. 121. 192 See Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdis'i, al-Lstibeiir . pp. 81-2; al-DhahabI: Siyiir a'liim alnubulii', vol. 1, p. 132. 193 The names mentioned are Abu Dujana, Wal]shI and 'Abdallah b. Zayd. See alDhahabi, Siyar a'Liirri al-nubalii", vol. 1, p. 130,132, vol. 2, p. 204,271; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiri!, p. 371. Many others who claimed to have taken part in the killing are mentioned in compendia of Srra and Hadit h. 194 The Muslims' hatred towards the people of the ridda is reflected in the extremely cruel treatment of the prisoners of war in the battle against Sulaym. Khalid b. alWalrd gathered a group of captives in enclosures and burned them. See Dhahabi, Siyar a'liim al-riubalii", vol. 1, p. 268. After the battle against the ridda of 'Uman, Asad and Ghatafan , the Muslims burned the bodies of their fallen enemies. See 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbt: dalii'il al-nubuwwa, vol. 2, pp. 588 ult.-589 11. 1-2. 195 Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 96. The Struggle Against Musaylima 49 *** The conquest of Yarnama was one of the most important events in the history of early Islam. Though the defeat of the Banii Hanifa took place during the reign of Abu Bakr, the negotiations with Bedouins who eventually became allied with Islam had been successfully completed while the Prophet was still alive. Before his death, he is said to have sent letters to the tribal leaders who embraced Islam and demanded that they act against Musaylima, in support of the secessionist leaders of Yarnama, These secessionists were Musaylima's opponents, backed by the body politic of Medina. The conquest of Yarnama paved the way for Muslim expansion into other regions of the Arabian peninsula. It also revealed some serious problems plaguing the nascent Muslim state. For the first time, some of the Ansari' warriors refused to obey their commander Khalid b. alWalId and agreed to return to the army only after they became convinced that this course of action would safeguard their interests. Furthermore, the conflict with the Bedouin tribes became evident and was publicly expressed. The idea that only the Ansar and the Muhajirfin should fight the enemy matured in an atmosphere of intense mistrust toward the Bedouins. In contradistinction to the attitude of the Bedouins whose sole aim was to get a share of the booty without endangering their lives, the Muslim tradition extols the bravery and enthusiasm of the Muhajinin and the Ansar who were more than willing to enlist in the fighting force under Khalid's comrnand.U" They are described as being ready to sacrifice their lives for the sake of Islam. In the bloody battles of the ridda, the idea of martyrdom for the sake of Islam (shahiida) came into being. The martyrs were promised eternal bliss in Paradise and the idea of martyrdom became at least as important as the military victory itself. This can be exemplified by a conversation between 'Urnar b. al-Khattab and his son 'Abd Allah who survived a battle in which his brother Zayd b. al-Khattab was killed. 'Umar said to his surviving son: "You have returned home safe and sound while your brother is dead. Why were you not slain before him? I wish I had not seen your face!" 'Abd Allah replied: "Father, Zayd asked for martyrdom and God granted his wish. I strove for the same, but it was not given to me." 197 The Muslim sources extol those who were killed in battle. The tradition recounting the heroic deeds of the Muslims formed an essential part of the history of the [utiil; and the maghiizf literature. 196 197 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa See Tabar), Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 292. vol. 2, p. 584-589. 50 M. J. Kister Bibliography 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Harnmam al-San'ani. Kitiibu l-musanncj . Habibu l-Rahman al-A'sami, ed. Beirut, 1392/1972. Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani. Kitiib al-aqhiini, Beirut, repr. 1390/1970. Abu l-Mahasin, Yiisuf b. Musa. Al-Mu'ta~ar min al-mukhtasar min mushkili l-iithiir, Haydarabad, 1362 A. H. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitiibu l-amwiil. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqqI, ed. Cairo, 1353 A. H. ____ . Kitiib al-nasab. Mariam Muhammad al-Dir', ed. Damascus, 1409/1989. Abu Ya'Ia al-Mausili, Ahmad b. 'All. Musnad. Husayn Salim Asad, ed. Damascus-Beirut, 1404/1984. Abu Yiisuf, Ya'qub b. Ibrahim. Kitiibu l-khariij. Cairo, 1352 A. H. 'All al-Qarl. Shari, al-shifii (on the margin of Nasitnu l-riyii4). See al-Khafaji, Athir al-Din, Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yiisuf al-Andalusi al-Gharnatl al-J ayyani. Tafsir al-bahr al-muhii (al- Tafsir al-kobir]. Cairo, 1328 A. H. AI-'AutabI, Salama b. Muslim. Al-Ansiib. 'Uman, 1412/1992. Al- 'Ayni, Mahrnud b. Ahmad. 'Umdat al-qiiri, shari, ~a~i~i l-bukhiiri, Cairo, 1348 A. H. Al-Baghawi, Abu Muhammad al-Husayn al-Farra', Ma'iilim ol-tanzil (on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'wil.) Cairo, 1381 A. H. Al-Bakri, Abu 'Ubayd. Mu'jam mii ista'jam. Mustafa al-Saqqa', ed. Cairo, 1364/1945. Al-Baladhuri, Ahmad b. Yahya. Fuiiihu l-buldiin, Abdallah Anis alTabba' and 'Umar Anis al-Tabba", eds. Beirut, 1377/1958. ____ . Ansiibu l-ashriif , MS. 'A.shir Ef. And see the printed edition of Rarnzr Ba'Iabakki, part 7, vol. I. Beirut, 1417/1997. Al-Baqillani, Abu Bakr, Muhammad b. al-Tayyib. I'jiizu l-qur'iin. Ahmad Saqr, ed. Cairo, 1963. Al-Bayhaqi, Ahmad b. al-Husayn. Al-Sunan al-kubrii. Haydarabad, 1354 A. H. ____ . Dalii'il al-nubuunua. 'Abd al-Mu'ti Qal'aji, ed. Beirut, 1405/1985. Al-Bayhaqi, Ibrahim b. Muhammad. Al-Mohiisin iua-l-masiiuii. Muhamrnad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, ed. Cairo, n.d. Al-Bukhari, Muhammad b. Isma'Il. Al-$a~i~. Cairo, 1311 A. H. ____ . Al-Ta'rikh al-kabir . Haydarabad, 1380 A. H. Al-Busti, Muhammad b. Hibban. Kitiib al-thiqiit. Haydarabad, 1393/ 1973. Al-Dauraqi, Abu 'Abdallah Ahmad b. Ibrahim. Musnad Sa'd b. Ab'i

On Strangers and Allies in Mecca

strangers&allies.pdf ON STRANGERS AND ALLIES IN MECCA To the memory of my student Yehiel Amsallim The role of Quraysh in the commercial activities of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya is well known and has been the subject of comprehensive research. There were, however, some non-Qurashi individuals or groups in Mecca, whose role in the social and political life of that city has not been sufficiently assessed. It seems desirable to put together the available data about the vicissitudes of these strangers, their relations with the Meccan clans and their absorption into the Meccan community. It is also important to examine the reports about the struggles among the various factions of Quraysh and the changes which occurred as a result of this strife. This examination of the traditions and the stories may give us a better insight into the history of Mecca in the period of the Jiihiliyya I A case of successful absorption of immigrants into the Meccan community can be seen in the story about Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah b. Diirim al- Tamimi. According to the report recorded by Ibn I:Iajar, 'Aziz the father of Abu Ihab came to Mecca, joined the Banu Naufal b. 'Abd Maniif as an ally (/:tallf) and married Fakhita bint 'Amr b. Naufal; she bore him their son Abu Ihiib.1 There are some differences between this report and the one transmitted on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. According to the latter it was not 'Aziz who came to Mecca, but an ancestor of 'Aziz, Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah who sought shelter in Mecca and joined the Banu 1 Ibn I:Iajar al-'Asqaliini, al-/ saba fi tamyizi l-sa/;aba, ed. 'Ali MulJammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1392/1972, VII, 24, no. 9551 114 Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally. He sought refuge in Mecca because he had killed Malik, the son of al-Mundhir, the king of al-Hira, Malik was entrusted as a child by the king to Zunira b. 'Udus, When he grew up he happened to pass by a camel belonging to Suwayd; he ordered it to be slaughtered and ate its meat with his companions. When he returned from hunting, Suwayd was told of Malik's deed. He attacked the youth and wounded him, .and the youth died shortly afterwards from his wounds. Suwayd escaped and found shelter in Mecca.' For the elucidation of the events it is necessary to provide some details about the background and circumstances of the incident: Suwayd was the son-in-law of Zurara, the powerful leader of Tamim, Zurara was one of the iarrarim: he succeeded in rallying Tamim and other tribes and was their leader on the "Day of Shuwayhit",' He is said to have frequented the court of kisra and was granted a slave girl who bore him children.' He used to visit the court of the king of al-Hira, fought on his side and advised him on matters of peace and war regarding the tribes of the Arab peninsula.' According to a tradition it was Zurara who mediated between the Kindi king al-Harith and the Lakhmi al-Mundhir and thus succeeded in bringing to an end the war between them.6 Zurara's fame survived in Islam. An anecdote says that a Tamimi woman, listening to the call of the muadhdhin; wondered why 2 See e.g. the versions of the story: al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrh], ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Diiri, Beirut l398/1978,IlL 305; Jarir and Farazdaq, al-Naqiiid, ed A. Bevan. Leiden 1905. pp. 652 ult, - 654 (the name of the king: 'Arnr b. al-Mundhir; the name of the entrusted child: As'ad); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], MS. 'Ashir ar, foL 968b. 3 Muhammad b. Habib. ai-Muhabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, . 247. p 4 Al-Baliidhuri. Ansiib. MS. foL 969a. 5 See e.g, Jarir-Farazdaq, al-Naqdid, p.653. 6 See the commentary of the verse of al-Farazdaq; minna lladhi [amaa t-muliika wa-baynahum: harbun yushabbu sa'iruha bi-dirami, Naqa'i4. p. 266 inf.(L); according to other reports the mediator was the Tamimi Sufyiin b. Mujishi' (see: Naqa'i4. p. 267; Abu l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya II akhbari l-muliiki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus. Add 23296. fol. 26a). On strangers and allies in Mecca 115 Zuriira was not mentioned in the shahada together with the Prophet,' One of the features of the close association of Tamim with the kings of al-Hira was the practice of entrusting the children of kings of al-Hira to some noble families of Darim, Hajib b. Zuriira boasted of the fact that his people brought up the children of the kings until their moustaches and beards came out," AI-'Askari records that people reproached Hajib saying: "We never saw a man boasting of his shame except Hajib; a governess is just a servant iai-zi'ru khadimatuni and service is degrading, not uplifting"," It is evident that this opinion is congruent with the views of a later period. Another report may be mentioned: the kings of al-Iraq (i.e, the kings of al-I:Iira) used to fight the kings of Syria; when they intended to march out to Syria they used to leave their families under the protection of the strongest of the Arabs (a'azzu 1-'arab).10 These reports expose clearly the web of mutual relations between the Darim and the rulers of al-Hira, The murder of Malik shattered these relations and brought about the cruel retaliation of the king of al-Hira; the children of Suwayd were brought by Zurara to the court of al-Hira and were executed in his presence; a hundred Tamimis from the branch of Darim were killed or burnt on the order 7 8 Al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, al-ln{lS [i 'ilmi l-ansab, ed. Hamad ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Ahmad al-Jasir, al-Riyad, 1400/1980, p.210. Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabaqiu al-shuara, Farraj, Cairo 1375/1956, p. 199: rabbayna boo mili l-muzni wo-bnay muharriqin: 9 ila an bOOaJminhum lihan wa-shawarib: Al-Askari, J amharat ai-amJhiU, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd ai-MaJId Qatamish, Cairo 1384/1964, L 261 10 Jarir-Farazdaq, op. cit, p. 267 inf: ajarna boo mili l-muzni wa-boo muharriqin: jamian wa-sharru l-qauli mil huwa kiidhibu thaliuhatu amliikin thawau [i buyUiinii: ila an badat minhum titian wa-shawaribu: The two verses attributed here to Miskin al-Darirni are in fact the verses (with variants) attributed to Hajib b. Zurara A collection of Miskin's poetry edited by Khalil Ibrahim al-'A~iyyah and 'Abdallah al-Jubiiri, Baghdad 1389/1970 records only the verse (p, 25): thaliuhatu amlakin rubii [i bujurina: kadhibu: fa-hal qa'ilun haqqan ka-man huwa 116 of the king of al-Hira, The event is well known as yaum uwiira.H The daughter of Abu Ihab, Umm YalJ.ya. intended to marry 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir al-Naufali; but was prevented from carrying out the plan, because a black slave-maid attested that she had suckled both of them12 Abu Ihab had friendly relations with al-Harith b. 'Amir who was his half-brother from the mother's side," Abu Ihab seems to have been a well-to-do person, with a taste for ease and luxury, fond of wine and singing girls. This can be deduced from the story relating the theft from the Ka'ba of the golden statue of the gazelle. This was stolen by a group of drunkards who attended a drinking party in the tavern of Miqyas b. 'Abd Qays al-Sabmi." The list of the felons and profligate persons who frequented the place includes several quite prominent men of Quraysh: Abu Lahab, al-Hakam b. Abi l-'As. al-Fakih b. al-Mughira, Mulayh b. al-Harith b. al-Sabbaq, al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal, Abu 1Mb and others. On a certain day, when the drunkards failed to provide money for the wine and the supply of wine ran short, they decided to steal the gazelle of the Ka'ba and buy wine from a caravan which arrived in Mecca from Syria. The group which carried out the plan included Abii Lahab, Abii Musafi' and al-Harith b. 'Amir. They sold the statue, bought the wine and drank it at their leisure. When, after a 11 See e.g. al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, at-lnas, pp. 208-210; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 290-293. 12 Ibn l;Iajar, al-/ $aba, VII, 24, no. 9551, VIII, 324, DO. 12298; Ibn al-Athir, Usd aJ-ghllba fi mdriiai 1-$aJ;iiba. Cairo 1280, VI, 627; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, aJ-Istiah fi mdrijaii 1-ll$I)iJb, 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijlwi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1072, no. ed. 1822 13 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, al-Slra aJ-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, III, 180, ult. (and see ibid. 181, 1. 1); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; ed. Ml1$tafii 'Abd al-Wiil.lid. Cairo 1385/1965, III. 128; Ibn I;Iajar, aJ-/$iIba, II, 263, and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 142 14 But see Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, Hadhf min nasab quraysh; ed. SaliilJ al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo 1960, p. 84: qaysu bnu 'adiyyi bni sa'di bni sahm kana min ru'asa'i quraysh [i l-jahiliyya, wa-huwa $Qhibul-qiyani lladhi kiina shabQ.bu qurayshin yajtamtima ilayhi [a-amarahum bi-akhdhi ghazlUinmina l-ka'bati, fa-fa'aJu. fa-qtasamahu qiyllnuhu wa-kllna l-ghazlUumin dhahabin. On strangers and allies in Mecca 117 considerable time, the culprits were discovered, the affair stirred unrest and division between the two alliances of the Qurashi clans: the mutayyabin and the ahla]. Some of the culprits were severely punished, others escaped chastisement. Al-Harith b. 'Amir and Abii Ihab were compelled to leave Mecca and they returned only after some ten years. On the eve of the battle of Badr they asked of Quraysh the permission to join the force which was about to march out to fight the Prophet. They got the permission, joined the force and fought at Badr. Al-Harith b. 'Amir was killed in the battlefield by Khubayb; Abii Ihab managed to escape," The cordial relations between Abii Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir are reflected in the verses written by Abii Ihab in which al-Harith's generosity in spending on good wine and beautiful women is praised," Al-Harith had friendly relations withAbii Lahab - he married Abii Lahab's daughter Durra!? He shared Abii Lahab's hatred for the Prophet: both are included in the list of the Prophet's enemies" He was the representative of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf in the consultation of Quraysh against the Prophet in the dar aJ-nadWa.19 But at some point al-Harith seems to have met the Prophet, had talks with him and was impressed by his words; Quraysh even suspected him to have embraced Islam." On the eve of the battle of Badr he tried to 15 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwtm, eel. Walid N. Arafiit, London 1971, II, 115-127; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([, 54-57. pp. 16 See a1-BaJadhuri, Ansiib III, 304; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([,62: P. abligh qusayyan idhiJ jftilhii. - fa-ayya fatan waJladat nau.faJu idhiJ shariba l-khamra aghJa bihil - wa-in jahadat laumahu I-'udhdhalu da'ilJul ita l-shanfi, shanfi l-ghazQ - li hubbun li-khamsiuuuin 'ayraJi li-'athmata hina tarda: lahu : wa-asmda 'a#latin ajmoli. 17 Ibn l:Iabib, al-Muhabbar, p. 65, according to Ibn a1-KaIbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol 116b, Il 4-5. Durra married Abu lhiib. 18 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Imta' al-asmd bimii li-rasUli lliihi min aJ-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiada wa-l-maid, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 194}. L 23, l3 from bottom, 24 ult, 19 Ibn Hishiim op. cit. II, 125. 20 Hassan, b. Thiibit, Diwiln, IL 125, llS persuade Quraysh not to march out against the Prophet," Nevertheless, he joined the Qurashi force and was one of the wealthy Qurashites who took care of food supplies for the forces.22 The Prophet is said to have forbidden the Muslim fighters to kill al-Harith and ordered them to "leave him for the orphans of the Banii Naufal": for he was a generous man and spent on the weak and needy (q,u'afa bani nau.fal).23 He was killed, as mentioned above, in the battle of Badr by Khubayb b. IsM, who did not know him, or, according to another report, by the pious Companion Khubayb b. 'Adiyy.24 The solidarity of the families of Abu Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir is seen in the story of the execution of Khubayb: Hujayr b. Abi Ihab bought Khubayb b. 'Adiyy for the husband of his sister, 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir in order that he may kill him, avenging the death of his father al-Harith b. Amir, Hujayr and 'Uqba took part in the execution of Khubayb." 'Uqba b. 21 Al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 68, (wa-mii kana ahadun minhum akraha li-l-khurii]! mina 1-1;.iirithi 'iimirin); al-Wilqidi, al-MaghiJzi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, bni 36-37; al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 292 22 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 320; al-Maqrizi, Im/ri, I, 69; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 128, 144. 23 AI-Baliidhuri, Ansah, I, 154 (the report mentions that he helped to annul the document of Quraysh to boycott the Prophet and his family); al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 91; l;Iassiin b. Thiibit, op. cit. I, 269. 24 See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib, I, 297; al-Maqrizi, I mta', I, 90, l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. II, 442 (wa-kana khubayb qad qataia abiihu yauma badr); Ibn Hajar, al-I ~aba, II, 262; and see Hassan, op. cit. I, 370, note 1 (the comment of the editor); 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din al-Halabi, Insan al-'uyim Ii sirtui l-amini l-mdmiin (=al-Sira aJ-J.lalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, III, 189, II. 10-11 (and see 114: wa-lau lam yaqtul khubaybu bnu 'adiyyini Hriiritha bna 'iimirin ma kana li-ttiniii iiii l-l;iuith bi-shirdihi wa-qatlihi mdnan) 25 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Im/rl, I, 176, ll, 1-2 (and see ib. p. 175 penult); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira; III, 128; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. III, 180 info - 181 sup; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba; 11,263; al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin Ii ta'rikhi l-boladi l-amin; ed. Fu'iid Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, VI, '!JJ7; al-Waqidi, op. cit. p. 357; and see E[2, s.v, Khubayb (Wensinck), On strangers and allies in Mecca 119 al-Harith embraced Islam and died in the time of Abii Bakr," Abii Ihab planned to kill the Prophet; Tulayb b. 'Umayr met him, beat him and wounded him."? He later embraced Islam and was the first Muslim after whose death a prayer was said in the mosque of the harami": Hujayr b. Abi Ihab, a respected member of the Quraysh nobility, came with a group of noble Qurashites to Abu Sufyiin and requested that profits from the sales of merchandise transacted by the Qurashi caravan be spent on equipping a Qurashi force against the Prophet and the Muslims for the purpose of avenging the defeat of Badr," He was obviously a wealthy man and was an owner of a court (dar) in Mecca,'? He later embraced Islam" and is included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet." The story of Abii 1Mb gives us some insight into the social and economic conditions prevailing at Mecca in the Jahiliyya period, on the eve of Islam. Al-Harith b. 'Amir, though a hedonist, had a sharp and acute understanding of the economic and political situation of the Meccan body politic. Tradition says that verse 58 in Sicrat al-qasas (siira XXVIII): 'They say: Should we follow the guidance with thee we shall be snatched from our land", (in nattabi' l-huda maaka nutakhauat min ardind) was revealed in connection with a discussion between the Prophet and al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal. Al-Harith conceded that the faith of the Prophet was true tinni: ndlamu anna qauJaka haqqun); but he argued that this faith (the huda; 26 Ibn I:Iajar. aI-lsaba. IV, 578, no. 5596. 27 Ibn I:Iajar. al-Isiiba; III. 541. n i-z, al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, MS. fol 968b (wa-kana abu ihabin dussa li-I-fatki bi-l-nabiyyi (s) [a-laqiyahu tulayb b. 'umayr [a-darabahu bi-IaI}yi jamalin fa-shajjahu); and cf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisl, op. cit. p. 59. 28 Ibn Hajar, al-Lshba; VII, 24 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh makkata; MS. Leiden Or. 463, fol 442a. 29 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 199. 30 Al-Fakihl, op. cit. MS. fol. 46la, L 9 : _ wa-kanai lahum diiru-l-hujayri bni obi i.hiJbibni 'azizin aI-tamimiyyi halifi l-mutimi bni 'adiyyin: 31 Ibn Hajar, aI-Isaba. II, 40-41, no. 1638. 32 Ibn l:Iibbiinal-Busti, Kitiib aI-thiqat, Hyderabad 1397/1977.I1I,94; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 387; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 333, no. 489; Ibn Hajar aI-I saba, II, 40 (quoting Ibn Abi I:Iatim that he was a Companion). 120 the right guidance - K) was unacceptable because the Bedouins (al-'arab) would rise against Mecca and "snatch away" the Meccans, putting an end to the Meccan body politic," Al-Harith gladly accepted the family of Abu Ihab, and the marriages between the two families helped to remove the barriers between them: Abu Ihiib became firmly rooted in the Meccan community, Satirical verses composed by Hassan brought to memory the fact that Abu Ihab was a refugee expelled by 'Udus (i.e, by his own family - K).34 Indeed Abu Ihab had the courage to state that he was a haii], an ally; but he demanded to be treated on a par with the members of the family which he had joined," He could dauntlessly answer the influential 'Abdallah b. Jud'an who urged the leaders of Quraysh to punish the thieves of the gazelle, accusing him that his court harboured prostitutes," It is instructive to observe to what extent Meccan society was open to outsiders, enabling an ally to build his home in Mecca and contribute to its economic development One tribal group which attained a high position in Mecca was the group of the Tamimi Usayyid The small group was influential and controlled several divisions of Mudar.'? A report by Ibn al-Kalbi says that Ghuwayy b. Jurwa of the Usayyid used to levy taxes from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; after his death his son Salama b. Ghuwayy did the same," Satirical verses by Tufayl al-Ghanawi (or by al-Ashall b. Riya}:t) directed against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a describe the submissiveness of the 33 See e.g. al-WiiQidi, Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 34 35 36 37 38 1388/1968, p. 228 inf; al-Qurtubi, ai-Jam!" li-ahkiimi I-qur'an (= tafsir al-Qurtubn, Cairo 1387/1967, XIII, 300; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathia, Cairo 1314, V, 135; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cu. p. 43 (al-hlzrithu bnu 'amiri bni naufali bni 'obdi manafin kana 'azlma l-qadri wa-huwa lIadhi qQJa: in naltabt ...;wa-kana [i lladhina saraqis ghaziila I-ka'bar. : in some sources the name is erroneously given: aI-1.riJTithu bnu 'iahmana: See I:Iassiin. op. cu. I, 227, II, 170-171 Hassan h Thii bit, op. cu. II, 121-122 Hassan b. Thiibit, op. cit. II, 121 O. J ESHO VIII (1965) 144-145. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 94a (the tax was paid in cheese [aqit] and melted butter). On strangers and allies in Mecca 121 'Amir and their baseness," Ghuzayy b. Buzayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was killed by Dhii l-'ubra Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. Ka'b of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, "Ubrd' is explained as "kharzd', a kind of crown worn by the kings," Al-Baladhuri reports about the Tamimi, who levied the taxes (itawa) of the Hawazin, that "he made himself a king over them" (yatamallaku 'alayha).41 Al-Khims b. Rabi' b. Hilal succeeded the Tamimi in collecting the taxes of Hawazin.42 It was thus a conspicuous group who controlled the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and the Hawazin, It is interesting to note that these tax collectors tried to gain power (yatamaJlaku) and to rule large tribal divisions. To this group belonged a tax collector with the enigmatic name DhU 1-a'wiidY Mughultay records the explanation of the word given by Abii 'Ubayda in his Kitab al-tai: DhU t-dwad is 'Adiyy b. Salama al-Usayyidi, who levied the taxes imposed on Mudar; they used to pay 39 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., CoL94a: bani 'lunirin la tadhkuru l-fakhra innakum: mata tadhkurUhu fi l-mdashiri tukdhabu fa-nal)nu mandnakum tamiman wa-antumii sawOltu ilia tuhsinU I-sola tul/rabu AI-Baliidhuri 1177b-1178a): records additional verses (al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. Col. bani 'lunirin la tukhbiru l-nasa [akhrakum: mata tanshurUhu [i l-kirluni tukdhabu [a-innakumii la tansibiina khatlbakum: wa-li: tulimUna l-zilda haua tu'annabu fa-ya'dhira [ ] qabla qad [ ] wa-asbalat: lakum khaylunil mil lam takUnU [ ] wa-nahnu mandndkum tamiman wa-antumu: sawaltu [ ] wa-nohnu IJobasniJkum hifa;an 'alaykumu: wo-kunium unilsan qad rahabtum [ ] fa-lammii khashinil an tasiru li-ghayrinil: nafaynil (-a'1u1i an tul/amil wa-tul)rabu 40 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara MS. Br. Mus. foL 187a. 41 Al-Baladburi, Ansiib, MS. CoL1177b, inf. falayhii refers to Hawazin), 42 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., CoL187a. 43 See the explanation in L.'A s.v. 'awd. 122 them every year. 'Adiyy grew old so that he had to be carried in a litter passing by the Bedouins at their water-springs while collecting the taxes.44 AI-Fayruzabadi mentioned different members of the Usayyid to whom the name dhit 1-a'wQ.d may refer: a. Ghuwayy b. Salama, b. Rabi'a b. Mukhashin, c. Salama, b. Ghuwayy who had the right to levy the tax from' MUQar, d. it refers to the grandfather of Aktham b. Sayfi (here Faynizabadi gives an account of his virtues);" Abu 'Ubayda's report from the Kitiib al-tiii is recorded by Ibn Abi l-I:ladid.46 This group of Tamim included the clan of al-Nabbash b. Zurara in Mecca. The mother of Baghid b. 'Amir b. Hashim, of the 'Abd Manaf b. 'Abd al-Dar, who wrote the document of the boycott against the Bami Hashim, 47 was a daughter of the Tamimi al-Nabbash b. Zurara of the Usayyid; he was an ally of the 'Abd al-Diir.48 The plot of land which belonged to the clan of Murtafi' (iii al-murtati') was owned before that by the clan of Nabbash (lzl aI-nabbiish b. zurara).49 The mountain of Shayba also belonged to al-Nabbash b. Zurllra.50 A Meccan transmitter, Sulaym al-Makki reports that people in the period of the Jahiliyya used to say: "You are more powerful than the clan of al-Nabbash" tla-anta a'azzu min iili l-nabbash); he pointed with his hand to the houses around the mosque (of the haram - K) and said: 'These were their dwellings" (hi.uihihi kana: ribiluJuun).51 44 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bOsim [i sirat abi-I-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol46a (; kana lahu kharajun 'alii mudara yu'addUnahu kulla 'iunin ...);and see other explanations ibid. fol 45b, info - 46a. 45 AI-Fayriizlioodi, aI-QiimUs aI-mu/:lir, I, 330, sv, 'awd. 46 Ibn Abi l-Hadld, Sharh. nahj aI-boJiigha, ed. Muhammad 47 48 49 50 Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1962, XV,132 See the comment of the editors: Ibn Hisham op. cit. II, 16, note 2; and see MU$'ab, Nasab quraysh; ed. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 254. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir,lamharat nasab quraysh; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, fol 88b; Mus'ab Nasab, p. 254. Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol. 456a, l 2; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar makka; ed. F. WiistenfeId, Gottingen 1275/1858, 465, l 3 from bottom. AI-Azraqi,op. cit. p. 490. 51 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol 4S6a, sup. On strangers and allies in Mecca 123 One of the members of this clan was Abii IIDa, the husband of Khadija, There is no unanimity in the tradition as to his name, the name of his child (or children) born by Khadija or the problem whether he was Khadija's first or second husband Ibn al-Kalbi records his name as Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zuriira b. Waqdiin b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa," The exact pedigree of the Tamimi husband of Khadija is indeed important he was a descendant of the powerful Usayyidi who succeeded in controlling the Mudari tribes which yielded to his authority and paid taxes to him According to Ibn al-Kalbi Khadija bore him a son, Hind; this son had in tum a son whom he named Hind; he was thus called Hind b. Hind b. Hind Hind b. Hind attended the battle of Badr ("others say: uhud'); Hind b. Hind b. Hind fought on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr and was killed in battle. According to Ibn al-Kalbi Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala married Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab. It is noteworthy that the phrase is: wa-ghtarabat durra bini 'utba b. abi lahab 'inda hind _ Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala was still considered a gharib, a stranger," The descendants of Abii Hala passed away, leaving no progeny/" Important details about the marriage of Khadija are supplied by Ibn Sa'd; Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal; but the plan of the marriage was cancelled and she married Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash, His father was of noble lineage: 55 He alighted in Mecca and joined the 'Abd 52 53 54 55 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf. - 94a sup. al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS. Br. Mus., fol 11Sa ult,- 11Sb.1 1 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf - 94a sup. Sa'd, al-Tabaqiu al-kubra; Beirut 137711958, VIIL 14; wa-ki:ma abiihu dhi:l sharafin [i qaumihi. (In text abiiha is an error). The report is on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn 124 al-Dar b. Qusayy as ally. Ibn Sa'd adds a short comment "Quraysh used to intermarry with their .allies" iwa-kima; qurayshun tuzawwi ju halifahumr; this comment is indeed an important clue for the understanding of the position of the allies in Mecca. Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: Hind and Hala, After Abu Hala, she married 'Atiq b. Abid b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim, She bore him a daughter, Hind. who married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi and gave birth to a son named Muhammad; the sons of Muhammad were called "the sons of the pure woman", which, of course, referred to Khadija," This family passed away without progeny. Khadija concluded her third marriage with the Prophet, Muhammad b. 'Abdallah and bore him al-Qasim, 'Abdallah (= al-Tahir), al-Tayyib; the female children were: Zaynab, Ruqayya, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima-57 There are divergent, even contradictory, traditions concerning the name of Khadija's Tamimi husband and the names and fate of their children," 56 Ibn Sa'd, op. cu; VIII, 15 sup; and see about Muhammad b. Sayfi b. Umayya; al-Zubayr b. Bakw, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, fol. 149b iwa-qad inqarada wuldu l'fUIlJammadibni $ayfiyyin). 57 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; vm. 16. 58 See e.g. al-BaIadhuri, Ansilb, I, 406 info (her first husband was Abu Hala, the second: 'Atiq b. 'Abid; 'Atiq divorced her; then she married Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, the Prophet); Ibn Habib, al-MuJ;abbar, pp. 78 inf. - 79 sup.; Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 21-23;Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cu; XV, 131-132 (the Prophet adopted the young boy Uabanniihu), the son of Abu Hiila); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,132-133(her first husband 'Atlq, the second Abu Hala; he died in the period of the Jahiliyya; Abu HiiIa's son, Hind, was brought up by the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, al-l shtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hliriin, Cairo 1378/1958,p. 142 (al-Nabbash), 208 (Zuriira b. al-Nabbash); he died in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya; Hind b. Hind died in Basra; some say that he left progeny; Ibn Hajar, al-/ saba. VI, 557-558, no. 9013 (see the different versions; see the version that his name was Malik b. al-Nabbash); Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawiiid, Beirut 1967, VIII, 275 info(al-Nabbash and Malik b. Zurara); al-Diyarbakrf, Ta'rikh ol-khamis; Cairo 1283,I, 263-264 (the first husband 'Atiq; he died and she married Abu Hala; she bore him a male On strangers and allies in Mecca 125 A peculiar tradition says that Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: al-Harith and Hind," Al-Harith was killed in Mecca during the first period of the Prophet's activity: when the Prophet started to preach openly in the mosque (scil. of the haram - K) at Mecca exhorting his listeners to believe in the one true God and was attacked by the unbelievers. Alarmed, Al-Harith hurried to the mosque and was killed in a scuffle with the unbelievers at the Ka'ba'" There is a tradition mentioning another son of Abu Hala named al-Zubayr; but there is no explicit statement that his mother was Khadija," Ibn Hajar records the name of a transmitter of hadith who was a descendant of Abu Hala; Yazid b. 'Amr Abu 'Abdallah al- Tamimi62 59 60 61 62 offspring and a female one; some traditions say that the first husband was Abu Hala, the second 'Atiq); Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 51; Ibn al- Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-a/:lwali l-mustafa; ed. MU$tafa 'Abd al-Wal.tid, Cairo 1386/1966,p. 145 (the marriage of Khadija with Waraqa was cancelled. She married Abu Hala (Hind) (or Malik) and bore him two sons: Hind and Hala, She married afterwards 'Atiq b. 'A'idh and bore him a girl named Hind. Then she married the Prophet and bore him all his children, except Ibrahim}, 'Ali Khiin ai-Madani al-Shirazi al-Husayni, al-Darajiu al-rafia fi (abaqati l-shia, ed. Muhammad Siidiq Bahr al-uliim, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. 407, 411ult, (the name of Abu Hala; Nammiish,or Nabbash, or Malik b. Zurara b. Nabbiish, or Zurara b. al-Nabbiish or Nabbiish b. Zurara); al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahibi Haduniyya; Cairo 1325,I, 199(Abu Hala's name: Malik b. Zuriira, or Hind, or al-Nabbiish; Khadija bore him two male children: Hind and HiiIa. After the death of Abu Hala, Khadija married 'Atiq b. Abid and bore him a daughter, Hind; some say: she bore him a son, Hind}, al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasdi! ita mdriiasi l-awa'it, MS., Cambridge Qq 33(10)fol 37a, inf. - 37b sup. Al-Baladhuri, AnsQb, MS. foll069b. Mughultay, op. cu. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol 142b, ult; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; I. 605; al-Fiisi, al-Tqd oi-thamin; I, 228 penult; al-Ma~li, Ghiiyat oi-wasdil, MS. fol 23a, info Ibn I:Iajar, al-/saba. IL 558,no. 2792. Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1327,XII, 148,no. 705 L min wuldi abi hiiJata l-nabbashi bni zurarata). 126 To the clan of the Banii Nabbash belonged the poet al-A'sM b. al-Nabbash, who eulogized the unbelievers killed at Badr. He was, like his relatives, an ally of the Banii Naufal of the 'Abd and an influential person in Mecca involved in its internal struggles. The story of the Usayyidi group in Mecca is a convincing example of the skillful policy of the leaders of the Meccan body politic; the Usayyidi newcomers were received in a friendly manner, and due to their experience and energy they managed to acquire property, settle in the centre of Mecca and grow wealthy and influential Their marriages with their allies in Mecca contributed to a considerable degree to their feeling of identity with their new relatives, and with the interests of Mecca and to their loyalty to their Meccan allies. The story of Khabbab b. al-Aratt is not in fact that of an ally; the circumstances of his life and career, and his attitude to the family to which he was attached, resemble however to a great extent the situation of the hulafii', the allies in Mecca. Khabab was a man of obscure origin. His father was sold in Mecca as a slave to a Khuzi'i family who, themselves, were allies of the Banii Zuhra. Khabbab's profession and that of his mother were base and contemptible: she was a professional circumciser, he was a blacksmith. According to a tradition the mother of Khabbab married a Khuza'i, an ally of Zuhra and bore him Sibii'; Khabbab was thus a half-brother of Sibii', whose client he was. This may have granted him a special status in the family of his master and he could persuade them to join the Zuhri family of 'Auf b. 'Abd Auf as allies.64 Khabbab was one of the earliest converts to Islam and as one of the 4u'afii' was exposed to persecution and torture at the hands of the unbelievers; the Prophet used to visit him 63 See on him e.g. Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 403-404; al-Zubayr b, Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 185b; al-Tayalisi, Kitiib al-mukiuhara 'inda l-mudhakara; ed. al-Tanji, Ankara 1956, pp. 22-24; al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farra], Cairo ·1381/1961, p. 21; ai-A'sha wa-i-ashaun ai-akharun, ai-Subh. al-munir [i sm·r abi basir, ed. R. Geyer, London 1928, pp. 272-274 (and see "Anmerkungen", pp. 268-270}' Ibn Durayd, op. cit. pp.142-141 64 See e.g. Ibn Habib, al-Munarnmaq, pp. 294-295. On strangers and allies in Mecca 127 in the midst of his troubles and showed him sympathy/" In Islam he is highly respected and was one of the eminent Companions, taking part in all the battles against the unbelievers. 'Uthman granted him land in Iraq and he became a wealthy man.. He, nevertheless, joined 'Ali and fought in the battle of Siffin on the side of 'Ali. Some Shu sources claim that he signed the document of arbitration at Siffin, He died in 37 AH and 'Ali is said to have prayed over his graVe.66 The story of Khabbab is highly instructive, being the case of an individual of low class origins who gradually rose from the position of a slave to that of a client tmaulii), subsequently becoming an ally (I)alif). He was presumably able to attain this position because his mother was married to one of her masters. But Khabbab also endured hardship and suffering for the openness and courage with which he expressed his genuine opinions and beliefs. Islam granted him full rights in the community and a position of equal footing with all the believers. An eminent person in Mecca in the period of the Prophet was al-Akhnas b. Shariq al-Thaqafi, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. His pedigree is given by Ibn al-Kalbi as follows: Ubayy b. Shariq b. 'Amr b. Wahb b. 'Ilaj, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. He was nicknamed "al-Akhnas" because he diverted the Banii Zuhra from fighting on the Day of Badr,"? Al-Akhnas was a rich man: his clan owned a court (dar, dar al-akhnasi in the lane of the perfumers (zuqaq al-iauarin); they possessed as well a patch of land (lJmiq) in the "night market" (sUq al-layl), which they bought from the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," In the old days, says al-Fakihi, Abyssinians stayed in the mountain where the gorge of the clan of al-Akhnas was located." The mountain al-Hira (where the 65 Al-Fasi, aI-'f qd ol-thamin; IV, 30L 66 See El2, s.v. Khabbiib b. al-Aratt; and see al-Shibli, MaQ1JSin al-wasdil ila mdrifaii al-awa'il. MS. British Library, Or. 1530, fols. 108b-l09a; Muqatil b. Sulaymiin, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shabiitah, Cairo 1969, I, 105inf; Abu I-'Arab, Kitab al-mihan, MS. Cambridge Qq 235(8), foIs. 39b-40b (dhikru qatli 'abdi 111lhibni khabOObi bni i-araai wa-l-I:liuithi bni murrah). 67 Ibn al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS, Br. Mus.,foL 1553. 68 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit; MS, foL 457a 128 Prophet received his revelation - K) is located by this gorge. Through this gorge the Prophet entered Mecca on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca. Najda, the Kharijite alighted in this gorge." Al-Akhnas' relations with Quraysh were very close: his mother was Rayta bint 'Abdallah b. Abi Qays al-Qurashi, from the Banii 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," Al-Akhnas married Khalida, the daughter of the noble Abu l-'~i 72 His son, Sa'id, married Sakhra, the daughter of Abu Sufyiin.73 His sister, Thurayya, was the wife of Abu Dhi'b Hisham b. Shu'ba of the Abu Qays b. 'Abd Wudd of Quraysh." Descendants of al-Akhnas continued to intermarry with Quraysh," Al-Akhnas was an implacable opponent of the Prophet. Some patently tendentious traditions state that he did not embrace Islam at alP6 Other traditions report that he embraced Islam and was one of the muallaia quliibuhum; i. e. those whose sympathy for Islam was gained by gifts granted them by the Prophet," A harmonizing report assumes that he embraced Islam and participated in the battle of Hunayn, He probably apostatized later and then converted again to Islam," We have, in fact, some information about the activities of al-Akhnas against the Prophet. A report recorded by al-Baladhuri says that al-Akhnas was a member of the Qurashi delegation which came 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Al~Fiikihi, op. cit; MS. fol 5OOb. Al-Azraqi, op. cu; p. 492. See Muqiitil. Tafsir, I. 102. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101;al-Baladhurl, Ansah, ed. M Schloessinger, IV A., 169. Ibn 1;Iabib, al~Mul)abbar, p. 105; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; VIII, 240. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 421 See e.g. Ibn a1~Kalbi, Jomnara; MS. Br. Mus. fol117a Al-Baladburf, Ansah, MS. fol. 1226a; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, (= al-Jam," li-ai)kami l-qur'iin), Cairo 1387/1967, HI, 15, II 77 Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 48. 78 Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, I, 38-39. On strangers and allies in Mecca 129 to Abii Talib asking him to halt the Prophet's missionary activity; al-Akhnas was the speaker of the delegation." Al-Akhnas was involved in another incident: he watched, in the company of unbelievers, how a group of believers went out to the gorge of Abii Dubb in Mecca in order to perform there the ritual ablution (wuq.u1 and prayer (evidently in the first period of Islam, when believers had to conceal their ritual practices - K). The unbelievers attacked and beat them. Ibn Sa'd, one of the believers, seized a camel's jaw and beat them with it until he wounded one of the unbelievers, who were routed tinkasara l-mushrikiin) and left the place.80 The relations in this early period preceding the hijra of the Prophet were probably not explicitly hostile: when the Prophet returned from his journey to al- Ta'if he sent to al-Akhnas asking for his protection (jiwar) in order to enter Mecca; al-Akhnas, however, could not respond; he argued that being himself an ally (l)aIif) he was not authorized to grant protection," The inferior status of the ally (balif) is mentioned only twice: in the case of Abii Ihab with the gazelle and here in the case of the protection withheld from the Prophet It is noteworthy that, according to a tradition, al-Akhnas granted protection to Abii Sabra b. Abi Ruhm'" . A decision made by al-Akhnas on the eve of the Day of Badr happened to be a turning point in the history of the Muslim community: it was a main contributing factor to the Muslim victory on the Day of Badr. Al-Akhnas headed a troop of 300 Zuhri warriors. In the consultations of the Qurashi leaders al-Akhnas opposed the activist 79 Al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, L 23L 80 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 116;on Shi'b Abi Dubb see l-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam. ed. M~tafii l-Saqqa, Cairo 1364/1945,p. 540. 81 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 20; al-Tabarsi, l'liim ai-wara bi-dlam ai-Juu:ia, ed. 'Ali Akbar al-Ghaffiiri, Tehran 1379,p.65; Ibn Junghul, Tarlkh; MS. British Library, Or. 5912, I, 203a: the messenger of the Prophet to al-Akhnas was 'Abdallah b. Urayqit, 82 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, L 228. 130 attitude of some leaders (like Abu Jahl), proposed to refrain from any military action against the Prophet and his forces and to return to Mecca. He explained to the Zuhri warriors that Muhammad was their nephew (ibn ukht), and that if he was a prophet they should not kill him; if, on the other hand, he was an impostor, they, of all people, should definitely refrain from fighting him," According to another tradition al-Akhnas argued that, as the caravan had already reached its destination safely, the Meccan force should return to Mecca," The Zuhri troop obeyed al-Akhnas and returned to Mecca.85 The Qurashi force was thus reduced from 1000 to 700 and its striking force was seriously impaired. The retreat of the Zuhri troop was an important event, if not the decisive factor, in the victory of the Muslim forces and the defeat of Quraysh," The victory at Badr heralded the triumph of Islam After the battle of Badr, al-Akhnas is said to have visited the court of the Prophet in Medina, engaged him in conversation, feigning willingness to embrace Islam. He assured the Prophet of his love for him and expressed his allegiance to the new faith.. Unaware of the real nature of his thoughts and feelings, the Prophet used to honour him and let him sit in council close to him. It was in connection with this that the verses of Sura II were revealed tal-baqara) 204-205: wa-min at-nasi man yu'jibuka qauluhu _ "and some men there are whose saying upon the present world pleases thee and such a one calls on God to witness what is in his heart, yet he is most stubborn in altercation" (translation: Arberry)," Al-Akhnas afterwards went out, 83 Muqatil, Tatsir, 1, 103. 84 Al-Baladhuri, Ansilb. I, 291; and see Abii l-Faraj, AghQni. Beirut, 1390/1970. IV. 22 reprint; al-Waqidi. op. cit, pp. 44-45. 85 See e.g. al-Azraqi, op. cit, p. 492; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit, II. 271; al-Tabarsi, l'tiim ol-wara; p. 85; Ibn J:lajar. ai-/$iiba, I. 38-39; al-BaIiidhuri. Ansilb. MS. fo11226a; Ibn-Athlr, I. 48; Muqati~ Taisir, MS. 1, fol 146a-b and I, 161 (printed edition). 86 The Zuhra and the 'Adiyy were the only Qurashi divisions which did not pin the Qurashi force; see al-Waqidi. op. cit, p. 45. 87 See e.g. Muqdtll, Tafsir, I, 102; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, II. 14 inf.; al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Mabmiid and Ahmad Shakir. Cairo n.d. IV, 229-230. no. 3961 us« On strangers and allies in Mecca 131 burnt some crops and killed some donkeys," Four verses of Sura LXVIII (Surat al-qalam) 10-13: wa-lii tuti' kulla hallatin mahin, hammazin mashshii'in bi-namim _ "and obey thou not every man swearer, backbiter, going about with slander, hinderer of good. guilty agressor _" are also said to refer to al-Akhnas," Some commentators record traditions saying that the words humaza lumaza in Sura Clv, 1 (Surat al-humazas; "backbiter, slanderer" refer to al-Akhnas," That these interpretations seem to have been widely circulated can be inferred from the following anecdote: al-Kalbi was asked in Mecca about the interpretation of Siira II. 204 (quoted above) and replied that the person intended in the verse was al-Akhnas. One of those present in the council tmailis), a descendant of al-Akhnas, requested al-Kalbi to desist from circulating these interpretations in Mecca," Al-Akhnas' son Abu l-Hakam fought in the battles against the Prophet. He (or his father) is said to have killed Unays b. Qatada at Uhud." Another tradition relates that Abu l-Hakam b. al-Akhnas killed 'Abdallah b. Jahsh'" 88 See e.g, al-WaI)idi. Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 1388/1968, p. 39; al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 229; al-Suyiiti, ai-Durr al-manthiir. I. 238; Ibn Kathfr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966. I. 436. 89 See Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 84 inf; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XVIII. 235; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, VI. 251 info 252 (According to other traditions the verses referred to al-Hakam, the father of Marwan, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith); Ibn Hisharn, op. cu; I. 386; al-Naysibiiri, Gharllib al-qur'iin wa-raghiiib ai-tUTqan, Cairo 1390/1970, XXIX. 21 1.4 from bottom; al-Tabarsi, Majma' ai-bayan ti tafsiri l-quran, Beirut 1380/1961. XXIX. 27 (referred to al-Walid b. al-Mughira, or to al-Akhnas b. Shariq, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith), 90 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan; XXX, 230 info (refers to al-Akhnas, or to al-Walid b. al-Mughira); al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, MS. Chester Beatty 3668, II, 344b. ll. 1-3 (al-Akhnas or al-Walid b. al-Mughira) ; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Xx. 83 sup; al-Suyiiti. al-Durr. VI. 392 91 Al-Suyiiti. aI-DUTroI. 238. 92 Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdisi, ai-Istibsar [i nasabi l-sohaba min ol-ansiir, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhid, Beirut 1391/1971. p. 294, It 1-2; aI-Waqidi, op. cit; p. 301 (killed by Abii l-Hakam); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cii; p. 113,no. 91 (killed by al-Akhnas), 93 Anonymous, ai-Ta'rikh al-muhkam [i man intasaba ila i-nabiyyi salia ll~ 'aiayhi wa-sallam; MS. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fol. 214a; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isaba; IV. 37, no. 4586. 132 For years al-Akhnas remained hostile to the Prophet. He attended the execution of Khubayb in Mecca'" and demanded that the Prophet extradite Abii Basir al-Thaqafi, who was a maula of Banii Zuhra," Al-Akhnas died, as a Muslim of course, during the caliphate of 'Uthman," The son of al-Akhnas, al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, was a sincere and loyal adherent of 'Uthman- and lost his life defending 'Uthman from the attacks of his enemies. The killer, at the time unaware of his victim's identity, on being informed that it was al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, recalled a dream in which he had seen vessels with boiling water prepared for the man who would kill al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas," After al-Mughira's death, a man of the Banii Zuhra reported to Talha b. 'Ubaydullah: "Al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas has been killed". Talha b. 'Ubaydullah remarked: ''The sayyid of the allies of Quraysh has been killed".98 One of the grandsons of al-Mughira, al-Mughira b. Asad b. Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq married 'A'isha bint 'Abdallah b. 94 Ibn Hisham, op. cit. Ill, 188;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. P. 361;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, I, 238. 95 Ibn Hazm, J awaml ol-sira; ed. Ibsan 'Abbas, Nli$ir al-Din al-Asad, Cairo n.d.,p. 210; Ibn Hisham, op. cit. III, 337;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. p. 624; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 211;on Abii Basir see Ibn I:Iajar, ol-lsaba; IV, 433,no. 5401 % Ibn al-Athir, Usd,l, 48. 97 See e.g. Anonymous, al-Tdrikn al-muhkam; fol. 62a-b; AbU l-'Arab, Kitiib al mihan; MS. fol. 18a-b; Muhammad b. Yabyli l-Maliqi, aJ-Tamhid wa-i-bayiin [i maqtali l-shahidi 'whmim, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zliyid, Beirut 1%4, pp. 134,135 (and see index; the report on p. 133 is transmitted by the grandson of al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas); and see on him Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, I, 403, III, 66; Ibn al- Athir, Usd, IV, 405-406; al-Fasl, ai-'/ qd al-thamin; VIII, 252-253, no. 2498 (another version of the dream); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, V, 76, 79 (ed, s.D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936); Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, VI, 1%-197. 98 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444. On strangers and allies in Mecca 133 'Umar," His grandson, Ya'qiib b. 'Utba b. al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq was a trustworthy muhaddith; he was honest and noble, and governors used to send him as tax-collector'?" There-is no need here to comment at length on the story of al-Akhnas b. Shariq. Suffice it to say that it reveals another aspect of Meccan policy towards strangers desirous of joining one of the Meccan clans: newcomers were allowed freedom of action, and opportunities were given them to attain the highest position of leadership. So it came about that an ally made a decision that was to prove momentous to the subsequent history of the Islamic community: it was the Thaqafi hali] al-Akhnas b. Shariq who issued the order of retreat to the Zuhri troop and made the Muslim victory at Badr possible. The list of the arbiters of Quraysh includes the name of a Thaqafite ally of the Banii Zuhra: al-'Alli' b. Jariya (or Haritha) b. Sumayr b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Salama b. 'Abd al-'Uzza b. Ghiyara al-Thaqafi, hall] (ally) of the Banii Zuhra'?' It was, of course, unusual for a halit to gain the position of an arbiter on behalf of a tribal divison. He must have been a very respected member of the Meccan community. It is indicative of the Prophet's skill in management that he included al-'Alli in the group of the muallata quJ.Ubuhum, eminent unbelievers whose sympathy for Islam was won by gifts.102 99 Mus'ab, Nasab, p.357. 100 Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al tahdhib, XI, 392, no. 755; al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh ol-kpbir, VIII, 389,no. 3434. 101 Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-Mul}abbar,p. ill. 102 Ibn Hazm, Jawamt al-sira; p. 246; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 946; Ibn Qutayba, ai-Ma'arif, p. 342; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. II, 153,l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, p. 1085,no. 1840; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Pad! Ibrahim, III, 90; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 7; Ibn I:Iajar, al-Isaba; V, 279, no. 6807; aI-BaIiidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 1226b;Ibn Hishiim,op. cit. IV, 136;Muqiitil, Tafsir, MS. I, 155a; al-Fiisi, Shifa' aJ-gliarllm,II, 1~ 134 A peculiar case of tribal collaboration between Quraysh and Sulaym is seen in the story of Abii I-A'war al-Sulami, the ally of Abii Sufyan, His family had a close relationship with Quraysb: his mother and his grandmother were from Quraysh (the mother from Sahm, the grandmother from 'Abel Shams).I03His father, Sufyan b. 'Abel Shams, had been an ally of Harb b. Umayya and fought with Quraysh against the Prophet. It was he who killed the father of Djibir b. 'Abdallah and 'Abbas b. 'Ubada on the Day of Ubud.104 In the battle of the Ditch Sufyiin b. 'Abd Shams headed a troop of 700 warriors of Sulaym fighting on the side of Quraysh against the force of the Prophet-" It is noteworthy that the Sulami troop which joined the Prophet in the conquest of Mecca also numbered 700 (or 1000) warriors. It was probably this same group of warriors that went over to their former enemy.l06 The son, Abii l-A'war, 'Amr b. Sufyiin, was a leading figure in Mecca. He took part in a delegation of distinguished Meccans who came to Medina in order to persuade the Prophet that he should acknowledge the power of the idols,"? He seems to have remained hostile towards the Prophet for a very long time; thus the biographical compilations of the Companions state that he cannot be counted among the Companionsl'" However, he played an important role in the reign of Mu'awiyal"? and the latter's plan to appoint him as governor of Egypt only failed on account of a stratagem employed by 'Amr b. al-' 103 See Ibn Hajar, aJ-/sQba,N, 641, no. 5855. 104 See al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 331,333; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit; pp. 258, 266, 302, 306. 105 AI-Wiiqidi,op. cit; p. 441 106 See Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. N, 63; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. 812 inf.- 811 107 See e.g. al-Nasafi, Tat sir aJ-qur'luI,Cairo n..d.,III, 292; and see J ESHO, XXIV, 258-259, ad notes 76-77. 1~ See e.g. EP, s.v. al-A'war (Lammens); and see Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; 641, no. 5855; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V. 138. 109 See e.g. Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiirlin, Cairo 1383, index. 110 See 'Ali b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Hudhayl, 'Ayn al-adab wa-l-siyasa wa-zayn al-hasab wa-I-riyasa, Cairo 138811969,pp. 149-150. On strangers and allies in Mecca 135 Some of the allies were among the earliest converts to Islam. One of them was a Tamimi, Said b. 'Amr, an ally of the Banii Sahm of Quraysh; his half-brother on his mother's side was Tamim b. al-Harith al-Sahmi, who was among the first believers, and is listed among the distinguished group of Muslims who emigrated to Abyssinia (kana min muhajirati l-habashati l-hijrata l-thlmiya); he is said to have been killed in the battle of al-Ajiadayn'" The career of another halit, the Yarbii'i Tamimite Waqid b. 'Abdallah, is also noteworthy. He was sold as a slave to Khattab b. Nufayl of the 'Adiyy, who adopted him. He was called Waqid b. al-Khattab and became an ally of the Banii 'Adiyy. Later he changed his name to Waqid b. 'Abdallah according to the injunction of Siira XXXIII, 6: UtlUhum li-llbllihim, huwa aqsaiu 'inda lliihi ... "Call them by the names of their fathers. That is more equitable in the sight of God". In the first fraternization (mu'akhllt makka) he was paired with Bishr b. al-Bara'J'? He migrated to Medina and was sent by the Prophet to Nakhla with a group of warriors. In the attack of the Muslim group on the caravan of Quraysh, Waqid killed 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, 'Umar b. al-Khattab composed two verses about this event. It has been pointed out that Waqid was the first believer to kill an unbeliever, and was a highly respected person; 'Abdallah b. 'Umar named one of his sons Waqid after Waqid b. 'Abdallah al-Tamimi'" 'Umar included him in the pay-roll (jaraaa.lahu) of his family-'" Waqid died during the caliphate of 'UmarYs 111 Ibn cis; l12 Ibn 113 Ibn 114 Ibn 115 Al- cit. Sa'd, op. cu; IV, 197; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 401, II. 11-13; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, op. p. 626, no. 990; Ibn Hajar, aJ-I $Qba, Ill, 114,no. 328L l:Iabib, aJ-Muhobbar, P. 73 inf. Hajar, aJ-I$Qba, VI, 595 info Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 314. BaIadhuri, Ansiib, MS. fol. l000a; and see about him Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. XV, 130; Ibn Sa'd, TabaqQJ, II, 10, IV, 159. 136 The biography of the Tamimi Ya'lii b. Umayya (or: Ya'la b. Munya) is the story of the meteoric rise to eminence of an ally in Mecca. He was an ally of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf he converted to Islam. emigrated to Medina and fought in the battles of Hunayn, al- Ta'if and Tabiik. His sister, Nafisa bint Munya, who was the matchmaker between Khadija and the Prophet, converted early to Islam'" Ya'la's brother, Salama b. Umayya, fought on the Prophet's side in the expedition of Tabiik"? After the death of the Prophet he was appointed by Abii Bakr governor of Hulwan. 'Umar appointed him governor of some districts of the Yemen, but deposed him when he appropriated to himself land property (1)amii li-natsihi himan). He was, nevertheless, highly regarded by 'Uthman, and, on hearing of the latter's assassination, he hurried to Medina and urged that the murder of 'Uthman be avenged. Promising to equip any warrior willing to go out and avenge the murder, he actually equipped 70 warriors of Quraysh and bought the camel 'Askar for 'A'isha. He granted al-Zubayr 400,000 (dirhams - K) to implement the necessary preparations for the expedition. He married two distinguished Qurashi women: the daughter of al-Zubayr and the daughter of Abii Lahab. He died as a respected and wealthy man, a Meccan owning a piece of land (khiua) in Mecea'" Two men of the Usayyidi group of Tamim deserve to be mentioned here. Though there is no indication that they ever came to Mecca, they were certainly converts from the early Medinan period. Hanzala b. al-Rabi' al-Katib and his brother Rabah b. al-Rabi' rose speedily to a high position in the Muslim community and played an important role in the events of that period. Hanzala is said to have Ansab, I, 98; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; VIII, 143, no. 11816 (Nafisa bint Umayya), 117 AI-Fasawi, ai-Ma'rifa wa-l-tdrikh; L 337. 118 See e.g. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit; pp. 1585-1587, no. 2815; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 128-129; al-I;>hahabi, Siyar a'llun ai-nubaia', ed. As'ad Talas, III. 66-67 no. 245; Ibn Hajar, lsaba, VI, 685, no. 9365; Idem, Tahdhib ai-tahdhib, XI, 399, no. 77l:, al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin, VII, 478-480, no. 2753; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibriihim, index; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 99O-991a 116 See e.g. aI-BaIiidhuri, On strangers and allies in Mecca 137 been the secretary of the Prophet, wrote the revelation and was entrusted with the Prophet'sseal iwa-kima mdahu khiaam al-nabiyyi). The Prophet sen. him as a spy to al- Tli.'ifand recommended him highly for his qualities of leadership. ii'tammic bi-mithli hii:dhii: wa-ashbii:hihi). According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Tamim, Asad Ghatafan and Hawazin fought under his banner on the Day of al-Qadisiyya'" He married a woman from a very noble family: a daughter of Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib.'t? He took part in the battles of the Conquest of Islam and settled in Kiifa; but as 'Uthman was generally spoken of in abusive terms there, Hanzala left the city and settled in Qarqisiyya..He used to visit the court of Mu'iiwiya.who had a high opinion of him. He died during the latter's reign.Tamim claim that the jinn bewailed his death. Al-Baladhuri, who records this information, however, notes that some people believed him to be of obscure provenance (kana da'iyyan).121 His brother RaMI;l(or Riyah) suggested to the Prophet to fix a special day in the week for the Muslim community; they would have their day like the 'Jews and the Christians.The siira: ai-iumua was then revealed and Friday was established as the Day of the Muslim community'> II Some additional details about the alliances in Mecca and the circumstances in which they were concluded may widen our understanding of general conditions in Mecca and the relations existing between allies and the clans which accepted them. In some cases 119 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., foL 93b. 120 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., foL USa. 121 See about him: aI-Bahidhuri, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit, p. 379, no. 548; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; 11,134-135, nos. 1861-1862; Idem, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, 60, no. 109; Ibn al-Athir, U sd, II, 58; Khalifa b. Khayyat, al-Tabaqiu. ed. Akram I;>iya' I-'Umari, Baghdad 1387/1967,pp. 43, 129; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tdrikh; ed.. 'Abd aI-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 139911979,V, 13-15. 122 Al-Baladhurl, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn al-Athir, al-Barr, op. cit. p. 486, no. 744. Usd, II, 160-161; Ibn 'Abd 138 Quraysh welcomed newcomers who applied for allied status. Such was the case of Jahsh b. Ri'ab of the Asad b. Khuzayma In consequence of a blood feud between Asad and Khuza'a a division of Asad requested the aid of Kinana; when these refused, they turned to the Ghatafan, Their request seems, however, to have been rejected.. Ri'ab b. Ya'mur, the father of Jahsh, came to Mecca and applied for allied status with Quraysh. He was invited by Qurashi Asad b. 'Abel al-Uzza to join them as ally and he gladly joined them as hali]. Later, however, people remarked that the Asad b. 'Abel al-'Um were a wretched branch of Quraysh; Ri'ab consequently cancelled the alliance and concluded one with the 'Abd Manaf. When the Banii Jahsh made their hijra to Medina, Abii Sufyan sold their houses and appropriated for himself the proceeds of the transaction. One of the sons of Jahsh complained of this iniquity, stressing that "others" (ie, other branches of Quraysh - K) wanted to affiliate them as allies, but the Banii Jahsh preferred an alliance with Abii Sufyan, 'Abel al-Malik inquired who it was who had offered the Banii Jahsh the alliance and 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr said that his clan had done so, but that Banii Jahsh had preferred to conclude an alliance with Abii Sufylin.123 The verses indicating the purpose of the alliance are significant wa-la-qad da'ani ghayrukum Ia-abaytulur. wa-khabdtukum li-nawliibi l-dahri. The place and time in which the alliance was concluded are also given: wo-aqadtu habli [i hilXdikum: 'inda l-jimiJri 'ashiyyata lrnahri. The attitude towards the Umayyads is expressed in warm words: a-bani umayyata kayla uslamu fikumu: wa-anii bnukum wa-holilukum [i 1-'usri.124 123 Ibn Habib, al-M/.UIIJmITIiUl, 286-288. p. 124 See the story and the verses in al-Fiikihi, Tarikh; fol. 452a-b (with many variants). On strangers and allies in Mecca 139 The close ties existing between the Qurashites and their allies are evident from the circumstance that Jabsh b. Ri'iib married the daughter of 'Abd al-Muttalib/ She bore him three sons and two daughters: Zaynab bint .Jahsh married the Prophet (before that she had been the wife of Zayd b. Haritha); Hamna bint Jahsh married Talha b/Ubaydullah.P! Zaynab (her former name was Barra) was distinguished by special verses revealed about her in the Qur'iinl26 The esteem in which these Asadi companions of the Prophet were held is reflected by the fact that their names were added to the list of the Qurashi Companiona"? A vivid description of the atmosphere in which an alliance was concluded is given in the story of Khalid b. al-Harith of Kiniinii, the father of Qariz, The poet Khalid, a congenial and eloquent person, came to Mecca. Every clan desired to have him as an ally and many people offered him hospitality (an yunzilahu) and the hands of their daughters in marriage. Khiilid asked to be given some time, went up to Hira' in order to worship God (yata'abbadu) and to pray for guidance in making his decision. After 3 days he came down and decided to conclude an alliance with the first person he met, who turned out to be 'Auf b. 'Abd al-Harith of Zuhra b. Kilab, He tied his garment to that of 'Auf, took his hand, and, both of them approached the haram; they stood by the House and affirmed their alliance.'" 125 Al-Baliidhuri, AnsQh,I, 88; Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 19,IL3-10. 126 See e.g. Muhibb al-Din Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Tabari, al-Sinq al-thamin [i manaqib ummahilli l-muminin; Cairo n.d., pp.87-92; Ibn Habib, al-Muf)abbar, pp. 85-88. 127 See Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam; MS. Br.Mus. 8653, foL 213a:hadha akhiru ma aradnahu. min nasabi a$/:labi rasidi /lahi (s) wa-akhbarihim; wa-adhkuru mdahum akhhara I-$al}ii.batimin bani asadi bni khuzaymata li-anna minhum bani [ahshin, bani 'ammati i-nabiyyi ts) we-hum mina l-siibiqina l-auwolina wa-l-muhaiirina I-hijratayn, we-hum hu/afa' bani 'abd shams _ ; and see the list ibid. fols. 2l3a-222a; and see the list of the Asadi Companions in Albert Dietrich, 'Abdalmu'rnin b. Xalaf ad-Dimyatinin bir Muhiicirin Listesi, $arkiyat Mecmuasi, Ill, 1959,pp. 136-137. 128 Ibn I:Iabib,al-Munammaq, p. 288. 140 The aim of the alliance of al-Ghaydaq b. 'Abd al-Muttalib with the Sulami Shayban was quite different When al-Ghaydaq was denied his share in his father's heritage, 'Abd al-Muttalib, by his brothers and was not able to secure the aid of his half-brother, 'Auf b. 'Abd 'Auf of the Zuhra, he applied for help to Shayban of Sulaym, who had married Umm Hakim, the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, Al-Ghaydaq's half-brother helped to conclude the alliance. By means of this alliance al-Ghaydaq succeeded in compelling his brothers to grant him his lawful share of the heritage.129 The friendly relations obtaining between the sons of Shayban and the family of 'Abd al-Muttalib seem to have continued: Arwa. the daughter of Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib married 'Abood b. Shayban.130She bore him two daughters (in the period of Islam); one of these daughters married Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Abi TaIib and bore him a son, Ibrahim. Arwa's mother was Umm al-Hakam (not Umm Hakim as in Munammaq) the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'" In some cases an alliance was concluded with two persons; such was the case of Mirdas al-Sulami, who concluded the alliance with both Harb b. Umayya and Abu l-'As b. Umayya; it later broke down.132 In others the effects of the alliance came to fruition after many years: 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan was the ally of the 'Abd Manaf. Mu'awiya ordered his governor in Medina, Marwan, to refrain from punishing 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan for drinking an intoxicating beverage made of raisins (or dates).133 In some cases alliances were merely fictitious. Such was the case of a Persian slave who was set free in Mecca and established his abode there. He was a successful carpenter, sired pretty daughters and 129 See Ibn Habib, ai-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289; on al-Ghaydaq n 11-12;al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, I, 71, 90. 130 See Ibn Habib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289, ult, l31 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS, Br. Mus. fol116b, inf. see Mus'ab, Nasab, p.l8, 132 Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 330. 133 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IVA, pp. 81, 112-114; Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 305. On strangers and allies in Mecca 141 gifted sons, and joined Harb b. Umayya as ally.134Ibn Habib rightly remarks that it was in fact not an alliance at all: (wa-qad dakhala ti ahlati qurayshin man laysa lahum bi-haiitin minhum al-hadarima ->.135 That the economic factor had played a decisive role in acceptance of the new ally by Ibn Umayya emerges quite clearly from the outline of al-Hadrami's career: wa-nazala makkata wa-kathura maluhu wa-walada nisdan hisanan wa-rijalan ta-aniabahum, [a-tazawwaja baniihu haythu ahabbii; wa-hum yadddiina hilta harbi bni umayyata, wa-laysa lahum hiliun min ahadin min qurayshini" Al-Hadrami married Umm Talha, the daughter' of Umm Hakim bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, Their son, 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, was killed on the Day of Nakhla,"? Ibn Habib records many cases of alliances which were in fact never formally concluded, but subsequently acquired outward recognition when the daughters of Meccan noblemen married newcomers, who were usually of inferior status. An apparent case of this kind is that of the Byzantine slave Salama b. al-Azraq, His son, Salama "entered" into an alliance with the 'Abd Shams, marrying Amina, the sister of 'Uthman b. 'Affan..138 The clan of 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri was considered an ally of the Banii Umayya because 'Amr b. Umayya" married Sukhayla bint 'Ubayda b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'v' Ibn Habib's opinions about fictitious alliances of this kind are instructive: ... [a-dakhalii [i bani 'abdi l-dari bi-l-sihri, wa-laysa lahum hilt _141 sami'tu man yuhaqqiqu hiltahum wa-sami'tu man ... 134 135 136 137 138 l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, pp.320-322 Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 319 ult, Habib, ol-Munammaq, p. 321; and see ibid, p. 322, 15. Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 18, 1113-17; al-Baladhuri, Ansah, L 88, 297. Habib, al-Munammaq, p. 302, 11.6-7; but according to Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101, II. 8-9 she married a man from Madhhij 139 See on him J ESHO, vol. XXIV, 251, notes 40-41; and see ibid, pp. 262-263 and notes 84-85. 140 Ibn l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, p. 302 141 Ibn l;Iabib, oi-Munammaq; p. 306, I. 8. Ibn Ibn Ibn See Ibn 142 yuwahhinuhu wa-yaqidu: innama dakhaJit bi-arhamihim wa-asharihim [i=bani zuhrar'? In some cases Ibn Habib admits that he does not know the reason for the affiliation of an adopted ally to his clan: ._wa-huwa ya'ia b. umayya; wa-ia dritu sOOOOa dukhidihim fi bani 'abdi l-darit" The allies who attached themselves to the Meccan clans took part in the political events and war activities of Mecca.. This is stated in the report about the fourth war of the Fijir; ''Nobody of the Tamim attended it except (the clans, or groups of Tamim - K) because of the alliance with Quraysh: the clan of Zurara, the clan of Abii Ihab and the clan of Abii Yalta b. Munya".144 III The alliances of Quraysh with great tribal divisions differed in many respects from the alliances of individuals or of small groups with individuals and clans in Mecca. The strangers and small groups accepted into the body politic of Mecca became usually tied by marriage to the Meccan clans, and integrated themselves into Meccan society. They preserved their nisba; which kept the memory of their tribal origin, but were loyal to Meccan interests and Meccan policy. Great tribal divisions could endanger the balance of power between the various tribal units in Mecca and even bring about a situation in which one or more of these foreign elements would, on conclusion of the alliance, secure for themselves predominant positions. These considerations emerge with clarity from the story of the alliance planned between a division of the Aus of Medina with Quraysh. The Aus proposed alliance with Quraysh; Quraysh consented and the alliance between them was signed. It was, however, cancelled when Walid b. al-Mughira (from Makhziim - K) convinced the Meccans that such an alliance may endanger the existence of the 142 Ibn l:fabTh, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. '!JJ7. 143 Ibn l:fabib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 306. 144 Ibn Habib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 199. On strangers and allies in Mecca 143 Qurashi community in Mecca. Certain expressions in the story may reflect the considerations and reasons for the cancellation of the document: the Aus went out from Yathrib as a jaliya; a group of emigrants (i,e, a group which did not leave their abode of their own free will - K) and alighted in Mecca in the dwellings of Quraysh tnazalat 'ala qurayshr; it was with this group that the Meccans signed the alliance. Al-Walid b. al-Mughira's warning to Quraysh reads as follows: "Never did a people alight in the abode of another people, without depriving them of their honor and inheriting their abodes" (ma nazala qaumun qattu 'ala qaumin ilia akhadhii sharaiahum wa-warithii di yarahum), As a pretext for the cancellation of the document al-Walid proposed to explain to the Aus that the Meccans tend to behave in a licentious manner with women; this may be detrimental for the Aus (sci I. if they decide to live in Mecca - K). The Aus were impressed by the argument and cancelled the alliance.v" The other account of the event (that of Abu 'Ubayda) is similar in outline but contains additional details. These merely record the names of clans who had left Yathrib and came to Mecca: 'Abd al-Ashhal, Zafar, Mu'awiya and people from Riiti~146they went out clandestinely under the pretext of an 'umra. They came to Mecca, alighted in the city, concluded the alliance and stayed there for some days. Then Abu Jahl returned from a journey and was reported about the alliance which had been concluded. It was he who warned the Meccans of the danger that they might be overpowered by the Aus. He proposed to use the aforementioned pretext, which, in the event, proved convincing, and the Aus annulled the document. In the words of Abu 'Ubayda: " .. wa-qad raddadna ilaykum IJilfakum".147 Within the leading group in Mecca there was, however, a tendency to extend their socio-economic activity so as to include within it Medina and al- Ta'if, An important report about the relations 145 Ibn l:Iabib. al-Munammaq, p. 326. 146 Riitij is a locality in Medina (ie, in Yathrib); see Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buJdan, s.v. Riitij. 147 Ibn l:Iabib. ol-Munammaq, pp. 327-330. 144 between Mecca and al- Ta'if is recorded by Ibn Habib; When Quraysh increased in number (sci I. in the period of the Jahiliyya - K) they coveted the valley of Wajj ( ... anna qurayshan hina kathurat raghibat Ii wajiin); they suggested to Thaqif (the inhabitants of al- Ta'if) that they should share the haram of Mecca and Wajj on equal terms. Thaqif refused, arguing that Wajj had been built by their ancestors (thus claiming exclusive right of control over the land and the city - K), whilst the haram of Mecca was established by Abraham (and was thus a place open to all - K). Quraysh then threatened to deny Thaqif access to Mecca. Thaqif, fearing war with Quraysh and their allies from Khuzi'a and Bakr b. 'Abd Maruit, were compelled to concede, and entered into alliance with Quraysh. They even persuaded the Daus to sign a treaty of alliance with Quraysh on the same terms'" The stipulation of al-sharika Ii l-dar made by Quraysh was made into an alliance agreed upon by all the parties interested. Thaqif were granted entrance into the Qurashi controlled Hums and intermarried with Quraysh. Quraysh were able to purchase land property in Wajj.149 The two cases of alliances of Mecca with large and cohesive divisions seem to exemplify the socio-economic views held by Quraysh concerning this type of alliance. IV In Mecca itself the tribal factions struggled among themselves for influence and power. Sometimes conflicts led to bloody encounters. Tradition reports such a clash between the Banu Jumah and the Banii Muharib b. Fihr. The date of the event (or even the period) is not given; the report says that the number of Jurnahis killed and heaped on the battlefield was so great that the place was called radm bani juma/:l.150 Conflicts between the various factions brought about 148 Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 280-281 149 Comp. JSAI I (1979) 8-10. 150 Al-Bakri, Mu'jarn rna sta'jam, p. 649 (sv, al-radm); ol-basim; MS. fo1183b. Mughultay, al-Zahr On strangers and allies in Mecca 145 alliances of the different groups. The division of the Meccan society into the mutayyabisn and ahla] is quite well known, and so is the story of the hilt al-tu4itl.151 Another tribal grouping, including the Zuhra and the Ghayatil, 152 was called the "alliance of righteousness" (hilt al-salah). The Qurashi tribes gave their consent to it, but did not join the alliance. The Muslims acted according to its tenets in the period of Islam."? 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adiyy b. al-Khiyar of the Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf sat on a council imailis) at which the noble and the people of knowledge would meet. Mu'awiya inquired what happened at this council, which was called "majlis al-qilada', "the council of the necklace'T" Quarrels between families and clans brought about the establishment of temporary or relatively stable tribal alliances in which the weak sought the help of the strong. Such cases are seen in the reports about the Banii Zuhra. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, says one report, was attacked and beaten because he used to pass by a Zuhri house and peep at the women. The Banii 'Abd Manaf became enraged at the deed of the Zuhra and demanded that they leave Mecca. The Zuhra started to prepare for departure; they were, however, urged to stay with one of their relatives of Sahm. He came with a band of fighting men in order to defend the Zuhra. The Banu 'Abd Manaf recoiled from a confrontation with the Sahmi group and consented to leave the Zuhra in their dwellings.P? Of a similar kind was the alliance between the Sahm and the Banii 'Adiyy, The 'Adiyy clashed with the 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf. In the fights between them the 'Abd Shams usually had the upper hand. Both parties suffered losses; but when 'Adiyy realized 151 See e.g. E P, s.v. Muhammad nur (E. Tyan), nnr al-Fuc;liil (Ch. Pellat); M. Watt, at Mecca, index, s.v. Mutayyabiin, Al:Iliif,al-Fudiil: and see 152 153 154 155 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, foll74b; al-Sinjirl, Manij'il) al-karam bi-akhbari makka wa-l-haram; MS. Leiden, Or. 7018,fol 46a-b, 60b-61b, 148b-149b; al-Mu'iifii b. Zakariyii, al-J ails al-salih; MS. Topkapi Saray III Ahmet, no. 2321,fol170b; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foll44a See about them Caske\, Die Gomnara;II, 274, s.v.Gayatil, AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. foll06b inf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit; p.42 Ibn Habib, al-MUlIlJ1rIfTUU/, pp.40-42 146 that they were no match for their foes, they decided to conclude an alliance with the Sahm. The 'Adiyy (almost all of them) sold their houses (which were between the Safa and the Ka'ba - K) and moved to the dwellings of Sahm, where they were assigned plots of land (for their houses - K). Al-Khattab (the father of 'Umar) praised the Sahm and thanked them.!" The contest between the Sahm and the 'Abd Shams is referred to in the commentaries of the Qur'an; (Sura ClI, al-Takiuhur): "Gross rivalry diverts you, even till you visit the tombs,"? Traditions report about the help extended to some members of the 'Adiyy in critical situations: al-Khattab, the father of 'Umar, detained a number of women of the Banii Ka'b, who were riding donkeys in the market of Mecca, in order to secure repayment of a debt owed to him by a man of the Ka'b. A group of the 'Abd Maruif hurried to the court of al-Khattab in order to free the women. AI-'As b. Wa'il (the father of 'Amr b. al-'A~) came with haste, chased away the 'Abd Manaf, chided al-Khattab and ordered the women's release. 158 It was al-As b. Wa'il who defended 'Umar, when he was attacked by a group of unbelievers of Quraysh enraged by his public announcement of his conversion to Is1am.159 Some reports talk of bloody clashes between the Banii Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf of the Taym b. Murra and the Banii l-Sabbiiq of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar; it is said to have been the first act of violence and outrage (baghy) in Mecca. They fought each other so violently that they virtually annihilated each other, and only a few of them remained alive. Some of the Banii Sabbiiq left Mecca and joined the 'Akk.160 In another report about the clashes between Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf (called 156 Al-Azraqi, op. cit. pp. 472-473; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 460a-b. 157 AI-Wiibidi, Asbiib al-nuzid, p. 305; Muqiitil, Taf sir, MS. II, fol. 249a; al-Qurtubi, Taisir, 169; al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 507a, IL 7-10. xx. 158 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, foL 18Th. 159 AI-Zubayr, b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. fo1.l87a; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 409, L 4; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 87. 160 Al-Zubayr, b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. foL 89b. On strangers and allies in Mecca 147 al-Mashrafiyy) and the Banii l-Sabbaq, al-Zubayr records the verses of Khalid's mother, al-Subay'a, and of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin..161 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri gives a concise assessment of the role of Sahm in relation to other divisions of Quraysh: Qays b. 'Adiyy (of the Sahm) was the man who protected the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b and the Zuhra b. Kilab against the 'Abd Maniif, and also protected the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b against the Jumah, Mus'ab remarks that the Banii Sahm grew in number in Mecca tkathurti) so that they almost equalled the 'Abd Maniif; however, at the time of the Prophet's advent, their numbers were substantially reduced by a plague. 162 A report recorded by al-Fakihi provides important information about a peculiar Sahmi fighting group - the Sahm were the most numerous and the most vigorous group of people in Mecca. They owned a rock at the mountain called Muslim..163 (This is the mountain overlooking the narrow pass of the Humran in Dhii Tuwii).164When they were about to undertake an important matter (idhii arQdu amran) their herald would cry out yo sabal)ilh, and they would reply: asbib layl. Then Quraysh would ask: "What's up with these inauspicious people?", for Quraysh considered them to be inauspicious. From among them was a group named banii ghaytalal'" distinguished by their intemperance (saraf) and violence (baghy).166 161 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 126a-b; comp. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 293; and see al-Mausili, Ghayat al-wasa'il, MS. fol. 57b (two reports about the violence in Mecca; the violence of the Aqayis mentioned); Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus, fol 3Oa;and see al-Zubayrb. Bakkar, op. cit. fol89b. 162 Mus'ab, Nasab, pp.400 ull-401 163 The mountain Muslim is mentioned by al-Azraqi iop. cit. p. 501); but there is no mention of the Banii Sahm in this place. 164 See al-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam, p. 896, s.v. Dhii Tuwan, 165 See above, note 152;and see Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 401, II. 6-7; and see al-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 506b ull-507a sup; Ghaytala married 'Adiyy b. Sahm and bore him al-Harith and Hudhafa; they were numerous (kana [ihimu l-'adadu) and violent (baghy). 166 See al-Fakihl, Of). cit. MS. fol 506b-507a 148 It is noteworthy that when he decided to help the Zuhra, Qays b. 'Adiyy uttered the cry asbih. layl, ordering the Zuhra to stay and commanding his group to be alert and ready for battle,"? The violence of which Sahm was accused refers, probably, to a special section of Sahm staying in the close vicinity of Mecca. This fighting group was savagely violent and terrified the inhabitants of Mecca. which explains why the expression baghy is used in the sources. v A distinctive feature of Meccan society in the period of the Jahiliyya was the diversity of its inhabitants. Members of different tribes frequented Mecca in order to carry out the obligations pertaining to the pilgrimage and the ritual practices at the Ka'ba, Merchants with their wares flocked to the market in the neighbourhood of Mecca and were engaged in selling and buying transactions. Meccan caravans passed the tribal territories with safety due to the pacts concluded with the Arab tribes and the letters of security of the neighbouring countries-" For a very short period the believers debated whether they were allowed to conduct trade during the hajj; Sura II, 198: laysa 'alaykum iunahun an tabtaghii [adlan min rabbikum; "It is no sin for you that you seek the bounty of your Lord" was interpreted as 167 Ibn Babib, aI-MU/IllIrIInlUl,p. 41,L 3. 168 See U. Rubin, "The IIaf of Quraysh," Arabica XXXI, 165-188; and see: Mahmood Ibrahim, Social and Economic Conditions in Pre-Islamic Mecca, Jl MES, 14(1982),343-358;Harnza al-Isfah3ni, al-Durra aI-faJchira fi l-amthiJIi l-sliira, ed. 'Abd al-Majld Qatamish, Cairo 1972,II, 335,no. 557;'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghddl, Khiziinat al-adab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Hariin, Cairo 1397/1977, VI, 15-16; IV, 469-473; al-Qazwini, Athiir al-biliid wa-akhbar aI-'ibad, Beirut 1389/1969, p. 84 penult,-85 sup; al-Azraqi, op. cit, pp. 131-132; MJ. Kister, Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam, Variorum, London 1980, L 117-121 and Addenda. About the markets see al-Fasl, Tuhfat al-kiram [i akhbari l-baladi l-hariim; MS. Leiden, Or. 2654, fols. 18Oa-181a; nd see Abu a 'Ubayd, Gharib aI-h.atiith, Hyderabad, 1384/1964,IV, 102-103,s.v. habl, On strangers and allies in Mecca 149 allowing commercial activities during the pilgrimager" the markets then turned again into places of lively commercial activity. Sudden changes in the economy of Mecca during the period of the Jahiliyya, which brought about depression and loss of capital for the merchants led to the establishment of the i'tiiiu: (or ihiitad): the merchants in their hopeless situation would leave for the desert, where they pitched their tents and patiently expected their death. Professor Serjeant informs me that the custom of the i'tifad endured in Arhab until recent times. The reform introduced by Hashim according to which the poor of Mecca had to be attached to the rich in their commercial journeys and thus their share in the profits apparently brought about a favourable change in the social situation in Mecca'?" It is noteworthy that the Qur'an explicitly allowed the "nihd", a kind of collective sharing of common expenses of a group on a journey,'?' It is evident that the verse of Siira: ai-Nur, 61: " ... laysa 'alaykum iunahun an ta'kulu ;anu...• au ashtiuan _ " gave sanction to a an practice which was deeply rooted in the Jahiliyya period. Somewhat separated from the Meccan community lived the zan; ("the black"). 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr had a court (dar) in Qu'ayqi'an in which he placed the zanji slaves iraqiqu zan;in).172The mountain Thabir was called jabal al-zanj; the zan; of Mecca used to pick up firewood and "play" there/" In the place where we nowadays have the dar al-'abbas there used to be in "the old days" the market 169 See e.g. al-Wai)idi, Asbab, p.38: _ kana dlW l-majiu wa-'uka+maijara niisin fi l-jahiliyya, [a-lamma ja'a l-isliimu ka-annahum karihi: dhalika lJaua nazalat : laysa 'alaykum junii/;u.ul [i mawiisimi 1-/,uJjji_ 'an ibm 'abbiisin: _ kanu yauaqiina l-buyu'a wa-l-tiiiirata [i 1-/,uJjji.yaqiditna : ayyiimu dhikri lliihi. fa-anzala lliihu ta'iila:laysa 'olaykum junillJ- . 170 See al-Siilii)i, Subul al-huda wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (=al-Sira al-shamiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wai)id, Cairo 1392/1972. I, 317-318; al-Muttawwi'i, Man sahara zafira; MS. Cambridge Or. 1473(10),fol 22a; and see MJ. Kister, op. cit; L 122,Addendum 171 See al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XIL 317-318; uqatil, Tajsir, MS, IL foL 4la M 172 Al-Azraqi, op. cis; p. 464. 173 Al-Fakihi, op. cit; MS. foL 497a; al-Azraqi, op. cii; p. 486. 150 where slaves were sold, says al-Fakihil?" In the dar al-'ulit;, which belonged to the Makhziim, dwelt the Abyssinians. Some reports say that 'Ati b. Abi Rabah was born in this courtl" One can get some idea of the social status enjoyed by the Abyssinians at this time and of the Muslim community's opinion concerning their morality from the hadith recorded by al-Fakihi. The Prophet was informed that the 'ulis] of the Banii Mughira (ie, the Abyssinians owned by the Banii Makhziim - K) refrained from coming to his court, because they were afraid that the Prophet would drive them away (an taruddahum). The Prophet then said "The Abyssinians are no good: if they are hungry they steal; if they are sated they drink. They do indeed have two good qualities: they feed (the needy -K) and they are brave in wat'.176The alleged haditb reflects indeed the views of some circles with an outspoken hostility towards the Abyssinians (and the Black - K) in the period of Islam, but it is possible to assume that some circles in Mecca entertained similar views about them during the Jahiliyya, Thus they seem to have been ostracized from the community. There was probably also a Christian enclave in Mecca, but no explicit information to this effect occurs in the sources. The existence of a Christian cemetery is, however, mentioned in Dhii Tuwa.177 In the Qurashi population of Mecca there were two divisions: the quraysh a/-+awahir and quraysb a/ birQ.J:z. According to a tradition the quraysh al-zawahir were driven out by their brethren the quraysb ai-bi{alJ, and lived outside Mecca." Small and weak groups of the Qurashi tribes tried to form alliances in order to ensure their own 174 175 176 177 178 Al-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. 448a, lL 5-6. AI-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 458a.. AI-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. foL 458a; al-Suyiiti, aI-JlPru"aI-leahir, Cairo 1978, I, 90. AI-Azraqi, op. cit. p. 50; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 506a, L 5 from bottom. Al-Baladhurl, Ansab, I, 51: thumma inna bani kdb b. lu'ayy lammii kathuru akhrajii bU(unan min qurayshin ila ?awahiri makkata, [a-summi: quraysha hawahir. On strangers and allies in Mecca lSI survivat'" The expelled Qurashi clans affiliated themselves to different tribes outside Mecca, but returned at the beginning of Islam and requested that they be reattached to Quraysh.180 An alliance of different Qurashi tribal groups set up against another Qurashi tribal unit is seen in the alliance of Naufal b. 'Abel Manaf with 'Abel Shams b. 'Abel Maruif against Hashim b. 'Abel Maruif and al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Manaf.181 Contests between the factions of Quraysh brought about a search for helpers and allies outside Mecca. Such a case was that of 'Abd al-Muttalib, Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf seized the land property iai-arkiih) owned by 'Abel al-Muttalib, As 'Abel al-Muttalib's people failed to help him, he summoned his relatives in Medina, the Banii Najjar, and they hastened to Mecca threatening the Banii Naufal The Banii Naufal perceived the danger and returned the land property.'v The relationship between 'Abel al-Muttalib and the Banii Najjar was not one of hilt. they, however, behaved faithfully towards each other as one would according to the stipulations of a hilt. The Khuza'a were deeply impressed by the action of the Khazraj and asked 'Abd al-Muttalib and his clan to conclude an alliance with them. He responded favourably, and the document was written down, signed and hung in the Ka'ba.183 When the Khuza'a appealed to the Prophet for help against the unbelievers in Mecca they based their pledge on this very alliance of 'Abel al-Muttalib with their ancestors, stressing that it was still valid184 179 See e.g. MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if," ISAl, I (1979) p.14 note 59 and p. 15 note 65. 180 See al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 42-47 (Noteworthy are the expressions: p. 44: .., [a-lamma kimat khilafatu 'uthmana alhaqahum bi-quraysh _ ; p. 45: fa-lam yarjtu haua qama 'uthmanu tr) fa-ataului. fa-athbatahum [i quraysh; fa-kanu [i l-badiyati mda bani shayoona, wa-kitiibatuhum [i quraysh _ ); and see about sarna b. Lu'ayy MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if", ISAI, I (1979)15-16,note 66. 181 Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p.41 182 See e.g. al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 69-70. 183 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 70-72 184 See EP, Khuza'a (English edition V, 78 inf.), 152 The allegiance to an alliance manifested itself in loyalty to the people one was allied with and in affection for the symbols of the alliance. The banner of Quraysh, which was handed over by QU$aYY to 'Abd al-Dar, remained in their possession for generations. In the battle of Badr this banner was borne by the unbelievers of the 'Abd al-Dar, In the battle of Uhud the Prophet handed over to the commanders of the Muslim army three banners: one of the Aus, one of the Khazraj and one of the Muhajiriin.185The unbelievers went under three banners: one borne by Sufyan b. 'Uwayf; the other was the banner of the Ahabish, borne by one of them; the third was the banner inherited from Qusayy and borne by Talha ibn Abi Talba.186The description of the bearers of the banner of Qusayy, who followed each other to death, is one of the most moving descriptions of loyalty and allegiance. They held the banner with their right hand; when their right hand was cut off, they transferred it to the left; when this was cut off as well, they held it with their arms, When the last bearer of the banners, a maula; could only lift the banner with his arms (as his hands were cut off) he looked at the 'Abd al-Dar and asked them: "Did I do all I could do?~87 When the 'Abd al-Dar converted to Islam they asked for their banner to be given back to them The Prophet refused arguing: "Islam is broader than that" tal-islamu ausa' min dhalikd). The meaning appears to be: there is no room for the banner of a particular group. The banner belongs to the whole Muslim community. There were, of course, special banners adopted by specific groups and divisions; but they distinguished only units which competed among themselves in the battles fought for the cause of Islam This marked a new era in which tribal alliances were forbidden'" 185 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 215. 186 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 201 187 AI-Wiiqidi, op. cii; 226-227, al-Baladhuri, Ansab I, 54-55. According to the report of aI-BaIiidhuri the last who lifted the banner of the 'Abd al-Dar in this battle was a woman: 'Umra bint al-Harith b. 'Alqama of the 'Abd al-Dar, 188 Cf. aI-Suyiiti, al-Jiuru" al-kabir i, 905, L 4 from bottom; L GoIdziher, Muslim Studies, transL c.R Barber, s.M Stern, London 1967, I, 70, notes 2, 4. On strangers and allies in Mecca 153 It is noteworthy that on the day of Uhud Quraysh were still fighting under the banners of the M14ayyabUn and the Al}1at.I89 There were two separate cemeteries in Mecca (in the period of the Jahiliyya); one of the M14ayyabUn and one of the Ah/at.l90 Due to the marriages of the Meccans with the different tribes, Southern and Northern ones alike, there grew up a Mecean community in which the characteristic features of the various tribal groups survived. The memory of these ancestors remained vivid in the minds of the Meccans; the Prophet prided himself on the fact that "he was born" of twelve ancestresses named 'Atika. The sources record, in fact, twelve ancestresses with this name: two Qurashi, three Sulami, two 'Adwani, one Kinani, one Asadi, one Hudhali, one Qu<;la'i,and one Azdi."! The peculiar blend of Meccan society helped to establish friendly relations with the Arab tribes, who recognized the superiority of Mecca and its leading role. The institution of the halit contributed in large measure to this development The role of Mecca had already been transformed in the early period of Islam: its leadership becoming distinctly spiritual in character. Only some jurists claimed that the position of the Meccans was that of fuJaqa', "the freed" or "manumitted", pointing to the assumption that the population of Mecca was hostile to the Prophet and that Mecca had been conquered by force. 'Umar, according to one tradition, refrained from paying 'afa' to the Meccans and from levying fighting men for military expeditions from among them, on the grounds that the Meccans were fuJaqa'.l92 189 Zubayr b. Bakkir, Jamnara; MS. foL 86b. 190 AI-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 480a: ... wa-klmat makkata wa-maqbaratu l-aNali bi-asiali maqbaraiu l-miuayyabina bi-dla makkata ., ; and see additional details about the alliances in Mecca: MJ. Kister, ''Some Reports Concerning Mecca",JESHO, XV (1972)81-84. 191 See e.g. L'A, S.v. 'a t k; and see Ibn Hablb, Ummahiu al-nabiyyi ,salla llahu 'aJayhi wa-QJihi wa-saJlam, ed. Husayn 'Ali Mabf~ Baghdad 1372 192 Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 417a 154 Quraysh were however the people chosen by God, and in his utterances the Prophet enjoined love and respect them193 In the course of thecenturies, there evolved a large literature of fa4liil makkata and of fa4liil quraysh; extolling the city and its inhabitants, and predicting that on the Day of Resurrection the city and its inhabitants will be saved. The allies of Quraysh will be in their company, for, according to the tradition: 'The ally is a member of the people'?" 193 See e.g. al-Hasan b. 'Arata, Juz', Chester Beatty 4433, fol. 142b: ahibbu qurayshan [a-innahu man ahabbahum ahabbahu llahu _; and see this tradition: Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawa'id wo-manbd ai-fawa'id, Beirut 1967,X, 27 inf.; and see Niir al-Din ai-Haythami, op. cit. X, 27 sup; man ahana qurayshan ahimahu Iliihu (and see this tradition: 'Abd al-Razziiq, ai-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-A'zami, Beirut 1392,XI, 58 no. 19905; and see this tradition: al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, I, 401; and see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit. X, 26: _ inna qurayshan ahlu amiuJatin fa-man baghahumu i-'awathira akabbahu lliihu ii-mankharayhi... (and see this tradition: Ibrahim Muhammad ai-l;Iusayni al-Dimashqi, ai-Bayan wo-l-tdrif [i asbilbi wurUdi i-hmiithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1980, II, 63, no. 639);and see e.g. al-Muniiwi, FaYQ al-qadlr, shari: aI-jam!' i-,faghir, Beirut 1391/1971, IV, 516, no. 6123: qurayshun wuiatu i-nasi [i l-khayri wa-l-sharri iia yaumi i-qiyiuna _ 194 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannai, XI, 56, no. 19897: (the Prophet ordered 'Umar to convoke Quraysh; among them were their nephews, their allies and their mawali) the Prophet said: ibn ukhtina minna wa-huiafa'una minna wa-mawaiina minna ...; and see al-Dariml; Sunan; Dar Ibya' al-sunna I-nabawiyya, n.d., n.p. II, 244, l 1:maula l-qaumi minhum, wa-halifu l-qaumi minhum wa-bnu ukhti l-qaumi minhum:

The Battle of the Ḥarra: Some Socio-Economic Aspects

harra_battle.pdf THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA Some Socio- Economic Aspects The numerous reports of the revolt against Yazid b. Mu'awiya b. abi Sufyan in Medina and the bloody battle of the Harra (27 Dhii l-Hijja, 63 AH = 26 August, AD 683) contain many details on the preparations for the battle, letters sent by the Caliph to the Ieaders of the rebels, speeches of the Ieaders and the battle itself, as well as about rebels killed on the battlefield or executed at the order of Muslim b. 'Uqba, the commander of the army sent by Yazid to quell the rebellion.! The various accounts, some 1 See Khalifa b. Khayyat, Ta'rikh (ed. Diya' al-Dln aI-'UmarI) (Baghdad, 1386/ 1967) I, 224-225; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1377/1957) v, 38-39, 144-147, 170-172, 177, 215, 225-226, 255-256, 259-260, 263-267, 270, 274-275, 277-280, 295-296, 298; al-Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashriif (ed. M. Schloessinger) (Jerusalem, 1938) rvb, 19·-46; al-Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh (al-Najaf, 1384/1964) II, 237-238; al-Dlnawari, al-Akhbdr al-tiwdl (ed. 'Abd al-Mun'im 'Amir Jamal al-Din al-Shayyal) (Cairo, 1960), 264-267; al-Fakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, fol. 400a; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah alZubayri, Nasab Quraysh (ed. Levi-Provencal) (Cairo, 1953), 133, 215, 222, 228, 256, 282, 361, 371, 384; al-Tabarl, Ta'rtkb (Cairo, 1358/1939) IV, 366--381; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiin al-akhbiir (Cairo, 1343/1924) I, 202; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-Tqd al-farid (ed. Ahmad Amln, Ahmad al-Zayn, Ibrahim al-Abyarl) (Cairo, 1381/1962) IV, 387-390; al-Mas'fidl, Murii] al-dhahab (ed. Muhammad Muhyl l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid) (Cairo, 1357/1938) III, 17-18; idem, al-Tanbih wa-l-ishrdf (ed. de Goeje) (Leiden, 1894), 304306; Ibn Qutayba, al-Madrif (ed. al-Sawl) (Cairo, 1390/1970; reprint), 153, 172; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, al-Imdma wa-l-siydsa (Cairo, 1331) I, 168-190; Abu l-Faraj, al-Aghdni (Cairo, 1285) I, 12-16; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil al-durar fi maniibit al-zahar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fols. 73b-81a; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (tahdhib) (ed. Ibn Badran) (Damascus, 1351) VII, 372-374, 407-413; Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, Tadhkirat al-khawtiss (alNajaf, 1383/1964), 287-292; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rtkb at-Islam (Cairo, 1368) II, 354-359; idem, Siyar a'liim al-nubald' (ed. As'ad Talas) (Cairo, 1962) III, 217-220; Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut - al-Riyad, 1966) VI, 233-235; VIII, 211-212, 215-224; al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira (ed. Ahmad Muhammad Mursi) (Cairo, n.d.), 605-606; alDamiri, Haytit al-hayawdn (Cairo, 1383/1963) I, 60-61; al-Bayhaql, al-Mahdsin wa-Imasdwl (ed. Muhammad Abu I·FaQI Ibrahim) (Cairo, 1380/1961) I, 99-104; Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi, ai-Bad' wa-l-tdrikb (ed. C. Huart) (paris, 1919) VII, 13-14; alSuyut], Ta'rikh al-khulafd' (ed. Muhammad Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Hamid) (Cairo. of which contain divergent details or contradictions, help us nevertheless to gain an insight into the consecutive stages of the conflict, the attitudes of different tribal groups and their leaders and the particulars of the military operation. The reports on the factors of the conflict between the Caliph and the people of Medina and the causes of the revolt are, however, meagre and give almost unanimous emphasis to the religious motives of the clash. Some scattered details, occurring in fragmentary accounts outside the generally known sources, may shed new light on the roots of the conflict and the factors which were responsible for the battle of the Barra. I Some details of the relations between Yazid and Medina may be surveyed in the following lines. In the short period beginning with the investiture of Yazid as Caliph and ending with the battle of the Barra, there were frequent changes of governors in Medina. The governor appointed by Mu'awiya, al-Walid b. 'Utba, was deposed shortly after Yazid ascended the throne because he failed to prevent the escape of the two Qurashi Ieaders, al-Husayn and 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr.? His successor, 'Amr b. Sa'Id al-Ashdaq.! also failed to get an oath of allegiance from 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr or to seize him. He was then ordered by the Caliph to send against him a troop levied from among the people listed in the paymentroll.s A supplementary passage records the composition of the force sent by 'Amr b. Sa'Id: four hundred soidiers, groups of the mawiili bani umayya and groups not listed in the payment Iist.> The people enrolled in the diwiin were reluctant to set out for Mecca in order to fight 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr.s Abu Mikhnaf stresses in his report that the majority of 1371/1952), 209-210; al-Diyarbakri, Ta'rikh al-khamis (Cairo, 1283) II, 302-303; alSamhudi, Wafd" al-wafd bi-akhbdr dar al-Mustafd (ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid) (Cairo, 1374/1955) I, 125-138; Ibn al-'Imiid, Shadhardt al-dhabab (Beirut, n.d.; reprint) I, 71; Khalil b. Aybak al-Safadi, Tamdm al-mutiin Ii sharh risdlat Ibn Zaydiin (ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim) (Cairo, 1389/1969),208-212; al-Tsami, Simt al-nujiim al-iawdli (Cairo, 1380) III, 88-94; and see £[2, s. v. al-Harra (L. Veccia Vaglieri). 2 3 4 J. Wellhausen, Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz (Berlin, 1902; reprint), 92. Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. rvb, 23, lines 9-10. See al-Baladhurl, op. cit. tvb, 23, lines 18-19: ... kataba i/a "amri bni sa'tdin al-ashdaqi ya'muruhu an yuwajjiha i/a 'abdi lldhi bni I-zubayri jayshan min ah/i I-'ala'i wa-l-diwdni ... (al-Baladhuri records it from the report of al-Waqidi). 5 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. rvb, 25, lines 15-21. 6 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 184: ... fa-daraba 'alii ah/i l-diwiini l-ba'tha i/a makkata wa-hum kdrihilna li-l-khurilji, 34 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA the recruited force preferred not to join the force and sent instead hired men, who ought to fight in their place. Most of the force sympathized with 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr sent against them troops recruited from among the people of al-Hijaz who were imbued with a fighting spirit and religious zeal and convinced that they were fighting for a just cause." It was no wonder that the force sent by the governor of Medina under the command of 'Amr b. aI-Zubayr (the brother of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr) was defeated; 'Amr b. al-Zubayr was captured and treacherously and cruelly executed. The sympathy of wide circles of the Muslim community was indeed with 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. There were some doubts about the stability and duration of the Umayyad rule and an apprehension that 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr may succeed in grasping the power from the Umayyads. This feeling of uncertainty was rife even among some Umayyad officials. The governor of Medina, 'Amr b. Sa'id, according to one tradition, sent a messenger to 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. aI-'A.~ (who stayed in Egypt) inquiring about it. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. aI-'A.~, well known for his knowledge, piety and his ability to foretell future events because he was acquainted with the "Book of Daniel", answered that the rule would continue to be in the hands of the Umayyad Caliph and that 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr would not succeed in his effort to seize authority in the Muslim Empire. This led 'Amr b. Sa'Id to take several measures so as to get hold of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr by stratagem and deceit.f 'Abdallah b. al-lAbbas proved to have had a sound evaluation of the situation after the death of Mu'awiya: He assured the people in his presence that the Umayyad rule would endure and summoned them to give the oath of allegiance to Yazid.? These stories may be spurious, but they help us to gauge the trends in some influential circles of the Muslim community. 'Amr b. Sa'id failed to seize 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, or to compel him to give the oath of allegiance to Yazid. He was deposed (in Dhii l-Hijja, 61 AH) and explained to the Caliph the causes of his failure: He did not have at his disposal regular troops by which he could have subcued 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. Yazid rightly reprimanded him, asking why 7 See al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 24, lines 14--16: ... wa-kdna aktharu l-jayshi budalii'a min al-'atii'i wa-jufluhum yah wauna bna l-zubayri "abda ttat«. fa-siirii hattii ntahau itii makkata, fa-akhraja ilayhim "abdu lliihi bnu l-zubayri rijdlan min ahli l-bijiizi, dhawi dinin wa-fadlin wa-ra'yin wa-thabdtin wa-basti'ira ... ; cf. Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 184 inf. 8 Al-Tabari, op. cit. IV, 365-366; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op, cit., fol. 72b. 9 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 166 inf.-167 sup. 35 he did not ask for a military force to be despatched from AIWalid b. 'Utba was reinstated as governor of Medina in 61 AH and was the official leader of the Qajj in that year.U 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr feigning loyalty to Yazid, and hinting that he would be ready to undertake some acts of reconciliation, complained to the Caliph of the rudeness ofal-Walid b. "Utba and asked to replace him by a milder governor. Yazid responded, deposed al-Walid b. 'Utba and appointed 'Uthman b. Muhammad b. abi Sufyan, The pilgrimage ceremony was still officially led by al-Walid b. 'Utba in 62 AH.12 'Uthman b. Muhammad, an inexperienced and lenient young man, remained in the office of the governor only eight months.U He tried to start a new policy of appeasement with the malcontent Medinans, who openly manifested their sympathy for 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. He despatched, at the Caliph's order, a representative deputation of the nobles (ashriif) of the city to Damascus, the capital of the Empire. They were welcomed by the Caliph and granted munificent gifts. However, when they returned to Medina they circulated shocking stories about the Iicentious behaviour of the profligate and corrupt Caliph, stirred the people against him and threw off his allegiance.l+ The Ieaders of the rebellion, 'Abdallah b. Hanzala.i> 'Abdallah b. al-Mutr,16 Ma'qil b. Sinan 17 and others, were heedless to the warnings and advice of the Cf. al-Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 367; al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 29, lines 12-18. Khalifa, op. cit. I, 225 penult.-226, ll. 2-5; al- Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 366. 12 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. rvb, 29 penult.-30 sup. (and see p. 19, lines 15-16); al- Tabari, op. cit. IV, 368 sup., 369, line 3 from bottom; according to Khalifa, op. cit. I, 227, line 7 the hajj was led in 62 AH by 'Uthman b. Muhammad b. abi Sufyan, 13 Waki', Akhbdr al-quddt (ed. 'Abd al-'Azjz Mustafa al-Maraghi) (Cairo, i366/ 10 11 1947) 14 I, 123. See Khalifa, op. cit. I, 227-228; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op. cit., fol. 74a (quoted from Khalifa); al-Tabari, op. cit. IV, 368; al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 31; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit. VII, 372; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba (Cairo, 1328) II, 299, No. 4637 (quoted from Khalifa); Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, op. cit. IV, 387 inf.-388; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikh II, 354. 15 See on him E[2, s.v. 'Abd Allah b. Hanzala (Zettersteen-Pellat). 16 See on him E[2, s.v. 'Abd Allah b. Muti' (Zettersteen-Pellat); and see al-Fasl, al-t lqd al-thamin (ed. Fu'ad Sayyid) (Cario, 1385/1966) v, 287/288 (and see the references given by the editor). 17 See on him Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iirif, 129; Ibrl 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl) (Cairo, 1380/1960), 1431, No. 2460 (and see the list of the Qurashites killed when in bonds on the order of Muslim b. 'Uqba after the defeat at al-Harra; the list is given according to the accounts of Ibn Ishaq, al-Wiiqidi and Wathim a); Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba III, 446, No. 8136. 36 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA messengers sent to Medina or friendly persons writing to them from They tried to dissuade them from getting involved in a clash with the force which the Caliph prepared against them. But the Medinan malcontents felt that they were united in their resistance to the licentious Caliph and that his messengers merely attempted to undermine this unity.t? It may be pointed out that this so-called unity was not totaI: The 'Alids remained neutral and did not join the rebels.2o 'Abdallah b. 'Umar stressed the legitimacy of the oath of allegiance to Yazid.t! Persons like 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas, Abu Barza, and 'Abdallah b. 'Umar denied that the struggle between 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr and the Umayyads was for the cause of God: Both parties fought, in their opinion, to gain their lot in this world.22 When 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr asked the wife of 'Abdallah b. 'Umar to prevail upon her husband that he should join him and grant him the oath of allegiance, he argued that his decision to come out in revolt against the impious Mu'awiya, his son and his family was due to the fact that the latter appropriated for themselves the revenues (fay', belonging, of course, by right to the believers - K.); he did it for the cause of God, His Prophet, the Muhajiriin and the Ansar. When the wife brought 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr's message to Ibn 'Umar, the latter remarked that 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr desired no more than the grey mules on which Mu'awiya performed his pilgrimage.23 There was almost no Sahiibt who took an active part in the revolt of Medina.s+ The opinions of the pious about the two parties struggling in order to gain authority, power and a share of this world is in full agreement with Wellhausen's conclusion that the religious formulation given to the rebels' arguments against the Umayyads was used as a cover for their 18 Of special interest is the role played by 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, who interceded with Yazid for the Medinans (see e.g. Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit., 169 inf.-170; these details were omitted in Zettersteen's entry on 'Abdallah b. Ja'far in EI2). 19 See e.g. al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 32: ... ya nu'manu qad ji'tana bi-amrin turidu bihi tafriqa jamd'atind wa-ifsdda rna aslaha lldhu min amrind ... ; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. v, 145; al-Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 369; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 170. 20 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. V, 215; cf. Ibn Kathir, op. cit. VIII, 218. 21 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. V, 144; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikb II, 355, sup.; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op. cit., fol. 72a; al- 'Isamr, op. cit. III, 90 inf. 22 Al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 402a, inf.-402 sup.; cf. al-Baladhuri, op. cit. v, 195196 (ed. S.D. Goitein); Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op. cit., fol. 72a; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak (Hyderabad, 1342) IV, 470. 23 Abu I-Faraj, op. cit. I, 12. 24 See al-Tsami, op. cit. III, 91: ... wa-lam yuwdfiq ahla l-madinati 'ala hiidhti l-khal'i ahadun min akdbiri ashdbi rasali lliihi(~). 37 desire to gain political authority and power.2S There seems, however, to have been a considerable difference in aims and objectives between the rebels of Medina and those who resisted the Umayyad authority and prepared their rebellion under the leadership of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr in Mecca. II The widely current report, as recorded in the sources, is that the cause of the revolt in Medina was the fact that the Medinan Ieaders were reluctant to give the oath of allegiance to Yazid after they had seen his licentious behaviour when they paid a visit to his court. A quite different account of the causes of the revolt in Medina is given in al-Ya'qiibi's (d. 292 AH) Ta'rikh,26 where it is related that Yazid appointed 'Uthman b. Muhammad b. Abi Sufyan as governor over Medina. Ibn Mina, who was in charge of the estates of Mu'awiya (~awiifi mu'iiwiyata), came to 'Uthman and informed him that the people of Medina did not Iet him collect the crops of wheat and dates and carry them (scil. to the Caliph - K.) as he had been in the habit of doing every year. The governor, 'Uthman b. Muhammad, summoned a group of people from Medina and rebuked them harshly for their deed. They rose in revolt against him and against the Banii Umayya in Medina and expelled them from the city; on their way out the expelled Umayyads had stones thrown at them. A similar report is recorded by al-Samhiidi (d. 911 AH) in his Wafii' al-wafii.s" It is, as al-Samhiidi remarks, a summary (mulakhkhas) of an account of al-Waqidi, as given in his "Kitiib al-lfarra". Ibn Mina in this report carries the title "'iimi/'alii sawcft l-madtna", "the official in charge of the estates of al-Madina". "There were at that time many sawaft in Medina," the report says. Mu'awiya yielded from the estates of Medina and its environs (a'riirjuhii) crops amounting to a hundred fifty thousand wasq of dates and a hundred thousand wasq wheat. After the appointment of 'Uthman b. Muhammad by Yazid, Ibn Mina came with a party (of labourers - K.) from the Barra, betaking himself to the lands (amwiil) of Mu'awiya. He led the party unhindered until he reached the area of the Balharith b. al-Khazraj and proceeded to till (naqaba) the fields in their territory. The Balharith came out and had an argument with Ibn 2S Wellhausen, op, cit., 102-103. Ed. Muhammad 27 I, 127-128. 26 Sadiq Bahr al-'uliim (al-Najaf, 1384/1964) II, 237. 38 THE BATILE OF THE HARRA Mina, stating that he had no right to carry out his work and that his action was an unlawful innovation (/:ladath) and (constituted - K.) an injury (¢arar) for them. The governor, having been informed by Ibn Mina about the conflict, asked three men of the Balharith to grant Ibn Mimi a permit to pass their territory. They gave their consent, but when he came with his party to work, the Balharith barred him from the estates. When he complained to the governor, the latter ordered him to "gather those he could" against them (i.e. against the Balharith - K.) and attached to this troop some of (his) soldiers (ba'¢a jundin). He ordered him to cross their lands "even if they had to do it on their bellies" (wa-lau 'alii butiinihim; sci1. on the bellies of the Balharith - K.), as the wording of the account puts it. When Ibn Mina proceeded next day with his party to the estates of Mu'awiya, he was confronted by a party of Ansar who came aided by a group of Qurashites and prevented him from carrying out his work. The situation became serious and Ibn Mina returned to the governor, reporting the events. The governor communicated with the Caliph and urged him to take steps against the people of Medina. The Caliph decided to dispatch a military force against Medina. Al-Waqidi's brief report, as given by al-Samhiidi at the end of the ninth century (AH) can be supplemented by additional details from a combined account recorded by Abu l-'Arab (d. 333 AH) at the end of the third century and based mainly on the authority of al-Waqidi.P' The first sentences of the account are almost identicak-? the account differs, however, on some important particulars of the story. The clashes of Ibn Mina and his labourers with the Balharith, says the account, continued for a month. They sometimes allowed him to carry out some work; sometimes they gathered against him and no work could be done at alPo After Ibn Mina complained to the governor, the latter summoned three men from the Balharith: Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. Zayd, Zuhayr b. abi Mas'Iid and Muhammad b. al-Nu'man b. al-Bashir. They gave their consent and Ibn Mina came with his labourers and did some work. A group of people of Medina: al-Miswar b. Makhrama.U 'Abd al-Rahman 28 Abu l-IArab, Kitdb al-mihan, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 235, fols. 5Ia-65a; see on the author: Sezgin, GAS I, 356-357. 29 The difference in the quantities of the crops recorded here (51,000 wasq dates and 100,000 wasq wheat) may probably be traced back to a clerical error. 30 See al-Mihan, fol. 51b: ... wa-dararun "alaynd, fa-makathii 'ala dhdlika shahran, yaghdii bnu mind wa-yariihu bi-tummdlihi fa-marratan ya'bauna "alayhi ... 31 See on him Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 262-263; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fol. l1lb; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba III, 419, No. 7993; 39 b. 'Abd al-Qari,32 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghuth,33 'Abdallah b. Muti' and 'Abdallah b. abi Rabi'a.s+ went to "these people" (apparently the Balharith who gave their consent to resume the work of Ibn Mina - K.), incited them35 and asked them not to permit Ibn Mina to till in their estatesss except by their consent and willingness. The rest of the story agrees with al-Samhudi.s? The force of Ibn Mina, aided by soidiers supplied by the governor, was barred from work by a QurashiAnsarl troop. Some divergence can be noticed in an additional passage recorded by Abu I-'Arab, on the authority of al-Waqidi.s'' A delegation composed of ten Qurashites and a group of Ansar called on the governor, 'Uthman b. Muhammad, and complained about the actions of Ibn Mina and the fact that he had gathered a force against them. They were disappointed to find that the governor himself was behind Ibn Mina and his actions. The conversation between the governor and the delegation became harsh and the governor decided to write to the Caliph on the hostile attitude of the Medinans towards the Caliph. The Caliph despatched to the Medinans a sharp letter warning them of the consequences of their actions and threatening that he would use force against them. The account recorded by Abu I-Arab gives us a better insight into the attitudes of the land-owners in Medina, and the contacts between the Ansar and the Qurashites in Medina in order to make a common cause against what they regarded as the unlawful claims of the Umayyad ruler and his unjust appropriation of their estates. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib, 1399, No. 2405; al-Baladhurl, Ansdb al-ashrtif Iva (ed. M. Schloessinger),index. 32 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba III, 71, No. 6223; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 839, No. 1433. 33 See on him at-Fast, op. cit. v, 342, No. 1712; Ibn Hajar, op. cit. II, 390, No. 5081; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 262. 34 See on him Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 318. 35 In text r-" P.r---; I could not find a suitable interpretation of this word in this context. 36 The term in this passage is: ... wa-qdlii ld tada' iihu yanqub fi haqqikum iIla bi-tibi nafsin minkum 37 ... It may be remarked that here, in this version, the phrase "and gather against them whom you can" has an additional word: "min mawdlikum" "from among your mawalt", 38 Fol. 52a, line 6: qdla l-wdqidi: fa-haddathani usdma bnu zaydin al-laythi 'an muhammadi bni qaysin ... 40 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA III Some of the words or terms recorded in the account of al-Waqidi are obscure and vague. An attempt should be made to elucidate the meanings of these words in order to enable a more accurate understanding of the text. The account says that Ibn Mina was in charge of the sawaft of Medina and adds that there were at that time many ~awiifiin Medina. The word sawiift usually denotes "a public land", "state domains",39 Saleh A. elAli, referring to the passage discussed here, remarks that al-Waqidi "probably included in these ~awiifithe public lands and the seven endowments which had belonged to the Prophet. Nevertheless they did not exploit them for their own personal purposes, otherwise they would have aroused opposition and the sources would have mentioned that the Prophet granted several Muslims some of the uncultivated lands either for dwelling, or for cultivation, or for other purposes."40 But sawaf; in this account, and generally in this period, does not only denote state domains or public land. I~!afii implies in fact confiscation of land and property+t The confiscated property could be transferred or given as gift. So, for instance, 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr confiscated the property of Mu'awiya in Mecca; one of the courts confiscated was given by him as a gift to his son It is implausible to assume that there were "state domains" in Mecca and Medina, as Medina was not conquered by force, and the Iand of Medina was divided by the Prophet himself and alotted to the people of the ~ahaba. The clue for the understanding ofthe term is given by al-Ya'qiibi. Mu'awiya, al-Ya'qtibi reports, 39 See Lekkegaard, Islamic Taxation in the Classical Period (Copenhagen, 1950), 49-51. 40 Saleh A. eI-Ali, Muslim Estates in Hidjaz in the First Century AH., JESHO 2 (1959), 251. The explanation of Muhammad Muhyl l-Din 'Abd al-Harnid, the editor of al-Samhudl's Wafd' al-wafd, of the word "~awdfi" as palm trees (I, 127, n. 1) is erroneous and it is useless to discuss it. H. Lammens (Le Califat de Yazid ler [Beirut, 1921],219) translates sawdf]: "domaines de Mo'awia", 41 See al-Tabarl, op, cit., Glossarium, s.v. ~afd: sdfiyatun id quod confiscatum est, al-sawdfi = praedia confiscata. 42 Al-Azraqi. Akhbdr Makka (ed. F. Wiistenfeld) (Leipzig, 1858; reprint), 460: •.. i~!afdlld fi amwdli mu'iiwiyata fa-wahabahd li-bnihi hamzata; and see ibid., 452. Sawiifl as recorded by al-Azraqi and al-Samhudi denote lands and property belonging to and administered by the Caliph. The term usually refers to the property of the Umayyads confiscated by the 'Abbasids. See e.g. al-Azraql, op. cit., 461 penult.: ... hattd ustufiyat hina kharajat al-khildfatu min bani marwdna ... ; 467: ... istafdhu amiru l-mu'minina abii ja'far, wa-kdna fihi haqqun qad kana badu bani umayyata shtardhu fa-stufiya minhum ... ; and see 453: ... fa-lam tazal fi l-sawdfi hattd raddahd 41 confiscated the property of people and appropriated it for himself.43 The true character of Mu'awiya's sawiift in Medina is explicitly exposed in another passage of al-Ya'qiibi. Stressing the appropriation of stateestates in the conquered territories by Mu'awiya, al-Ya'qiibi says: "He was the first to own ~awiifi in the whole world, even in Mecca and Medina and an amount (of crops - K.) of dates and wheat was carried to him every year."44 The sawaft were thus identical with the amwdl mu'iiwiya, the private possessions of Mu'awiya in Medina. Ps. Ibn Qutayba in his al-Imiima says that Ibn Minii.4S came with a party46 of men from the Harra proceeding towards the estates of Mu'awiya tyurtdu l-amwiila llau kiinat li-mu'iiwiyatat. The true character of these sawaft, or amwiil, is indicated in an explanatory sentence added by the author: "These were estates acquired by Mu'awiya and orchards of date-palms, which yielded hundred sixty thousand wasqs."47 It is indeed the way of acquisition (iktisiib) which brought about the conflict between the Medinans and the Caliph. The reports about Mu'awiya's sawiift are corroborated by numerous reports concerning his purchase of courts, palaces.sf estates and lands l-mut asimu bi-ildhi ... ; and see 449, 460, 463, 464, 467: .. .fa-hiya I-yauma fi 1sawdfi, Comp. al-Samhudl, op. cit. II, 699, lines 11-12: fa-sdrat badu fi l-sawdfi, wa-kdnat al-dawdwinu flhii wa-baytu l-mdli ... ; ibid. II, 721: ... anna ddra marwdna sarat fi l-sawdfi, ay li-bayti l-mdli ... ; and see ibid. II, 729-730. About the "~awafi daulati bani umayya" in Egypt see al-Muhasibi, A'rndl al-quliib wa-l-jawdrib (ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'Ata) (Cairo, 1969),230-231. 43 AI-Ya'qiibi, op. cit. II, 221, lines 1-2: ... wa-stasfd amwdla l-ndsi fa-akhadhahd Ii-nafsihi; comp. ibid., lines 18-20: ... ba'da an akhraja mu' dwiyatu min kulli baladin md kdnat muliiku fdrisa tastasfihi li-anfusihd min al-diyti'i I-'amirati wa-ja'alahu sdfiyatan li-nafsihi fa-aqta'ohu jamd' atan min ahli baytihi. And see about an attempt at confiscation of the property of 'Abdallah b. 'A.mir b. Kurayz: Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 148 inf.; al-Fasi, op. cit. v, 189. 44 Al-Ya'qubi, op. cit. II, 222, lines 9-13: ... wa-fa'ala mu'dwiyatu bi-l-shami wa-l-jazirati wa-I-yamani mithla md fa'ala bi-L'lrdqi min istisfti'i md kana Ii-I-muliiki min al-diyti'i wa-tasyirihd Ii-nafsihi khiilisatan wa-aqtaahd ahla baytihi wa-khassatahu; wa-ktina awwala man ktinat lahu l-sawdf] fi jami'i l-dunyd hatui bi-makkata wa-Imadinati, fa-innahu kana fihimd shay'un yuhmalu fi kulli sanatin min ausdqi I-tamri wa-l-hintati; and see D.C. Dennet Jr., Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam (trans!. by Fauzi Fahurn Jadallah; revised by Ihsan 'Abbas) (Beirut, 1960), 65, No. 76 (and see the note of the editor, ibid.). 45 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 169 (in text: Ibn Mithd, a clerical error). 46 In text erroneously: bi-sirdhin. 47 I, 169: ... wa-kdnat amwdlan iktasabaha mu'iiwiyatu wa-nakhilan minhii mi' ata alfi wasqin wa-sittina alfan. 48 See al-Samhiidl, op. cit. III, 962: ... wa-amma qasr bani jadilata yajuddu mu- fa-inna 42 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA in Medina+ and his activities of cultivation and irrigation. 50 Mu'awiya's business transactions were carefully planned and thoughtfully worked out.>! * * * "dwiyata bna abi sufydna bandhu li-yakiina hisnan, wa-lahu bdbiini: bdbun shdri'un 'ala khatti bani jadilata ... we-kana Iladhi waliya bind'ahu li-muiiwiyata l-tufaylu bnu abi ka'bin l-ansiiriyyu wa-fi wasatihi bi'r /:!a' .... See the story about the purchase of a part of the orchard of Bi'r l:Ia' by Mu'awiya, ibid. III, 962, sup., 963 inf. And see ibid. II, 741: ... wa-ktinat hddhihi l-ddru (i.e, dar al-rabi", named dar hafsa - K.) qati'atan min rasiili l/ahi ~alla lldhu "alahyi wa-sallam li-t uthmdna bni abi I-'a$i 1thaqafiyyi fa-btii'ahd min wuldihi mu'dwiyatu bnu abi sufydna .... (See on 'Uthman b. abl l-'A~: Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. VII, 40; I, 313; VIII, 51). Sa'Id b. al-'A~ enjoins his son 'Amr to sell only his palace in al-Arsa after his death to Mu'awiya, arguing that it is merely a leisure resort, not an agricultural farm (Abii l-Faraj, op. cit. I, 17: ... innamd ttakhadhtuhu nuzhatan wa-laysa bi-mdliny; and see the story of the acquisition of Arsa by Mu'awiya: al-Samhudl, op. cit. III, 1056-1057; Yaqut, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. Arsa (see the report about the building of the palace by Sa'Id b. al-'A~, the digging of a well, the planting of orchards and the qualities of these orchards). And see about the building of the fortress Oasr Khall by Mu'awiya: al-Samhudi, op. cit. IV, 1289-90; and see ibid. II, 699 (cf. ibid., 701) about the purchase of the court of 'Umar (or the court of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf) by Mu'awiya, About a court of Mu'awiya in Medina see Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., Ms. Zahiriyya, op. cit. IX, fol. 109b (... wa-Iahu ddrun bi-l-madinati tashra'u 'alii baldti l-fdkihati ... ). About two courts, dar alnuqsdn and dar al-qatirdn, built by Mu'awiya see al-Samhiidi, op. cit. II, 750. About the purchase of the court of Sufyan b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib by Mu'awiya see al-Samhudi, op. cit. II, 758 (he attached it to the musalld of the Prophet); comp. al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 458a (Mu'awiya proposes Khalid b. al-'A~ to sell him his property. The answer of Khalid is significant: "Do you think that a man would sell the place where his father is buried?"). 49 See about the purchase of the lands of al-Zubayr as recorded in al-Fasawl's alMa'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh, Ms. Esad Ef, 2391, fol. 129a; and see about an estate bought by Mu'awiya from Qays b. Sa'd b. 'Ubada: al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ldm al-nubaki' III, 70 (ba'a qaysu bnu sadin mdlan min mu'dwiyata bi-tis'tna aljan). About the purchase of Thaniyat al-Sharld see al-Samhudl, op. cit., 1066-1067; cf. Saleh A. el-Ali, op. cit., 256. About the purchase of Bughaybigha see: al-Samhiidi, op. cit. IV, 1150-1152. so See al-Samhiidi, op. cit. III, 937-938; ibid., IV, 1232 (saddu mu'awiya); III, 985, 987 ('aynu l-azraq); and see Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadl, al-Maghdnim al-mutdba fi mo'dlim Tdba (ed. Hamad al-Jasir) (al-Riyad, 1389/1969), 295-296. About the irrigation of raudat bani umayya and amwdl bani umayya see al-Samhiidi, op. cit. III, 1075. It may be stressed that Mu'awiya employed a special agent in charge of his estates; in this passage the estates are called "al-diyd" (al-Samhiidi, op. cit. IV, 1276 sup.: qdla mu'iiwiyatu bnu abi sufytina Ii-tabdi l-rahmdni bni abi ahmada bni jahshin, wa-kiina wakilahu bi-diyd'ihl bi-l-madinati, ya'n: audiyatan shtardhd wa-ltamalahd ... ); cf. al-Baladhurl, op. cit. Iva, 110 inf.-111 sup. (ed. M. Schloessinger) (Jerusalem, 1971). 51 See al-Jahshiyari, Kitdb al-wuzarii' wa-l-kutttib (ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyarl, alShalabi (Cairo, 1357/1938), 26: ... ittakhidh Ii fjiya'an wa-la takun bi-l-ddriim 43 It is evident that these palaces, fortresses, courts and estates needed manpower for maintenance and cultivation. This was provided by captives taken in the wars of conquest and by siaves.52 Groups of skilled Iabourers were brought from the conquered provinces to Mecca and Medina.O Mu'awiya is said to have been the first Caliph to use forced labour. 54 The mawiilt were entrusted with various duties and carried out different kinds of work, as imposed on them by their patrons. Consequently the mawiilt society was not based on egalitarian principles; among a group of mawiill, attached to a certain family or clan, there were great differences of rank and position. They were considered Ioyal and reliable. When Mu'awiya complained to Ziyad of the attitude of his relatives, Ziyad advised him to rely upon mawiili, because they were more apt to provide aid, more prone to forgive and more grateful (than others - K.).55 Possessing a multitude of mawiilt was considered a sign of strength; families and clans vied among themselves in acquiring mawiili. Some of these mawiilt were absorbed into the clans who strived to gain a firm and strong position.56 Referring to the contest between the Sufyanids and the Merwanids, each attempting to outnumber the other, 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam argues against Mu'awiya: "If you found none but negroes, you would strive to outnumber us by (adopting and attaching - K.) them" (scil. to your clan - K.).57 In the battle of the Harra the mawiilt fought as a special military formation under the command of Yazid b. Hurmuz,58 under their own banal-mijddb, wa-ld bi-qaysariyyata l-mighrdq, wa-ttakhidhhii bi-majdri l-sahdbi fa-ttakhadha lahu l-butndn min kilrati "asqaldn .... As for his policy of purchasing property in Mecca see JESHO 15 (1972), 84-85; and see Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba II, 291, No. 4597. Cf. for Syria: al-Baladhuri, op. cit. Iva, 50, lines 5-7; 52, lines 7-12. 52 See Saleh A. el-Ali, op. cit., 252; and see JESHO 3 (1960) 334. About "the black and the red" ial-humriin wa-l-siidiint servants (ghilman) of Mu'awiya working in his estates see: al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rva, 42 inf.-43 sup. 53 See about labourers who made baked bricks for the houses of Mu'awiya in Mecca: al-Azraqi, op. cit., 496 ult.-497, lines 1-2; al-Fakihl, op. cit., fo1. 503a: kana ya'malu fihti nabatun baatha bihim mu'tiwiyatu bnu abi sufydna (r) ya'maliina I-ajurra Ii-diirihi bi-makkata 54 ... ahadun qablahu. See al-Ya'qubl, op. cit. II, 221, line 1: ... wa-banii wa-shayyada l-bina'o wal-ndsa fi bina'ihi wa-lam yusakhkhir sakhkhara 55 56 man ta' ashshaba i/ayhim li-yata'azzaz u bihi. 57 Al-Baladhurl, op. cit. Iva, 53, lines 12-13: ... [au [am tajid illd l-zanja la- Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. Iva, 23, lines 17-18. See e.g. al-Baladhurl, op. cit. v, 163, lines 7-8: ... wa-hum yadummiina takaththarta 58 bihim "alaynii. See on him Khalifa b. Khayyat, Tabaqdt (ed. Akram 1;>iya' l·'Umari) (Baghdad, a 44 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA ner;59 they were entrusted with the defence of the section of the ditch, dug by the Medinans against the approaching Syrian army, stretching from Ratij60 until the quarter of the Banu 'Abd Their force was divided into squadrons (kariidis) positioned behind each other.62 They were assaulted by a unit of the Syrian army and called upon to surrender; the commander, Yazid b. Hurmuz, refused and decided to continue the fight.63 It is remarkable that the mawiilt fought in such a steadfast and courageous manner, while the Bami Haritha, who were freemen, forsook their quarter and opened it treacherously, permitting the Syrians to attack their brethren in Medina.s+ Some commentators of the Qur'an stated indeed that verse 14 of Siirat al-ahziib: "If the enemy had entered from all sides and they had been exhorted to treachery, they would have committed it, and would have hesitated thereupon but little," referred to the shameful deed of the Banu Haritha.o> The number of the Umayyad mawdli, the mawiili bani umayya, or mawiilt mu'iiwiya, seems to have been considerable. This can be gauged from a unique report recorded by Ibn Ra's Ghanama. The direct cause of the expulsion of the Umayyads from Medina and the throwing off of the allegiance of Yazid, says the report, was a clash between the people of Medina and the mawiili mu'iiwiya. A powerful flow of water poured one day into Medina and the people hurried to direct the water into their fields (itii amwiilihim). The mawdli mu'iiwiya went out (apparently in order to divert the water into the estates of Mu'awiya - K.) and the people started to fight them (apparently preventing them from carrying out their work - K.) and a clash ensued between them (wa-kharaja mawiili mu'iiwiyata fa-qiitalahum ahlu l-madtnativ. The event took place at the time when Yazid was denigrated (by the opposition - K.) and Ibn aI-Zubayr already had thrown off his allegiance to him, the report remarks. The people of the market hoisted a banner (ja-'aqada ahlu 1387/1967), 249 (... kana ra'sa l-mawdli yauma l-harra ... ), 255; al-Baladhurl, op, cit. rvb, 35, line 5. 59 Abul-'Arab, op. cit., fo1. 53a, ult. 60 See about Ratij: al-Samhudi, op. cit. IV, 1215. 61 See Abu I-'Arab, op. cit., fo1. 53a (from Dhubab until Mirbad al-Na'am, the market of the cattle); al-Samhudi, op. cit. I, 129; IV, 1206, line 1. 62 Abu I-'Arab, op. cit., 53a ult.-53b, line 1: ... qad saffa ashdbahu karddisa, badahum khalfa badtn, i/ti ro'si l-thaniyyati ... 63 Abu l..'Arab, op. cit., fo1. 53b. 64 Al-Samhudi, op. cit. I, 130, penult; Abu l-fArab, op. cit., fol. 53b, inf. 65 Al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir (Cairo, 1314) V, 188,; al-Samhudi, op. cit. I, 131; al-Dlnawarl, op. cit., 265. 45 l-siiqi riiyatan), fought the mawiilt mu'iiwiya and killed (probably some of - K.) them. This caused an upsurge among the people of Medina and they expelled the governor.66 Whatever the historical value of this report, it helps us to gain an insight into the character and the duties of a special group established by the ruler, the mawdli mu'iiwiya. Some of these rnawdli muiiwiya took part in the expedition against 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, as mentioned above. The Umayyads expelled from Medina Ieft the city accompanied by their mawdli. Important details about the formation of. some groups of mawdli can be deduced from the story about the dismissal of the governor of Medina, 'Amr b. Sa'id. When al-Walid b. 'Utba was reinstalled as governor of Medina (in 62 AH) he arrested some three hundred mawiilt and servants (ghilmiin) of the deposed governor. 'Amr secretly sent a messenger to those arrested, and promised to provide them with camels which would halt in the market of Medina; on a given sign the arrested would break the door of the jail, mount the camels and join him in Syria. The plan was indeed carried out successfully.o? These mawiilt thus had personal Ioyalty and attachment; they were not the official guard of the governor, they were the personal property of 'Amr b. Sa'id. The opinion of the new governor, al-Walid b. 'Utba, seems to have been different: He considered them as property of the state, which had consequently to be transferred to the successive governor. For 'Amr b. Sa'Id had fraudulently appropriated to himself the payments sent by the Caliph to the people of Medina and had used these sums for the acquisition of servants and slaves. This was one of the causes for the fact that relations between the people of Medina and the rulers deteriorated and that they felt bitterly about their governor.68 Further instances of Umayyad mawiili, who identified themselves with their masters and fought bravely for their cause, are recorded. A maulii of 'Utba b. abi Sufyan fortified himself with a group of fifty men in Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Al-Tabari, op. cit. op. cit., fol. 74b. 366-367; Ibn Ra's Ghanarna, 66 67 IV, op. cit., fol. 72b. There is however a remarkable report recorded by Ibn Junghul, in his Ta'rtkb (Ms. BM Or 5912, I, I 62b) , according to which the rebelling Medinans under the command of 'Abdallah b. Hanzala arrested the slaves ('abid) of 'Amr b. Sa'Id and got hold of property, possessions and produce in Medina after the return of the deputation from Damascus in 62 AH. The 300 slaves managed to escape according 'Amr b. Sa'Id and succeeded in joining him. 68 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 189, lines 17-18. to a plan devised by 46 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA al-Ta'if; he later surrendered and was executed by 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr in Mecca.s? The role of the mawiili in the struggle between 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr and the Umayyads can be deduced from the story of al-Miswar b. Makhrama. He transferred weapons and coats of mail from Medina to Mecca and distributed them among his trained and steadfast mawdli in order to fight the Syrian troops sent by Yazid, They surrounded him during the fight, trying to defend him; later they abandoned him, but they succeeded in killing several Syrian soldiers.t? The reports quoted above help us to elucidate to some extent the meaning of the two key expressions: "sawdft mu'iiwiya" and "mawdlt mu'iiwiya", The battle of the Harra with its sad result is closely linked to the sawiif] and the mawiili of the Umayyads. IV The Medinans, Ansaris and Qurashites, barring Ibn Mina from access to the estates of Mu'awiya (i.e. the estates of Yazid - K.), argued that his action constitutes hadath and darar. This would indicate that in their opinion the rights of Mu'awiya to these estates were unfounded and his ownership caused damage to their rights. This argument was explicitly formulated in the talk of the deputation of Ansaris and Qurashites who called on the governor of Medina. "You know, they said, that all these estates belong to us and that Mu'awiya preferred others in the granting of payments and did not give us even a dirhem, let alone more.70a This was so until the time when we were pressed by hard time and oppressed by hunger, that Mu'awiya (by exploiting our distress - K.) bought it (i.e. our Iand - K.) by a hundredth of its (realK.) value"."! It is evident that the former landowners considered the acquisition of their property in such a way as an iniquitous transaction by which they were afflicted; they referred to it by the expressions "hadath" and "darar" and considered it void. In their opinion Mu'awiya's ownership was not Iawful and they apparently demanded the restitution of their rights. In a talk with 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, who interceded for the people of Medina, Yazid responded partly to the demands of the Medinans by promising to grant them as an exceptional favour two payments every 69 Al-Baladhurl, op. cit. tvb, 30, lines 12-15. 70 Al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'liim at-nubata'nn, 263. 70a On the delay of payments to the Ansar, Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba I, 194, No. 902. 71 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 169. see Ibn 'Asakir, op, cit. III, 369; 47 year (in summer and in winter) and to fix the price of wheat in Medina at a rate equal to that in Syria.72 Yazid also undertook to repay fully the amounts withheld by Mu'awiya.T' In a slightly different version, in which the terms of Muslim b. 'Uqba were formulated, the two former promises, that of making the price of wheat the same as in Syria and that of giving them two payments a year, are supplemented by a promise to repay the amounts dishonestly taken by 'Amr b. Sa'id.74 The Medinans rejected the terms of the Caliph as conveyed by Muslim b. 'Uqba, The rebelling Medinans had, however, no political programme, nor a plan of action. 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr claimed sagaciously and shrewdly that he demanded only to adhere to the idea of the shurii.75 It is remarkable that it was a courageous mauld, Abu Hurra, who dared accuse 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr of striving to declare himself caliph, not caring to act according to the principle of shiirii which he advocated; he consequently parted company with Ibn al-Zubayr.?» The Medinans, in contradistinction, proclaimed that they would not swear the oath of allegiance to Yazid, as reported in the current sources."? They were overconfident of their victory. They thought that if Syrian troops faced them even for a month they would kill not even one of the Medinans.78 They exerted themselves in imitating the Prophet in their military tactics and strategy and dug ditches in Medina, basing their defence on this device.t? as did the Prophet in the Battle of the Ditch. They were asked by their leaders to swear the oath of fighting until death.s? as did the Companions of the Prophet at al-Hudaybiyya. They heedlessly let the Umayyads and their mawiilt leave Medina, credulously convinced that 72 Lammens, op. cit., p. 242 reads according Mahdsin wa-l-masdwi (I, 101) ¥I and translates: to the version of al-Bayhaqi's al"Le calife s'engage a faire vendre chez vous le froment, au prix du fourrage." The text in Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 170: an aj'ala l-hintata 'indahum ka-si'ri l-hintati "indand; wa-I-hintatu "indahum ... and I, 189: an aj'ala si'ra l-hintati 'indakum ka-si'ri l-bintatt 'indana ... seems to be preferable. 73 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 170. 74 Ibid. I, 189. 75 See al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 16, line 9; 17, line 6; comp, ibid., 29, line 15; 27, lines 11-12; and see ibid. v, 195, lines 9-13; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op. cit., fol. 73a. 76 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. rvb, 27; v, 188. 77 See Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. v, 144, line 18; al-Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 370. 78 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. v, 146: kunnd naqiilu : lau aqdmii shahran md qatalii minnd shay'an. 79 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op, cit. I, 173; Abu I-'Arab, op. cit., fol. 53a; al-Samhudi, op. cit. IV, 1205. 80 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 173; Abu 1·'Arab, op, cit., fol. 53a. 48 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA they would fulfil their solemn oath not to help the Syrian force if it proceeded against Medina, and that they would even try to persuade the Syrian force not to attack Medina.s! They could have successfully used the Umayyads as hostages when they faced the attack of the Syrian force against Medina, as Marwiin himself rightly estimated.sThe Medinan leaders who succeeded in escaping the massacre of the Harra were deeply shocked, disappointed and embittered. They compared their defeat after a short battle, lasting less than a day, with the resistance of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr which lasted six months; the fighting force in Medina numbered two thousand zealous fighters, while 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr fought with a small force and a troop of Khawarij.O It was again Marwan who soundly assessed the fighting forces in his talk with Muslim b. "Uqba, He explained that the common people in Medina had no fighting spirit and that only few of them would fight with resolution and conviction; they also lacked weapons and riding beasts, he remarked.s+ The battle of the Harra is thus seen to be the result of a conflict between the owners of estates and property in Medina and the unjust Umayyad rulers who robbed them of their property. 81 82 83 84 See al-Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 373, lines 5-6; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 171. Ibid. See Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. V, 146, inf.; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 1711, 181. Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 172. 49
Syndicate content