MusaylimaEQ.pdf Musaylima Musaylima b. Thumāma b. Kabīr b. Ḥabīb b. al-Ḥārith b. ɈAbd al-Ḥārith, a leader of the Banū Ḥanīfa and rival of the Prophet. Muslim sources derisively nickname him “Musaylima the liar” (al-kadhdhāb). Musaylima is a diminutive form of Maslama; this can be deduced from a verse of ɈUmāra b. ɈUkayl (Mubarrad, Kāmil, iii, 26). The basis of the rivalry between Muḥammad and Musaylima was the latter's claim to prophethood. Musaylima made his people believe that he was receiving revelation from God the Merciful (al-Raḥmān) through the angel Gabriel. It is essential to stress that Musaylima never denied the prophethood of Muḥammad; he rather claimed that he was destined to share this mission with him. In all their encounters, Muḥammad categorically rejected the quest of Musaylima to share his mission or be appointed Muḥammad's successor after his death. The letters exchanged between them bear clear evidence of their contrasting attitudes. Musaylima wrote to Muḥammad using the title “Messenger of Allāh” and claimed that God bestowed on him partnership in prophethood (fa-innī qad ushriktu fī l-amri maʿaka). “Half of the earth was given to Quraysh and the other half was allotted to us (i.e. to Banū Ḥanīfa), but Quraysh are people who exceed their bounds.” In his response, the Prophet addresses Musaylima as “the liar,” asserts that the earth (in its entirety) belongs to God who gives it “as heritage to whomever he pleases of his servants” (Bayhaqī, Maḥāsin, i, 49). Early traditions may help establish the period of Musaylima's activity and his connections with Mecca. According to reliable sources, he married Kayyisa bint alḤārith of the Meccan aristocratic clan of ɈAbd Shams. Musaylima was her second husband. The Prophet met Musaylima in Medina several times (it is reported that when Musaylima arrived in Medina for the first time accompanied by a unit of Banū Ḥanīfa warriors, he stayed in Kayyisa's grove). In reference to the impertinent demands of Musaylima, Muḥammad refused to give him “even a splinter of a palm branch” which he held in his hand. At a later meeting with a delegation of Banū Ḥanīfa, the members of the delegation decided to embrace Islam, but changed their minds after returning to Yamāma, and aligned themselves with Musaylima instead. Musaylima was held in high esteem: his companions called him “the merciful one of Yamāma” (raḥmān alYamāma). Also, as befitted the usual manner in which holy persons, soothsayers and prophets appeared, he was veiled and disguised. There are many common features and methods in the prophetic careers of Musaylima and Muḥammad. Like Muḥammad, Musaylima claimed to be the recipient of divine revelation. Further, he claimed to heal the sick and work miracles. Naturally enough, Muslim tradition describes his claims to such powers as totally baseless. In Yamāma, Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups who came under his control after the death of Hawdha, the former chief of the area in the service of Persia. In the last years before the Prophet's death, he attempted to establish a social order based on an alliance between the people of Yamāma and tribal groups which moved to Yamāma and settled there. Musaylima erected a safe area (ḥaram) in which certain places inhabited by his allies (qurā al-aḥālīf) were included. According to Muslim sources, the ḥaram was managed in a corrupt way and the Banū Usayyid, who served as its guardians mistreated other groups. When these groups complained, Musaylima did not redress the injustice. Instead, he read to them “the answer he got from heaven,” meaning a verse from his qurɇān: “(I swear) by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate [the sanctity] of the ḥaram”. When the Usayyid continued their transgressions, another verse was released: “[I swear] by the dark night and by the softly treading lion, the Usayyid cut neither fresh nor dry.” The death of the prophet Muḥammad raised the hopes of the community of Musaylima. In one of the speeches said to have been delivered in that period and which was directed to the Banū Ḥanīfa, Musaylima stressed the qualities of his people and his land in comparison with Quraysh and Mecca: “What made Quraysh more deserving of prophethood than yourselves? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than their land. Gabriel (Jibrīl) descends from heaven like he used to descend to Muḥammad.” Musaylima claimed that the revelation transmitted to Muḥammad had ceased with his death and henceforth it would be transmitted to him alone. The feeling that he was now the sole prophet is expressed in a verse attributed to Musaylima: O you, woman, take the tambourine and play, and disseminate the virtues of this prophet! Passed away the prophet of Banū Hāshim, and rose up the prophet of Banū YaɈrub (Ibn Kathīr, Bidāya, vi, 341). Musaylima's adherents grew in number and prestige. The situation in Yamāma inspired a feeling of security and peace. This feeling was, however, shaken by the unexpected arrival of a former soothsayer, who claimed that she had been granted revelations from heaven. Her name was Sajāḥ bt. al-Ḥārith. She was a Christian of the tribe of Tamīm but lived among the Christian Arabs of Taghlib. According to some sources, the forces led by Sajāḥ intended to attack the troops of Abū Bakr under the command of Khālid b. al-Walīd who set out to crush the apostasy (ridda) of the tribes after the Prophet's death. In her forces were warriors from her people and others who joined them. After some skirmishes, she decided to fight Musaylima and conquer Yamāma. Musaylima invited her to meet him in order to negotiate a peaceful solution. He recognized Sajāḥ as his partner in prophethood and declared that the land allotted by God to Quraysh would be transferred to Sajāḥ and her people. The other half would belong to Musaylima. Moreover, Musaylima granted Sajāḥ the crops Yamāma had produced that year and promised her the crops of the next year. Sajāḥ returned to the Jazīra after a few days. (Some reports maintain that Musaylima married Sajāḥ, but differ as to whether she remained with him until his death, or if he cast her off soon after their marriage; cf. Vacca, Sadjāḥ.) Abū Bakr became aware of the rising authority of Musaylima and decided to send Khālid b. al-Walīd at the head of the Muslim army to fight Musaylima and his forces. He wrote a letter to Khālid b. al-Walīd, stressing the power of the Banū Ḥanīfa and their courage. The bravery of Banū Ḥanīfa is said to have been mentioned in q 48:16. On his way to fight Musaylima, Khālid b. al-Walīd informed his army of Abū Bakr's letter concerning Banū Ḥanīfa. In the clashes with the Banū Ḥanīfa, a division of the army that came from those Medinans who had assisted Muḥammad in his emigration from Mecca (the Anṣār) attacked Yamāma and fought bravely together with the Meccans who had fled with Muḥammad (the Muhājirūn). They were summoned to help out in dangerous situations in the bloody battle of ɈAqrabāɇ. At the outset, the Banū Ḥanīfa succeeded in repulsing the bedouin attacks. The solution of Khālid was to put the bedouin fighters of the army behind the lines of the well motivated and steadfast warriors of the Emigrants (Muhājirūn) and Helpers (Anṣār). Cases of exemplary bravery on the part of these groups are recorded in the sources. Eventually, Waḥshī killed Musaylima with his javelin in a place dubbed in the Muslim sources as “the Garden of Death.” According to some far-fetched traditions, Musaylima was 140 or 150 years old when he died in 11/632. The intense loyalty of Musaylima's followers can be gauged from the various stories that have been passed down. A woman who heard about his death exclaimed, “Alas, prince of the believers!” (wā amīr al-muʾminīnāh). A wounded warrior of the Banū Ḥanīfa, in his agony, asked a Muslim warrior to kill him in order to put him out of his misery. Upon hearing of Musaylima's death, he remarked: “A prophet whom his people caused to perish” (nabiyyun ḍayyaʿahu qawmuhu). The Muslim warrior, enraged by these words, gave him the coup de grâce. The belief in the prophethood of Musaylima survived among his believers in the first decades of Islam. His adherents used to gather in the mosque of the Banū Ḥanīfa in Kūfa and the call lā ilāha illā llāh wa-Musaylima rasūlu llāh was heard from the minaret. ɈAbdallāh b. MasɈūd ordered the detention of the followers of Musaylima. Some repented and were released. Those who clung to their faith were executed. M. J. Kister Bibliography Primary: al-Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. Jābir, Futūḥ al-buldān, ed. ɈA. Anīs al-ṬabbāɈ and ɈU. Anīs al-TabbāɈ, Beirut 1958, 119-20 al-Bayhaqī, Abū Bakr Aḥmad b. al-Ḥusayn, Dalāʾil al-nubuwwa, ed. ɈA. al-QalɈajī, 7 vols., Beirut 1985, iv, 79; v, 330 al-Bayhaqī, Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad, al-Maḥāsin wa-l-masāwiʾ, ed. M. Abū l-Fa l Ibrāhīm, 2 vols., Cairo 1961, i, 49 al-Diyārbakrī, Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad, Taʾrīkh al-khamīs, 2 vols. in 1, Cairo 1283, repr. Beirut, ii, 157 Ibn ɈAbd al-Barr al-Namarī, al-Durar fī ikhtiṣār al-maghāzī wa-l-siyar, ed. Sh. Cairo 1966, 270 ayf, Ibn Ḥubaysh, ɈAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad, al-Ghazawāt, ed. S. Zakkār, Beirut 1992 Ibn SaɈd, Ṭabaqāt, Beirut 1957, v, 550 al-KalāɈī, Abū l-RabīɈ Sulaymān b. Mūsā, al-Iktifāʾ fī maghāzī rasūl Allāh wa-l-thalātha al-khulafāʾ, ed. M. ɈAbd al-Wāḥid, 2 vols., Cairo 1970, ii, 435 al-Kalbī, Hishām b. Muḥammad b. al-Sāɇib, Jamharat al-nasab, ed. N. Ḥasan, Beirut 1986, 543 al-Maqrīzī, Taqī l-Dīn Abū l-ɈAbbās Aḥmad b. ɈAlī, Imtāʿ al-asmāʾ, ed. M. M. Shākir, Cairo 1941, 508-9 ed. M. A. al-Nāmisī, 15 vols., Beirut 1999, ii, 100-1 Muqātil, Tafsīr, ii, 555 al-Nuwayrī, Aḥmad b. ɈAbd al-Wahhāb, Nihāyat al-arab fī funūn al-adab, 31 vols., Cairo 1964-92, xix (1975; ed. M. Ibrāhīm), 85-7 Suhaylī, al-Rawḍ al-unuf, ed. ɈA. al-Wakīl, 7 vols., Cairo 1969, iv, 38-9 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, ed. Cairo, iii, 276-300 al-Wāqidī, Kitāb al-Ridda, ed. M. Ḥamīdullāh, Paris 1989, index Secondary: V. V. Barthold, Musaylima, in id., Sočineniya, 10 vols., Moscow 1963-73, vi, 549-74 D. Eickelmann, Musaylima. An approach to the social anthropology of seventh century Arabia, in JESHO 10 (1967), 17-52 V. Vacca, Sadjāḥ, in EI 2, viii, 738-9 W. M. Watt, Musaylima, in EI , vii, 664-5 [Print Version: Volume 3, page 460, column 2] Citation: Kister, M. J. "Musaylima." Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān. General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe. 2 

sanctity.pdf SANCTITY JOINT AND DIVIDED: ON HOLY PLACES IN THE ISLAMIC TRADITION M.J. Kister For Professor P. Shinar, with esteem and friendship. At the end of the first century of the hijra there was an almost unanimous consensus of the Muslim community as to the three distinguished mosques which were recommended as sanctuaries to be visited by the believers. It is noteworthy that the consent of the Muslim orthodox scholars to grant validity to the famous utterance of the Prophet: "You shall set out only for the three mosques .... " 1 was reached after a period of discussion among the scholars of Muslim law, after a close scrutiny of the tradition of the Prophet, and after the approval of the orthodox 1 Diya' al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi, Fada'il bayti I-maqdis, ed. Muhammad MutT' al-l:Iafi~(Damascus, 1404/1983), 39-44, nos. 1-7. See the different versions of the tradition. Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani (= al-AlbanI), Silsilat al-af,ladrthi 1-~af,ll/.Ia(Beirut, 1405/1985), II, 732-34, no. 997. Al-l:Iasan b. Muhammad al-$aghani, Mabariq al-azhar /f sharf,li mashariqi l-anwar (sharf,lu bni malik) (Ankara, 1328), I, 219. AI-FakihI, Ta'n"kh Makka, MS Leiden Or. 463, fols. 352a-54b. Abu TaUb Muhammad b. Muhammad b. IbrahIm, al-Ghaylaniyyat, [al-muntaqa], MS Hebrew University, Ar. 8*, 273, p. 7 inf. MS Br. Mus. Or. 3059, fol. 3a. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qallidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mu~a.Ia I-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 655-56. Nur al-Dln al-HaythamI, Mawaridu l-~am'an ila zawa'idi bni f,libban, eel. Muhammad 'Abd al-Razzliq l:Iamza (Cairo, n.d.), 256-57, nos. 1035-42. AI-Tabarani, al·Mu'jamu l-kabrr, ed. l:Iamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Silafi (n.p., 1404/1983), II, 276-77, nos. 2158-61. AI-Mundhiri, al-Targhrb wa-l-tarhrb, eel. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-l:Iamid (Cairo, 1380/1961), III, 51-54, nos. 1734, 1737, 1739. And see esp. no. 1740: lIalatun /f masjidr khayrun min alft lIaliitin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida l·aq~a. But the tradition recorded in al-Kattllni; Na~m al-mutanathir mina I-f,ladrthi I-mutawatir (Cairo, 1983), 78, no. 58: lIalatun /f = masjidr hiidha khayrun min alft lIalatin /fma siwahu mina I-masajidi ilia I-masjida 1f,larama. AI-Fasawi, al·Ma'riJa wa-l-ta'n"kh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'Umari (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 294-95. See the different versions. Al-SuyutI, Jam'u I-jawami' (Cairo, 1978), I, 893. See the different versions. Idem, Fakihat al-lIayJ wa·anis al-dayJ, ed. Mul,lammad Ibrahim Salim (Cairo, 1408/1988), 215. 'Abdallah b. Mul,1ammadb. Abi Shayba [= Ibn AbI Shayba), al-MuliannaJ /f l-a~adfthi wa-l-athar, ed. 'Abd al-Kha.iiq al-AfghllnI, [reprint) (n.p., n.d.), II, 374 inf.-375 sup. AI-QuI1ubi, TaJsfr [= al-Jami' li~kami l-qur'an], eel. MIlliI~a.fll-Saqqa(Cairo, 1387/1967), XIX, 21. AI-Musharraf b. Murajja, Fa4a'il bayti I-maqdis wa-l-khalll, MS Tiibingen 27, fol. 32a inf.-32b. This work has now been publisheel in Ofer Livne-Kafri, ed., Fada'il Bayt al-Maqdis wa al- Khalil wa al-Sham by Abu al-Ma'a.iI al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja b. IbrahIm al-MaqdisI (Shefaram, Israel: al-Mashriq Press, 1995). See also M.J. Kister, "You shall only set out for three mosques: A Study of an Early Tradition." Le Museon 82(1969), 173-96. 1~ Sanctity Joint and Divided 19 heads of the community. Weighing cautiously the opinions of the scholars in the different regions of the Muslim empire, the influential religious leaders, after hesitations and doubts, gradually consented to extend the tradition recommending to set out only to the sanctuary of the Ka'ba/' so as to include the mosque of the Prophet in Medina. 3 There seems to have been a strong tendency among orthodox scholars to discourage believers from journeys to sanctuaries honored and revered before Islam where they would perform ritual practices. Tradition says that the Aus and Khazraj used to pray in the direction of Jerusalem two years before the hijra of the Prophet" and it is plausible that they intended to continue to set out to Jerusalem after they had embraced Islam. The opposition to journeys to sanctuaries other than those in Mecca and Medina, journeys undertaken on the authority of certain early traditions, is manifest in reports on the authority of the Prophet, in which he dissuaded believers from carrying out their oath to set out to Jerusalem, and convinced them to perform the planned ritual in the mosque of Medina.P Finally, after the consolidation of Umayyad power and the growth of the influence of Syria, the utterance concerning the three mosques quoted above gained almost unanimous approval. As in the case of the former tradition limiting the recommended journey to two mosques (Mecca and Medina), orthodox scholars tried to dissuade the believers from journeys to sanctuaries other than these three mosques. This can be seen in the widely circulated tradition in which the Companions are enjoined not to journey to the mount of Sinai and to perform their ritual practices in the three recommended mosques." The believers however persisted in their veneration of Tiir Stna: commentaries of the Qur'an report many stories 2 Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 375, ll. 2-3: 'an 'abdi Ilahi bni aM I-hudhayl qiiia: la tashuddu l-rihiila ilia ila I-bayti I-'atfq. 3Niir al-Dm al-Haythamt, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 252, no. 1023: inn a khayra ma rukibat ilayhi I-rawal}ilu masjidf hadhii wa-I-baytu I-'atfq. 'Ala' al-Din 'All b. Balaban al-Farisr, al-Ihsiin. bi-tartfbi ~al}fl}i bni I}ibban, ed. Kamal. Yusuf al-Hut (Beirut, 1407/ 1987), III, 70, no. 1614. AI-MundhirI, al-Targhfb wa-I-tarhfb, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-DIn 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo, 1379/1960), III, 63, no. 1775. 4 Mahmtid Ibrahim, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis /f makhtutat 'arabiyya qadfma (alKuwayt, 1406/1985), 365, 1. 3. 5Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Mawarid al-q:am'an, 256, no. 1035. Al-Tabarant, alMu'jam al-kabfr, VII, 320, no. 7258. Ibn al-Athtr, Jiimi' al-u~Ul min al}adfthi I-rasul [::;1, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FaqqI (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 183, nos. 9092-95. 6Niir al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Mawarid al-q:am' an, 252-53, no. 1024. Al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, II, 276, no. 2157. Al-Zurqanl, SharI} al-muwaHa' (Cairo, 1381/ 1961), I, 329-30, 332. AI-Kha~Ib al-Baghdadr, Talkhf~u I-mutashabih /f I-rasm waI}imayatu ma ashkala minhu 'an bawadiri l-ta~l}ffi wa-I-wahm, ed. Sukayna al-Shihabi (Damascus, 1985), II, 866-67, no. 1422. Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaf, II, 274 ult.275 1. 1: sa'altu 'umara: atf I-tura? qala: dati I-tura wa-Ia ta'tiha, wa-qala: Iii tashuddu I-ril}ala ilia ila thalathati masajida. I;>iya' al-Dln al-Maqdist, Faq.a'il bayti I-maqdis, 41. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-a1,ladfthi 1-~al}fI],a,II, 733. 20 M.J. Kister about miracles that occurred on 'fur SIna when the Torah was given to Moses and describe how the mountain split out of awe for God. It was on this occasion that sections of 'fur SIna reached Mecca, Medina and other places; thus the mountains of Uhud, Thabir, Hira', Warqan and Thaur in the Hijaz are splinters of 'fur SIna.7 The traditions speaking of how splinters of 'fur SIna reached Mecca and Medina and how they eventually served as the material out of which the sanctuaries in these cities were built illustrate the idea of the transfer of sanctity and demonstrate its distribution among other holy places. The persistence of the reverence of al-'fur in the popular belief of pious circles is expressed in a question directed to Ibn Hajar al-HaytamI (d. 974 H.), whether Uhud is said to be more holy than Mount SIna.8 ~ufis seem to have continued to journey to Mount SInai al-Junayd is said to have journeyed with a group of ~ufis to 'fur SIna, climbed up the mountain, prayed there, invoked God and a qawwiil chanted such a moving song that the ~ufis who were present could not tell whether they were in heaven or on earth. A Christian monk who was on the mountain was so much impressed by the ritual that convinced by the arguments of the group of Sufis, converted to Islam." AI-'fur is counted among the three places of asylum: Damascus will serve as a refuge for the believers in the period of the bloody wars (maliif},im), Jerusalem will shelter them in the period of the false Messiah (dajjiil), al- 'fur will be their refuge in the time of Yajuj and Majuj.lO The status of a sanctuary was often enhanced by assigning it an additional name referring to a biblical personality or to a holy place already existing in the pre-Islamic period, or by giving it a second name borrowed from a celebrated Muslim sanctuary. The name of Medina, for example, is said to have been al-Makkatiinill or al-Masjid al-aq/?ii.12 Mecca, says a tradition, was called $ahyun;13 this name of course refers 7 See al-Suyutr, al-Durr ol-manthiir jf l-tofsir bi-I-ma'thn» (Cairo, 1314 [reprint Tehran]), III, 119. AI-MajlisT, Bil}ii.r al-anwii.r (Tehran, 1386), XIII, 217, 224, LX, 223, no. 56. 8 Ibn Hajar al-HaytamT, al-Fatii.wii. 1-l}adlthiyya (Cairo, 1390/1970), 187. 9Ibn al-'ArabT, al- Wa~ii.yii. (Beirut, n.d.), 282-83. 10 Al-Suyutr, Jam' al-jawii.mi', I, 744 sup. 11 Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihf l-Shaml, 8ubulu l-hudii. uia-l-rashiid jf strati khayri l-'ibii.d l= al-Sira al-shii.miyya], ed.'Abd al-'AzTz 'Abd al-Haqq Hilmi (Cairo, 1395/ 1975), ill, 424, no. 85. 12 Al-Samhndt, Wafii.'u l-wafii. bi-akhbii.ri dii.ri l-musiafii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi lDIn 'Abd al-Hamrd (Cairo, 1374/1975), I, 23, no. 77. Al-Saliht, ai-Stra al-shii.miyya, ill, 424, no. 78. 13 'AlI b. Burhan al-Dm al-Halabi, Insii.nu l-'uyun jf szmti l-amzni l-ma'mun l= alSira al-I}alabiyya] (Cairo, 1382/1962), I, 240 inf. 'AlI b. Rabban al-Tabart, al-Din wa-l-daula, ed. 'AlI Nuwayhid (Beirut, 1393/1973), 140 sup. And see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidii.yat al-I}ayii.rii., 71: inna lliiha subl}ii.nahu a~hara min ~ahyun ikh/Uan Sanctity Joint and Divided 21 to the celebrated spot mentioned in the Psalms. Another locality identified with Mecca was Faran; it was the place which God provided as lodging for Hajar and her son Isma'I1.14 The mountains of Mecca are said to have been named Faran.15 An additional name attached to Mecca was Kutha, the name of Araham's birthplace.!" Damascus gained a prominent position among the cities frequented by the believers very early on in Islamic times, becoming in effect the fourth holy sanctuary. The status of Damascus and of al-Shiim was established in the opinion of the Muslim community through several predictions and utterances extolling al-Shiim attributed to the Prophet. He is said to have urged the believers to join the fighting forces during the conquest of al-Sluim, stressed the qualities of the people of Sham and the virtues of the various localities in Sham, and called upon the believers to settle in Sham, which, according to the definition of the period, included the area of Syria, Jordan and Filastrn.!" Some commentators of the Qur'an stated that the rabuia mentioned in the Quran (Sura 28, 50) refers to the Ghuta of Damascus.l" Other commentators ascribed the word rabuia to the locality Ramla in Sham, or more precisely in Filastrn.l? The virtues of this locality were further enhanced by stories concerning prophets who were persecuted and who tried to find refuge in Ramla. Such was the case of the prophet Salih , who sojourned for some time in Ramla.r'' the story of the seventy prophets who were driven out of Jerusalem in the period following the refers to Muhammad: al-Kazaruni, Sira, fol. 19a, ll. 5-6. Al-Qurtubl, al-T'liim. bi-ma fi dfni I-na~ara mina I-fasadi wa-I- auham, ed. Ahmad I.IijazI al-Saqqa, 265: sua-Iii khtilafa anna farana makkatu wa-qad qiila fi l-touriiti: inn a llaha askana hajara uia-bnuhii isma'fla [iiriitui: and see 274. Yaqllt , Mu'jam al-buldiin; s.v. Faran. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jauiiib al-~al}ll} Ii-man baddala dfna l-masih, iii, 300-1, 304-6, 312,326,331. 15 Yaqut, Mu'jam, s.v. Paran: qila: huwa ismun li-jibiili makka .. , wa-fi l-tauriiti: mal}mudan 14 ja'a lliihu min sfna'a wa-ashraqa min sa'fr wa-sta'lana min farana; majf'uhu min sfna'a taklimutn: li-miisii 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-ishriiquliu min sa'fra, wa-hiya jibiilu jilas!fna, huwa inzaluhu l-injfla 'ala 'fsa 'alayhi l-saliim; uia-sti'Liinuh.u. min jibiili farana inzaluhu I-qur'ana 'ala mul}ammadin, sallii usn« 'alayhi wa-sal/am. qalii: wa-faran jibiilu makkata. 16 Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, short: ~al}fl} al-Inikhiiri (Cairo, [reprint Beirut]), IX, 214 inf.; Yaqflt , Mu'jam, s.V. Kutha. 'Izz al-Dtn Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-'Azlz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami, fi suknii I-sham, ed. Muhammad Shakur al-Mayadrnt, al-Zarqa' (1407/1987). 18 Muqatil b. Sulayman, Tafsir, MS Ahmet III, 74/2, fol. 30b. 'Izz al-Dtn, Tarqhib ahli I-islam, 39. Abu Hafs 'Urnar b. Muhammad b. al-Khidr al-Mausilr, Kitiib aluinsila (Hyderabad, 1399/1979), V/l, 187 inf.-188 sup. 19 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, ed. Diya' al-Din al-'VmarI (Beirut, 1401/ 1981), II, 299. Al-Majlisi, Bil}ar al-anwar, LX, 202. 20 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 38a. Targhfb ahli I-islam 17 See 22 M.J. Kister death of Luqman, were stricken by hunger and died on one day provide another instance; their graves are in Hamla.P! Luqrnan is said to be buried between the mosque of Ramla and its market+' although another tradition says that he is buried near Tiberias.F' The high position of Ramla is reflected in a tradition recorded on the authority of Ka'b al-Ahbar: On the Day of Resurrection Ramla will argue, interceding on behalf of the people buried in its cemetery, complaining of their being punished even though they are buried in Ramla.24 The problem of the graves of prophets is noteworthy. The number of graves of prophets and saints in a given city serves as a measure of its status and position on the map of holy places as drawn by the Muslim community.r" This concept was deduced from the interpretation of a verse allegedly recorded in the Torah, saying that Sham is God's treasury on earth and in it is God's treasury of His servants; the "treasury of His servants" was said to mean the graves of the prophets: Ibrahim, Ishaq and Ya'qub.26 The stories of Ramla, a town founded in the period of the Umayyads, may serve as a good example for the sanctification of places which did not exist in the early period. Stories about their sanctity became current in the period following their foundation or their conquest. The Prophet is said to have prayed on his nocturnal journey, the isrii'; on the spot on which the mosque of Damascus was later built.27 This event endowed the area of the mosque with its sanctity. We may gain some notion of the beliefs and tenets of the people of Syria concerning the sanctity of the mosque of Damascus from a report about a dispute between two believers as to the value of a prayer in the Damascus mosque and as to the merits of pious deeds and ritual practices in Syria. The famous scholar Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728 H.) was asked his opinion as to 21 Ibid., fol. 133b, ult. Al-Mazandarant, Maniiqib salman (n.p., 1285 [lithograph]), 17. 22 Anonymous, History of the Prophets,' [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 1510, fol. 133b inf. 23 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, 17. 24 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, II, 299. 25 Al-Fakihi, Tti'rikh. Makka, MS Leiden, Or. 463, fol. 357a: dhikru mauq.i'i qubiir 'adhara baniiti ismiiiil 'alayhi l-saliim min masjidi t-hariim ... ; but see al-kalbf'an abf ~alilJ, 'ani bni 'abbasin [r] qiila: fi l-masjidi l-tiariimi qabriini laysa fihi ghayruhuma: qabru isma'fla wa-shu'aybin. AI-FasI, Shifa'u l-gharam bi-okhbiiri l-baladi l-harii (Beirut, [reprint], n.d.), I, 199. Ibn al-Faqlh al-Hamadhant, Kitiib al-buldiin, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 17: uia-qiila 'alayhi l-saliimu inn a qabra hiida washu'aybin wa-~alilJ,in fimii bayna zamzama wa-l-maqiimi wa-inna fi l-ka'bati qabra iholiithi mi'ati nabiyyin wa-ma bayna l-rukni l-yamanf ilii l-rukni l-aswadi qabrii sab'fna nabiyyan. 26 Al-Suyiitf', al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 112 sup.: Ka'b: maktiibun fi l-tauriiti: inn a l-shiima kanzu llahi 'azza wa-jalla min arq.ihi, biha kanzu lliih» min 'ibadihi, ya'nf bihii qubiira l-anbiya'i: ibriihisru: wa-islJ,aqa wa-ya'qiiba .... 27 Abu Hafs 'Urnar al-Mausili, al- Wasfla, V /1, 188. Sanctity Joint and Divided 23 whether one prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus equals ninety prayers [elsewhere], whether it is true that three hundred prophets are buried in this mosque, that a believer who passes a night sleeping in Syria gets the same reward as a believer who passes a night in vigilance in 'Iraq, that a believer who observes a voluntary fast in 'Iraq is like a believer who does not observe such a fast in Syria, and whether God, in blessing the two places, placed seventy parts of the blessing in Syria and only one part in 'Iraq. Ibn Taymiyya denied the tradition about the special value of prayer in the mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus; he did however uphold the view that God is much better praised in this mosque than in any other. He denied the tradition about the three hundred prophets buried in the Damascus mosque and about special rewards for the performance of ritual practices in Syria; but he confirmed that the Prophet praised Syria and set store by the pious deeds of the people of Syria.28 In another of his writings Ibn Taymiyya took exception to the practice of "falsifying" tombs, i.e., falsely ascribing graves to eminent Islamic personages.P" The famous scholar of I},adfth 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Kattant''? made plain his opinion about the graves of prophets: none of the graves is certified except the tomb of the Prophet. Others maintained that the grave of Abraham was also assured. The early author Ibn Sa'd counted as certain the graves of Isma'il under the spout of the Ka'ba, the grave of Hud in Yemen, as well as the grave of the Prophet."! Ibn Taymiyya records as spurious the tomb of Ubayy b. Ka'b in Damascus (he died in Medina), the tombs of Umm Habtba and Umm Salama and the tombs of other wives of the Prophet outside Damascus. It is however probable that there is a tomb of the $al},abiyya Umm Salama bint Yazid b. al-Sakan, who indeed died in Syria. It is probable too that the tomb of Bilal, (the Prophet's mU'adhdhin), is situated at the biib al-~aghfr in Damascus.V Of special interest are the data given by Ibn Taymiyya as to the tombs of caliphs and governors allegedly buried in Damascus. The tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is not genuine; Hiid was sent as prophet in the Yemen and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca; he did not go to Syria. This tomb is in fact that of the pious Mu'awiya b. Yazld b. Mu'awiya, who was Caliph for a short time and died without appointing an heir. The tomb of Khalid (obviously b. WalId) in Hims is Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, ed. Hasanayn Muhammad Makhluf (Beirut, [reprint]), I, 371, no. 226. 29 Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.ii'u l-siriiii l-mustaqim mukhiilafatu a~lJiibi l-jalJfm, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1369), 316-20. 30 Called al-Katabt in the text, see al-DhahabT, Tadhkirat al-lJuffii:; (Hyderabad, 1376/1957), III, 1170, no. 1024 . . 1 Ibn Taymiyya, al-Faiiiuiii l-kubrii, IV, 449. 3 28 1386/1966, 32 Ibid. 24 M.J, Kister said to be that of Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya, the brother of Mu'awiya b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya mentioned above. 'All's tomb is in the government hall (qa/fr al-imiirq,) in Kiifa (not in Najaf), Mu'awiya was buried in the government hall in Damascus and 'Amr (b. al-'A~) was buried in the government hall in Egypt; they were buried there out of fear that the Khawarij would exhume their graves.P Another author, Ibn Junghul (d. 951 H.), identifies some of these spurious tombs.i" We find traditions greatly exaggerating the value of prayers in Damascus; one such tradition says that a prayer in the mosque of Damascus is worth thirty thousand prayers performed in another mosque.V' Damascus was included in the list of the four cities of Paradise on earth, the others being Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem. 36 A peculiar list of the cities of Paradise is recorded on the authority of Ka'b alAhbar; it includes Jerusalem, Hims, Damascus, Bayt Jibrln and ~aIar in Yemen.P" A different tradition, said to have been transmitted by Yarnani historians, records Damascus, Marw, and ~an'a'.38 A ShI'Y source records another list of Paradise cities: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, and "a city between Sayhan and Jayhan called al-Mansiira and guarded by angels, which is in fact Ma~Y~a."39 The particular flavor of traditions dedicated to the praises of Syria and Damascus is reflected in a tradition ascribed to the Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: when God created the world He divided Good Ibid., 450-451. Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, MS Br. Library, Or. 5912/1, fol. 36b (the tomb of Hud in the mosque of Damascus is the tomb of Mu'awiya; and see ibid. on the tombs of 'Amr b. al-'A:;;and 'AlI). 35 Al-Safftirf, Nuzhat al-majiilis wa-muntakhab al-nafii'is (Beirut, n.d.), 341 inf. 36 Muhammad b. Tulun al-Salihl, al-Qalii'id al-jauhariyya If ta'rfkhi l-~iilil}iyya, ed. Muhammad Ahmad Dahman (Damascus, 1401/1981), II, 513. Isma'tl Muhammad al-'Ajliinf l-Jarrahr l= al-Jarraht], Kashf al-khafii' wa-muzflu l-ilbiis 'ammii shtaham mina l-al}iidfthi 'alii alsinati l-niis (Beirut, 1351), I, 450 sup., no. 1466. 'AlI b. Muhammad b. 'Araq al-Kinanf l= Ibn 'Araq], Tanzihs: I-shari'ati l-marfii'a 'ani l-al}iidzthi l-shani'ati l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latrf and 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Beirut, 1399/1979), II, 48, no. 7. Al-Dhahabi, Mfziin ali'tidiil If naqdi l-rijnl, ed. 'All Muhammad al-Bijawt (Cairo, 1382/1963), IV, 346, no. 9400. Ibn al-Jauzt, Kitiibu l-mau(lii'iit, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman "Uthman, al-Madtna al-munawwara (1386/1966), II, 51. Al-Shaukant, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a If l-al}iidzthi l-mau(lii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya l-Mu'allarnr l-Yamanr (Beirut, 1392),428, no. 1229, and see the editor's comments. 37 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh, II, 304. Al-Shaukanr, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 428, no. 1229, and see al-Fasawr, ibid,. the cities of Hell: Qustantrniyya, al-Tuwana, Antakiyya, Tadmur and ~an'a' in Yemen; al-Shaukanf however stresses that by ~an'a' of Hell the city ~an'a' in Rum is meant. 38 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, p. 428, no. 1230. 39 Muhammad b. al-Fattal al-Naysaburt, Roudatu. l-wii'i~fn, ed. Muhammad MahdI l-Sayyid Hasan al-Kharsan (Najaf, 1386/1966), 409: arba'u madii'in min a l-janna: 33 34 makkatu wa-I-madznatu wa-baytu l-maqdis wa-madfnatun bayna sayl}iin wa-jayl}iin yuqiilu lahii mansiira wa-hiya masisa maMii~atun bi-I-malii'ikati. Sanctity Joint and Divided 25 (al-khayr) into ten parts; nine-tenths He placed in Syria, and one part in the rest of the world. Similarly God divided Evil (al-sharr) into ten parts: one part He placed in Syria, and nine parts in the rest of the world.t" The location of the bad things of the rest of the world were located deduced from a tradition about a conversation 'Umar held with Ka'b al-Al)bar when they established the place of the mosque of Jerusalem. 'Umar was invited on that occasion by the people of 'Iraq to visit them in the same way as he visited the people of Jerusalem, but was swayed by Ka'b to refuse the invitation; Ka'b argued that 'Iraq contained the rebellious jinn, that Hartlt and Marilt taught people witchcraft in 'Iraq and that 'Iraq harbored nine tenths of the world's evil (shan,); the people of 'Iraq, in addition, were affected by an incurable disease: they were too wealthy.'! Needless to say, this is a manifest Syrian anti-Traqi tradition. It is only to be expected that there should be a widely circulated prophetic tradition forbidding the performing of prayers in the "Land of Babil," because the land of Babil is cursed.v' The people of Shiim, says an utterance ascribed to the Prophet, will continue to fight their enemies for a just cause until the last of them will fight the Dajja1.43 The Prophet predicted that Sham would be conquered and summoned the believers to move to the conquered territories, as Shiim was the best of the lands and its people would be the chosen 40 Al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 198, no. 8881. Nnr al-Din al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba' al-fawa'id (Beirut, 1967), X, 60. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa, II, 295. 41 Al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal fi sunan al-aquiiil wa-I-af'al (Hyderabad, 1390/1970), XVII, 120, no. 376. 42 Ibn Tayrniyya, al-Iqtitf,a', 81. Ibn AbI Shayba, cl-Musanna], II, 377: 'AlI: ... mii kuntu u~alli bi-ardia khusifa biha thaliuha marratin. And see ib.: 'an 'aliyyin annahu kariha l-saliita fi l-khusii]. And see ib.: anna' aliyyan marra bi-janibin min babil falam yu~alli biha. Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri; IV, 189. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 96. L 'A, s.v. bbl. Al-Bayhaqt, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Hyderabad, 1346), II, 451: 'AlI inn a I],abfbi sall« lliilu» 'alayhi wa-sallam nohiini an u~alliya fi l-maqburati wanahanz an u~alliya fi ardi biibila [a-innahii mal'iinatun. Mubarak b. Muhammad Ibn al-Athrr, Jiimi' al-usiil min al],adithi l-rasiil [~], ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqT (Cairo, 1370/1951), VI, 314, no. 3673. 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'ilu 1imam ahmad b. hanbol, ed. 'AlI b. Sulayrnan al-Muhanna (al-Madlna al-rnunawwara, 1406/1986), I, 228-29, no. 309 and see the references of the editor. 43 Nnr al-Dtn al-Haythamt, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 60-61 sup. Abu 'AlI Hanbal b. Is/:laq al-Shaybanr, Kitiib al-fitan [al-juz' al-rabi'], MS ~ahiriyya, rnajmu'a 38/4, fol. 46b. Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalant, Listitu: l-mzzan (Hyderabad, 1331 [reprint]), VI, 223, no. 785: 'an abi hurayrata marfii'an: tn taziilu 'i~abatun min ummati yuqatiliina 'ala nbuuibi dimashqa uia-mii I],aulaha wa-'ala abwabi bayti l-maqdisi uia-mii I],aulaha la yatf,urruhum khidhliinu man khadhalahum ~ahirzna 'ala l-haqqi ilii an taqiima l-sii=atu. AI-BukharT, al-Ta'rzkh al-kabir (Hyderabad, 1384/1964), IV, 248, no. 2691 [II, 2 of the MSj. Diya' al-Dfn al-Maqdisr, Fatf,a'il bayt al-maqdis, 72-3. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ia'rikli, II, 297-98. 26 M.J. Kister among the believers.v' The Prophet said that no good could be expected among the believers if the people of al-Shiitti were corrupted.t" According to another version the Prophet stated that there would be no good in his community if the people of al-Shiim perished: 'ani l-nabiyyi, sollii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qiila: idha halaka ahlu l-shami [a-lii khayra fi ummatf.46 During the bloody war with Syria no less a person than 'All prohibited cursing its people because among them were the saintly abdal.47 An eminent holy place in Syria, the mountain of Qasiyiin, was ordered by God to give up its shade and blessing in favor of the mountain of Jerusalem (jabal bayt al-maqdis). As a reward God will order to erect on this mountain a House in which He will be worshipped for forty years after the devastation (kharab) of the world.j" It is evident that this tradition gives us an instance of the idea current in popular Islamic tradition about the mutual dependence and coordination of sanctuaries in the Muslim world. This belief is clearly reflected in the stories of the holy places and their virtues. The mountain of Qasiyun is also the place where Jesus and his mother found refuge when they escaped the persecution of the Jews; on this mountain the son of Adam killed his brother, and on the slopes of this mountain Abraham was born.f? This is an innovative tradition about the birthplace of Abraham. The traditions mentioned above are often denied; the story saying that Abraham was born on this spot is firmly rejected.I'" The cave in this mountain was famous for the efficacy of prayers and invocations; the prophet Ilyas sought refuge in this place; Ibrahim, Musa, elsa and Ayyub prayed and made invocations in this cave;51 the place was known as the mustaghath al-anbiya' and is, in connection with this virtue, linked with the story of the Prophet. When the Prophet faced a plot of the unbelievers against him in Mecca and suffered from their persecution, he wished to set out to this cave in order to invoke God to damn them; JibrIl however persuaded him to seek refuge from his people in one of the caves of Mecca.52 Nflr al-Drn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, X, 58-59. Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112-13. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rikh, II,295-96. 46 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib ai-fit an, MS Br. Mus. Or. 9449, fo!. 61b. 47 Al-Mazandarant, Manaqib Salman, 17. Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitiib al-fitan, fo!' 62a. Al-Fasawl, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rfkh, II, 305 inf. 48 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 88. 49 Ibn Tultm, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 89. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. 50 Ibn Tulun, al-Qala'id al-jav.hariyya, I, 90 sup.; see the different versions about the place in which Abraham was born. 51 Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhr'ij al}adfth faga'ili I-sham wa-dimashq, 43, no. 19. 52 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz al-'v.mmal, XVII, 121, no. 378. Ibn TIilfln, al-Qala'id 44 45 Sanctity Joint and Divided 27 The stories about the virtues of holy places stress, as mentioned above, the coordination of sanctuaries with each other, a fact that increases the efficacy of the ritual practices. Thus anyone who begins a pilgrimage to Mecca, or an 'umra, from the mosque of al-Aqsa, God will forgive him the sins he committed in the past.53 The Prophet stated that a pilgrimage performed from 'Uman has the value of two pilgrimages. 54 He who visits both the tomb of the Prophet in Medina and the tomb of Abraham in Hebron in the same year will enter Paradise.P'' In a later period of Islam, in the stormy times of revolts in the Muslim empire, during which the journey to Mecca and Medina was impeded or even made impossible, Hebron became a substitute for Medina. According to a tradition ascribed to the Jewish convert Ka'b al-Ahbar, a believer who is impeded from visiting the tomb of the Prophet in Medina should visit the tomb of Abraham in Hebron.P" Another Jewish convert, 'Abdallah b. Salam, is said to have stated that a visit to the grave of Abraham and a prayer performed at the tomb is "pilgrimage of the poOr."57 The Prophet predicted that Hebron would become a place of refuge. Unfortunately a certain Companion of the Prophet, one of the leaders of the revolt against 'Uthman, who sought refuge in Hebron at the time of Mu'awiya, was caught there by a man of Mu'awiya's forces. He asked for his life, arguing that he was one of the "People of the Tree" (i.e., the Companions who swore allegiance to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya, ashiib al-shajara); the rude soldier responded, however, that there were plenty of trees in Hebron and killed him. 58 The al-jauhariyya, I, 93-95. Al-Mausili, al- Waslla, V/1, 188. Muhammad Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanl, Takhrlj al}adlth ... , 45-46, no. 21. 53 Al-'A.qillI, 'Arf al-tib min akhbiiri makkata wa-madinati l-hobtb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 79a inf. Al-Dhahabi, Mfzan al-i'Lidiil, III, 483, no. 7236. Ntir al-Dln alHaythamr, Mnuiiiridu. l-~am'an, 251-52, no. 1021. Nasir al-Dtn al-Albanr, Silsilatu l-al}adfthi l-tf.a'ifa wa-I-maw!u'a (Beirut, 1405/1985), I, 248, no. 211; and see the comments of al-Albant. Diya'u I-DIn al-Maqdisi, Fatf.a'il bayti l-maqdis, 88, no. 59; and see ibid. 89-90, nos. 60-62. AI-Wasip, Fatf.a'ilu l-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979),58-59, nos. 91-92; and see the references of the editor. AI-BayhaqT, al-Jiimi' li-shu'abi I-Iman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy 'Abd al-Hamld Hamid (Bombay, 1409/ 1988), VII, 578-79, no. 3737; and see the references of the editor. 54 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindl, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 264, no. 1460. Nasir al-DTnal-Albani, Silsilatu l-alJad!thi 1-tf.a'lfa ... , I, 249, no. 213. 55 Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'atu l-rasii' iii l-kubrii (Beirut, 1392/1972), II, 356: al-risiila fll-kalam 'ala l-qu~~a~; the tradition is marked by Ibn Taymiyya as lJadlth kadhib maudu'. 56 Anonymous, History of the Prophets [Arabic], MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 54b. Al-Khuwarizmr, Mukhiasar ithiiraii l-targhlb wa-I-tashwlq ua l-masiijidi l-thaliithati wa-ilii. l-bayti l-i aiiq, MS Br. Mus. Or. 4584, fols. 21b, 27b. 57 Anonymous, History of the Prophets, MS Br. Mus. Or. 15lO, fol. 55a. 58 Ibn al-Athtr, Usd al-qhiiba fI ma'rifati l-sahiiba (Cairo, 1280 [repr. Tehran]), III, 3lO sup.; and see ibid. the prediction of the Prophet: sa-yakhruju nasun min ummatl yuqtaluna bi-jabali l-khalil. 28 M.J. Kister Prophet stated that the mountain of Hebron was sacred and was revealed by God to the prophets of the Banii Isra'il in olden times as a place of refuge to which they might escape in a period of sedition (fitna) in order to preserve their belief (dmuhum).59 Jesus, when he passed by Hebron, is said to have asked God to bestow on that town the following graces: he asked to turn the mountain of Hebron into a secure asylum for every frightened person (khii.'if), to make the people of the mountain secure from wild beasts, and to remain fertile when all other places would be affected by drought.f" A miraculous story links the building of the tomb of Abraham in Hebron with the person of Sulayman. Sulayman was ordered in a dream to build a tomb on the grave of God's Friend, Abraham, in order that he may be known by it. The dream repeated itself three times during three nights; but Sulayman did not know the place. He asked God about it and was guided by Him to the required spot, from which light rises to heaven. When Sulayrnan got up in the morning he saw the place, put a mark on it and the jinn built the tomb for him at this spot. One can see how huge the stones of the tomb are: ten men or more cannot carry a single stone. When the tomb was about to be finished Sulayrnan left the tomb through its top part; the building was then closed from all sides and none could enter it. The visitors to the tomb could perform the ritual practices of the ziyii.ra from outside the building only. When the Crusaders captured the city they opened a door in the building and turned it into a church; they made drawings of the graves of the ancestors inside the building assigning them individually to Abraham, Ishaq, Ya'qub etc. Things went on unchanged in this manner until the time of the author.v' A tradition ascribed to Ibn 'Abbas reports how God sanctified the place of the grave of Abraham. When God decided that Abraham was to die He announced this to the world. The hilly plain of Hibra stood humbly up in the Presence of God and He addressed Hibra: "You are my chosen one, you are my holy one, you are my sanctuary (anti baytu maqdisf), in you I placed the treasury of my knowledge, upon you I shall let down my mercy and my blessings, and to you I shall gather my servants (on the Day of Resurrection). Therefore blessed is the man who puts his forehead on you (i.e., on the tomb erected upon you), prostrating himself in front of Me; I shall let him drink from the Presence of my 59 Nu'aym b. Harnmad, Kitab ol-fitan, MS Br. Mus., fol. 65b: qiila rasiilu lliihi: jabalu l-khalUi jabalun muqaddasun wa-inna l-fitnata lamma zaharat fi banI isra'lla aul}a llahu ta'ala ila anbiya'ihim an yafirru bi-dlnihim ila jabali l-khalili. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 260, no. 1429 (from Nu'aym's Fitan); and see this tradition ibid., XIII, 247, no. 1370. 60 Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitab al-fitan, fol. 65a. 61 Al-'AbdarI l= Ibn al-Hajj], al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), IV, 258. Sanctity Joint and Divided 29 Holiness, and shall grant him security from the horrors of the Day of Resurrection and shall lodge him in Paradise by my Mercy. Therefore blessed are you, blessed are you, blessed are you, I shall bury my Friend (Abraham) in you.,,62 According to AbU Bakr Ahmad b.'Amr b. Jabir, scholars of the Prophetic tradition (ahl al-'ilm al-sharif) have unanimously endorsed the validity of the location of the graves of Abraham', Ishaq, and Ya'qub, and their wives. Any believer who goes against this is a man of evil innovations, one who embraces deviations or who is in error: mii yat'anu fi dhiilika illa mjulun min ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zayghi wa-l-¢alalati, na'iidhu bi-lliihi min dhalika.63 The texts of the invocations and prayers said at the tomb were prescribed in great detail and the order of the visit, including the visit to the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, was carefully planned. After visiting the tombs of the patriarchs and their wives, the believers were urged to go down to the grave of Joseph (yiisuf [!D in the valley (al-wad'l [!D and make an invocation there. Believers who visited the tomb in the past claimed that their prayers, invocations, and supplications were answered.P" Ibn al-Hajj warns visitors to the grave not to attend the vicious innovative practices of the people of Hebron who dance and sing in groups after the afternoon prayer (~alat al-' a$1"). He recommends that believers refrain from taking part in the afternoon performances, when drums and trumpets are beaten; such a performance they call naubat al-kholil. Another reprehensible innovation is the distribution of lentils which they call al-' adas cl-ibriihimi. Ibn al- J.Iajj points out that the designation al'adas al-ibriihimi is incorrect, as Abraham did not entertain his guests with lentils.P'' It was once again Ibn Taymiyya, that stalwart opponent of the tomb worship, who was adamant in denying the legendary stories about the building of the tomb. These stories he ,branded as unfounded inventions. He also rejected the tradition that Jibril bade the Prophet pray at the grave of his ancestor Abraham during his nocturnal journey, and perform a prayer at the birthplace of his brother Jesus. People of knowledge unanimously considered these traditions invented lies. Bayt Lahm was a church of the Christians, and there was no merit in visiting it by Muslims, whether it was the birthplace of Jesus or not. None of the 62 Al-Khuwarizrnl , Mukhiasur ithiirat al-targhlb, MS fol. 28b. Baha' al-Drn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS Hebrew University, fol. 13a-b. 63 Baha' al-Dln Ibn 'Asakir, Hisiila /f jaq.a'il bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 14a. Khuwarizrnl, Muklitasar ithiirat al-tarqhib, MS fol. 14a. 64 Baha' al-Din Ibn 'Asakir, Ristila /f jaq.a'ili bayti l-maqdis, MS fol. 13b-14a. Khuwarizrnl , Muklitasar ithiirati l-iarqhib, MS fol. 40b. 65 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 259. Ibn AlAl- 30 M.J. Kister Companions nor any of the successors of the Companions, the tiibi' un, went to pray or make invocations at the grave, or even to visit it. The believers had come more than once with 'Umar to ol-Sluim, and some of the Companions settled there but none of them had practiced things of this kind, and no mosque had been built on the grave at all. Only when the Christians captured Syria because of the impious rafiq,a (ShrI extremists) who ruled Egypt, and gained control of the coastal territories and other localities, did they cut through Abraham's sepulchral chamber and set up a door over the tomb. It was the Christians who turned it into a place of worship, not the ancestors of the believers or pious Muslims.P" Places and localities are rewarded according to their sympathy and help for sanctuaries and saintly believers afflicted by distress; vicious places and sinful groups are accordingly punished. According to a report of Ka'b (al-Ahbar}, Qustantiniyya rejoiced at the devastation of Jerusalem (kharab bayt al-maqdis); God reproached the vicious city and predicted that He would severely punish the sinful city.67 In contrast to Qustantiniyya, the attitude of Kaskar was sympathetic: when Bukhtanassar destroyed Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) all the places on earth wept; but Kaskar surpassed all other places in weeping. As a reward, God promised that a mosque would be built there, where there would be abundant supplications and invocations to which God would respond favorably. People explained the prediction as a reference to the mosque of Wasit.68 Even birds are rewarded or punished according to their feelings towards the ruined sanctuaries dear to the hearts of the believers: the Prophet forbade killing swallows (al-khatt.Wi:j) because they wept for the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem.P'' Sometime there is an evident political tendency in this kind of traditions. ShrI stories concerning the role of Basra belong to this category: Heaven and Earth are said to have wept when Husayn was killed. The only ones who did not weep were Basra, Damascus and the family of al-Hakam b. al-'A~.7o 66 Ibn Taymiyya, /qtiq.a' al-~irat, 319, 331, 438-39; see e.g. 438: wa-/lhi ma huuia mina l-mauq.u'ati l-rnukhtolioiit. mithlu mii yarwihi ba'q.uhum /lhi: "anna l-nabiyya scllii lliiln: 'alayhi wa-sallam qiila lahs: jibril: hii.dha qabrw abika ibrahima, inzil [asolli /fhi, ura-hiidhii baytu la~.min maulidu akhika 'tsa, inzil [a-solli /fhi." And see 439: wa-baytu lahmit: kanisatun min kana'isi l-na$ara, laysa /f ityaniha /aq.ilatun 'inda l-muslimina, sawa'an kana maulida 'isa au lam yakun .... 67 Abu Bakr Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Naqqash , Shi/a'u l-$udur al-muhadhdhab /f iafsiri l-qur'tin; MS Chester Beatty 3389, fol. 40a sup. Ibn al-FaqIh al-Hamadhanr, Kiiiib al-buldan, ed. M.J. De Goeje (Leiden, 1885), 146. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahant, lfilyat al-auliya' (Beirut, 1387/1967), VI, 45. 68 Bahshal, Ta'rikh. wasit, ed. Kurkts 'Awwad (Baghdad, 1387/1967), 35. 69 Al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 187b sup. 70 AI-MajlisT, BilJ,ar al-anwar, LX, 205; but 211: baka 'alayhi jami'u ma khalaqa Sanctity Joint and Divided 31 The imam Ja'far b. Muhammad recorded sixteen groups of people hostile to the ShfI belief and the shrr community, among them the people of Sijistan, Rayy, Mausil, and Baghdad,"! 'AlI enumerated the vices of Basra, to which he added a forceful curse on the city. 72 Hudhayfa is stated to have said that the people of Basra would not open the gate of righteousness [bab al-huda] or leave the gate of error. The flood had been removed from all the places on earth except Basra.?" To 'Abdallah [b. 'Amr] is attributed the saying that the footprints of Ibiis are extant in Basra, but that he hatched his eggs in Egypt.I" The Prophet is said to have prohibited the believers to enter the city of Basra itself, warning them from earthquakes; he recommended however that they should visit the suburbs of Basra.?" As against the ShrI descriptions of the vices of Basra and the predictions about its gloomy fate there are however traditions in praise of the city, The Prophet is said to have stated: "I know a place named al-Basra; it is a locality most direct in the position of the qibla, it has the greatest number of mosques and callers for prayer (mu'adhdhinun) and it will be better protected from distress than other places."?" It is evident that these contradictory utterances reflect of the political struggles of the early Islamic period. The assignment of varying degrees of sanctity to various sanctuaries brought about competition between them, in contrast to the idea of coordination between them. This is seen clearly in the literature of the faq,a'il. The rivalry was often prompted by political struggles in the Muslim empire, by ethnic rivalry and by the contests between the religious factions. In a very early period of Islam the sanctity of Damascus was confronted with that of al-Kiifa. 'All marked al-Kufa as the treasure of belief, the convincing argument of Islam, the sword of God and His spear; God will aid the victory of the believers in the easternmost as well as in the westernmost parts of the earth through the people of KIifa as lliihs: ut« thaliithata ashyli'a: al-basra wa-dimashq wa-lilu 'uthmlina. Bihnr, LX, 206, no. 5. 72 Al-Majlisr, Bihiir, LX, 204; and see the lengthy speech of 'AlI and his curse of Basra: ibid. 224, 226. 73 AI-MuttaqI l-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummlil, XI, 207, no. 973. 74 Yahya b. Ma'In, Ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad NOr Yiisuf (Mecca, 1399/1979), II, 323, no. 3541. 75 Ibn 'Araq, Tanzfh al-short' o, II, 51, no. 15. Al-Muttaqt l-Hindr, Kanz, XIII, 264, no. 1457. Al-Shaukanl, al-Fawii'id al-majmii'a, 434, no. 1241. 76 Al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 90a: sa-yu~lbu ahla I-kiifati balli' un shadId wa-sli' ira l-amstiri illii ahla l-basrati fa-innahli aqwamuha qiblatan .... 71 Al-Majlisr, Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, al-Matiilibi: l-'aliya, IV, 163, no. 4240; Abo Dharr transmits an utterance of the Prophet: [a-ammii ahlu l-basrati fa-aqwamu l-amsiiri qiblatan waaktharuhu mu'adhdhinan, yadfa'u lliihs: 'anhum mii yakrahiina. Abo Nu'aym, lfilya, VI, 349. AI-MuttaqI l-Hindt, Kanz, XIII, 264, nos. 1458-59. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzlh al-sharii a, II, 58, no. 33. 32 M,J. Kister He did through the people of the ~ijaz.77 The Companion 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud reported the following utterance of the Prophet: when the Prophet was engaged in his isrii' to the lowest heaven (al-sama' al-dunya), Jibril showed him the mosque of Kiifa. The Prophet asked about the place and Jibril explained that it was a blessed mosque, containing an abundance of good (kathfru lkhayri) and possessing great blessing ('a?i"mu l-baraka). God chose it for His people and it will intercede for them on the Day of Resurrection.I'' According to another utterance of the Prophet, Jibril showed him the place of the mosque of Ktifa during his mi'raj to Heaven (lamma u'rija bi" u« l-sama'), and explained that that was the mosque of his ancestor Adam; he enjoined him to go down and pray two rake as there; the Prophet went down and performed the two rak'as there.I? Needless to say, the story of Kufa as a "station" for the Prophet's prayer during his nocturnal journey corresponds to the pro-Syrian story of the station of the Prophet's prayer in Damascus.f? We find indeed an authoritative utterance of the imam AbU Ja'far (al-Baqir) stating that the four distinguished mosques are the mosque in Mecca (al-masjid al-lJ,aram), the mosque of the Prophet, the mosque of Jerusalem and the mosque of Kufa, A prescribed prayer (al-fari"~a) in them has the value of a pilgrimage; a supererogatory prayer (al-nafila) has the value of an 'umra "the minor lJ,ajj.,,81 'All, according to one story, told a believer who was about to set out for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to sell his camel, to consume his provisions, and to pray in the mosque of Kufa.'AlI's recommendation is formulated in the same way as Prophet recommendation to perform the prayers in the mosque of Medina instead of making the journey to Jerusalem.V The mosque of Kufa is one of the four distinguished mosques; a rake a in this mosque has the value of ten rake as in any other mosque; the blessing (al-baraka) of the mosque extends for twelve miles; in the corner of the mosque there burned the oven of the flood; Abraham prayed at the fifth column of the mosque; a thousand prophets and a thousand "trustees" (wa$i") prayed there. The mosque harbors the rod of Moses and the gourd-plant (yaqti"n). Ya'uq and Yaghiith (two idols worshipped in ancient times) perished there; the mosque is the Fiiriiq (that which 77Yaqut, Mv.'jam al-bv.ldiin, s.v. al-Kufa, 78Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b.'AlI b. al-Hasan al-'Alawf al-Hasant, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja wa-fatf.lv. ahlihii, MS :r;ahiriyya, rnajami' 93, fol. 282b. Muhammad b. al-Fattal alNaysaburt, Rauda: al-wii'i~7:n, 336-37. 79Al-Hasani, Fatf.lv. l-ku.Ja, MS fol. 283b. 80See above, note 28. 81See Ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~tf.v.rv.hv. l-jaqih; ed. Hasan al-Musawt l-Kharsan (Beirut, 1401/1981), I, 148, no. 683 (and the four mosques chosen by God: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem and Kiifa; al-Majlisi, Bi~iir, LX, 204, ult.-205). 82See above, note 5. Sanctity Joint and Divided 33 distinguishes between right and wrong); from the mosque there is a path to the mountain of Ahwaz, In this mosque is the Nuh's place of prayer (mu!fallii). From this mosque there will be gathered seventy thousand of the believers who will enter Paradise without being interrogated or judged (laysa 'alayhim lJ,isiib). Its center rests in one of the gardens of Paradise, it contains three of the wells of Paradise which remove the filth and purify the believers. If the people would know the virtue of the mosque they would come crawling towards it.83 Some of the commentators of the Qur'an used their freedom to interpret the word rabwa (Sura 23:50) as denoting Kiifa, and the word ma'fn as denoting the Euphrates.t" It is evident that this is a Shi'I interpretation of the words of the Qur'an which was meant to confront the Umayyad, pro-Syrian interpretation mentioned above.f" Since ancient times the Jews used the outskirts of Kilfa as a burial ground for their dead; they believed that seventy thousand dead would be raised from this cemetery on the Day of Resurrection and would enter Paradise without being subjected to questioning and judgment. When 'All heard this opinion from the Ra's Jalut he countered that the seventy thousand to be raised on the Day of Resurrection and introduced to Paradise would be believing Muslims. 'AlI asserted that the grave just outside al-Kufa was that of Yahudha b. Ya'qiib, as well as the grave of Hud.86 'All bought the territory between Najaf and al-Htra as far as al-Kiifa from the dihqiins and paid forty thousand dirhams for it. The purpose of the transaction was to enable the believers to rise on the Day of Resurrection from land belonging to 'AlIP A similar transaction was carried out in ancient times by Ibrahim: he acquired these very lands from the people of Baniqiya, paying a hundred sheep (ghanam); Baniqiya in Aramaic means a hundred sheep. He consecrated the place whose sanctity was revealed to him and named it al-Qadisiyya. This territory thus became the point from which Ibrahim set out for his hijra.88 At the end of time, during the unjust wars (jitan), when the mahdf will be sent, the happiest people will be the people of Kiifa.89 Never will a tyrant (jabbiir) set out to annihilate it without being afflicted by God with a mortal blow.P? 83Yaqllt, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. al-Kiifa. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Rau4at alwa'i~fn, 410 inf. 84 AI-I:IasanT, Fa41u l-kiifo; MS fols. 289a-b. AI-MajlisT, Bii}iir, LX, 202. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wa'i~fn, 408. 85 See above at notes 19-20. 86 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiifa, MS fols. 286b, 287a-b, 288a. 87 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, MS fo1. 286a. 88AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u l-kiija, fols. 284b.-85a. 89 Ibn Babuyah al-Qummr, Man Iii yai}4uruhu I-/aqfh, I, 150 inf. (the mahdi will pray in the mosque of Kiifa). AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283a. 90 AI-I:IasanT,Fa41u I-ku/a, fo1. 283b. AI-MajlisI, Bii}iir al-anwiir, LX, 211, no. 18. 34 M.J. Kister Ibrahim is said to have intended to utter an invocation against the people of 'Iraq; but God forbade him to do so because He had placed among the people of 'Iraq the treasures of His knowledge and located mercy in their hearts.P! In a significant tradition attributed to Ja'far al-Sadiq he is said to have defined the values of the three distinguished mosques and counted the rewards for ritual practices performed in them: Mecca, Medina, and Kufa are the harosn of God, of the Prophet and of 'All; one prayer in Mecca has the value of a hundred thousand prayers elsewhere, and one dirham given there as charity (~adaqa) has the value of a hundred thousand dirhams. In Medina one prayer has the value of ten thousand prayers and one dirham has the value of ten thousand dirhams. In Kilfa one prayer has the value of a thousand prayers, but the value of one dirham given as charity is not mentioned.F The sanctity of the haram of Kufa is here explicitly and authoritatively confirmed as a distinguished third sanctuary approved of by God, the Prophet and 'Ali; Jerusalem is not mentioned at all, but is replaced by Kilfa.93 A concise utterance by 'All records clearly the tradition of the three distinguished mosques: the believers shall set out only to the three mosques of Mecca, Medina, and Kufa (... wa-qiila amiru l-rnu'rninis: 'alayhi l-saliimu: Iii tush addu l-rilJ,iilu ut« ilii thaliithati masiijida: almasjidi l-hartimi, wa-masjidi rasuli lliihi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallama, wa-masjidi l-kufati). 94 Kilfa is the only place which expressed loyalty to 'Ali's authority and upheld the legitimacy of 'Ail's inheritance, the wiliiya.95 Kufa's loyalty to 'AlI's authority (wiliiya) was the reason why it was put on the cosmic map of virtues of the various distinguished places. This was reported in a Shn tradition recorded on the authority of the Companion Anas b. Malik (usually marked as a hypocrite, muniifiq, who denied the rights of 'All). When 'All came to the Prophet he embraced him and kissed him between his eyes; then the Prophet told him that God proposed the Heavens to accept the wiliiya of 'All. The seventh Heaven preceded them and God therefore adorned this Heaven by establishing His Throne in it. Then the fourth Heaven outstripped the others and God embellished it by locating in it the bayt al-ma'vniir (the Jam' al-jawiimi', I, 218. Ibn Babtlyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu I-faqfh, I, 147, no. 679. Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Roudo: al-wii'i~fn, 410. 93 Al-Buraqt, Ta'rikh. al-ku.fa, ed. Muhammad Sadiq A.l Bahr al-'ulilm (Najaf, 1379/ 1960), 32: 'ani I-madii'inf qiila: sami'tu aM 'abdi l/iihi ('alayhi I-saliimu) yaqii./u: makkatu haramu lliihi, wa-I-madfnatu horams: mu~ammadin msuli lliihi wa-I-kufatu ~aramu 'aliyyi bni abqiilibin ('alayhi I-saliimu); inn a 'aliyyan ~arrama mina l-kufati mii harrama ibriihfmu min makkata wa-mii harrama muhammadun min a I-madfna. 94 ibn Babnyah, Man Iii ya~q.uruhu, I, 150,' no. 695. . 95 AI-MajlisI, Bi~iir, LX, 209. 92 91 Al-Suytitr, Sanctity Joint and Divided 35 heavenly Ka'ba). Then the lowest Heaven followed and God rewarded it by adorning it with stars. Then God offered 'AlI's wilaya to the lands of the Earth: Mecca came forth first and God adorned it with the Ka'ba, It was followed by Medina, which God beautified by the presence of the Prophet. Medina was in turn followed by Kiifa and God adorned it by the person of 'All. Finally Qumm arrived and God embellished it by the Arabs and opened the doors of Paradise.P" Kiifa is thus the chosen, perfect place of belief in Heaven and on earth, the perfect location of the true religion which champions the wilaya of 'All. Qumm follows it in this belief; snrr compendia accord it a great many virtues and qualities.P? As mentioned above, the sanctity of the holy places is enhanced by their mutual cooperation. Abu Qubays sheltered the Black Stone during the Flood; when Abraham came to Mecca in order to build the Ka'ba, Abu Qubays announced that it sheltered the Black Stone.P" Ta'if was part of the Holy Land transferred by God to Hijaz; it performed the circumambulation of the Ka 'ba seven times and remained in the region of Hijaz named al- Ta'if, 99 Qumm was originally part of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) and was moved to its place during the Flood.lOO Such is the case of the mosque of Kiifa as well: in due time the Black Stone will be moved by God to the mosque of K Ufa.101 This will certainly be the perfection of the sanctity of this holy place. A nice example of intricate sanctity, combined from a variety of elements of veneration for the ancestors and snrr imams is shown by a story concerning the visit, maziir, of the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib. An adherent of the Shra came to the imam Abu 'Abdallah and informed him that he intended to set out to the ghariyy in order to visit the grave of 'All b. AbI Talib, The imam remarked that he was in fact going to visit the bones of Adam, the body (badan) of Nul) and the Bil}iir, LX, 212, no. 21. Bi~liir, LX, 213-218. 98 Abu l-Baqa' Muhammad Baha'u I-DIn b. al-Diya' al-Makkt al-Hanafi al-QurashI al-'UmarI al-'AdawI, Al}wiil makkata wa-I-madzna, MS Br. Mus. Or. 11865, fol. 138a. AI-Kala'I, al-Iktifii' fi maghiizz rasiili lliihi uia-l-thaliithati l-khulajii", ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1387/1968), I, 59-60. Abu Bakr al-Bakrr b. Muhammad Shata alDimyatr, I'iinatll. l-tiiliMn 'alii I}alli alfii~i I-fatl}i l-mll.bfn (Cairo, 1319 [repr. Beirut]), II, 275 inf. Al-Azraqi, Akhbiir makkata, ed. Rushdt 1-~aliJ:.:tMalhas (Beirut-Makka al-mukarrama, 1399/1979), I, 65. Sulayrnan b. Dawud al-Saqstnt, Zahrat al-riyiiq. uui-nuzha: al-qll.liib al-miriid, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah Ar. 571, 222 inf, [Abu Qubays was a mountain from the mountains of Khurasan; it was moved to Mecca and sheltered the Black Stone]. 99 Al-Mazandaranr, Maniiqib salmiin, p. 17. Nflr al-Dln al-Haythami, Majma' alzawii'id, X, 53-54. Al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 124 inf. 100 Al-Majlisi, Bil}iir, LX, 213, no. 24. 101 Muhammad b. al-Fattal, Raudat al-wii'i~zn, 337. AI-I:IasanI, Faq.11l.l-kiifa, MS fol. 287b. AI-MajlisI, Bihiir, XXII, 86 inf. 96 AI-MajlisI, 97 Al-Majlisl, 36 M.J. Kister corpse (jism) of 'All b. AbI Talib, The believer asked how it was possible that the bones of Adam are in Ktifa since he descended in Sarandib and people believe that his bones are placed in the mosque of Mecca (baytu llahi I-lJ,aram). The imam replied that God ordered Ni11;t n the i ark to go around the Ka'ba seven times, which he did. Afterwards he went into the water, which reached up to his knees, and pulled out a coffin which contained the bones of Adam. He carried the coffin in the ark and it went round the Ka'ba several times. He continued the journey in the ark until he arrived at the gate of KUfa, in the middle of which was the mosque. God ordered the water to be swallowed by the earth (ibla' 'l mii' aki) and the mosque became dry. The people who accompanied Ni11;t ispersed; Ni11;t ook the coffin and buried it in the d t ghariyy. This was part of the mountain on which God addressed Moses, on which He consecrated Jesus, on which He took Abraham to Himself as Friend (khal'll), and on which He took Muhammad to Himself as His Dear One (lJ,abib); God turned the place into an abode of the prophets. The amir al-mu'min'ln, 'All b. AbI Talib is buried next to his two noble ancestors, Adam and Ni1I;t. "Therefore while visiting alNajaf you are visiting the bones of Adam, the body of Ni1I;t,the corpse of 'All b. AbI Talib; you are visiting the ancestors, Muhammad the Seal of the prophets and 'All the Lord of the Trustees (sayyid al-wa$iYY'ln). The gates of Heaven will be opened for the invocations of the visitor; act thus and be not heedless of that which is good" (fa-la takun 'ani l-khayri nawwaman) .102 The status of Medina in comparison with Mecca was secondary, in the opinion of the orthodox community. According to an utterance recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, God created Mecca and encompassed it by angels a thousand years before He created anything on Earth; then He attached Medina to it and eventually paired Medina with Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis); then a thousand years later He created the Earth with one stroke (khalqan walJ,idan) .103 According to some utterances ascribed to the Prophet Medina will be singled out in the fateful period of the false messiahs, the dajjal. The dajjal will be barred from entering the city, which will be guarded by angels.l'" According to another tradition Mecca and Medina will share this privilege: the dajjal will enter every locality but Mecca and Medina.l?" 102 gharr fi ta'yrn qabri amrri l-mu'minrn 59-60. Al-Majlisl, Bihiir, C, 258. Ghiyath al-Dln 'Abd al-Karjrn b. Tawils, Farho: al'air b. aM talib 'alayhi I-salam (Najaf, 1368), Qiya' 103 Al-Daylamt, Firdaus al-ckhbtir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 77a, penult. al-Din al-Maqdisl, Fadti'i! bayti l-maqdis, p. 49, no. 14. 104 105 Abu Ya'la, Musnad, V, 318, no. 2940; 369, no. 3016; 390, no. 3051; 402, no. 3073. Al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Ibn Hazm , al-MuiJ,alla, VII, 281. Sanctity Joint and Divided 37 Another version, however, records two other places: the Ka'ba and Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). 106 A third version extends the number of places from which the dajjal will be barred: Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis), and al- 'filr.107 Tradition pointed out the virtues of Medina: it was the place of the hijra of the Prophet, the center from which he propagated his religion, the place where he died and in which he was buried. The sincere sympathy of the Prophet and his affection for Medina is manifest in his declaration of Medina as a haram; he acted as counterpart to Abraham: just as Abraham proclaimed Mecca as a harem; so did the Prophet with Medina.l'" A peculiar tradition, obviously anti-Shi'tte, contains a denial attributed to 'All, in which he declares that there is no privilege granted him by the Prophet which he is supposed to keep in the sheath of his sword; in the sheath of his sword, 'AlI says, he only keeps the document of tahrim al-madfna.109 It is indeed these virtues and qualities, which gained wide circulation among the Muslim community, that stimulated the rivalry between these two highly revered localities. Against the background of ethnic differences, diverse economic interests, and social and political contests, the disputes as to the relative merits attached to these localities grew more vociferous. In his thorough going study, Materiaua: pour l'etude du conftit de preseance entre la M ekke et M edine,110 A. Arazi provides a detailed and 106' Umdat al-qiiri; X, 244 sup. Comp. Diys;' al-Din al-Maqdisi, Fadti'i! bayti 1maqdis, p. 60, no. 34. 107Al-'AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 244 sup. Diya' al-Dtn al-Maqdisi, Faga'il, 62-63, no. 36. And comp. al-Suyutt, Jam' l-jauuimi", I, 744: ... ma'qilu l-muslimlna mina l-rnaliihini dimashq wa-ma'qiluhum mina l-dajjali baytu l-maqdis wa-ma'qiluhum min yajuj wa-majuj ai-tur. 108Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 121-122. Nur al-Din al-HaythamT, Majma' alzawii'id, III, 301-302. AI-AynT, 'Umdat al-qiiri, X, 227-231. Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, II, 39. AI-BayhaqT, al-Sunan al-kubrii, V, 196-201. AmIn Mahmild Khattab, Fatliu l-maliki l-moibiid, takmilatu l-manhali l-'adhbi l-mauriid, sharb. sunan abl dawud (Cairo, 1394/1974), II, 239-49. Al-Sinjarl, Mana'il}u l-karam bi-akhbiiri makkata uui-l-luiram, MS Leiden Or. 7018, fol. 7a inf. (but comp. ibid., fol. 7b sup.: thumma qiila (ay rasulu llahi, s.) inna makkata lJarramaha lliihu wa-lam yul}arrimha l-nasu [a-lii yalJillu li-mri'in yu'minu bi-lIiihi wa-I-yaumi l-iikhiri an yasfika biha daman. And see Abu Ya'Ia, al-Ahkiin: al-sultaniyya, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqI (Cairo, 1386/1966), 192. AI-MundhirI, al-Tarqhib uia-l-tarhib, III, 62, no. 1771. 109Mul,lammad b. 'A~im al-Thaqafi al-Isfahant, Juz', ed. Mufid Khalid 'Ayyid, (Riyad , 1409), 125-26, no. 42; and see the editor's references. Ibrahrm b. Tahman, Mashyakha, ed. Muhammad Tahir Malik (Damascus, 1403/1983), 104-107, no. 51: [a-qiila [i.e., 'AlI]: mii 'ahida ilayya rasiili: llahi 'ahdan lam ya'had hu ila I-nasi, ghayra anna fi qiriibi sayfi ~al}fjatan, fa-idha fiha: inna ibrahfma horrama makkata wa-ana uharrimu l-madi:nata, wa-innaha lJaramun mii bayna lJarratayha, and see the editor's abundant references there. 110 JSAI, 5 (1984), 177-235. 38 M.J. Kister richly documented scrutiny of the ideological rivalry between Mecca and Medina. Traditions touching upon the fundamental events of the life of the Prophet often conflict. Such is the case of the hijra, a crucial issue in the life and career of the Prophet. According to a widely circulated report the Prophet was deeply grieved when he was compelled to escape from Mecca, persecuted as he was by his Qurashi enemies. When in the Hazawwara (the former market of Mecca) on his way to Medina, the Prophet is said to have uttered a moving declaration of sympathy for Mecca. He expressed his love for the city and said that had he not been forced to leave he would gladly remain in Mecca.U! This is, of course, a pro-Meccan tradition. A pro-Medinan tradition records the following utterance of the Prophet when on the hijra: "0 God, Thou evicted me from the plot of land most dear to me; therefore put me up in the spot most beloved to Thee." 112 The Prophet's wish was fulfilled and he alighted in Medina; this was indeed the spot dear to God. Medina's favored position is emphasized when the dissemination of the precepts of the nascent Islamic religion is discussed. The Prophet is said to have stated that cities and localities were conquered for Islam by the force of the sword; but Medina was conquered by the force of the Qur'an.113 Muslim lawyers asserted that Mecca was conquered by sword; they considered however that imposing khariij on Mecca was implausible.U! Muslim lawyers who attempted to mitigate the dispute pointed out that the majority of Medinan people who brought about the conversion of various localities to Islam, including Mecca, were former 111 Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 289. Ibn Taymiyya, '11m al-I].adith, ed. Musa Muhammad 'AlI (Beirut, 1405/1984), 361. Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin, s.v. hazwara, Nur al-Dln al-Haythami, Mawiirid al-~am'iin, 254, no. 1026. Al-Sinjarr, Manii'il]. al-kara, MS fol. 9a. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir (Cairo, 1372/1953), V, 32a-39. AlZurqant, Sharh. cl-rnauuihib al-laduniyya, VIII, 322. Ibn AbI Hatim, 'llal al-I].adlth (Cairo, 1343), I, 282, no. 836. 112 Al-Albanl, Silsilat al-al].iidithi 1-q.a'lfa wa-I-mauq.u'a (al-Riyad, 1408/1987), III, 639-40, no. 1445. Albanf marks the tradition as maw;lu', a forged one. Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'at al-rasii'il al-kubrii, II, 356. Ibn Taymiyya marks the tradition as biitil; see ibid., for his arguments. Al-Shaukani, Nayl al-autiir, V, 34; and see the discussion of the subject in ibid. Al-Qayrawanr, Kitiib al-jiimi', 139. 113 Al-'Abdarf, al-Madkhal, II, 35 inf. Abu l-Hasan 'All b.'Umar b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Sukkarr, Juz", MS al-Zahiriyya, majmu'a 18, fol. 248b. 'Abdallah b. Abf Zayd al-Qayrawani, Kitiibu I-jiimi' fi I-sunan wa-l-iidiib wa-l-maghiizl wa-I-ta'r'ikh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Ajfan and 'Uthrnan Bitttkh (Beirut-Tunis, 1402/1982), 138: wa-uftutil].at al-qurii bi-l-sayf I].attii makkatu, wa-uftutil].at al-mad'inatu bi-l-qur'iini; and see ibid. note 3. Ibn al-Jauzr, al-Maw;lii'iit, II, 216-17. Ahmad b. Hanbal marks the tradition as munkar. Ibn Hazm, al-Mul].allii, VII, 286. Ibn Hajar, al-Matiilibu l-'iiliya, I, 369, no. 1246. 114 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al].kiim ahli l-dhimma, I, 126 ult.-127. Sanctity Joint and Divided 39 Meccans.U" Medina was considered more honorable and dignified than Mecca, which was flooded by streams of pilgrims from all areas of the Muslim empire. This can be seen from a story about 'Umar, who was informed of a man who had the intention of giving the oath of allegiance after the death of 'Umar to a certain person. 'Umar had the idea of standing up in Mecca and warning the believers against people who were about to rob the umma of their rights (viz. by deciding about 'Umar's successor). He was however dissuaded from delivering his warning in Mecca because of the mob that used to attend his council, and he made up his mind to convey his admonition in Medina, the abode of the hijra and of the sunna.1l6 A place to which special honor was accorded was the grave of the Prophet in Medina. Several traditions emphasized the qualities of this revered spot, linking the veneration of the grave with that of the Prophet himself. The place in which he was buried was chosen by the Prophet himself. Scholars argued that God does not cause a prophet to die except in a place he likesY 7 This assumption was corroborated by a tradition saying that prophets should be buried in the place where they die; but both traditions are countered by others according to which it is undesirable to bury people in their abode, as a grave turns the house into a cemetery in which prayer is disagreeable. Needless to say, the burial of the Prophet in this place is considered a special distinction.U" The grave itself was closely connected with the Prophet from the beginning of his existence. The Prophet is said to have been created from the dust of the grave in which he was buried. God sent Jibrrl to bring him a handful of white clay out of the heart of the earth and its light in order to create Muhammad, Jibril set out with seventy thousand angels and took a handful of earth from the place of the Prophet's grave, which was then white and pure. It was kneaded with the nectar of paradise (mii'u l-tasnfm), with the wine of Paradise (al-raMq) and with water from the well of Paradise (salsabrl). Then it was plunged into the water of the rivers of Paradise and was carried towards the earth and the sea; the angels learned to know the quality of Muhammad before they knew the virtues of AdamY9 A well known utterance states that the Prophet was buried in the clay from which he was created (dufina bi-l-iinati uau khuliqa minha)j the tradition is provided with several utterances which Al-Shaukant, Nayl al-autar, V, 34. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-I-ta'rlkh, I, 351. 117 Al-Munawt, FayrJu l-qadir, V, 459, no. 7956. Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, II, 39 inf. Abu Ya'la, Musnad, I, 45, no. 45. 118 Al-Munawi, FayrJu l-qtulir, V, 459, no. 7956; and see the comments of al-Munawr, 119 Al-Saqslni, Zahrot al-riyarJ, MS Hebrew Univ., Coli. Yahudah 571, 8, 11 sup., ll. 1-3. Al-IAbdarr, al-Madkhal, II, 32. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, al-Sira al-lJalabiyya, I, 163. 115 116 40 M,]. Kister extol the idea that the dust of the grave should be the dust from which the person is born.12o According to a tradition there is a special angel called malak al-crluim, who is entrusted with the burial of the dead in their proper graves.P! It is not surprising to find a parallel tradition according to which the clay of which the Prophet was created was Meccan, but it was blended with clay from Medina.P'' The extreme veneration of the tomb of the Prophet is shown by the opinion of a group of zealots who claimed that a visit to the grave of the Prophet is more meritorious than a pilgrimage to Mecca and a visit to the Ka'ba.123 The pilgrimage to Mecca was linked with a visit to the grave of the Prophet; the Prophet is reported to have said that he who performs the f},ajj without visiting his grave treats him harshly indeed.124 The grave of the Prophet was considered to surpass in its virtue the sanctity of the Ka'ba: wa-in'aqada l-ijmii'u 'alii annahumii ajdol min sii'iri l-buldiin; wa-idhii nazarta ilii l-tafrl,fli baynahumii qiima li-kullin minhumii an$iirun wa-a'wiin wa-dalfl wa-burhiin f},iishii I-buq'ata l-mu'a~~ama l-mukarrama l-zakiyya l-ziihira l-iiihira l-sharfJa l-munfJa 1-'iiliya l-ghiiliya l-tayyiba l-mutayyaba l-muqaddasa l-mu'nasa llati dammat jasadahu l-ni zam wa-khuliqa minhii badanuhu l-akram $allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ja-innahii afrl,alu l-biqii'i min ghay,ri khiliifin wa-lii nizii'in; bal hiya afrl,alu mina l-ka'bati wa-mutaqaddimatun 'alayhii jf l-rutba. bal naqala ibn al-' aqfl al-f},anbalf annahii aNal mina 1-'arshi l-' azim .... 125 120 Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira fi alJ.wali l-mauta wa-umilri l-iikhira, ed. Ahmad Muhammad MursI (Cairo, n.d.), I, 83. Al-Qurtubt, Tofstr, VI, 388 sup. Al-Munawt, Fayq.u l-qcdir, III, 533, no. 4230. 121 Al-Saqsinr, Zahrat al-riyaq., MS. 11 sup. Al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira, 84-88. 122 Al-SamhiidI, WaJa' al-waJa, I, 73-74. Ibn Zuhayra al-QurashI al-MakhziimI, al-Jami' al-latiJ fi Jaq.li makkata wa-ahliha wa-bina'i l-bayti l-shanJ (Cairo, 1357/ 1938), 18-19. Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarr, al-Qira li-qa~idi ummi l-qurii, ed. Mustafa l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1390/1970), 337: uia-qtiia bnu 'abbiisin: a~lu tfnati l-nabiyyi ~alla usn« 'alayhi wa-sallama min surrati l-arq.i bi-makkata; uia-qiila ba'q.u I-'ulama'i: fihi idhanun bi-annaha llati ajaba min a I-arq.i. wa-min mauq.i'i l-ka'bati d'l.llJ.iyat al-ardu, [a-siira rasillu llahi [~l iuuua l-asla fi l-takwfni, wa-l-ka'inat'l.l taba''I.In lahu. uia-qila: li-dhalika s'l.lmmiya "ummiyyan" Ii-anna makkata 'I.Immu l-q'l.lrawa-tfnat'l.lh'l.l 'I.Imm'l.l 123 I-khaliqati. Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq.a''I.Il-~irat, 382. 124 Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi q.'I.I'aJa'il-rijal (Beirut, 1405/1985), VII, 2480. Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, Lisiins: l-mfzan, VI, 167, no. 585. Ibn al-JauzI, al-Ma'l.lq.il'at, II, 217. 125 Al-Suyutt, Saji'atu l-haram. fi Jaq.li makkata wa-l-madfnati wa-I-lJ.aram, MS Leiden Or. 1526, 227. Comp. al-Zurqant, SharlJ. al-mawahib, VIII, 324-25. Sanctity Joint and Divided 41 Orthodox circles censored in vain the invocations and supplications at the grave of the Prophet.P" But popular belief was persistent in holding that Medina surpasses Mecca in its merits: ol-madino. afr!.alu min makka.127 There was however a special feeling of awe towards Mecca. Some pious people were afraid to commit a sin in Mecca because one perpetrated there was punished by God more severely than elsewhere.P" It was thus wise to settle outside Mecca and to set out towards it in order to perform the prescribed ritual practices.P? The deteriorating political and economic situation in Medina in the period of the Umayyad caliphate is reflected in a prediction of the Prophet in which he foretold that people of Medina would be summoned by their relatives to leave the city and would set out to territories where they would find an easy life (the prediction refers obviously to the conquered territories), but it was better for them to remain in Medina.l '? A significant discussion arose in connection with the interpretation of the luuliih. known as al-imiinu yamiinin. The tradition says that the Prophet pointed with his finger towards Yemen uttering this luulith. Transmitters of the /fadzth were however not unanimous about the place in which the Prophet uttered it. Some of them said that it was uttered Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtiq,a'u I-~irat, 365. Al-Munawt, Fayq,u l-qadir, VI, 264, no. 9185. AI-DaylamI, Firdaus ol-akhbiir, MS Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 173a. Al-Zurqant, Sharh. al-mawahib, VIII, 323. Al'Aynr, 'Umdat al-qiiri; X, 235 inf. Al-Dhahabt, Mizan al-i'tidal, III, 623. Al-Sinjari, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fo1.9a-9b. Al-Albant, Silsilat al-alJadithi I-q,a'ffa ... , III, 638, no. 1444: the tradition is marked by Albant as biitil. 128 Al-'AqulI, 'Arf al-tfb, MS Leiden, Or. 493, fo1. 75b. Al-Sinjarf, Mana'ilJ alkaram, MS fo1.8b: wa-ruwiya 'an aM 'amr wa-I-zajjaj min a I-~iifiyya annahu aqiima bi-makkata arba'ina sanatan lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-harom; uia-qiila: inn a mina l-illJadi /f l-horam. an taqiila "kallii wa-llahi" wa- "balii uia-lliihi," And see ibid.: uia-uuqiilu inn a I-dhuniiba tataq,a'afu /fhi kama tataq,a'afu I-lJasanatu wa-inna I-insana yu'akhadhu bi-hammihi /f l-sayyi'iiti bi-makkata wa-Iau kana na'iyan 'anha. And see ibid.: wa-'an 'umara raq,iya lliihs: 'anhu: la-'an uktiti:« sab'fna khatf'atan bi-rukbata alJabbu ilayya min an ukhWa khat!' atan walJidatan bi-makkata. See this tradition recorded by Yaqnt in Mu'jam al-buldan, s,u. rukba. Al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fman, VII, 570, no. 3729: akhbarana abii 'abd al-ralJman al-sulamf /f dhikri abf 'amrin mulJammadi bni ibrahfma I-zajjaji qata yaqiilu: innahu lam yabul wa-Iam yataghawwat /f l-hnram arba'fna sonatan; kana yakhruju kulla yaumin bi-'umrata khiirija l-haromi fa-yabiilu wa-yataghawwatu, thumma yarji'u, [a-lii yabiilu wa-Ia yataghawwatu illa 'inda dhiilika I-waqti /f I-yaumi I-thanf; see references. 129 Al-Sinjart, Mana'ilJ al-karam, MS fol. l l b: qala I-qaq,f/f "jami'ihi" ba'da l-kaliimi 'ala l-mujawarati, uia-hiidhii l-kaliimu /f I-mujawarati faqat min ghayri sukna, waammii I-sukna wa-l-inqita'u fa-huwa bi-I-madfnati aJq,alu. See the favorable opinion of al-Zamakhshart about dwelling (sukna) in Mecca, ibid., fols. l Ob-Ll a and fo1.12b sup. 1.30 Ibn Tahman, MashyaklJa, 84, no. 32. See references. 'All b. Burhan al-Dtn, alStra al-lJalabiyya, II, 62 inf. Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rtkh, I, 349. Al-Qurtubi, al- Tadhkira, 603. AI-ZabIdI, ItlJafu l-siidoti l-muttaqin bi-sharlii asrtiri ilJya'i 'uliimi I-din, I, 206-207. Al-Mundhirt, al-Targhfb uia-l-tarhib, III, 57, no. 1755; and see no. 1756. Ibn Hazm, al-Muhnllii, VII, 281. 126 127 42 M.J. Kister in Tabuk, according to others when he was staying in Medina. One interpretation has it that the Prophet referred to Mecca and Medina, two cities between Tabuk and the Yemen; according to others the Prophet meant the Ansar: they were of Yerneni origin, they sheltered him in Medina, and helped to spread the religion of Islam. Some scholars argued that the Prophet referred to Mecca: the religion of Islam originated in Mecca and Mecca belongs to the region of Tihama, which is part of the Yemen. Yet a different interpretation says that the people to whom the Prophet referred were in fact those of the Yemen, and he referred to their true belief in Islam.l+' The expansion of Islam and the rise of the Muslim empire encouraged the establishment of local sanctuaries, places of ziyarat, venerated graves and places of ritual practices. The virtue of the conquest of a locality and the fact that one of the Companions of the Prophet sojourned in this place is exposed in the following I}adzth: mii min aluulu: min a~l}abz yamiitu bi-crdir; ilia bu'itha qa'idan - (ya'nz li-ahlihii) uui-niiran yauma l_qiyama.132 A similar idea is inherent in an utterance recorded in FasawI's alMa'rifa wa-l-ta'rzkh,'referring to a pious scholar of tradition: '" sami'tu aM ma'sharin liadhZyarwz'an ibriihima l-nakha'iyyi qiila: mii min qaryatin ilia wa-fZhii man yudfa'u 'an ahlihii bihi, [a-inni la-arjii an yakiina abii wa'ilin minhum.133 As already mentioned, the number of graves of prophets in a city or a locality was a source of pride and served as a measure of its merits. Lists were made of the tombs in every city and province. According to a tradition of Ka'b (al-Ahbar) there are ten tombs of prophets in Tarsus, five in Masisa, a thousand in the fortified cities (thughiir) and sea-coasts of Syria; in Antiochia there is one tomb, of Habib the carpenter; in Hims there are thirty tombs of prophets, in Damascus five hundred; in Filastin there is a similar number. In Jerusalem there are a thousand tombs, in al- 'Arish there are ten, and in Damascus there is also the tomb of Moses.P" Muslim tradition naturally transmitted utterances containing praises of these places; the collections relating to the virtues of these localities were sometimes put together in special treatises of faq,a'il. The Prophet is said to have predicted the military expedition against Khurasan, and enjoined the believers to participate and to settle in 131 Ibn Mandah, al-Imiin, ed. 'All b. Muhammad b. Nasir al-Faqthr (Beirut, 1406/ 1985), I, 523-32, and see editor's comments. Al-'AynI,' Umdat al-qiirf, XV, 192, XVI, 72. Al-Saghant, Mabiiriq al-azhiir, II, 95 sup. Al-Bayhaqt, Ma'rifatu l-sunan wa-l-iithiir, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1390/1970), I, 67 sup., 73 inf., 137 sup. 132 Al-Jarrahi, Kashf al-khafii', II, 193, no. 2243. Al-Munawt, Fay~ al-qadir, V, 470, no. 7994. 133 Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-t-ta'rikh; II, 112; and see references. 134 Al-Mausill, Kitiib al-wasua, V /1, 190. Sanctity Joint and Divided 43 Marw. Marw was built by Dhu l-Qarnayn, who asked God to bless the city. The people of Marw will never be afflicted by any calamityJ35 Among the cities of Persia a high position was accorded to Qazwin, The Prophet predicted that at the "end of the days" there would be people "whose true belief would be blended with their blood and flesh"; they would fight the unbelievers in a city called Qazwin. Paradise would desire them and yearn for them like a she-camel who yearns for her foa1.136 In another tradition the Prophet says that the courageous people dwelling in Qazwin, who read the Qur 'an and fight with their swords, will appear on the Day of Resurrection with their jugular veins dripping with blood. They love God and God loves them. The eight gates of Paradise will be opened for them and they will be allowed to enter by any gate they wish.137 Another tradition says that God watches the people of Qazwln twice every day as they let the sinners go unpunished and accept the good deeds of the beneficent.l " A peculiar tradition says that a man who dwells in Qazwin is superior to one who dwells in one of the two harems, Mecca or Medina.P? In some of the traditions Qazwin is coupled with 'Asqalan: both are marked as the two cities of paradise.v'" Other traditions place Qazwln in another list of paradise cities: Alexandria, 'Asqalan, 'Abbadan and Qazwln.141 A tradition attributed to the Prophet emphasizes the high rank of Alexandria: a person sojourning in Alexandria for three days without harboring hypocritical thoughts will have the same status as a believer from among the Rum and the 'Arabs who worships God for sixty thousand years.142 135 Al-Munawi, Fayq, al-qadir, IV, 130, no. 4774. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al'ummal, XIII, 2.57, nos. 1418-19. Al-Dhahabi, Mi:zan al-i'tidal, II, 239, no. 3586. Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, I, 401 inf.-402 sup. But see Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 39, no. 33: the dajjal will set out from Khurasan; and see ibid. references. Ibn 'Araq, Tanzitu: /·sharl'a l-marfil':«, II, 47, no. 6; and see ibid. the virtues of other cities of Khurasan. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanr, Lisiiri al-mi:zan, III, 120, no. 415. 136 Abu l-Qasim al-Rafi'r, al-Tadwi:n fi dhikri ahli l-'ilmi bi-qazuiin, MS Laleli 2010, 1'01.3a. Al-Munawl, Fayq, ol-qadir, IV, 30, no. 4444. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al'llmmal, XIII, 253, no. 1399. 137 AI-Rafi'I, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1412. 138 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 3b. AI-MuttaqT l-Hindt, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 256, 110. 1416. 139 AI-MuttaqI I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1417. 140 AI-Rafi'T, al-Tadwln, MS fol. 7a. 141 AI-MuttaqT I-HindI, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 257, no. 1420. But comp. a different list of the minbars of Paradise: Anon., Masa'il 'abdi I-salam li-nabiyyina, MS Hebrew Univ., ColI. S.M. Stern, 34.: Qayrawan, Bab at-abwab, 'Abbadan and Khurasan. 142 Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalan'I, Lisiin al-mlzan, VI, 219 inf., no. 768. 44 M.J. Kister When the Prophet stated that there were two gates open to Paradise: 'Abbadan and Qazwin, he was asked whether 'Abbadan was not a newly built place; he answered in the affirmative, but added that it was the first place which believed in Jesus the son of Maryam.l+' The lengthy chapter of fa#'il qazwfn in al-Muttaqi al-Hindr's Kanz al-'ummiil144 bears evidence to the wide currency given to traditions concerning the virtues of Qazwin. These traditions give us the opportunity to follow the process of sanctification of a newly conquered locality, and shows how new sanctuary was coupled with well established sanctuaries held in high esteem, often situated in far regions. A frequent tendency in the farJii'illiterature is to restrict or withdraw part of the sanctity of a locality, by attributing similar virtues to smaller places adjacent to a main locality or on the way to it. Judda, a well-known place in the vicinity of Mecca, is recorded as a distinguished locality sharing virtues with Mecca. The Prophet is said to have stated: makkatu ribiitun wa-juddatu jihiidun.145 When a man in a council in Mecca prided himself on being a member of one of the most distinguished councils in the city, 'Abbad b. Kathlr146 said that he was far removed from the virtues of Judda: a prayer in Judda has the value of seventeen million prayers elsewhere, a dirham spent in charity in Judda is worth a hundred thousand dirhams, and good deeds done there are rewarded in the same measure. God will forgive the sins of a man who merely looks at Judda from a distance.l+? The tradition about the four cities of Paradise, Alexandria, Qazwin, 'Abbadan, and 'Asqalan, was duly modified by an additional significant phrase: "and the superiority of Judda to all these cities is like the superiority of the House of God in relation to other houses (wa- farJlu judda 'alii hii' -us: i ka-farJli bayti lliihi l-hariimi 'alii sii'iri l-buyiit.) 148 Some scholars claimed to have read in "books" (i.e., collections of apocalyptic predictions attributed to the Prophet or to pious persons of the first generation of Islam; sometimes these predictions can be traced AI-Rafi'T, al- Taduiin; MS fol. 3a. XIII, 252-57, nos. 1394-1417. 145 Al-Faklhr, Tti'rikh: MS fol. 413b. inf. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-lati], 81, from al-Fakihl. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim, I, 87, from al-Fakiht. Ibn Fahd, Risiila fZ !af!li judda, ed. 'Abd al-Hasan Mud'ij, in Majallat ma'had al-makhtii.tat al-'arabiyya (al-Kuwayt, 1987), XXXI, 199. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Juddr al-Hijazr, al-SilalJ wa-l-'udda fZ ta'rikhi judda, ed. Mustafa l-Hadrt (Damascus-alMadlna al-munawwara, 1408/1988), 78. 146 See Ibn Hajar al- 'Asqalani, Tahdhi:b al-tahdhi:b, V, 100-102, no. 169. 147 Al-Fakihr, Ta'rikh; MS fol. 413b inf. AI-FasT, Shi!a'u l-qhariim; I, 87, from alFakihi. Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' ol-laii], 81, from al-Fakiht. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddi, al-Siliib. wa-l-'udda, 78-79. 148 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII,257, no. 1420. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad al-Juddt, al-Siliil; wa-l-'udda, p. 78. 143 144 Sanctity Joint and Divided 45 back to Jewish or Christian scriptures) that there would be a bloody encounter (mal~ama, between believers and unbelievers) in J udda and the believers killed in Judda would be the best among the martyrs.l+? Some traditions claimed that Hawwa, the biblical Eve, died in Judda and that her grave is there toO.150 The position of the mosque of Quba' was similar to that of the Prophet. There were discussions among scholars whether the verse in t.he Qur'an: al-masjidu lladM ussisa 'alii l-taqwii {siirat al-tauba 108) referred to the mosque of the Prophet or to that of Quba';151 the Prophet was asked about it, according to one tradition, and said that the verse referred to the great mosque of the Prophet in Medina.P? According t.o another tradition the verse of the Quran fihi rijiilun yu~ibbuna an yatatahharu wa-lliihu yu~ibbu l-muitohharina (surat al-tauba 108) refers to the people of Quba' .153 The mosque of Quba' maintained a very high position; traditions traced back to the Prophet say that anyone who prays in the mosque of Quba' and performs the prescribed ritual practices, will be rewarded as if he performed an 'umra.154 One of the Companions of the Prophet stated frankly that he preferred a prayer in the mosque of Quba' to one ill Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis ).155 The Companion Sa'd b. AbI Waqqas is even more outspoken: a prayer of two rak'as in the mosque of Quba' is more to his liking (a~abbu ilayya) than setting out twice towards .lerusalem. The merits of worship in Quba', according to him, are numerous and significant.P" Needless to say, there is a series of other mosques in Medina which are also recorded as virtuous sanctuaries in which the Prophet used to pray and which deserve to be frequented in order to perform prayers and 149 Al-Fakihi, Ta'rikh, MS fol. 414a. Ibn Fahd, Risiila, p. 200, from al-Fakihl. Ibn 0uhayra, al-Jtimi' al-latif, p. 81, from al-Fakihr, AI-FasT, Shifa'u. l-qhcriim, I, 87, from al-FakihT. Ir,olbn Fahd, Risiila, p. 203. 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad, al-SilalJ, wa-l-'u.dda, p. 102. Ifi1See e.g., al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V /1, 182. Al-Samhudi, Wafa'u. l-wafa, pp. 250, ~ 14-15, 797-800. Al-'AyyashT, Tafsir, ed. Hashim al-Rasulr I-MaJ:tallatT, (Qumm, 1:171), II, 111, no. 135: sa'altu.hu. 'alayhi l-salamu. 'ani l-masjidi lladlii u.ssis a 'ala l-Laquiti min awwali yau.min [a-qiil«: masjidu. quba' .... Al-Warthflant, Nu.zhatu. 1I1n~arfZ faq,li l-ta'rfkhi wa-l-akhbiir (Beirut, 1394/1974), p. 468. 152 Ibn Abr Shayba, ai-Musannaf, II, 372-73. 153 AI-MuttaqT l-Hindi, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 228, no. 1271. 'Urnar b. Shabba, 'l'a'rikh. al-madfna al-mu.nawwara, ed. Fahfrn Muhammad Shaltfit (n.p.), I, 48-50. 154Ibn AbT Shayba, al-Musanna], II, 373. AI-Muttaqi l-Hindt, Kanz al-'u.mmal, XIII, 227-29, nos. 1269-70, 1274-83. Al-Samhiidf, Wafa'u. l-uiaf«, pp. 800-806. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, Lisiinu l-mfzan, VI, 324 ult., no. 1157. Al-Warthtlant, Nuzhat al-an~ar, p.468. \ 55 Ibn AbT Shayba, ol-Musanno], II, 373, ult. 156 'Urnar b. Shabba, Ta'rikh, I, 42: Sa'd b. abf uiaqqiis: la-an u.~allffZmasjidi qu.bii'a mk'atayni aliabtn: ilayya min an atiya bayta l-maqdisi marratayni. lau. ya'lamiina ma fZ qu.bii'a la-darabii ilayhi akbiida l-ibil. Al- Warthtlant, Nu.zhat al-an~ar, p. 468. 46 M.J. Kister ritual practices. 157 A similar development by which small sanctuaries around, or on the way to the main sanctuary are given great importance can be observed in Palestine. A place which gained a high position in this way was 'Asqalan. The Prophet named 'Asqalan one of the two brides of Paradise'P" and predicted that seventy thousand martyrs would stand up from the cemetery of 'Asqalan on the Day of Hesurrection.P? The Prophet is said to have promised that these martyrs will be led to Paradise like a bride to her husband.l''" The Prophet says further that there are two tomb-sites that will shine for the people of Heaven as the light of the sun shines for the people on earth: the graves of Baqi' al-Gharqad and those of ,Asqalan.l''! The Prophet urged the believers to stay in 'Asqalan, promising its people security and calm in a time of troubles and contests.P? 'Iradition says that in 'Asqalan there are still graves of the pious and of the successors to the Companions of the Prophet (al-tiibi'un) which remain unknown. 'Asqalan contains the well which Abraham dug with his own hand. There are also utterances of the Prophet as to the merits of 'Asqalan as a ribiit.163 According to a tradition a believer who spends a day and a night in 'Asqalan as a muriibit will die as a martyr (shahZd) even if his death occurs sixty years later and even if he dies in a land of unbelievers. 164 Tabariyya was a distinguished city too. In the vicinity of the Lake of Tabariyya was the grave of Sulayman b. Dawud.165 To the east of the lake are the graves of Luqman and his son.166 In Tabariyya are buried the Companion Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah and his wife.167 A grave of another Companion, Abu Hurayra, is on the slope of the mountain of Tabariyya.U" Tabariyya has a well which was visited by b. Shabba, Ta'rtkh; I, 57-79. to another tradition the two brides are 'Asqalan and Ghazza. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 250, no. 1384. 159 Ibn 'Adi, al-Kiimil, I, 294 sup. Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustr, Kitiib almajriilJ,7:n,ed. Mahmud Ibrahim Zayid (Beirut, n.d.), I, 270, III, 58. 160 Abu Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 160, no. 175. Al-Dhahabt, M7:zan al-i'tidal, I, 330 ult., no. 1245. AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, XVII, 134, no. 426. 161 Al-Mausili, al- Was7:1a,V /1, 193. 162 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz al-"tmmal, XIII, 250, no. 1385, XVII, 133-34, nos. 423-25. 163 See al-Harawi, al-Lshiiriit: ilii ma'ri/ati l-ziyariit, ed. J. Sourdel-Thoumine (Damascus, 1953), p. 32. 164 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindr, Kanz al-'ummal, XIII, 251, no. 1387. 165 Al-Harawt, al-Lsluiriit, p. 19. The author rejects however this tradition. 166 Ibid., p. 19. The author mentions however that another tomb of Luqman is said to exist in Yemen in a mountain named La'at 'Adan. 167 Ibid., p. 19. The author records other tombs ascribed to Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah in the area of al-Urdunn or in Baysan. 168 Ibid., p. 19. Other traditions say that his tomb is in Baqi' or in 'Aqlq, or in 158 According 157 'Umar Sanctity Joint and Divided 47 elsa b. Maryam; he is said to have performed a miracle there.169 Outside Tabariyya is the grave of 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas b.'AlI b. Abt Talib and the mashhad of Sukayna bint al-Husayn.U" The Lake of Tabariyya will playa significant role when the false Messiah (the Dajjiil) will appear; the Dajjiil is said to have inquired about this Lake when he happened to meet some believers.l"! The rod of Moses, the one given him by Jibril when Moses set out for Madyan, and the ark of Adam are at the bottom of the Lake and will be pulled out by the Qii'im when he will be raised.l"? A city distinguished by the most favorable utterances of the Prophet was 'Akka (Acre). Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf records the following utterance of the Prophet concerning 'Akka: "There is a city between two mountains named 'Akka. If anyone enters it out of desire for it (raghbatan jfhii), God will forgive him his former and future sins. Anyone who turns away from 'Akka with aversion will not get God's blessing for going away from it. There is a well in 'Akka, named 'Ayn al-baqar; God will fill with light the inside space of anyone who drinks from it. Anyone who pours the water of this well upon himself will remain pure until the Day of Resurrection." 173 A lengthy J;,adfth transmitted by 'A'isha exposes a lucid pattern of the growth of the fa~ii'illiterature. A deputation of the people of Syria came to Yathrib.U" One of them visited 'A'isha; she asked where they were from, and he told her that they were from Syria, from Urdunn, from the region of 'Akka, from the city itself. 'A'isha then lifted the screen which separated her from the people in the room and fell down prostrating herself to God. She lifted her head and said: "I have seen a man from the people of Paradise. Have you drunk from the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar in 'Akka?" When he answered "yes" she asked whether he had noticed the smell of camphor of the water. He said "yes" again and 'A'isha exclaimed "Blessed art thou, blessed art thou" (tubiika, thumma tubiika) and quoted an utterance of the Prophet according to which the ~lu1"fsof Paradise sprinkle camphor from Paradise in the well of 'Ayn al-Baqar. She said that if the man from 'Akka had not been a stranger Yubna, 169Ibid., p. 19. 170Ibid., p. 19. 171 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim fi strai aM l-qasim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 158b inf.-159a sup. 172 Al-Mazandarani, Manaqib salman, p. 17. But see al-BustI, al-Majrul}fn, II, 34: the Torah, Moses' rod, and the remainder of the broken Tablets are in Antakia. 173 Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalanr, al-Khi$al al-mukaffira li-I-dhunub, ed. Muhammad Riyad al-Malik (Damascus, 1383/1963), p. 33. 174 Ibn Tahman, Mashyakha, p. 95, no. 43. The Prophet forbade to call the city "Yathrib"; it had to be called "al-Madiria." The Umayyads, however, continued to call the locality "Yathrib" or "al-Muntina." 48 M.J. Kister with whom she was not allowed to be in contact (innaka rajulun lasta minnf bi-malJ,ramin) she would ask him to spit in her mouth, thus hoping to attain Paradise. She quoted the utterance of the Prophet according to which drinking and washing at the well of 'Ayn Baqar, and drinking from 'Ayn al-Fulus in Baysan, or from the well of Silwan in Jerusalem, or from Zamzam in Mecca, will keep a man's body from the fire of Hell. Then she turned to the man from 'Akka and continued to quote the utterances of the Prophet about 'Akka.175 The Prophet said that walking in the streets of 'Akka carries with it more merit than prayer in some mosques. The Prophet touched upon the rewards of those who would be stationed in 'Akka as a military force ready to meet the enemy (al-muriibitiin): he who stayed in 'Akka as a muriibit. for one night would be considered as one who would fight with his spear for the cause of God; he who stayed for two nights would be considered as one who fought with his sword for the cause of God; he who stayed for three nights would be considered as one who came floundering in his blood; he who stayed for forty days would be given seventy Badri warriors and would not forfeit his pay (ajr) neither in this world or in the next one (/f l-dunyii wa-liikhira). 'A'isha attests having heard the Prophet announce that one prayer in the mosque of 'Akka on Friday has the value of eight thousand two hundred prayers elsewhere. In another utterance the Prophet states that Jibril stretches his wing above 'Akka; God guards it with His eye and the city is kept from every damage and harm.176 'Akka is coupled with another city as regards merits of performing ritual practices. The Prophet is said to have stated that two bendings (rak'atiini) in Qaysariyya and 'Akka are more to God's liking than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in Jerusalem.l"? The tradition, obviously a forged one, is a convincing case of the rise and growth of small local religious centers and their rivalry with the established great localities. A tradition in which the virtues of these small centers are emphasized says that the Prophet was asked whether there was a city in Paradise reminiscent of a city in this world. The Prophet stated that there were 175 Al-Mausilt, Wasila V /1, 192, records an additional utterance: "Blessed is he from among my people who saw 'Akka and blessed is he who saw the man who saw 'Akka"; he said it seven times. 176 AI-NazwI, al-Musomnaf, XI, 14-15; and see a fragment of the tradition ib. p. 52. And see al-Mausilr, al-Wastla V/l, 192-193. I am indebted to the late Dr. Suliman Bashear who made available to me a copy of the MS Princeton, Yahudah 4183 (Fa~l If farJ.a'il 'akka) in which this tradition is recorded and which contains many details about the virtues of Acre. He made as well available to me a refutation of the virtues of Acre written by Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi al-AzharI and entitled: al-Raqfm bi-tal].dMri a'/am a/-bashar min al].adtthi 'akkii. wa-'aynihii. a/-musammii.t bi-'ayni l-baqar (Princeton, MS Yahudah 5923). 177 Al-Mausilt, al- Wasila, V /1, 193. Sanctity Joint and Divided 49 four such cities in Paradise: 'Akka, 'Asqalan, Judda and 'Abbadan. Further the Prophet stressed the special virtues of 'Abbadan: a takMra in 'Abbadan is more meritorious than a thousand bendings (rak'a) in another mosque; he who visits 'Abbadan and who anticipates by this the reward of God (mu1J,tasiban), God will forgive him his sins and will reward him with an 'umra; he who prays two bendings in 'Abbadan will get the reward as if he prayed forty bendings (rak' a) elsewhere and as if he had attended the battle of Badr with the Prophet.l " The case of 'Abbadan serves as an example of the rise of a holy place frequented by ascetics and sufis; a web of miraculous stories and abundant utterances of the Prophet about the virtues of the place enhanced the position of the locality. The sanctity of the isle of 'Abbadan was divulged by Jibrtl himself; he revealed to the Prophet on the night of the mi'raj the unknown details about the creation of the place. The Prophet saw a light on the earth ascending to the sky and asked Jibrtl about it. Jibrtl explained that 'Abbadan was created from four places: from 'fur Stna, from bayt al-maqdis, from the masjid al-hariitri and from the mosque of Medina. Jibril then stated that he who prayed two rak'as in 'Abbadan would be like a man who prayed in the four places. Jibril assured the Prophet that he who visited 'Abbadan and spent one night in it, God would grant him the reward as if he visited Mecca, Jerusalem, 'fur SIna and the mosque of Medina. God would respond to the invocat.ions and supplications in 'Abbadan.F" The story of 'Abbadan is an example of the creation of a combined sanctity based on the blending of well known and venerated elements of sanctity. The firm belief of the Muslim community in the sanctity of the holy places in Islam was weakened to some extent by the orthodox circles t.hemselves who raised considerable doubts as to the soundness of tradit.ions which were widely accepted. A subject of contention of this kind was the problem whether the Prophet did perform a prayer in the mosque of al-Aqsa during his isrii', The scholars were divided in their opinions: some asserted that he had indeed prayed at al-Aqsa, but others denied this, saying that had he prayed there the believers would be obliged to pray in Jerusalem, for they would have to act according to the ritual practice performed by the Prophet; his prayer would have become an obliging sunna.180 As early as in the Umayyad period some members of the ruling family reduced the sanctity of Jerusalem: 'an ibni shihabin: kana sulasnniir: Al-Mausilr, al- Wasfla, V/1, 193 inf.-194. Al-Mausilt, al- Wasfla, V/1, 194. 180 Al-Tabart, Tahdhlb al-iithiir, I (Musnad 'abdal/ah b. al-'abbiis), 443-70, nos. 728-46. AI-TayalisI, Musnad (Hyderabad, 1321), p. 55, no. 411. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' bay an al-'ilm wa-farf,lihi (al-Madma al-munawwara, n.d.), II, 103. 178 179 50 M.J. Kister b. 'abd al-malik lii yu' azzims: fliyii kamii yu' azzimuhii ahlu baytihi. qiila: Ja-sirtu ma'ahu wa-huwa waliyyu 'ahdin wa-ma'ahu khiilid b. yazfd b. mu'iiwiya .... Khalid b. Yazid said that he had read the Torah and the Book revealed by God to Muhammad, The Rock of the sanctuary of Jerusalem was not enjoined by God to the Jews as qibla in their Scripture; the decision to take the Rock as qibla was a result of an historical development: the Ark of the Sakina (tiibut al-sakfna) was placed on the Rock. When God became angry with the Jews He removed the Ark from the Rock. Then the Jews consulted among themselves and decided to pray in the direction of the Rock and established it as their qibla. Thus the Rock itself had no sanctity at all. Abu l_'A.liya181 could indeed convince a Jew who claimed that the Rock was the qibla of Moses, that Moses prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba; he merely performed the prayer at the Rock: kiina YUi?allf'inda l-sakhra wa-yastaqbilu l-bayt al-horiim, Ja-kiinat al-ka' batu qiblatahu wa-kiinat al-sokhratn: bayna yadayhi.182 Al-'AbdarI records in his al-Madkhal a significant opinion concerning the practice of bad innovations (bid' a) which occurred in some virtuous and distinguished places. The bid' a under consideration was the controversial saliit al-ragha'ib which started in Jerusalem. The virtuous places have no influence on the deeds and practices performed in them: [a-aqiiiu: inna hadhihi ol-souit [i.e., saliit al-ragha' ib 1 shii' at bayna l-niis ba'da l-mi' ati l-riibi' ati wa-lam takun tu'raJu; [a-lajzuhs: hiidhii yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun. Further he argues: Ja-hiidhii l-laJ~u ay¢an minhu yadullu 'alii annahii bid' atun, idh anna mabda' a fi'lihii ft bayti l-maqdisi diino. ghayrihi. wal-buqa 'u wa-in kiinat mimmii laha Ja¢flatun ft naJsihii Ja-laysa lohii ta'thfrun [ittui hcdathc fthii; wa-lau kiina kadhiilika ladhahaba kathfrun min al-shari' a wa-l-'iyiidhu bi-lliihi, wa-qad lJ,afi~ahii lliihu wa-l-lJ,amdu li-lliihi.183 See Ibn Hajar al-t.Asqalani, Toluihib al-tahdhfb, XII, 143, no. 685. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badii/i' al-fawCi'id (Beirut [reprint], n.d.), IV, 170 inf.> 171. Additionally the Jew was persuaded of the argument of Abu l-'Aliya by the fact that the qibla of the mosque of the prophet $ali\:l was in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Christians too were not ordered by Jesus to face East in their prayers, nor was such injunction given to them in the Evangelium or in any of their Scriptures. An instructive passage (ibid., pp. 171 inf>- 172 sup.) about the qibla of the Samaritans, a mountain in the district of Nabulus, attempts to prove the worthlessness of their claim that that qibla was enjoined in the Torah. Ibn Qayyim himself checked the text and failed to find the alleged Samaritan qibla in this Scripture. On the qibla of Jerusalem and the attitude of some of the Umayyads towards it; see Suliman Bashear, "Qur 'an II, 114 and Jerusalem," BSOAS, 52 (1989), p. 237; and see the reference in note 158. 183 Al-'AbdarI, al-Madkhal, IV, 267 inf.~268. 181 182 Sanctity Joint and Divided 51 Al-'AbdarI explains that Jerusalem cannot be blamed for the bad innovations. Jerusalem is in fact the third city as to its virtues; Mecca and Medina are superior to Jerusalem in virtue and in these two cities there occurred events which the shari:« is reluctant to accept.P" It is precisely this inferior position of Jerusalem, being third in rank among the dignified cities, that caused Jerusalem to be mindful of the claims of other cities. Such was the case of the competition of Jerusalem with Damascus, which according to some scholars is the fourth sanctuary to which one should set out for ritual practices.J'" In a detailed, comprehensive and exhaustive study, Professor Joseph Sadan subjects the competition between Jerusalem and Damascus to an illuminating scrutiny.V" The pivot of discussion in Sadan's two articles is the location of maqiim nabf miisii: whether it is to be sought in the vicinity of Jerusalem or of Damascus. Sadan dealt with the philological elements and analyzed the arguments of the opponents, basing himself on a huge bibliographical array. Even the indication of the common word al-shiim was heatedly discussed and variously interpreted by different groups. The hadith. qudsi: anii rabbu l-shiimi man a'T"iidahii hi-su'in qa$amtuhu187 "I am the Lord of al-Sham and shall break anyone who wishes it ill" was differently explicated by scholars according to their opinion whether al-shiim refers to the whole territory of Syria or merely to Damascus.l'" In some cases al-shiim was said to apply to .lcrusalern.P? Sadan points out that the treatise of al-Timurtashf (d. 1054 H.), alKluibar al-tiimm fZ J;,udud al-a'T"~iI-muqaddasati uia-jiiastin. wa-I-shiim as well as that of Muhammad b. Habib (d. 1649), Du'T"'T"u l-niziim fZ mahosini I-sham, were both composed at the instigation and encouragement of some official dignitaries in Egypt and in Syria.190 The treatise of Muhammad b. Habib, Du'T"'T"U l-niziirn, which is based Oil Iuulitl, material combined with some historical traditions, reflects the IH1Al-'AbdarT, al-Madkhal, IV, 268 sup. 1 He, ee above, at note 35; and see Muhammad S b. !:Iabib , Durru l-ni~am fI malJasini l-shiim, MS Princeton, Yahudah 1862 (4427), fols. 3b-4a. IHf;.!. Sadan, "Maqiitt: nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus: On the History of the Rivalry between Two Holy Places" (in Hebrew), Hamizrab. hehadost, (1979), PI'. '22-38 and idem, "The Conflict Concerning the maqiim nabf miisii in the Muslim Sources" (in Hebrew), Hamizrah heluuiasli (1979), pp. 220-38. 1"7 See this tradition assessed in al-Jarraht's Kashf al-khafii', I, 202, no. 612; and see ilsul.: wa-shtahara ayq.an: wayka umma l-jabiibira man ammaka bi-su'in qasamtutiu, ina-l-khiiiib li-dimashq .... And see Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 3: lliilvu rabbii l-shiimi Iii udfmu f1hii ~ulma l-~iilimi .... 1 HH See e.g., J. Sadan, "Moqiim nabf miisii between .!ericho and Damascus," p. 26. IH!ISee Muhammad b. Hablb, Durru l-ni~iim, fol. 6b, I. 8, qiila rasulu lliihi, qiila llulu: ta'iilii li-l-shiimi wa-huwa baytu l-maqdisi: anti jannatf wa-qudsf wa-~afwatf min biliidf, man sakanaki fa-bi-ralJmatin minnf .... I!IO.!. Sadan, Maqiim nabi"musii, pp. 26-27. ,,,,,I 52 M.J. Kister rivalry between the two religious centers in Islam. Another aspect of the struggle of Jerusalem to gain a proper status in the competition between the holy places in Islam is exposed in an interesting treatise written by Burhan al-Din b. Jama'a (d. 790 H)191 named Kiiiiin: stiqbali l-qiblatayan.192 As in the case of the treatises of Muhammad b. Habib and alTimurtashi, the treatise of Ibn .Iama'a was inspired by a discussion between two scholars as to the qibla of the prophets who preceded the prophet Muhammad; it was held in the presence of a dignitary who got the high rank of combining "the sword and the pen" and "word and deed." The pivot of the dispute was the disparity in the opinions of the two scholars: one of them maintained that none of the prophets of the past (i.e., before the emergence of Islam) turned his face towards the Rock as a qibla except Muhammad. His opponent held the view that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock; only Muhammad turned his face towards the Ka'ba.193 Ibn Jama'a states that both scholars have a right to their views. The disputant who claimed that none of the prophets turned his face towards the Rock had in mind, according to Ibn Jama'a, the l},adfth transmitted by Abu l_'.Aliya194 that the Ka'ba is the qibla of all the prophets: alka'batu qiblatu l-anbiya'i kullihim. The one who claimed that all the prophets turned their faces towards the Rock except Muhammad based his opinion on the utterance of the Prophet transmitted by al-ZuhrI195 saying that since .Adam descended on earth God did not send a prophet without appointing as his qibla the Rock of bayt al-maqdis: lam yab'ath allahu mundhu ohbata iidasna u« l-dunya nabiyyan illa ja' ala qiblatahu $akhrata bayti l-maqdis. The tradition of al-Zuhri is indeed transmitted by Yiinus b. Yazid alAylI,196 a faithful student of al-Zuhrt, and is recorded by al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja.P" 191 See C. Brockelmann, GAL, II, 112. And see the fatwa of Burhan al-DIn b. Jama'a on the problem of sama', MS Hebrew University AP. Ar. 158, fols. 11a-20a: hadha su'alun sa'alahu shakhsut: mina l-fuqara'i ghafara llahu lalvu amfn amfn li- maulana qarf,'1I-qurf,atiburhani l-dini bni jama'a taghammadahu llahu bi-ral].matihi ami"n lamma kana khati"ban bi-bayti l-maqdisi wa-dhalika fi sanati ithnatayni wasab''1na wa-sab'imi'atin. 192 MS Hebrew University, Yahudah Col., Ar. 318. 193 MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89a. al-Tabaqiit al-kubra (Beirut, 1377/1957), VII, 112-17. GAS, I, 280-83. 196 See Ibn Hajar al-IAsqalant, TahdMb al-tahdMb, XI, 450-52, no. 869. 197 AI-Musharraf b. al-Murajja, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis wa-l-khali"l wa-farf,a'il ol-shiim; MS Tiibingen 1, fol. 36a inf. Mahmud Ibrahlrn, Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis (Kuwayt, 1406/ 1985), p. 306 (from al-Miknasi's Farf,a'il bayti l-maqdis). Al-Wasitt, Farf,a'il al-bayti l-muqaddas, ed. I. Hasson (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 51, no. 78 (and see the references of 194 See Ibn Sa'd , 195 See F. Sezgin, Sanctity Joint and Divided 53 There are several traditions attributing the virtue of prophethood to Jerusalem or to al-shiini in general. A peculiar utterance transmitted by Damra b. Rabra198 stated: "Never was a prophet sent except from Syria [Sham l; if he was not from Syria, he was moved to Syria": lam yub' ath nabiyyun illa mina l-shiimi, fa-in lam yakun minhii usriya bihi ilayhii.199 The idea that the prophets turned their faces towards the Ka'ba as their qibla was also popular. "Never did God send a prophet without enjoining him to pray in the direction of the Ka'ba. The Jews and the Christians were ordered to do so but strayed from the right path.,,200 A tradition recorded on the authority of 'Urwa says that every prophet performed the pilgrimage to Mecca except Hiid and Salih; Niih too performed the pilgrimage. Hiid was sent by God to perform the pilgrimage, but he was impeded by the troubles of his people and could not carry out his mission. After Ibrahim every prophet without exception performed the pilgrimage to Mecca and performed the rites of the circumambulation of the Ka'ba.201 According to another tradition traced back to Mujahid, seventy prophets performed the hajj to Mecca; among them was Moses clad in a Qatwani woolen striped cloak, and Yunus, who uttered the talbiya: labbayka kiishifa l_kurab.202 the editor). Ibn al-JauzT, Falja'il al-quds, p. 114. 1985ee MTzan al-i'tidal, I, 330, no. 3959. 199 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 112. 200 Al-Suyutt, Saji'at al-haram, MS Leiden, Or. 1526, p. 225 sup.: wa-qad ruwiya: rna ba'atha ilahu nabiyya~ iI/a qfla'iahu: ila I-ka'bati ~allu, wa-anna I-yahuda wa-Inasara umiru biha wa-Iakinnahum 'anha dalli; .... 20i Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, '129. Al-Sayyid al-BakrT b. al-Sayyid Muhammad Shata al-Dimyati, ['anat al-talibfn 'ala fatlJi alfa~ fatlJi I-mu'fn, II, 277: Illm yab'ath al/ahu nllbiYYlln ba'da ibrahi:ma 'alayhi I-~alatu wa-I-salam ilia lJajja; llIa-l/adhi: sorroho bihi ghayruhu annahu mii min nabiyyin ilia lJajja khilafan Ii-man istaitmii hiidon. wa-~alilJan ... qala l-r olliim« 'abd al-ra'uf: wa-qa'iluhu 'urwatu bnu 1zubayr raljiya lliihi: 'anhuma qiila: balaghanf anna adama wll-nulJan lJajja duna hudin 1lI1l-~alilJin li-shtighalihima bi-amri qaumihima, thummll ba'atha lliihsi ibrahi:mll fa!llljjahu wa-'allama manasikahu, thumma Illm yab'ath al/ahu nabiyyan ba'dahu uts !lIljjllhu. wa-yujabu 'an qauli 'urwata bi-anna I-lJadftha 'ala farlji ~ilJlJatihi mu'araljun bi-lllJadftha kathi:ratin annahuma lJajja, minhii qaulu l-hosani /I risiilatihs anna rasiila Ilt1hi [~l qiila: inna qabra nulJin uia-hiidin. wa-shu'aybin wa-~alilJin /lma bayna 1"ukni wa-I-maqami wa-zamzama. wa-mina I-ma'/iimi annahum 10. ya'tiina I-bayta Ili-ghayri lJajjin .... Further the author discusses the problem whether the prayer in t.he barom of Mecca is permitted, as the locality contains the tombs of the prophets. III! says it is permissible, arguing: wa-Ia tukrahu I-~alatu bayna I-rukni wa-l-maqami Illtl-zamzama tawahhuman min ~adfthi l-hasat: li-kaunihima maqburatan, li-annaha maqburatu I-anbiya'i wa-hum alJya'u /I qubiirihim. The author attempts to prove that the tradition of the Prophet, 10. tattakhidhu qubilra anbiya'ikum masajida, can1I0t. be applied in case of the tombs in the court of the horam. of Mecca. And see IHI.I:l.q b. Bishr, Kitab al-mubtada' (al-juz' al-khamis), MS ;:;ahiriyya 359 (majmu'a), 1"01. 132a. '1II2 Al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 129. 54 M.J. Kister Another view as to the sojourn of the prophets in Mecca is seen in several traditions stressing that the prophets used to set out to Mecca either when persecuted by their people203 or when their people perished; the prophets then stayed in Mecca worshipping God until they died. Nuh, Hud, Shu'ayb and Salih are buried in the sanctuary of Mecca, between Zamzam and the I,Iijr.204 Ibn Jama'a, aware of the contradiction in the opinions of the two scholars, states that the way chosen by him in his scrutiny is to follow the path of explication which may result in a harmonization; if this is hard to achieve another way should be chosen: the two opinions are to be considered as if they were two buildings in danger of collapse; sound, searching scholars have to be consulted. Ibn Jama'a promises to base himself on the opinions of these scholars and provide a historical outline of the subject chronologically arranged. The first man chosen by God for the rank of prophecy was Adam. We do not know however whether the Temple of Jerusalem existed in his time, except in God's preconceived knowledge, says Ibn Jama'a. It is essential for Ibn Jama'a to establish when the Temple of Jerusalem was built. He quotes Abu Muhammad al-Qasim Ibn 'Asakir who recorded in his al-Musiaqsii fi farJ,ii'ili l-masjidi l-aqsii the opinion of Ka'b al-Ahbar saying that the ancient foundation of the Temple was laid by Sam b. Niih; later Dawiid and Sulayrnan built upon this base. As it is stated in the reliable ~.adfth collection that between Adam and Niih there were ten generations (qurun), the earliest date for the building of the foundation of the Temple was that of Sam b. Nuh. There are however other traditions claiming that some of the sons of Adam laid the foundation of the Temple; another tradition claims that it was the angels who established its foundation after they had built the Ka'ba.205 203 Al-Mausili, al- Wasua, III/2, 309: mii min nabiyyin haraba min qaumihi illii haraba lliihi. bi-makkata fa-'abada lliilu: f!ha batu: miita. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud b. 'Abd al-Rahrnan al-Marakashi, al-Raud al-mughtanam f! farjli ma'i zamzam, MS Firenze, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Or. 178, fol. 20a: kana l-nabiyyu mina l-anbiya'i idhii kadhdhabahu qaumuhu wa-halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata sharrafahii lliihsi fa-ya'budu lliiha f!ha huwa wa-man ma'ahu ~atta yamii.ta. See A. ArazT, "Conflit de preseance entre la Mekke et Medine," JSAI 5(1984), pp. 212-13. 204 Al-'AqiilI, 'Arf al-!fb, MS Leiden Or. 493, fol. 70a: kana l-nabiyyu min a 1anbiya'i idhii halakat ummatuhu lahiqa bi-makkata yata'abbadu f!ha al-nabiyyu waman ma'ahu ~atta l-mauti; [a-miiia biha nii.~ um-hiid wa-shu'ayb wa-~ali~ waqubii.ruhum bayna zamzam uia-l-liijr. Ibn AbT I-Dunya, al-Lshriif f! maniizil al-oshrti], MS Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 80a sup.: 'an ibni "abbnsin: f! masjidi l-huriimi qabriini, qabru shu'ayb mustaqbal al-~ijr wa-qabru isma'u f! l-~ijr. Muhammad b. Yiisuf alGharnatr l-Jiyanl, Tafsir al-bahr al-mu~f! (Cairo, 1328), I, 140: wa-li-dhii.lika summiya wasa!uhii bakkata Ii-anna l-orda bukkat min ta~tihii; uia-khtussat bi-l-dhikr liann aha maqarru man halaka qaumuhu min a l-anbiya'i wa-dufina bihii nii~ wa-hii.d wa-~ali~ bayna l-maqiim wa-l-rukn .... 205 Ibn Jarna'a, Istiqbtil, MS Yah. Ar. 318, fol. 89b. And see Nasir al-Drn b. Khadir, al-Mustaqsii, MS Escorial 1767, fol. 5b: f! muthfri l-gharami 'an abf l-'abbiisi 1- un Sanctity Joint and Divided 55 As to the Ka'ba, the sanctuary existed and was frequented by the people who came either for pilgrimage or for a visit . .Adam performed the I},ajj and the circumambulation of the Ka'ba. According to a tradition recorded by al-Shafi'I in his Umm the angels met Adam on his return from the I},ajj and greeted him with the greeting burra I},ajjuka; they told him that they used to perform the pilgrimage two thousand years before his pilgrimage. Ibn Jama'a quotes other sources as to Adam's stay in Mecca and the ritual practices performed by him, or performed in his time. He is said to have performed forty pilgrimages from India to Mecca on foot (from Tabari's Ta'rzkh). According to another tradition he sojourned in Mecca until his death; he used to circumambulate the Ka'ba seven times a night and five times a day (from al-Azraqi's, Ta'rzkh). Ibn Jama'a emphasizes that these traditions cannot be rejected except by people who assume that the first to build the Ka'ba was Abraham and that it did not exist before him. This opinion is shared by some people in later times, but the majority of scholars opposes it. Ibn Jama'a is of the opinion that the prayer (al-~aliit) was a legally binding practice (kiinat al-saliiis: mashrii: atan) already at the time of Adam, The tradition of Adam's request on his deathbed to have a bunch of grapes from heaven mentions that Adam was washed and clad with a shroud; Jibrll performed the prayer at his grave and he was buried (from 'Abdallah b. Ahmad's Ziyiidiit al-musnad).206 Another tradition says that the angels carried the body of .Adam and placed it at the door of the Ka'ba; then Jibril performed the prayer (from FakihI's Ta'rzkh Makka). A tradition that goes back to Ibn 'Abbas says that Jibril refused to pray on the grave of .Adam, but instructed Shlth to pray on his father's grave thirty tokbiras: five as a prayer (~aliit), twenty-five as a distinctive, supererogatory practice in honor of Adam (taf¢zlan li-iidam) (from Ibn 'Asakir's Ta'rzkh). These traditions, maintains Ibn Jama'a, support each other to establish the fact that the prayer for the dead (~aliit al-janiiza) was mandatory at the time of Adam, He assumes that other prayers were probably established at that period and quotes from the commentary of al-Rafi'I to the Musnad of al-Shafi'I that the morning prayer was the prayer of Adam, the prayer of midday (al-?uhr) was the prayer of Dawud, the afternoon prayer (~aliit al-'a~r) was the prayer of Sulayman, the prayer of sunset was the prayer of Ya'qub and the prayer of the evening ('ishii') was that of Yunus. There are no explicit traditions about the qibla of the pre-Islamic prophets, Ibn Jama'a admits; but he assumes that the qibla of .Adam was the Ka'ba; it was already mentioned earlier, says Ibn Jarna'a, that Adam circumambulated the Ka'ba and performed the quriubi: yajiizu an yakiina banat-hu l-malii'ikatu 206 Ibn .Iama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. 8gb. ba' da binii'i l-bayti bi-idhni lliihi. 56 M.J. Kister pilgrimage to it and it is therefore plausible that he also prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba.207 In a special passage dealing with the qibla of the prophets Ibn Jama'a remarks that there is no explicit mention of the qibla of the prophets who lived in the period between Adam and Abraham, but it is well known that they revered the House, performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, performed the circumambulation, prayed at the House and made invocations there. Stories about the pilgrimage of Nilh , Hiid, Salil; , Shu'ayb and 'Ad are widely circulated. Ibn Jama'a reiterates the tradition about the prophets who moved to Mecca after their people perished and who stayed there worshipping God until their death (see above, notes 203-204). The graves of these prophets are found around the House and it is not far fetched to assume that they faced it in their prayers (fa-muqtarja hiidha alta yub'ada annahum kanu YUljaltuna ilayhi). Additionally AbU l-'Aliya reported that he saw the grave of $alil} with the qibla in the direction of the Ka'ba; that was also the qibla of the grave of Daniyal. As to the question how one can know it, since the tradition says that the Deluge ruined the House and erased it, Ibn Jama'a adopts Mujahid's view according to which the place of the Ka'ba became erased by the flood and hidden, but there remained nevertheless a red hill which the flood did not submerge. People knew that that was the place of the Ka'ba, and those who suffered from ill-treatment used to frequent this spot and mentioned their grievances in their invocations; they were answered and got help. Ibn Jama'a states that this tradition is sounder than the one transmitted by Hudhayfa saying that the House was lifted (rufi' a) and nobody performed the Ij,ajj in the period between Nuh and Ibrahim. (recorded by al-FakihI).208 A later chapter is dedicated to the elucidation of the direction of the qibla of Abraham and his descendants. Abraham, rescued from the ruse and deceit of Namrud in Babil, set out (hajam) to Syria (ai-sham) and settled in the Holy Land (al- arrj al-muqaddasa); he dedicated himself to the worship of God. People of the Book claim that he set up his tent to the East of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). In that period Hajar became pregnant and bore his son Isma'Il. Then happened the famous event between her and Sarah, as a result of which Abraham moved Hajar and her son to the wadz of Mecca. Abraham used to visit them from time to time riding the beast named al-Buraq and would return to the Holy Land. We have no information, says Ibn Jama'a, what his qibla at that time was. After he set out to Mecca on the order of God and built the Ka'ba at His order, the Ka'ba became his qibla and that of his descendants; so things continued until the time of Moses. The Muslim 207 208 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOa. Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. gOb. Sanctity Joint and Divided 57 community is unanimous concerning this matter; only the Jews have a different opinion about it. The qibla of the descendants of Abraham seems to have been a subject of controversy. Ibn Jama'a quotes the commentary of al-Wal;tidI in which the suffixed personal pronoun in the word qiblatihim and kanu 'alayha in the phrase: mii wallahum 'an qiblatihim uou kii,nu 'alayhii (Qur'an 2:143) refers to Ibrahim, Isma'Il, Ishaq, Ya'qub and the tribes, because they claimed (falsely) that the qibla of Abraham was the Temple of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis). But that is not the first case of their slander (this obviously refers to the unbelievers and the People of the Book). Ibn 'Abbas is said to have interpreted the phrase fa-Ia-nuwalliyannaka qiblatan tanJ,aha as referring to the qibla of Ibrahim, i.e., to the Ka'ba. The question of some believers why the faces of the patriarchs in their graves are not turned in the direction of the Ka'ba is answered that they remain in the position in which they threw themselves down at their decease. 209 The traditions about the qibla of Moses are confused. Ibn Jarna'a states that according to what he could gather Moses prayed in the direction of the Rock. Ibn Jama'a mentions a story which corroborates this view: when 'Umar consulted Ka'b al-Ahbar as to where to establish the place of the Aql?a mosque he advised him to put it behind the Rock. In that case the mosque would combine two qibla: that of Moses and that of Muhammad. 'Umar rebuked him, accusing him of trying to imitate the Jewish ritual practice. A different tradition says however that Moses' qibla was the Ka'ba. Some scholars championed this tradition, interpreting in this way the verse uia-kadhalika ja'alnakum ummatan wasatan [Qur'an 2:143]. Ibn Jama'a considers the two opinions plausible, as Moses revered both the Temple and the Ka'ba. His reverence of the Ka'ba is proved by the fact that he performed the pilgrimage to the Ka'ba. The reverence of the Temple can be deduced from the fact that before his death he prayed that he might be brought close to the Holy Land to a "stone-throwing" distance. A third opinion says that Moses observed the prayer towards the Tent of the Time (qubbat aI-zaman) also called the Tent of the Covenant (qubbat al-' ahd) which God ordered to make from wood of shamsluid and to embellish it with gold, silver and silk. After the death of Moses, when Yusha' b. Nun took control of Jerusalem, he put the Tent on the Rock; he and the people of Israel prayed in the direction of the Tent and they were followed in their practice by succeeding generations. When the Tent was worn out after long use people prayed in the direction of the Rock, the spot where the Tent had been placed. Ibn Jama'a points out that it is obvious that this way of prayer was 209 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbal, fols. 90b-91a. 58 M.J. Kister observed according to a revelation of God; were it not so the Prophet would not have agreed with praying in the direction of Jerusalem. The Rock thus remained the qibla of the prophets who dwelt in the Holy Land (al-arrf, al-muqaddasa); but these prophets revered the Ka'ba as well and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Ibn Ishaq stated that after Abraham all the prophets sent by God performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. Many sources report the pilgrimage of Moses, Jesus and Jonah (Yunus): in some reports the talbiyat of the prophets are recorded.U" Ibn Jama'a dedicated a lengthy passage to the discussion of the qibla of the Prophet in the various periods of his prophetical career and provided a scrutiny of the different traditions concerned with this subject. It is the unanimous opinion of the scholars of Islam that God combined the two qiblas for the Prophet. The differences between them refer to the particular circumstances (kayfiyya) of the event. According to the opinion of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr (al-Qurtubr), the Prophet prayed during the period of his stay in Mecca in the direction of the Ka 'ba When he went out to Medina on his hijra, he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem. Later he turned to the Ka'ba and prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba. Thus the abrogation of God's injunction as to the qibla took place twice. AI-Tabari records in his TaNir the opinion of Ibn Jurayj stating that the Prophet prayed during the first period in Mecca in the direction of the Ka'ba, and then turned away from it (~urifa 'anha) towards Jerusalem. The Ansar thus prayed in Medina towards Jerusalem for three years. AlTabari also records the opinion of Qatada saying that they prayed for two years towards Jerusalem. When the Prophet arrived in Medina after his hijra they prayed with him towards Jerusalem; then they changed direction and prayed towards the Ka'ba. Ibn Jama'a expresses his reservation: the majority of scholars assume that the Prophet prayed in Mecca only in the direction of Jerusalem. He used however to perform the prayer between the Yam anI Column and the Black Stone (bayna l-rukni l-yamanf uia-l-luijari l-aswad); in this position the Ka'ba was in front of him and the person behind him could think that he prayed towards the Ka'ba. There is, however, the possibility, says Ibn Jama'a, that he did it out of preference for facing the Ka'ba, since the Ka'ba was the qibla of his ancestor Ibrahim, and in order to gain the sympathy of Quraysh (li-kauniha qiblata abfhi ibriihima wa-ta'allufan li-qurayshin). When the Prophet came to Medina - in which it was impossible to combine between the two qiblas - he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis) in order to gain the sympathy of the Jews. When he realized that they did not abstain from their wrong course he turned while praying in the direction of the Ka'ba. 210 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fol. 91a-b. Sanctity Joint and Divided 59 The scholars who adopted these opinions differed as to the question of what caused the Prophet to turn towards Jerusalem in his prayer while he was staying in Medina. Some of them assumed that it was a firm decree imposed on the Prophet (lJ,atman); this is indicated by the verse uia-mii ja' alna l-qiblata llat'i kunta 'alayha (Qur'an 2; 144). Another group of scholars assumed that God granted the Prophet the option between the two qiblas at his arrival in Medina. Others say that he was given the free choice of the four sides and was permitted to turn in his prayer in whatever direction he wanted, and he opted for the Temple of Jerusalem (fa-khtara bayta l-maqdisi). Later he turned to the Ka'ba. As evidence for this opinion, Ibn Zayd quoted the verse wa-li-llahi l-mashriqu wa-lmaghribu fa-aynama tuwallu fa-thamma wajhu tui« (Qur'an 2:115) There is now general consensus that members of the community should turn their faces towards the Ka'ba, except in the case of great fear or when one performs a supererogatory prayer (nafila), as is indicated in the books of fiqh. Scholars were unanimous as to the verse dealing with the change of qibla: qad narii taqalluba wajhika fi l-sama'i (Quran 2:145), but they differed as to the date of the revelation. Some of them gave as the date of the revelation Rajab of the second year of the hijra; others established the date as Sha'ban of that year. That was the reason why some doubts were raised as to the length of period during which the Prophet prayed in Medina in the direction of Jerusalemwhether it was sixteen or seventeen months. Ibn Abr Hatim assumed that he prayed in the direction of Jerusalem for seventeen months and three days and that the change of qibla took place in the middle of Sha'ban. Al-Waqidi stated that it happened on a Tuesday. As to the time of the change, there are different traditions: some say that the first prayer in Medina in the direction of the Ka'ba was the afternoon prayer (al-' aF) - this is the tradition recorded in al- Bukhari's $alJ,fl;,on the authority of al-Bara', Others say that the revelation of the change was granted before the midday prayer (al-?uhr) and that that was the first prayer performed in the direction of Mecca - this tradition was recorded by al-Nasa'I on the authority of Abu Sa'Id b. alMu'alla, A third tradition says that the revelation was released after the first two rak'as of the midday prayer were performed by the Prophet (wa-qad sollii rasiih: llahi sollii usn« 'alayhi wa-sallam mina l-zuhri rak'atayni) in the mosque of the Banii Sulayrn; the believers in the mosque turned around (istadaru) and the Prophet completed the prayer with them. Therefore, the mosque of the Banii Sulaym was called masjid al-qiblatayn.211 211 Ibn Jama'a, Istiqbiil, fo1. 92a. 60 M.J. Kister Ibn Jama'a finally touches upon the interpretation of the tradition recorded on the authority of al-Zuhri after finishing the treatise of "Facing the Two Qiblas" ("Kitiibu stiqbiili l-qiblatayn") written in haste. The tradition saying that all the prophets prayed in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem cannot be explicated in the way conceived by al-Zuhrt, It has to be interpreted in connection with the tradition of the isrii', During this event, all the prophets were gathered for the Prophet and he headed the prayer; they stood behind him. This event took place before the hijra and, of course, before the change of the qibla. In connection with the Prophet's prayer during the isrii', Ibn Jama'a notes the tradition recorded in the Mustaq~ii according to which the Prophet performed the prayer standing to the north of the Rock (waqafa min shiimi l-~akhra); in this way he combined the two qiblos. That, remarks Ibn Jarna'a, does not invalidate the claim that the Prophet was enjoined to pray in the direction of the Temple of Jerusalem and that all the prophets prayed behind him. This problem of facing the two qiblas belongs to the problems of transmitted lore (al-masii'il al-naqliyya) and cannot be treated by logical analysis (llatz Iii tnajiila li-l-' aqli fihii). Ibn J ama'a ends the treatise by calling for a cautious approach to the lJ,adzth and by urging that the soundness of the transmitted traditions be established. The attempts to raise Jerusalem to a position of importance comparable to other religious centers in the Muslim empire are reflected in some reports and stories depicting the marvels of Jerusalem in ancient times, relating the tales of the prophets in Jerusalem and virtues of the holy places in this city, and recording the utterances of the Prophet about its virtues. The unfortunate conditions in Medina are reflected in the following report: Medina was in a sad situation at the Prophet's arrival (on his hijra-k). The report says that the people of the city were in a poor state: they did not ride horses, nor did they gain booty. After the arrival of the Prophet, they obtained sufficient means of subsistence. It is evident that the improvement in the economic situation in Medina was due to the raids and expeditions of the Prophet's troops against the hostile tribes.212 The superiority of Jerusalem to Medina is reflected in the following utterance of the Prophet, issued by him after his return from his nocturnal journey isrii' to Jerusalem. When 'Imran b. Husayn expressed his 212 Al-Sarnarqandi, Tajsir, MS Chester Beatty 3668, I, fol. 277b: wa-dhiilika anna 1nabiyya, ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, qadima l-madlnata wa-kiina ahlu I-madlnati fi shiddatin min 'ayshihim Iii yarkabuna l-khayla wa-lii yal],uzuna l-qhanimata [a-lammii qadima I-nabiyyu l-truuiinata staghnau. Sanctity Joint and Divided 61 high opinion about the beauty of Medina, the Prophet remarked: "But what if you had seen Jerusalem (bayt al-maqdis)? And how not, added the Prophet, as everyone in this city is visited, but does not set out to visit [other places-k]; the souls al-arwiilJ, are dispatched to Jerusalem, but the soul of Jerusalem is directed only to God." God honored Medina, said the Prophet, and made it pleasant by his stay in this city. "I shall stay in it, [i.e., in Medina-k] he said, in my lifetime and after my death. Were it not for this reason, I would not have performed the hijra from Mecca [sci1. to Medina-k], as the moon in Mecca looks more beautiful than in any other place.,,213 The stories about the virtues of the sanctuary of Jerusalem were embellished by the legends of the building of the Temple by David and Solomon and the miracles witnessed by the people during the centuries on the Temple precincts and on the Rock.214 Several stories record the discussions between the Jews and the Muslims as to whether Jerusalem surpassed Mecca or whether Mecca surpassed Jerusalem in virtues and distinctive features. The Jews claimed that the Temple surpassed the Ka'ba in excellence and greatness (wa-qiilat al-yahudu: baytu l-maqdisi aJ4alu um-n' zamu. mina l-ka'bati) because it was the place of refuge of the prophets (muhiijar al-anbiyii') in the Holy Land; the Muslims stated that the Ka'ba surpassed the Temple in excellence.P!" It was in connection with disputes of this kind that God revealed the verse: Surely the first House founded for mankind is that at Bacca, abounding in blessings and a guidance for all peoples.r!" God created it two thousand years before He created earth.217 The following widely circulated utterance of the Prophet seems to have been a final solution to the question under discussion: the first House created by God for worship was the Ka'ba; and forty years later the Temple in Jerusalem was built.218 The high position of Jerusalem is reflected in another utterance of the Prophet, in which he allotted to Jerusalem the second place in rank after Mecca; Jerusalem follows Mecca as a sanctuary and is not preceded by any other holy place. The Prophet is said to have stated: ~aliitun fi 213 Shams al-Dt al-Suyfitr, Itl}ii./ al-okhissii, I, 99. 214 See e.g., al-Wasitr, Faq,ii.'il, pp. 6-11, 19-20. 215 See al-Martzr, Kitii.b fihi dhikru mii. warada fi bunyii.ni l-ka'bati l-muaHama, MS Leiden Or. 560, fo1. 165a; and see al-Saqsmi, Zahrat al-riyii.q" MS Hebrew Univ. Yah Ar. 571, p. 221. 216 Qur'an 3:97. 217 See al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Shakir, VII, 19-22; and see al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-fmii.n, VII, 542-43, no. 3697. 218See al-Tabarr, Tajsir, VII, 22, no. 7434; Diya' al-Din al-Maqdisr, Faq,ii.'il, p. 47, no. 13; al-Bayhaqt, Shu'ab al-imii.n, VII, 541, no. 3696 (and see ib., p. 542, notes); al-Suyutr, Fii.kihat ol-sau], p. 213; al-Tahawr, Mushkil al-iiihiir, (Hyderabad, 1333), repr., I, 32-33. 62 M.J. Kister bayti l-maqdisi khayrun min alfi saliitin. fi ghayrihii illa l-ka'bata.219 This utterance is obviously a transformation of the utterance saliitus: fi masjidr hadhii afrl,alu min alfi ~alatin fima siwahu mina l-masajidi illa l-masjida l-hariima. 220 It was probably current and widely circulated in the early period, when the journey to the distinguished mosques was recommended only to the two sanctuaries: Mecca and Medina.P! Jerusalem, put in place of Medina, could take pride in spots of unsurpassed sanctity like the Rock which God had chosen as His throne and from which He ascended to Heavan.222 On this Rock, God will judge mankind (on the Day of Judgment-k) and on this Rock, the Scales will be placed. Jerusalem gained its high position concurrently with the decrease in the authority of Medina. Orthodox scholars admitted that Medina had surpassed other centers of knowledge of the prophetic tradition until the period of Malik b. Anas. But already in the first period of Islam the great majority of the Companions left Medina and settled in different regions of the Islamic Empire. They created new centers of knowledge which did not lag behind Medina.223 Ibn Hazm was outspoken on the subject of the ijma' of the scholars of Medina: people of Basra, Ktifa, Syria, Mecca and Yemen adopted the tradition of the Prophet from his Companions. They transmitted the traditions of the Prophet told by the Companions of Medina who either emigrated to other cities or remained in Medina. The Qur'an is one, and is the same both in Medina and in other places; the sunan of the Prophet are well know in Medina and outside Medina. The people in the various localities of the Muslim Empire are as knowledgeable as those of Medina. Ibn Hazm further stresses that Malik, Shafi'f and Abu Hanifa did not practice taqlrd, nor did they bid anyone to imitate the sunna of Medina or of any other place.224 It is against the background of these ideological contentions that there grew the tradition of the virtues of Jerusalem and arose the inquisitiveness as to the change in the direction of the prayer and the 219Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-ta'rikh; II, 292-93; al-Khattb al-Baghdadi, al-Rihla fi talabi I-I].adfth, ed. NUr al-Drn 'Itr (Beirut, 1395/1975), 134-38. 220 See e.g., al-Munawt, Fayg, IV, 226-27, nos. 5104-5108 with different versions of the hadfth. 221See note 3 above. 222 See Diya' al-Din al-Madisl, Faga'il, 57-59, nos. 27-33. 223 See e.g., Ibn Taymiyya, fiil].l].at u~ul madhhab ahli l-madfna, ed. Ahmad Hijasi l-Saqqa (Cairo, 1988), 44, 48. 224Ibn Hazm, al-Il].kam fi u~uli l-al].kam, ed. Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Aziz (Cairo, 1398/1978), 1139-47. Sanctity Joint and Divided 63 sojourn of the prophets in Jerusalem, as exposed in the treatise of Ibn Jama'a, the preacher of the Aqf?a. The treatise of Ibn Jama'a concerning the direction of the prayer of the Prophet and the tale of the Rock was preceded by a significant treatise by a preacher in the Aqsa mosque, Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Badr alMausili (d. 627 AH). In a series of concise assertions, the author refuted the validity of prophetic traditions relating to various topics of beliefs, tenets, religious practices and ritual prescriptions. The subjects refuted in the treatise are usually preceded by a headline: ... Iii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii fi l-biibi 'an rasuli lliihi ~alla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam shay' un. The short treatise entitled al-Mughnf 'ani I-lJ,if? wa-I-kitab (Cairo, 1342), was "absorbed" by Majd aI-DIn Muhammad b. Ya'qub alFayruzabadi, the author of the Qamus (d. 1175 AH) wrote a critical commentary on the last chapter of Fayriizabadi's Sifr ol-so' ada, entitled al- Tankii um-l-ijiida fi takhrfji alJ,adfthi khiitimati sifri l-sa: ada (ed. Ahmad al-Barza [Beirut, 1407/1987]). Another scrutiny of the treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr al-Hanafi was written by Husarn al-Dl alMaqdisI and entitled, Fasl al-khitiib bi-naqdi kitabi l-muqhni ' ani I-lJ,if?i um-l-kitiib, The book was edited as a critical edition with an introduction and abundant comments and references by Abu Ishaq al-Huwayni al-Athari ~ijazI b. Muhammad b. Sharif (Beirut, 1405/1985). The treatise of 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausili, the preacher of the Aqsa mosque, contains a significant passage with which we are concerned here. This passage was, of course, transmitted in the treatises mentioned above and thoroughly commented upon: Biib faq,a'il bayti l-maqdis uia-l-sokhra uia-t asqaliin waqazuiin. qiila l-musanni]: lii ya~ilJ,lJ,u hiidhii l-biibi shay'un fi 'an rasiili sallii lliihn: 'alayhi wa-sallam ghayra ihaliithati alJ,adftha fi bayti l-maqdis, ahaduhii: "la tushaddu l-rilJ,alu uta u« thalathati masiijida," uia-l-iikharu annahu su'ila 'an awwali bay tin wuq,i' a ff l-arq,i [a-qala: "al-masjidu lhariimu:" thumma qua "miidhii?" qiila: "al-masjidu l-aqsii." qua: "karn kana baynahuma?" qiila: "arba'una 'iiman." wal-iikhiru: "inna l-saliita fihi ta'dilu sab' ami' ati saliitin. ,,225 tuu« 225 'Umar b. Badr al-Mausilr, al-Mughnf 'ani I-I}if~ uia-l-kitiib, 25; al-Fayruaabadt, Sifr al-sa'ada (Beirut, 1398/1978), 149; Ibn Himmat , al-Tankit wa-I-ifiida, 53-63 (with the head line: biib fatf.a'il bayti I-maqdis uia-l-sakhra um-i asqaltin. uia-qazuiin. wa-I-andalus wa-dimashq); al-Huwayni, Kitab [asl ol-khiiiib bi-naqdi kitiib al-muqhru 'ani I-I}if~i uia-l-kitiib, 42-45. 64 M,]. Kister Authors of collections of weak and forged traditions did not refrain from severe censure of the l},adfths about the virtues of Jerusalem and the Rock. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya (d. 751 AH) marked in his al-Maniir al-munf/ if l-$al},fl},wa-l-q,a'f/ all the traditions in praise of the Rock as deliberately invented lies. The footprint in the Rock is an obvious lie, invented by forgers in order to increase the number of visitors to the place. The most favorable thing which may be said about the Rock is that it was the qibla of the Jews. It corresponds in its location to the Sabbath in time; God gave the Muhammadan people the Ka'ba in exchange: ... kullu l},adfthin /f l-sakhrati /a-huwa kadhibun wa-l-qadamu lladhf ifhii kadhibun mauq,ii'un .... muftaran, . . . wa-ar/a'u shay'in if l-$akhrati annahii kiinat qiblata lyahiidi, wa-hiya if l-makiini ka-yaumi l-sabti if l-zamiini; abdala llahu bihii hiidhihi l-ummata l-mul},ammadiyya l-ka'bata l-bayta l-l},ariima.226 The author records some sound traditions about Jerusalem (ibid., p. 86, nos. 159-161). However, he assesses as "confused" the tradition recorded by Ibn Majah, according to which the prayer in al-Aq~a has the value of fifty thousand prayers in another mosque.227 Ibn Qayyim considers the tradition about the isrii' to Jerusalem, the tying of the Buraq to the door of the mosque and the mi'riij from the mosques as sound traditions.v" Ibn Qayyim marks also the tradition saying that the believers will seek protection from Yajuj and Majuj in the sacred precincts of Jerusalem, as a sound one.229 The severe verdict of the collections of forged traditions on the /aq,a'il of Jerusalem, Hebron, Acre and other places in the Holy Land did not stop the incessant flow of these larJ,a'il. The lengthy chapter on the virtues of the holy places in Jerusalem in the work of Jalal al-Din al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH), Fiikihat al-$ayl wa-anfs al-rJ,ayl [pp. 213-25]' the abundant quotations on the virtues of the sanctuaries in Jerusalem recorded in his al-Durr al-manihiir If l-tofsir bi-l-ma'thiir bear evidence to the vitality of these traditions. 226 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir, ed. Ahmad 1988), 85, nos. 156-7. 227 Ibid., 86, no. 162 ... wa-huwa tuuiitliut: miuitarib 228 Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 164. 229Ibn Qayyim, ibid., 87, no. 165. 'Abd .... al-Shafl (Beirut, 1408/ Sanctity Joint and Divided 65 At the end of the ninth century, MujIr al-D'in al-'UlaymI al-Hanbali (d. 928 AH) wrote his comprehensive work al-Uns al-jalzl bi-ta'rikhi 1qudsi wa-l-khalU.23o The work is indeed a treasure of traditions on the virtues of Jerusalem and Hebron. But despite the revival of the traditions in praise of Jerusalem, conditions in the Aql'!a mosque in the eleventh century AH, as described by Abu l-Fath Shams al-Din al-Dajjani al-QudsI al-Shafi'I in his treatise Jawiihir ol-qalii' id fi [adli l-masajid,231 were rather gloomy and disheartening. The recent revival of research on the historical, social, and religious aspects of the customs, beliefs and ritual practices in the early Islamic period and the incessant flow of editions of early Arabic sources may bring about a revaluation and an elucidation of some hitherto overlooked or insufficiently scrutinized details concerning the ideas on holy places in the first centuries of Isiam and their development during the following centuries. 230 (,Amma.n, 1973), see the detailed indices of the book prepared by Ishaq Miisa al-Husaynt, Hasan 'Abd al-Rahman al-Silwadi, Munlra Muhammad al-Daghlawl and Muyassar lsma't Ghannarn (Jerusalem, 1988). 231 Edited by MOBhe Perlmann, IDS 3 (1973), 261-92. 

musaylima.pdf THE STRUGGLE AGAINST MUSAYLIMA AND THE CONQUEST OF YAMAMA M. J. Kister The Hebrew University of Jerusalem The study of the life of Musaylima, the "false prophet," his relations with the Prophet Muhammad and his efforts to gain Muhammad's approval for his prophetic mission are dealt with extensively in the Islamic sources. We find numerous reports about Musaylima in the Qur'anic commentaries, in the literature of hadith, in the books of adab and in the historiography of Islam. In these sources we find not only material about Musaylima's life and activities; we are also able to gain insight into the the Prophet's attitude toward Musaylima and into his tactics in the struggle against him. Furthermore, we can glean from this material information about Muhammad's efforts to spread Islam in territories adjacent to Medina and to establish Muslim communities in the eastern regions of the Arabian peninsula. It was the Prophet's policy to allow people from the various regions of the peninsula to enter Medina. Thus, the people of Yamama who were exposed to the speeches of Musaylima, could also become acquainted with the teachings of Muhammad and were given the opportunity to study the Qur'an. The missionary efforts of the Prophet and of his companions were often crowned with success: many inhabitants of Yamama embraced Islam, returned to their homeland and engaged in spreading Islam. Furthermore, the Prophet thoughtfully sent emissaries to the small Muslim communities in Yamama in order to teach the new believers the principles of Islam, to strengthen their ties with Medina and to collect the zakat. These communities later helped Abu Bakr to fight the ridda and became part and parcel of the Medina body politic. Simultaneously, the Prophet did not neglect to prepare a military force to defend these communities. Small garrisons were placed on the borders of Yamama in order to defend them in case of an attack. If a considerable part of the population of a region decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet was informed and sent to them an emissary who was competent to guide the local leader in his decisions. The new converts were granted full rights of Muslims. The Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians were given the status of dhimmis, in return for paying the jizya. The zakat of the Muslims and the jizya of the dhimmis were sent to the Medina authorities. In contradistinction to the carefully planned spread of Islam in the various regions of the Arabian peninsula, we find Musaylima's prophetic 2 M. J. Kister vision essentially confined to Yamama. He claimed to have been sent by Allah to the Banu I:Ianifa only and wanted the Prophet Mul;tammad to acquiesce in this. He wanted MulJammad to be the prophet of Mecca and Medina, on a par with him, the prophet of Yamama. He envisaged the peninsula to be divided between the two prophets who co-existed with each other and guided their respective people in Allah's path. Both territories were to be considered God's land and the income from it was to be equally divided between the two prophets. The aim of the Prophet MulJammad was totally different. He strove to extend his authority and his dzn all over the world. According to his conception, there would never exist a religion equal to Islam: there is only one God, one Prophet and one religion. Therefore, whoever pretended to have a share in MulJammad's prophethood must be considered an impostor. No compromise was possible between these two conceptions of prophetic authority. I Musaylima b. Thumama, or Musaylima b. I:Iablb1, was the "false prophet" who emerged in Yamama during the Prophet MulJammad's activity in the Arabian peninsula. The early historian Hisham b. MulJammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kaibi (d. 146 A.H./763 A.D.) recorded the genealogical chain of Musaylima as follows: Musaylima al-kadhdhiib b. Thumama b. Kablr b. I:Iabib b. al-I:Iarith b. 'Abd al-I:Iarith.2 Ibn I:IazIp. gives his pedigree as Musaylima b. Thumama b. Kathlr b. I:Iabib and records his kunya as Abu Thumama.3 AI-Zurqani rejects this tradition, stating that Musaylima was the nickname (laqab) of the "false prophet" and that his name was Thumama. Thus, his kunya could not have been Abu Thumama.4 Later sources record different details regarding Musaylima's name: his laqab was Musaylima and his kunya was Abu Thumama and his 1 See the different versions of his name in Mughaltay b. Qilij's al-Zahr al-basim it srrat abfl-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 335a. Musaylima b. Thumama is recorded in Suhayll's al-Rau4u l-unul; Ibn Isl,Iaq has his name as Musaylima b. l;IabIb. This name appears also in the compilations of al- TabarI, Abu 'Ubayda, Ibn Durayd and others. See both the traditions in Salama b. Muslim al-'AutabI al-~ul,IarI, al-Ansab, vol. 1, p. 157; cf. al-MaqrIzI, Imta'u l-asma', Mal,Imud Mul,Iammad ShakIr, ed. Cairo, 1941, vol. 1, p. 506. 2 Jamharat al-nasab, p. 543. 3 Ibn l;Iazm, Jamharat ansabi l-'arab, p. 310. Ibn al AthIr, al-MuraHa', p. 113: "Abu Thumama was the kunya of Musaylima the liar, who claimed that he was granted prophethood. Abu Thumama is the kunya of the wolf; it is the kunya of the hoopoe (hudhud) as well." 4 AI-Zurqanf, Shar~ 'ala l-mawahibi l-laduniya li-l-Qastallanr, vol. 7, p. 180. The Struggle Against Musaylima 3 name was Hartin. 5 This name is recorded also by al- Khafaji. 6 Another tradition regarding his kunya is given by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr: his name was Musaylima b. Habib and his kunya was Abu Harun." Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubi records in his al- TaCrz! fi l-ansiib the name of al-Mahabba, a brother of Musaylima.f . The name Musaylima itself is a diminutive from Maslama and its meaning was in the beginning not necessarily derisive. We find in fact a verse of 'Urnara b. CAqil in which he mentions Maslama al-kadhdhiib saying that the Banu Hanifa would not gain glory until they enrage Mudar (by fighting them]." As to the nickname al-kadhdhiib, the Prophet himself "invoked the (huge -k) amounts of dust on earth to attest that Musaylima was a liar." 10 Al-Diyarbakrt, Tai rikh. al-kh amis , vol. 2, p. 157. Al-Khafaji', Nasimu l-riyiiq. jI sh arhi l-shifii li-l-qiiq.f' Iyiiq., vol. 2, p. 486. 7 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Durar /. ikhtis ar! l-maghiiz. wa-l-siyar, p. 270. 8 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubt, al- '['a'ri] [i l-ansiib , p. 114: .,. wa-min banf h anijato: musaylimatu l-k a dh dhiib uia-nkhiiliu l-rnahobbatu bnii Thumiimata bni qaysi bni kathbir (?) bni ~ablbi bni 'abdi I-~iirithi bni tha'labata bni l-diili bni ~anljata. 9 AI-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil , vol. 3, p. 26: wa-qiila 'Umiiratu bnu 'Aqilin: bal ayyuhii l-riikiln: l-miiq.f li-tiyyatihi: balligh ~anljata uia-nshur fihimu l-kh abarii a-kiina maslamatu l-k adh dh abu qiila lakum: Ian tudrikii I-majda ~attii tughq.ibii mudarii. 10' Al-Munawi, Fayq.u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 20, n. 2648; on Wabar b. Mushir al-Hanaft the transmitter of the ~adfth see, al-Bukharr, al- Ta'rikh al-kabir , vol. 8, p. 183, n. 2649; Ibn al-Athir, Us du l-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 82-83; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist"iib, vol. 4, p. 1551; al-BustT, Kit ab al-thi qiit , vol , 3, p. 329. He was a companion of Musaylirna and was sent by him to the Prophet; eventually he embraced Islam. This oath, referring to huge quantities of dust or pebbles, was used in contradistinction to an oath referring to a specific number of pebbles. The latter oath was considered a bid' a. This bid' a is recorded in the Musnad of Sa'd b. Abr Waqqa~. The author of this Musnad, Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dawraqi (d. 246 A. H.), 'Amir Hasan Sabrr, ed. Beirut 1407/1987, p. 150, no. 88. The daughter of Sa'd b. AbT Waqqa~ reports that her father entered the abode of a woman who sat in front of a heap of stone dates or of pebbles. She performed the tasb'~ counting the date stones or the pebbles; then she threw them away. The Prophet advised her to perform the tasbf~ in an easier way: "Glory be to Allah according to what he created in heaven, glory be to Allah according to what he created on earth, and glory be to Allah according to what he created between them (sub~iina Allii]: 'adada mii bayna dhiilika)." See this tradition also in al-HaythamT, Mawiirid a-~am' iin, p. 579 nos. 2330 and 2331. A similar tradition is recorded in Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad, vol. 2, p. 66-67, no. 710. Another tradition recorded in al-Hakirn al-Naysaburr, al-Mustadrak, vol, 1, p. 547. See also ibidem, p. 548 for the tradition on the authority of 'A'isha bint Sa'd, traced back to Safiyya bint Huyayy who declared that in front of her there are 4000 stone dates by which she praises God. The Prophet advised her to use a comprehensive formula. The "comprehensive formula" was the answer to the bid' as of the qUHiis who tried to introduce the tasbf~ in which they counted the praises of God uttered by the people in the mosque. The pious leaders of the people in the mosques frowned upon these practices and forbade the people to count God's praises in this way. See also Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dauraqi, Musnad Sa'd b. Ab, Waqqii§, p. 150, no. 88; Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad , vol. 2, pp. 66-67, no. 710; and see the copious references of the editor; AI-HaythamT, Mawiirid al-~am'iin p. 579, nos. 2313 5 6 4 M. J. Kister Musaylima was born in al-Haddar, a place in Yamama. He grew up there and there he started his prophetic activity. When the Banii Hanifa heard about him, they invited him to Hajr, the chief city of the Yamama. When Khalid b. al-Walld conquered Yamama and killed Musaylima, the people of the villages (qurii) of al-Haddar were captured and expelled; in their place Khalid settled people of the al-Harith b. Ka'b of the Sa'd b. Zayd Manat of Tarnlm.l! Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups in Yamama as well as the confidence of the population in many districts. He made efforts to convince the people to believe in his mission as a prophet who receives revelation directly from "God the Merciful" (al-ra~miin); the revelation is transmitted it to him through the angel Jibril. Musaylima himself came to be known as Rahman al-Yarnama. Muhammad was accused by his enemies in Mecca of learning the basis of.prophecy from a man in Yamama named al-Rahrnan. The Meccans decided to send a delegation to the Jews in Medina to ask them about the truth of Muhammad's prophethood, assuming that the Jews were knowledgeable about such matters, being schooled in the Holy Scriptures. The Jews advised the Meccans to question the Prophet on three issues: Dhu l-Qarnayn, al-rii~ and ashiib al-kahf; in addition they advised them to verify whether he was given the "Seal of Prophethood" (khiitam al-nubuwwa). The Meccans indeed verified the existence of his khiitam al-nubuunua and asked the three additional questions. The Prophet asked Jibrll and the angel answered the question about ashiib al-kahf and Dhii l-Qarnayn; but concerning al-riih, the angel merely said: al-riih min amri rabbi, lii 'ilma II bihi. The Meccans remarked sarcastically "Two sorcerers helped each other" (sii~iriini ta~iiharii), hereby referring to the Torah and to the Furqan (i.e., the Qur'an -k)Y The tradition about the Meccans' inquiry concerning the word alRahman and the position of Rahman al-Yamarna seems to be of some importance. The tradition indicates that the debate about the meaning of al-Hahrnan took place during Muhammad's stay in Mecca. This is the period of discussions between the Meccans and the Prophet and it indicates that Musaylima had already started his prophetic activity at that time. The report according to which the name Rahman al-Yamama was discussed before the hijra finds support in a passage adduced by alTha'alibi in his Thimiir al-quliib fi l-mur!iif uia-l-mansiib, "Musaylima and no. 2330; Muhammad b. Wa<;l<;lal,al-Qurtubr, Kitab al-bida' II (Arabic text), pp. 160-70, no. 1-44. 11 On the birthplace of Musaylima see Yaqut, Mu'jam aI-buidan, vol. 5, p. 394; Lisii» aI-'Arab, s.v. al-Haddar: Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya if ghanoi I-I}adfth, vol. 5, p. 251. 12 Ibn al-Jauzr, aI- Wafa bi-al}wali l-must ajii, p. 58. The Struggle Against Musaylima 5 falsely claimed prophethood while the Prophet was in Mecca before the hijra." 13 When the Prophet came to Medina, he found the people mentioning Musaylima, quoting his sayings and referring to the opinions of Banu Hanifa about him. The Prophet then delivered a speech in which he included Musaylima among the thirty liars who will arise before the coming of the false Messiah (al-dajjiil). Consequently, the Muslims started to revile Musaylima and vilify his narne.l" The name al-Rahman is often mentioned in the Qur'an. It became a subject of a heated discussion between the Muslims and the unbelievers, in connection with the meaning of the word in Qur'an 17:110, where al-Hahrnan is another name of Allah: "Say; Call upon Allah or call upon al-Rahman: by whichever name you call on Him, His are the most beautiful names." Here again the enemies of the Prophet claimed that at a certain stage the Quran enjoined to worship two different deities instead of one God, Whom it had enjoined to worship earlier. Al-Kalbi gives a lengthy explanation ofthe origin of the verse and the quotation of the word al-Hahrnan in the headings of the Suras, In the beginning of Muhammad's revelation, the word al-Rahrnan was rarely used in the Qur'an. But when many Jews embraced Islam and asked the Prophet about the numerous cases in which the word al-Rahman was recorded in the Tauriit , Qur'an 17:110 was revealed.P A far-fetched tradition states that Musaylima adopted the name of Rahman before the 'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad al- Tha'alibr, Tbimaru l-quliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibidem., p. 147. 15 Al-Samarqandr, Bahr al-'ulum (= tajsir al-Samarqandl) vol. 2, pp. 192-193; cf. Qur'an 13:30: wa-hum yakJuruna bi-l-rahrniin. qui huwa rabbi: It was 'Abdallah b. Umayya l-Makhzurnr and his friends (see on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Lsiiba , vol. 4, pp. 11-14, no. 4546; Ibn al-Athfr, Us du I-ghaba, vol. 3, pp. 118-119) who stated: "We do not know any Rahman except Musaylima the Liar." qui huwa rabbi: it was the order of God given to Muhammad. See also the comments on Qur'an 17:110, in Usd al-ghaba, vol. 2, pp. 286-87. According to al-Tabarf (on Qur'an 13:30), the order of Allah to state that al-Rahrnan is God was intended to deny the claims of the unbelievers that al-Rahman is not the name of God. In the al-Hudaybiyya agreement, the infidels of Quraysh refused to sign the document in which the expression rasulu llahi as the title of the Prophet appeared, and in which the expression bi-smi llahi I-ra~man al-rahim was used as the document heading. The Prophet gave way and his title was eliminated. He was mentioned merely as "Muhammad b. 'Abdallah" and the preamble of the document was replaced by the Jahih' formula, bi-smika lliihumm a, See al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayo.n, vol. 16, pp. 445-46, nos. 20397-98 (on Qur'an 17:110); al- Tha'labr, al-K ash] wa-I-bayan, MS. Ahmad III 76/4, fol. 51a-b. See also al- Tabari, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 15, p. 121, where Ibn 'Abbas reports that the Prophet was once overheard by an infidel when he invoked God, saying: ya ra~man, ya rahirn, The infidel in question notified his coreligionists who accused the Prophet of invoking two deities. Then Allah revealed the verse in which God stated that Allah and al-Rahman are identical. See also al-Naysaburi (Ghara'ibu 1-Qur' an wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 15, pp. 92-3), according to whom the man who overheard the Prophet invoking yo. lliih, ya ra~man was Abu Jahl. Another reason for revealing the verses identifying Allah with al-Rahman was the claim of the People of the Book that the mention of al-Rahman in the Qur'an was very rare, while he was mentioned in the 13 14 6 M. 1. Kister birth of Muhammad's father, 'Abdallah.16 The very early date of this event recorded in the sources can probably be explained by the tradition that Musaylima was a man granted longevity (mu'ammar), killed in the battle of 'Aqraba' in 12 A.H. at the age of 150 (or 140).17 Musaylima's epithet Rahman al-Yamama seems to have been well known in Mecca. Umayya b. Khalaf refrained from addressing 'Abd alRahman b. 'Auf, the famous companion of the Prophet, by his name; he rather adressed him by his Jahili name, 'Abd 'Amr, which was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Hahman. Umayya b. Khalaf called him by his Jahili name in order to avoid calling him 'Abd al-Rahman, which could indicate that he was the servant of Rahman al-Yamama, "the false prophet." 18 The first person to use bismi lliihi l-rahmiini l-rahim was the Prophet. The well known muhoddith Abu 'A'ishaI9 recorded on the authority of his father the changes in the headings of the Qur'anic Suras according to the time in which they were revealed. Quraysh asked to put in the headings of their documents and letters the expression bi-smika lliihumma. The Prophet used this heading as well. Then God revealed to him Surat Hiid in which the phrase bi-smi lliihi majriihii wa-marsiiha (verse 41) appeared. The Prophet then ordered to put the heading bi-smi lliihi at the beginning of each Sura. Later Qur'an 17 was sent down, including the phrase qui: ud'ij lliiha au ud'ij l-rohmiina. The Prophet then ordered to use the heading: bi-smi lliihi l-rahmiini, Then Qur 'an 27 was revealed, with the sentence innahu min sulaymiina wa-innahu bi-smi lliihi al-rahnuini l-rahim (verse 30); the Prophet ordered to use this sentence as a heading. After some time he reconsidered his decision: the bi-smi lliihi in this verse is preceeded with the words: innahu min sulaymiina. "My brother Sulayrnan," said the Prophet, "started the verse with his name, but I shall start with the name of God." He therefore established as a headline in letters and Qur'anic Suras the formula: bi-smi lliihi 1rahmiini l-rahim . So runs the headline in all the Siiras, except Sura 9. The diir al-khiliifa also used this headline in its correspondence.I'' Tauriit frequently; therefore, the verse identifying Allah with Rahman was revealed. The story of the Prophet's invocation, overheard by Abu Jahl, appears also in alWahidt's al- WasiJ, vol. 3, p. 11, vol. 3, p. 133 (commenting on Quran 17:110). 16 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 141a. 17 See al- Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120, al-Suytiti', Ta'rikt: al-khulajii", p. 76. 18 Al- Waqidr, al-Maghiizl, vol. 1,-p. 82 inf. 19 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl, Tahdhfbu I-tahdhfb, vol. 7, p. 45, no. 83. 20 See Ibn Sa'd, al- Tobaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 263-£4; al-Qashan), Ra'» miili I-nadfm, p. 146. The Struggle Against Musaylima 7 II According to a tradition mentioned above, Musaylima started his prophetic mission before the Prophet's hijra to Medina.21 The people of Yarnarna were divided in their attitudes towards Musaylima: some of them respected him while others mocked him. He claimed that he shared the prophetic mission with Muhammad; Jibril descends to Muhammad in the same way as he descends to him. A certain al-Rahhal (or alRajjal}, a faithful supporter of Musaylima, used to confirm the veracity of Musaylima's utterances and helped him to circulate his revelations. In some of his speeches, Musaylima tried to convince his audience that he was as suitable for the prophetic mission as Muhammad, also comparing the qualities of Quraysh with those of the Banu Hanifa and the qualites of Mecca with those of'Yarnama. "What made Quraysh more deserving of prophet hood than you? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than theirs. Jibril descends from Heaven to me, like he descends to Muhamrnad.t'V Yamarna seems to have been a prime agricultural area. Its inhabitants boasted of the quality of their dates, which were sold for the highest prices. The people of Yamarna used to say; "We surpass the people of the Earth in East and West by five features: by the beauty of our women (innahunna durriyyiitu l-alwiin), by the high quality of our wheat (named bayq.ii'u l-yamiima), by the sweetness of our dates, by the flavor of our meats (because of the quality of the Yamami pastures) and by the freshness of our water, which cleans the chest of phlegm." 23 The fertile soil of Yamama could supply Mecca with the grain necessary for its population. Skilled workers of Yam am a used to frequent Medina searching for employment. The Prophet praised the skilled artisans of the Banu Hanifa; he employed them in the preparation of clay, when he ordered to build the mosque in Medina and his opinion of the Hanafi artisans was very favorable.f" Al- Tha'alibt, Tliimiiru I-guliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanl, al-Kii/f I-sha//f takhriji a~adfthi I-kashshii/, p. 56; alTha'alibi, Ttiimiiru l-quliib, pp. 146 inf.-47 sup.; and see al-Naysaburi, Ghorii'ibu I-gur'an, vol. 7, p. 161, commenting on Qur'an 6:93: ... wa-man a.,lamu ... aw qiila: ii~iya ilayya wa-Iam yii~a ilayhi shay': kana musaylima yagiilu: mu~ammadun s allii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama rasiilu lliihi If banf gurayshin wa-anii rasiilu lliihi If banf ~anifa ... and see al-Wahidr, Asbiib al-nuziil, p. 148; Ibn Shabba, Ta'rfkh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-74; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir al-gur'iini I-'a.,fm, vol. 3, p. 65 att.--66; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, vol. 11, pp. 535--6, nos. 63557-59; al-Qurtubr, al-Jomi' li-a~kiimi l-quriiin , vol. 7, p. 39, cf. al-Tabrisr, Majma' al bayiin, vol. 7, p. 132; al-RazT, al- Tafsir al-kobir , vol. 13, pp. 83-84. 23 Ibn al-Faqih , Kitiibu l-buldiin, mukhtas ar , pp. 28-30. 24 See al-Tabaranr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 8, p. 4021, no. 8254 (... tj.a'ii 1~anafiyya wa-I-tfna [a-inn ahu atj.batukum li-l-tini; and ibid., p. 399, no. 8242: ... Talq 21 22 8 M. J. Kister Thus, Yamarna was a region whose economy was based on agriculture. This is reflected in the poetry of Jarir who mocks its inhabitants for being peasants lacking in military prowess. "Shame on the Banu Hanifa," says Jarlr, "Bring the days of battles which cover their faces with blackness (~umam) which cannot be wiped out. On those days they do not take captives, but are led into captivity; and they are killed by their enemies if they do not pay poll-tax (khariij). They are owners of palm trees and palm groves and of sown land; their swords are from wood and they carry shovels. Digging channels for irrigation (dibiir; but there is another explanation of this word: patches of land for sowing -k) and grafting of palm trees are their customary occupations since ancient times." In the following verse, Jarir denies that any glory pertains to the Banii Hanifa: when their praiseworthy deeds were counted, the Banu Hanifa became aware that their presumed glory was worth nothing. Referring to the lack of horses in the habitat of the Banii 1:1anifa , Jarir scornfully says: "If you ask where the necks of the horses are, they would not know and would say about their tails: 'These are their necks.' " Jarir emphasizes the ignorance of the Banii Hanifa regarding horses by saying that they would burst into tears rather than saddle a horse even if this could save them from fatal fever. Jarir concludes his vilification recalling the defeat of the army of the Banii Hanifa: "When they saw Khalid (Ibn al- WaiId) annihilate in al-Trd, and the words of their tyrant them (to their enemy) they capitulated humiliation, and stretched (i. e., Musaylima) their forces surrendered out their hand for peace in when the Sword of God (i.e., Khalid] was about to exterminate them." lammii ra'at Khiilidan bi- 'l-ire! ahlakahii qatlan wa aslamahii mii qiila tiighZhii diinat wa aitat yadan li- 'l-silm ~iighiratan min bacdi mii kiida sayfu 'lliihi yufn'ihii." 25 'an abihi qiil a: banaytu ma'a rasuli llahi (~al'am) masjida l-madinnti, [a-kiin a yaqulu: makkinu I-yamiimf min a I-tfni min a~sanikum lahu mass an ... ; and see ibid., vol. 8, p. 398, no. 8239 and no. 8238; the Prophet's opinion about 'I'alq; see Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 552: inn a hiidhii I-~anafiyya la-~ii~ibu t-u«. 25 Jarrr, Dfwiin, p. 600. The Struggle Against Musaylima 9 III The territory of Yamarna was important not only because of its own value, but also because the Muslims had to pass through it on their way to propagate Islam in the eastern part of the peninsula. The story of Thumama b. Uthal, one of the leaders of the Bami Hanifa, is therefore highly significant. Thumarna had intended to kill an emissary of the Prophet who trespassed upon the border of his region; but was prevented by his uncle from carrying out his plan.26 When the Prophet heard about the thwarting of his messengers by Thurnarna b. Uthal, he invoked God to enable him to take hold of Thumarna, when he had no letter guaranteeing his safety.27 Allah responded to the invocation of the Prophet and when the Prophet seized him he had no letter of security; the Prophet could therefore freely decide his fate. Thumama was imprisoned in the mosque of the Prophet, fastened to one of its pillars. After three days he was released. Thumarna washed in order to purify himself before embracing Islam; he uttered the shahiida and became a Muslim. He explained that he converted to Islam because the Prophet addressed him by his kunya, Abu Umama.28 This was the honorable way of addressing a free man. It is significant to note that the man who had been detained by Thurnama before his journey to Mecca (i.e., before he was caught by the emissaries of the Prophet -k) was al- 'Ala' b. al-Hadrami who was sent by the Prophet to Bahrayn and succeeded to persuade al-Mundhir b. Sawa to convert to Islam.29 It was al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni who sent the khariij of al-Bahrayn to the Prophet; the sum mentioned in the sources was 100,000 dirhams.i''' When al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni was on his way back to Medina, he was detained by Thumama b. Uthal; he was released only after Thumarna embraced Islam.i'! It was, of course, essential for the Prophet and for the nascent Muslim communities in Bahrayn to obtain a free and secure passage for the emissaries of the Prophet who passed through Yamarna to the adjacent regions. The emissaries of the Prophet tried to create kernels of Muslim communities there. The small communities of converts were instructed by the Prophet's messengers; small military formations were dispatched 26 Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanf, al-Lsiiba If tamyfzi i-~a~aba, vol. 3, p. 581, no. 4393, cf. al-Maqrtzr, Imtiiiu i-a.ma', vol. 14, p. 257. 27 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniii' l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 257; cf. Ibn Sa'd, ai- T'abaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 550. 28 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniiiiu l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 258. Cf. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. I, p. 267. 29 AI-MaqrTzT, Imta'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 258,1. 11 from bottom. 30 Al-Zurqani, Sh arl, al-m auiiihib ai-iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 300-301. The messenger of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadramr who brought the zakiit and the jizya to Medina was al-'Ala' b. Jariya I-Thaqafi; see on him Ibn Hajar , al-Isiiba, vol. 4, p. 540, no. 5645. 31 AI-MaqrTzT, Imtii's: i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 258, I. 10 from bottom. 10 M. j, Kister from Medina under the command of one of the ~a~iiba in order to provide security for the Muslims, to extend their activities and to strive for the conversion of additional tribal units. The emissaries of the Prophet assisted the tribes faithful to the Medinan authority to pay their zakiit and to establish the superiority of Islam in relation to their Jewish and Christian neighbors. The result of the Muslim efforts in Bahrayn can serve as an example: al-Mundhir b. Sawa, acting under the guidance of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni, provided for the full application of Islamic law concerning the Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians. Significantly, this served as a precedent; the taxation of the Zoroastrians became the established law.32 IV The conversion of Thumama b. Uthal to Islam initiated a new phase in the struggle against Musaylima's authority in Yamarna. It ensured the growth of a safe Muslim community in Bahrayn, facilitated the formation of a Yamarna garrison controlled by Thumarna b. Uthal, and paved the way for the final battle against Musaylima. When Thumarna b. Uthal was released by the Prophet and converted to Islam, he was advised by him to continue his journey to Mecca in order to perform his "umra. When Thumarna arrived in Mecca, he was offended by a provocative question directed at him by the Meccan unbelievers: "Have you reneged on your religion?" (a-~abauta) (referring to his conversion to Islam -k). As a result, he decided to stop the supply of wheat from Yamama to Mecca and refrain from sending even one grain unless permitted by the Prophet. He carried out his threat and the people of Mecca were afflicted by hunger. The unbelieving Meccans complained to the Prophet that they suffered the pangs of hunger and had to eat a mixture of blood and fine hair ('ilhiz) and dog meat. Moved by their sufferings, the Prophet permitted Thurnama to resume the wheat supplies to Mecca.33 Before he returned to Medina in the year of his last pilgrimage (~ajjat 32 See "al-Mundhir b. Sawa," EI2, s.v , (M. J. Kister); "Madjus ," EI2, S.v. (M. Moronyi). 33 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'ab, vol. 1, pp. 213-16; al-Maqrizr, Imta'u I-asma', vol. 14, pp. 258-59; al-Kala't, al-Iktija, vol. 2, p. 435. Many commentators of the Qur'an record the story of Thumama 's boycott against Mecca while explaining Qur''an 23:76: "We did seize them with punishment, but they humbled not themselves to their Lord." Al-Qurtubr, al-Jiimi' li-a~kami I-qur'an, vol. 12, p. 143, al-Wahidr, Asbabu 1nuztil, 210 infdJ-1; al-Naysaburr, Ghara'ibu l-qur+iir; wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 18, p. 32; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthilr, vol. 5, p. 13 inf.; al-Shaukanf, Fat~u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 495; Abu Hayyan al-Gharnatr al-Jayyani, al-Bahru I-mu~ft, vol. 6, p. 415 inf.; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, ed. Bulaq 1328 AH, vol. 18, pp. 34-35. Cf. Fred M. Donner; "Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad's Boycott," JESHO 20(1977): 249-66. The Struggle Against Musaylima 11 al-wadii'), the Prophet appointed Thumarna b. Uthal as "governor of Yamarna.t'P" However, Thumama controlled only one part of the region, while the rest of it was under the sway of Musaylima. In order to strengthen Thumarna in his struggle against Musaylima, the Prophet decided to send Nahar al-Hahhal to Yamama after his return from his last pilgrimage.i" This turned out to be a detrimental decision, because al-Nahar - who had stayed a long time in Medina, had become a student of the Qur'an and studied it with the best scholars in Medina, publicly embraced Islam and had become a faithful Muslim - became a traitor who attested that Musaylimashared prophet hood with Muhammad and, like him, also received divine revelation. He became a close collaborator of Musaylima and even taught him Siiras of the Qur 'an, which he had learned in Medina.i" Nahar 's defection weakened 'I'humarna's position. Consequently, the Prophet decided to dispatch a special messenger to Thumama b. Uthal to discuss with him the struggle against Musaylima and the possibility of killing him. The messenger was Furat b. ijayyan.37 The scanty information which can be derived from Maqrfzi''s Imtii' al-asmii' implies that the Prophet wrote to Thumama b. Uthal advising him to seek help from Qaysi and Tamimi converts to Islam. Thumama marched out with his followers to Washm and placed the auxiliary troops of Tarnirn and Qays at his rearguard. He was helped by al-Zibriqan b. Badr.38 A volunteer who came to assist Thurnarna b. Uthal was See al-Maqrizf, Imt a=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, I. 1; raja'a I-nabiyyu ilii I-madfna ~ajjati I-wadii' uia-i iimiluh u 'alii I-yamiima Thumiima b. Uthiil. 35 See al-Maqrtzr, 1mtii'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 536, Il. 1-2: ... thumma ba'atha Nahiiran ba'da mii balaghahu khuruju musaylimata mu'laman. 36 See on Rahhai (or Rajjal) b. 'Unfuwa: al-Maqrlzr, 1mtli'u I-asmii', vol. 14, pp. 229-31, 536 (the text is corrupt here); Ibn Hubaysh, al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 52; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rtkh , vol. 2, p. 85a, has the attestation of al-Rahhal that Musaylima shared in the revelation of the Prophet, with the remark of Ibn Junghul about al-Rahhal: wa-kiina hiidhii I-mal'un min akbari man adalla ahla I-yamiima ~attii ittaba'u musaylimata ... See also ibidem, fol. 85a, inf .... [a-lammii kiina zamanu I-ridda ba' athnhu abu bakrin ilii ahli I-yamiima yad'uhum ilii I/iihi ta'iilii wa-yuthabbituhun 'alii l-isliim Ja-rtadda ma'a musaylimata wa-shahida lahu bi-I-nubuwwa. Cf. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitaou I-amwiil, p. 280, no. 691. The deputation of the Banu Hanffa, including alMujja'a b. Murara, al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwa and Muhakkim b. al- Tufayl (= Muhakkirn al-Yarnama}, embraced Islam. 37 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lsii' iib , vol. 3, p. 1258, no. 2070 and vol. I, p. 21b, no. 278: .,. wa-ba'atha rasulu lliihi (~al'am) [uriita bna ~ayyiin ilii thumiima bni uihiil JI qitiili musaylima wa-qatlihi. See also Ibn al-Athirs Usd al-ghiiba, vol. 4, p. 175 penult.; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalanf, al-Tsiiba, vol. 5, pp. 357-58, no. 6969; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', p. 317. 38 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, ol-Lsiiba, vol. 2, p. 550, no. 2784. Names of other fighters who joined Thumama do not reveal their tribal affiliation: Qays, Safwan and WakT'. 34 'iima 12 M. J. Kister 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri.P? The valuable note recorded in the Isiiba says: "He came to help Thumama b. Uthal in the fight against the people of Yamama after the death of the Prophet." This was the first military action of a Muslim force in Yamama, led by Thumama b. Uthal of the Banu Hanifa, who was aided by his Muslim allies from Tamirn and Qays. The battle took place in the territory of Yamama and ended with a remarkable victory of the Muslims. The Prophet was informed of the victory.I'' v It is now necessary to study the different stages of the contacts between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima's demands, the Prophet's answers, the Prophet's meetings with tribal leaders, and with converts to Islam. According to reports recorded in early sources, the Prophet used to frequent the markets of Arabia in order to meet the tribal leaders, ask them to renounce their Jahili beliefs, and invite them to embrace Islam. He used to teach them the Islamic tenets and read them various Qur 'anic verses. The leaders of the tribes summoned by the Prophet to convert used to listen to the Prophet, but did not hasten to respond positively. Even if they intended to convert, they had some conditions which had to be fulfilled beforehand. An instructive case is the story of the Prophet's negotiations with the tribe of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The Prophet approached the leader of this tribe, asking him to support his effort to spread Islam and to grant him protection against his adversaries. The leader of the tribe was aware that he could extend the authority of his tribe by granting protection to "the young man of Quraysh (lata Quraysh)." But he asked the Prophet to cede his authority before his death to the head of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The answer of the Prophet was unequivocal. He quoted Qur'an 7:128: "Verily the earth is Allah's. He gives it as heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing," implying that it is not within Muhammad's power to cede Allah's earth to anyone. The reaction of the tribal leader was formulated in the form of a question: "Are we going to expose our chests (to the spears of the Arabs -k) for your cause, and if Allah grants you victory - the authority would be granted by you to somebody else? We do not need to struggle for your cause." (ta ~ajata lana fi amrika).41 Some twenty years later (i.e., a year before the death of the Prophet -k), 39 Maqrlzf (Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, ll. 7-8 from bottom) has 'Amr b. Hazn AnmairT. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Lsiiba ; vol. 4, p. 621, no. 5815 has the correct 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri. 40 AI-M~qrTzT, Irniii=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 537,1. 4 from bottom. 41 Al-Suhayli, al-Raudu l-unu] , vol. 4, p. 38 inf.-39. The Struggle Against Musaylima 13 another leader of the c.Amirb. Sa'sa'a, c.Amirb. al-Tufayl, came to the Prophet and stated that he would be prepared to embrace Islam if he would be granted prophet hood after Muhammad's death, given the right to collect the mirbii' (i.e., the fourth part of the spoils -k) and granted the authority to rule the Bedouin population, while the Prophet would be given authority over the sedentary population. One of the believers present said to him "(Even) if you ask the Prophet (only for) an unripe date (sayiiba) of the dates of Medina, the Prophet would refuse your request."42 The leaders of the Banu Hanifa met the Prophet at the beginning of his prophetic mission. The Prophet summoned them to convert to Islam, but their answer was the harshest he received from any Arab tribe.43 The Prophet's opinion of the Banii Hanifa was similarly harsh: "The most detestable tribal group in the opinion of the Prophet are the Banii ~anlfa."44 The Prophet considered Musaylima as one of the three false prophets whom he mentioned by name as those expected to appear before the Day of Judgement (the other two being al-Aswad aI-cAns! and al-Mukhtar). He is also reported to have said: "The worst tribes are the Banii Hanifa, the Banii Umayya and the Thaq!f.,,45 It may be stressed here that Musaylima never denied Muhammad's prophet hood but merely claimed that he was granted a share (ushriktu) in prophethood. Sometimes he announced that the revelation was brought to him directly from Heaven by the angel Jibril. Muslim tradition states that the ridda of Musaylima and of al-Aswad aI-cAns! was different from the ridda of the Arab idolaters who had converted to Islam, but later apostatized and returned to polytheism. Musaylima and al-Aswad aI-cAns! remained believers in one God, but made false claims concerning their prophetic mission.t'' In the exchange of letters between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima addresses the Prophet: rasiilu 42 Ahmad b. 'All al-Qashanf ibn Babah, Ra's miil al-nadfm, p. 147; and see a comprehensive description of this event in Diyarbakris' Ta'n"kh al-khamts , vol. 2, pp. 192-94; Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, pp. 109-16. 43 Al-Suhayli, al-Rau du l-unuj , vol. 4, p. 38: Ka'b b. Malik: inna rasiila lliihi (~) atii banf I}anfjata ff maniizilihim fa-da'iihum ilii /liihi wa-i arad a 'alayhim n ajsahu, fa-lam yakun ah adun min al-'arabi aqbal}a 'alayhi raddan minhum. 44 Al-Bukhart, Ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. no. 1004: abgharju I-al}yii'i ilii I-nabiyyi, ~al'am, banii I}anffa. 45 Al-Hakirn al-Naysaburi, al-Must adrak , vol. 4, pp. 480-81; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'ilu l-rasiil , p , 457. 46 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihiiya ff ghanai I-I}adfth, vol. 4, p. 187: ... wa-if I}adfthi 1ridda: wa-kafara man kafara mina I-'arab. a~l}iibu I-ridda kiinii ~infayni: ~infun irtaddii 'ani I-dfni wa-kiinii (ii'ifatayni: il}diihumii a~l}iibu musaylimata wa-I-aswadi I-'ansf lladhfna iimanii bi-nubuwwatihimii uia-l-ukhrii tii'ifatun irtaddii 'ani l-isliimi wa-' iidii ilii mii kiinii. 'alayhi if I-jiihiliyyati, wa-ha'ulii'i ittafaqat al-~al}iibatu 'alii qitiilihim wa-sabyihim ... thumma lam yanqarirj 'a~ru I-~al}iibati I}attii ajma'ii 'alii anna I-murtadda Iii yusbii. 14 M. 1. Kister lliihi, The Prophet addresses Musaylima: musaylima al-kadhdhiib.47 The phrases in the letter of Musaylima which form a clear declaration that the earth (i.e., by which term the territories of Yamama and the Muslim territory with the capital city of Medina are meant -k) forms an entity, half of which was allotted to Quraysh, while the other half was given to the Banii 1:£nifa , "but Quraysh are a people who exceed a their bounds." (fa-inna lana ni~fu l-ordi wa-li-qurayshin ni~fuha walakinnahum ya'tadiina). The Prophet vehemently rejected the idea of dividing the territories in question with Musaylima: by quoting Qur 'an 7:128 again (see above, note 42), he made it clear that any agreement with Musaylima was out of the question. Some sources date the exchange of the letters to a very late period of the life of the Prophet. According to the report of al- Ya'qiibi, Musaylima embraced Islam but changed his attitude and started his prophetic career claiming that he was Muhammad's partner in prophethood. At that time he wrote to the Prophet the letter quoted above and received the Prophet's response. It is evident that this report recorded by al-Ya'qubi and others is unreliable. Also misleading is al- Ya'qtibi's report saying that Musaylima was killed at the age of 150 years.48 A prelude to the Prophet's negotiations with Musaylima was the exchange of letters between the Prophet and Hawdha b. 'All, the leader of the Arab tribes in Yamama. The Prophet's efforts to convince Hawdha to embrace Islam were unsuccessful. The influential and respected leader was appointed by the Persian emperor in order to secure the passage of 47 See al-Khaz.in, Lubiiln: l-ta'wll, vol. 2, p. 53: min musaylimata rasiili ust« ilii mu~ammadin rasiili lloh», The answer of the Prophet: min mu~ammadin rasuli Uahi ilii musaylimata l-kcdh dhiib«, And see al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-t anzil, on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'w.l, for the same address and the same answers. The letter of Musaylima in Ibn Kathlr 's al-Sira al-nabawiyya vol. 4, p. 98 sup. reads: min musaylimata rasuli Uahi ila mu~ammadin rasuli /lahi, salamun 'alayna; amma bat du ja-innf qad ushrikiu if l-amri ma'aka, ja-inna lana nis]« l-amri wa-li-qurayshin nida l-amri wa-lakinna qurayshan qaumun ya'taduna. The text recorded in alTha'alibr's Thimiiru l-quliib, p. 148 differs in one phrase: wa-inna lana ni~ja l-argi wa-li-qurayshin nisjah a, See also Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-BayhaqI, al-Ma~asin wa-l-masawf, vol. 1, p. 49; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad, vol. 3, p. 31 inf.; Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajr, Nasfmu l-riyag, vol. 3, p. 170, vol. 2, p. 486; Ibn Kathtr, Sh anui'llu l-rasiil ; p. 387 inf.; Ibn KathIr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51, vol. 6, p. 341; al-Ansari, al-Mi~ba~ al-mugf, vol. 2, pp. 290-92; al-Maqrfzr, Imiiivu l-asma', vol. 1, pp. 508-09 ed. Shakir; al-Maqdisr, Kitab al-bad'i uia-l-ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. 161; 'Llmar b. Shabba al-Numayri, Ta'rikh al-madfna al-nunawwara, vol. 2, p. 572; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'ilu l-nubuunua ; vol. 5, p. 330; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~agarat al-udabii", vol. 4, p. 431,1. 3 from bottom; al-Saliht, Subulu l-huda uia-l-rashiid , vol. 6, p. 497; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 54b inf.-55a sup.; Ibn Sa'd , al-T'abaqat alkubrii , vol. 1, p. 273 (the messenger of the Prophet was 'Arnr b. Vmayya al-Damrt); al-Halabr, Insanu l-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253 inf.; al-Ya'qubr, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. 48 Al-Ya'qubt, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. It is likely that the letter was written in 9 A. H., according to the report by the early scholar 'Abd Allah b. AbI Zayd alQayrawanl. See his ai-Jami': p. 295. The Struggle Against Musaylima 15 Persian caravans from Yarnarna to Najran. He was respected by the tribes to such an extent that it was enough to put the name "Hawdha" on the flags of the caravans in order to ensure their safe passage. Our sources indicate that Hawdha possessed the qualities necessary for a tribal leader in the Arabian peninsula: he was described as being the poet of his people, their orator and an awe-inspiring person (anii shiiiiru qaumi wa khaiibuhum wa-l-'arabu iahiibu maqiiml).49 Hawdha was given by the Persian ruler a cap (qalansuwa) worn under the turban (' imiima) as a reward for his faithful service to the Persian sovereign; the cap embedded with jewels was worth 30,000 dirharns.P? Nevertheless, to call him "the king of the Arabs" was an exaggeration. 51 The Prophet sent his emmisary Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha, who entertained him in a friendly manner and granted him valuable gifts before his departure. Hawdha's answer to the Prophet's letter was kind: he praised the gentle words of the Prophet, and remarked that if the Prophet granted him a part of his authority before his death, he (i.e., Hawdha) would embrace Islam and would come to his aid. The Prophet considered his answer unsatisfactory; he rejected his stipulation of inheriting his authority and invoked God to free him from Hawdha. Hawdha died a short time after the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet.V Al- Waqidi mentions a conversation between Hawdha and a chief (urkiin) from Damascus. The urkiin blamed Hawdha for not answering a letter from the Prophet; the Prophet is mentioned in the Injil and is described in this book as "the prophet of the Arabs." Hawdha's conversion to Islam could have strengthened his position as governor of Yamama.53 Some reports say that the Prophet sent Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha and to Thumama b. Uthal, "the two heads of Yamarna" (ra'fsii l-yamiima). He sent him on this mission in the year 6 or 7 A.H.54 Ibn Sa'd, al=Tnbaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, p. 262. See al-Kalbi, Nasab ma'add, vol. 1, p. 63; idem, Jamharat al-nasab, p. 539; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, p. 348 sup.; Lisiin al-t arab, s.v. hwdh. 51 See the critical observations of al-Hilli in his al-Maniiqibu 'I-mazyadiyya, pp. 53-5: .. , innamii kiinat kh araziitun lahu ta'ammama 'alayhii [a-mudih a bi-dhiilika 'alii madhhabi l-sh ut arii' /ll-tawassu'i if l-qauli wa-tajawwuzihim if I-mad~i wa-I-~iiati wa-Ihijii'i uia-l-t ashbihi .... See also M. J. Kister, "The Crowns of This Community," JSAI 24(2000): 217-45. 52 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyunu I-athar, vol. 2, pp. 269-70; al-Baladhurr, Futiih u 1buldiin, pp. 118-19. 53 Ibid.; and see about the letter of the Prophet to Hawdha: Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusT, Nashwat al-Iarab, vol. 2, p. 631; al-MaqrTzT, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 1, p. 309. 54 Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalanf, al-Lsiiba, vol. 3, p. 162, no. 3424; al-Mawsilt, al- Wasfla, vol. 4, p. 2, 115; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'iib, vol. 2, p. 645, no. 1040; al-'AwtabT, al-Ansiib, vol. 1, p. 157; and see Muhammad b. 'AIT b. Ahmad bv Hudayda al-Ansarf, al-Mi~bii~ al-mur;Iiyy, vol. 1, p. 214. 49 50 16 M. 1. Kister According to Watt, Hawdha was apparently a Christian. He began negotiations with Muhammad, but had not become a Muslim by the time of his death in 630 A.D.55 According to a report recorded by Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Himyari, Hawdha died as a Christian in 8 A.H.56 VI The Prophet's meetings with Musaylima took place in Medina. One of the earliest meetings took place in a grove of palm trees. According to an early tradition transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, Musaylima arrived in Medina with a great military force (qadima fi jayshin 'a~lm) and alighted in a plantation of palm trees belonging to the daughter of al-Harith (nazala fi nakhli ibnati l-~arith).57 When the Prophet heard the news about the arrival of Musaylima with his convoy and his alighting in the "court of the daughter of alHarith" 58 he went out with Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas't? to meet him. It should be stressed that the Prophet went out to meet Musaylima because he was eager to convince him and his people to embrace Islam.P" When Musaylima asked the Prophet to grant him a share in prophethood, the Prophet flatly refused. Musaylima's attempt to thwart the prophetic mission of Muhammad was referred to in a dream seen by Muhammad. Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas was left with Musaylima in order to explain to him the content of the dream and its meaning: the Prophet only remarked that one of the persons whom he saw in the dream was Musaylima. Thabit b. Qays explained to Musaylima that the Prophet saw in his dream two golden bracelets pressing on his arms. Allah revealed to him that the two golden bracelets symbolised the efforts of the two false prophets, al-Aswad al'AnsI and Musaylima, to curb his activities. The Prophet was ordered See E12, s.v. Hanifa b. Ludjaym (W. Montgomery Watt). Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-HimyarI, Kitab al-rauidi I-mi'tar jf khabari I-aqtar, p. 412. 57 In some sources this text is corrupt and reads nazala /f nakhli abfhi al-Hiiriin», See al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, Juz", fol. 5a, penult.: ... anna musaylimata qadima /f jayshin 'a,..min ~atta nazala /f nakhli abfhi I-~arithi bi-na~iyati I-mad.nati ... ; and so in the printed edition of Jus' al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, p. 1251. 3, no. 38. This reading is erroneous: the name of Musaylima's father was not al-Harith; his father had no plantations of palm trees in Medina, nor had Musaylima any plantations there. 58 See Ibn Shabba, Ta'rikh al-madlna al-munawwara, vol. 2, p. 527, notes 4-5. The grove belonged to a woman of the Ansar, See the correction of this error by the editors of al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni hisham, vol. 3, p. 251, note 2; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, • Uyiinu 1-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. 59 See on him al-Maqdisl, al-Lstibsiir , pp. 117-19. 60 See e.g., al-Zurqanr, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, p. 22 inf.; ... [aaqbala ~alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam ta'il/an lahu wa-li-qaumihi raja'a islamihim wali-yublighahu ma unzila ilayhi. 55 56 The Struggle Against Musaylima 17 to destroy the two bracelets; when he destroyed them, he was no longer under their pressure. Before his death, the Prophet told his daughter Fatima about this dream and its interpretation.P! The next meeting of the Prophet with Musaylima took place in connection with the arrival of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa in Medina. The delegation came with Musaylima, who was veiled, clad in clothes which concealed him and entered the room of the Prophet. This kind of attire indicates the respect in which Musaylima was held: spiritual leaders of a tribe (kahins), soothsayers and "holy persons" 62 were clothed in this fashion. 'All b. Burhan aI-DIn al-Halabi, the author of the Sira ~alabiyya, assumes that Musaylima came to Medina twice to meet the Prophet. When he came for the first time, he was accompanied by a large number of men who came with him to protect him, because he was a "follower" (tabi'), in need of protection. But when he came the second time, he was in a position of leadership (kana matbu'an). His people covered him with clothes as a status symbol (... uia-hiidhii, ay satruhu bi-l-thiuiibi, huuia l-muniisibu li-kaunihi matbu'an).63 The difference between these two meetings is stressed by al- 'Aynl in his' Umdat al-qiiri', 64 Musaylima took care of the luggage of the delegation of the Banii Hanifa and, out of pride and insolence, refused to enter the room in which the Prophet entertained its members. The Prophet acted with magnanimity: he stated that Musaylima, the luggage keeper of the delegation was not the worst of them, and ordered to grant him five ounces of silver, the same gift given to other members of the delegation.P These actions of the 610n this dream, see Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. fol. 54b, sup.; Ibn Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-3, 575; al-Suyutr, al-Khafa'i~u 1kubra, vol. 2, p. 147; al-Zurqanr, Sharl}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 22-3, vol. 7, p. 179 inf.-181; Ibn Kathtr, Shama'ilu l-rasiil, p. 387; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 246; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf, Fatl} al-biiri, vol. 8, p. 72 inf.; alTabart, Jiimi' al-bayan, Shakir, ed., vol. 11, pp. 535~; Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu'ta~ar, vol, 1, pp. 224-25; al-Diyarbakrf, To'rikb. al-khomis , vol. 2, p. 157; al-Bukharr, $al}fl}, vol. 5, p. 216; Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Stra al-I}alabiyya, vol. 3, p. 253; al- Tha'alibi, Thimiiru l-quliib, pp. 147-148; Ibn l;Iubaysh, Ghazawat, vol. 1, p. 51; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafa bi-al}wali I-mu~tafii, p. 764; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiYlla, vol. 4, p. 93 inf.-95; al-Khazin, Lubabu I-ta'wil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-Baghawf, Ma'alimu I-tanzil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 24; Ibn al-Athir alJazarf, Jiimi' al-usiil, vol. 12, p. 375, no. 9480. al-Maqrfzf, Imta'u l-asmii'; vol. 14, pp. 229, 524-5, 532-3; Isma'Il b. Muhammed al-Isfahanr, Kiiiib dala'ili I-nubuwwati, pp. 97-98, no. 93. 62 See, e.g., U. Rubin, "The Shrouded Messenger. On the interpretation of almuzzammil and al-muddaththir," JSAI 16{1993}: 96-107. 63 Al-Halabl, Insiir: al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253. 64 Al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 231. 5 from bottom. 65al-l;IalabT, Insan al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 252, inf.: al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-garf', vol. 18, p. 23; cf. Ibn Kathtr , al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 99 inf.; al-Diyarbakrr, Ta'rikh. al-khnmis , vol. 2, p. 194; 18 M. J. Kister Prophet enabled Musaylima to deduce falsely that Muhammad declared that he considered him as his partner in prophet hood ("he is not the worst among you"). According to another version, the Prophet did speak with the "veiled" Musaylima and heard his requests; the Prophet stated that even if he asked only for a splinter of the palm tree branch which he held in his hand, he would refuse his request.P" The delegation of the Banu Hanifa reverted to the faith of Musaylima.P" It may be mentioned that the Prophet used to meet the emissaries of Musaylima who came to Medina in the presence of his Companions. When these emissaries declared both Muhammad and Musaylima prophets sent by God to their respective peoples, the Muslim believers tried to attack them. The Prophet restrained the believers, stating that messengers are to be protected against any act of violence.P" Some commentators of the Qur'an state that this statement of the Prophet is based on Qur'an 9:6: "... and if anyone of the idolaters ask protection of thee, grant him protection so that he may hear the word of Allah; then convey him to his place of security. That is because they are a people who have no knowledge.l'P'' 'Uyiinu l-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. Shar~ al-mawahibi I-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24, inf.: ... wa-~arra~a bi-~a4rati qaumihi annahu lau sa'alahu I-qit'ata mina l-jarfdi ma a'tahu ... wayu~tamalu an yakiina musaylimatu qadima marratayni, al-iila kana tabi'an wakana ra'sa banI ~anlfata ghayruhu wa-li-hadha aqiima jI ~if:?i ri~alihim wa-marratan matbii'an wa-ffha khiit abah u I-nabiyyu ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam. However, alZurqani doubts whether this description of Musaylima's visits to Medina and about his status (al-tabi' and al-matbii') is sound. Wa-hadha ba'fdun jiddan, says alZurqanl: fa-qad qiila huwa, a'nf I-~afi?a, wa-hadha ya'nf ~adftha bni is~aqa ma' a shudhiidhihi 4a'fju I-sanadi li-inqita'ihi; wa-amru musaylimata kana 'inda qaumihi akbara min dhiilika fa-qad kana yuqalu ltihu ra~manu I-yamiima li-'i?ami qadrihi ffhim. fa-man yakiinu maqamuhu 'inda qaumihi akbara min da'wii I-nubuwwati yab'udu kulla I-bu'di an yakiina tabi'an; [a-l-nuilii qauluhu "aw al-qis s atu wii~idatun" Ii-annahu l-aslu. "wa-kiinat iqiimatuhu ff ri~iilihim bi- 'khtiyiirihi anafatan minhu wa'stikbiiran an ya~4ura majlisa I-nabiyyi ~allii lIahu 'alayhi wa-sallama wa-'amalahu 'alayhi l-s aliitu um-l-s aliirrui mu'amalata I-karami 'alii 'iidatihi ff l-isti'liifi, [a-qiila li-qaumihi, laysa bi-sharrikum ay makanan li-kaunihi kiina yaMa?u ri~iilahum waariida isti'lafahu bi-I-i~siini bi-I-qauli (I-madkhiiri) wa-l-fi'li, [iaythu a'tiihu mithla ma alta qaumahu, fa-Iammii lam yufid fl musaylimata tawajjaha bi-nafsihi ilayhi 67 See al-Zurqarn, 68 See, e. g., Ibn al-Athtr, Jami'u I-u~iil, vol. 12, p. 377, no. 4981: when the Prophet read the letter of Musaylima handed to him by his two messengers, he stated, "By God, were it not that the messengers should not be killed, I would strike your necks" (ama wa-llahi lau anna I-rusula Iii tuqtalu la-4arabtu a'niiqakuma). 69 See Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, pp. 366-7. The Prophet uttered this statement in connection with the emissaries of Quraysh who came to the Prophet to arrange the pact of Hudaybiyya, which Quraysh are said to have violated after a short time. The Prophet uttered this statement again when the messengers of Musaylima arrived in Medina. One of them, Ibn al-Nawwaha, attested in the Prophet's presence that Musaylima was a Messenger of Allah. The Prophet did not punish him, but when 66 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, The Struggle Against Musaylima 19 The story about the sectarian group of Ibn al-Nawwaha, the former emissary of Musaylima, who refused to acknowledge the exclusive prophethood of Muhammad and insisted that Musaylima was also a prophet is a test case for the Muslim attitude towards the emissaries of unbelievers. When Ibn al-Nawwaha and Ibn Uthal, the messengers of Musaylima, were asked by the Prophet whether they attest to his prophethood, they asked him in turn whether he attested to the prophet hood of Musaylima. The Prophet released the two messengers of Musaylima because of their immunity.I? 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud asked Ibn al-Nawwaha: "Is there a book added to the Book of God and a messenger after the Messenger of God?" 71 The execution of Ibn al-Nawwaha, while other adherents of Musaylima were pardoned and later accepted into the Muslim community, is explained by al-Jassas as follows: most believers of Musaylima repented and became faithful Muslims, while Ibn al-Nawwaha admitted that he merely feigned belief in order to save his life (... ayna ma kunia tuzhiru mina l-isliimi? qiila: kuntu atiaqikum bihi). Scholars who assume that the repentance of a zindiq has to be rejected, quote the case of Ibn alNawwaha, who kept his unbelief secret and pretended to be a believer, by way of taqiyya. Ibn Nawwaha's execution took place in the presence of some of the Prophet's Companions. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud informed the Caliph 'Uthman about the capture of Musaylima's followers; the Caliph ordered him to call them to Islam and to pronounce the shahiida, Those who fulfilled the order were to be pardoned; those who remained loyal to Ibn al-Nawwaha persisted in his disbelief after the death of the Prophet, circulating the tenets of Musaylima's faith, he was caught in Kiifa by Ibn Mas'ud who did not hesitate to decapitate him. Cf. Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu't as ar mina l-mukhias ar, vol. 1, p. 225 inf.-225 sup.; and see Ibn KathIr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 52; al-BayhaqI, Dalii'ilu I-nubuwwa, vol. 5, p. 332 (see ibid. the remark of 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: [a-mad at sunnatun anna l-rusula lii-tuqtalu); al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayiin vol. 14, pp. 138-40; al-~ali\:lI, Subul al-hudii, vol. 6, p. 497; al-Tabaranr, alMu'jam al-k abir , vol. 9, pp, 218-20, nos. 8956~0: a mosque in which the followers of Musaylirna used to perform their prayers was destroyed in Kufa during 'Abdallah b. Mas'ucl's governorship of the city. The followers of Musaylima praying in this mosque were heard to read verses included in Musaylima's Qur'an: al-tii~iniiti tabnan, al-'iijiniiti 'ajnan, al-khiibiziiti khubean, al-liiqimiiti laqman .... Ibn Mas'nd ordered to decapitate Ibn al-Nawwaha in the market of Kufa. The rest of the congregation of Musaylirna (some seventy persons) were sent to Syria in the hope that they would repent or perish in a plague. In one of the reports, Ibn Mas'ud ordered to throw the head of Ibn Nawwaha into the bosom of his mother (no. 8960); cf. this report in al-Shashr, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 181, no. 746; al-Haythamf, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 6, pp. 262~2. 70 See al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 182, no. 748; and see the report in al- Ta\:lawI, Shar~ ma'iinf l-iitliiir , vol. 3, p. 213; Cf. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iithiir , Hyderabad 1333, repr. Beirut, vol , 4, pp. 61-62; al-Bayhaqf, al-Sunan al-kubrii , vol. 8, p. 206. 71 Al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, pp, 181-2, no. 747. [The question a-kitiibun ba'da kitiibi lliihi? is often asked in connection with some compendia of ~adfth.l 20 M. J. Kister the tenets of Musaylima were to be executed.P 'Uthmau's letter is preserved in 'Abdallah b. Wahb's Juz", excerpted from his MuwaHa': "Some of the people accepted the terms and renounced belief in Musaylima, while others persevered in it, and were executed."13 The Prophet adhered to the sunna established by him as an interpretation of Qur'an 9:6. Medina became a center for persons eager to understand the tenets of the new religion and to join the Muslim community. Some of them returned to Yamama, remained there as cryptoMuslims, clandestinely disseminating Islamic beliefs. Among these proselytes were some former adherents of Musaylima sent to Medina in order to deepen their knowledge of the Qur'an. They were then expected to return to Musaylima, informing him about divine revelations and the sunan which the Prophet practiced. Thus Musaylima got trustworthy information about the utterances of the Prophet concerning Musaylima's prophethood and his claims of sharing prophet hood with Muhammad. Muhammad honored his obligation not to harm the messengers of the unbelievers, in spite of the fact that Musaylima ordered to kill some of the Prophet's messengers.I" In some instances, this policy caused him bitter disappointment. Such was the case of al-Rabhal (or al-Rajjal -k) b. 'Unfuwa. He came to Medina as a member of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa. This delegation also included Mujja'a b. Murara, and Muhakkim b. al-Tufayl.I'' Al-Rahhal became a keen student of the Qur'an. After some time, the Prophet saw him in the company of some veteran Companions, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan. He said: "A molar tooth of one of you in Hell will be as big as the mountain of Uhud." Abu Hurayra became sad; he was concerned about the identity of the person referred to in this utterance. Later, al-Hahhal disappeared from Medina. When the news about his apostasy and his activity in support of Musaylima and about his attestation that the Prophet granted Musaylima a part (ashrakabu) of prophet hood came to be known, Abu Hurayra sighed with relief. He realized that the tradition referred to alRahhal, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan were thus free from the fear AQkamu I-qur'an, vol. 2, pp. 287-288. b. Wahb, al-MuwaHa', Juz", MS. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 56b. 74 See e.g., on Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im: KhalTfa b. Khayya~, Ta'n'kh, p. 63 (the text reads Khabib b. Zayd). See a report recorded by WathTma in his Kitab al-ridda: Habib b. 'Abdallah al-Ansarf was sent by Abu Bah to Musaylima and to the Banu Hantfa summoning them to return to Islam; he read the letter of Abu Bah and admonished them in an eloquent (balfgh) way and was killed by Musaylima. See the report in Ibn Hajar's al-Lsiiba , vol. 2, p. 21, no. 1590, but the author assumes that the report may refer to Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im, as recorded ibid., p. 19, no. 1586. Cf. alMaqdisT, al-Lstibsor , pp. 81-82, where Habib b. Zayd is mentioned as the messenger killed by Musaylima. 75 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a.tnr s», pp. 551-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, vol. 2, pp. 539-40, no. 2763. 73 'Abdallah 72 AI-Ja~~~, The Struggle Against Musaylima 21 ofhelI.16 Al-Hahhal not only stated that the Prophet granted Musaylima a share in prophethood, but also transmitted to him those parts of the Qur'an which he kept in memory. Musaylima memorized the passages, claimed falsely that they were revealed to him and recited them as a part of his own revelation.?" VII During the last years before the Prophet's death, Musaylima made great efforts to establish a socio-religious order, based on the cooperation of the different groups of the people of Yamama with tribes who immigrated to Yamarna and settled there. Musaylima decided to build a haram in which certain settlements of these immigrants were included. They were settled in small rural communities, named "hamlets of the allies" (qurii al-a~iilif). These hamlets were populated by the Banii Usayyid, a small branch of Tamim. Small units of the Banu Usayyid were incorporated in the haram (!a-waqa'a fi dhiilika l-harami qurd l-a~iilz/, afkhiidh min bani usayyid kiinat dtiruhum bi-l-yamiima, [a-sara makiinu diirihim fi l-~arami) .78 The newly established haram of Yamarna cannot be compared with the haram of Mecca. The tribes chosen by Quraysh as keepers and guardians of the Meccan haram were selected in order to choose the best of them for intermarriage with the population of Mecca, the Quraysh. The independent tribal formations (laqii~) did not serve the kings of the Arabian peninsula. The merchants of Mecca who traded in Syria used to conduct transactions with the heads of the tribal leaders on their way, granting them a certain share in their profits. Furthermore, Mecca ceded the right to provide certain services during the ~ajj to the traditional leaders of the tribal divisions. The nobles of Mecca meted out justice to the pilgrims of the city and to merchants who came to Mecca to ply their trade. Theft of gifts brought for the Ka'ba was rare and was severely punished. Injustice and fraud towards pilgrims and merchants were publiclg denounced in Mecca. According to Muslim descriptions, the haram of Musaylima did not fulfill its desired goal of eradicating iniquity and extending help to the weak and the oppressed. "Musaylima tried to gain the sympathy of all his followers, agreed with their views and did not care if someone noticed 76 Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jr akhbiiri l-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, pp. 149-225, esp. pp. 195-225; p. 197, no. 48 and p. 198 no. 50. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 85a; and Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, pp. 52-3, where the verses of Ibn 'Umayr al-Yashkurr about al-Rahhal and Muhakkim b. Tufayl are quoted. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, al-T'abaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 316-17. 77 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51. 78 Tabarr, Ta'n"kh, vol. 3, p. 288. 22 M. J. Kister any of his vices.,,79 The Meccans did their best to curb the transgressors, the thiefs and those who cheated pilgrims and merchants; they acted according to the injunctions of the dar al-nadwa elders. In contradistinction, the people of Yamama were helpless in their complaints against the guardians of the haram, the Banu Usayyid, who used to plunder the peasants' crops and then would find refuge in the haram, Sometimes the farmers were warned and tried to apprehend the culprits, but they managed to escape into the horam; where they could remain in safety. The people complained to Musaylima who promised "to get an answer from Heaven" concerning their case. Musaylima indeed received an answer and read it loudly, probably as a verse of his Qur'an: "I swear by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate (the sanctity of -k) the harem:" The people complained again and Musaylima again asked for a heavenly ruling. The verdict was read loudly once more by Musaylima: "I swear by the dark night, by the wolf who treads softly the ground, Usayyid did not cut neither fresh nor dry."so The people wronged by the attack of the Usayyid on their palm trees could only remark with bitterness: "The Usayyid did cut the fresh fruit of the palms and broke down the dry fences." Musaylima answered harshly: "Go away and come back, you are not right."s1 A verse of Musaylima's Qur'an, read before the people of Yamama, is indicative of his views: "Go! The Banu Tamim are a pure and independent people (laqa/;l), no affliction should meet them, nor should they be put under taxation; we shall live in their neighborhood, acting with kindness, we shall defend them against every person; at our death their fate (amruhum) will be determined by God."s2 This declaration of Musaylima reflects of his attitude towards the Usayyid, the Tamimi keepers of the Yarnama horam, It also serves as an attempt to establish friendly relations with the tribal groups of Tamirn, who dwelled near Yamama. VIII The death of the Prophet in 632 A.D. raised many hopes in the community of Musaylima who now considered himself the sole prophet receiving 79 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: wa-kiina musaylimatu yu~iini' kulla a~adin mimman ittaba'ahu, wa-yutiibi'uhu 'alii ra'yihi wa-lii yubiil, an yaHali'a 1niisu minhu 'alii qabi~in. 80 AI-NuwayrT, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, pp. 86-87; al-Baqillant, I'jiizu l-qur'iin, pp, 156-157. 81 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 87; cf. Tabarr, Ta'n1:h, vol. 3', p. 287. 82 Tabarr, Ta'rikb. vol. 3, pp. 283-284. . .. wa-kana Jlma yaqra'u lahum Jlhim: inna banI tamlmin qawmun tuhrun laqii~un Iii makriiha 'alayhim wa-lii itawatun, nujawiruhum ma ~ay,na bi-i~san, namna'uhum min kulli insan Ja-idha mutnii [aamruhum ilii I-ra~man. The Struggle Against Musaylima divine revelation. to have said: 23 is reported In a verse attributed to him, Musaylima o you, take the tambourine of this prophet. and play, and proclaim the merits and rose up Passed away the prophet of the Banu Hashim, the prophet of the Banii Ya'rub. khudhi l-duffa, yii hiidhihi, wa-l'abl uia-buththi mahiisina hiidhii l-nabi tawallii nabiyyu bani hiishimin wa-qiima nabiyyu bani ya'rub!.83 Musaylima's adherents increased and his prestige and authority grew.84 The quiet situation in Yamama after the Prophet's death, Musaylima's claim to prophet hood which now became exclusive, his ambitious plan to set up a huge haratti defended by special guards of the laqii~ (which indeed succeeded for a short period) - all this inspired a feeling of selfconfidence and security and generated hopes of long-lasting tranquility and peace. However, Musaylima's confidence was shaken by the information that Abu Bakr was preparing to attack Yamarna and sent a Muslim force under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl to support Thurnama b. Uthal, Musaylima's enemy. Another dangerous event, unexpected by Musaylima, was the activity of Sajah bint Aus b. Hiqq b. Usama.85 Sajah was a former soothsayer, who claimed to have received revelation from Heaven as a prophetess of the Banu Yarbii' who were part of Tamirn. She and her family dwelt in Mesopotamia (al-jazlra); her father was a Tarnimi, and her mother belonged to the Christian tribe of Taghlib. Sajah is said to have been well-versed in the tenets of Christianity. Presenting her words as a divine revelation, she addressed her adherents saying: "0 you Godfearing believers, half of the Earth belongs to us. The other half belongs to Quraysh, but Quraysh are transgressors.v'" The reader will recall that Musaylima claimed to have received a revelation containing the idea of dividing territory between Banu Hanifa and Quraysh, but the 83 See Ibn Kathir, al-Bidau« wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, p. 341 inf. Musaylima claimed that the verses were revealed to him from Heaven. 84 See al-Nuwayri, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: ... wa-qubi4a rasulu lliihi (~al'am) wa-I-amru 'ala dhiilika, fa-qawiyat sh aukatu musaylimata wa-'shtadda amruhu wa-kathurat [umiii uhu, 85 So recorded in Ibn al-Kalbr's Jamharat al-nasab, p. 221; al-MaqrizT, Imta'u 1nsma', vol. 14, p. 241: Sajal:J bint al-Harith b. Suwayd b. 'Uqfan: Abu 'Ubayd ul-Qasim b. Sallam , Kitab al-nasab, p. 236: Sajal:J bint Aus. AI-Tha'alibi, Thimiiru /.qu/ub, p. 315, no. 474: Sajah bint 'Uqfan, 86 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanr, Kitiib al-aqhiini; vol. 18, pp, 166, ll. 1-2. 24 M. J. Kister Prophet had firmly rejected any such offer. In his negotiations with Sajah, Musaylima made a similar offer: half of the Earth belongs to the Banii Hanifa; the other half would have belonged to Quraysh, if they had acted justly; now God granted to Sajah that half of the Earth which Quraysh had to return because of their unjust behavior (... [a-qiila musaylimatu lanii ni~fu l-ardi, uia-kiina li-qurayshin ni~fuhii lau 'adalat, wa-qad radda lliihu 'alayki l-nisja lladhZ raddat quraysh.).87 In order to strengthen her position, Sajal; stated that God never bestowed prophecy on Habi'a (i.e., the Banii Hanifa -k), but only on MU9ar88 to which she belonged.P" It is therefore plausible that God granted her revelation and entrusted her with a prophetic mission. Her first step was to ask Malik b. Nuwayra, whom the Prophet nominated as head ('amid) of the Banii Yarbii' (a subsection of Tamim] to establish peaceful relations with her. Malik b. Nuwayra agreed and asked her to refrain from raiding tribal groups of Tamim, Sajah's raids on other tribal groups in the Arabian peninsula continued unabated. On this occasion, Sajah clearly defined her position as a woman (and probably also as a prophetess -k): "I am merely a woman from the Banii Yarbu"; if there will be authority (and possessions -k), it will be your authority and possession (fa-innl innama anii 'mra'atun min bani yarbu' wa-in kiina mulk [a-l-mulku mulkukum).9o Several leaders of Tarnimi tribal sections joined her and assisted her in her plans. The famous leader of Tamim, Qays b. 'A~im, the sagacious Tamiml chief al-Ahnaf b. Qays and the Ghudani fighter Haritha b. Badr"! were her followers; Shabath b. Rib'i92 was her mu'adhdhin. The force of SajaJ:t, strengthened by new supporters, was ordered to attack certain tribal groups linked with Tamimi sections, but was defeated. Following this failure, she decided to march against Yarnama. Her decision was accompanied by the rousing battle cry: 'alaykum bi-I-yamiima, ruifii [ilayhii) rafifa l-hamiima, fa-innahii ghazwatun ~ariima, Iii ialhaqukum ba'dahii maliima" 93 See al-Maqrlzf, Imtii'u I-a&mii', vol. 14, p. 241inf. Abu I-Faraj al-Isfahani, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 ll. 5-6: ... inn a lltih« lam yaj'al hiidhii I-amra jf rabi' ata, innamii ja'alahu Jf mudar . 89 The tribe of Tarnlm to which Sajal:t belonged is part of MUI;\ar. 90 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahant, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 inf; al-Tabart, Ta'n"kh vol. 3, p. p. 269. 91 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba; vol. 2, p. 161, no. 1939. 92 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiib«, vol. 3, p. 376, no. 3959. 93 For other versions of the "call of Sajal:t," see Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib alAghiinf vol. 18, p. 166: yii ma'shara tamfmin: iq~idil I-yamiima, Ja-4ribii jfhii kulla hiima, ~atta tatruktihii saudii'a ka-I-~amiima. Cf. the faulty text in al-MaqrizI's Imtii'u I-asmii' vol. 14, p. 241 inf. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, 87 88 The Struggle Against Musaylima 25 During the speedy advance of her forces in the direction of Yamama, Sajah received the surprising news of Musaylima's offer to give her a share in the "God's Earth" and to recognize her prophethood. On the face of it, the offer was exceedingly generous and it can be understood only if we take Musaylima's military situation at that time into consideration. His situation is well described by Ibn Junghul. When Musaylima heard the news about the march of Sajah's force, he feared for his country because he was busy fighting Thumama b. Uthal whose force was supported by a detachment of Muslim soldiers under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jah!. His garrison was in the territority of Thumarna. The Muslim soldiers commanded by 'Ikrima expected the arrival of the huge force commanded by Khalid b. al-WalId.94 Even in this situation, Musaylima fostered the hope that the united forces of Hanifa and Tamim would jointly be able to "devour" the Arab tribes.95 Having learned about Musaylima's offer, Sajal; hastened to meet him. When she arrived, they entered a tent prepared for them (and probably for a group of their supporters -k). Musaylima delivered a sermon in which he invoked God "to hear (the prayers) of those who obey (Him) and to enable those who strive to attain their (lofty -k) aspirations and ., . May your Lord watch you and bless you and free you from gloom. On the Day of Resurrection, may He save you and resurrect you. We must perform the prayers of the righteous, not of the wretched and not of the wrongdoers, (but of those who) are awake during the nights and fast during the days for the sake of their great God, the God of the clouds and of the rain.,,96 The pact concluded between Musaylima and Saja}:l during their meeting gave Sajah the crops of Yamarna for one year. But she could get only half of the crops immediately; the other part had to be sent to her later by her representatives in Yarnama.P" n. 10-12. See Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83a: ... [a-lammii sami'a bi-sayriha ilayhi khafaha 'ala biliidihi, wa-dhiilika annahu mashghulun bi-qitali thumama b. uthiil, wa-qad sa'adahu 'ikrima b. abi jahl bi-junudi l-muslimlna wa-hum naziluna bi-ba't/i biladihi yanta?iruna qudiima khiilid, See al-Sharfshf, Shar~ maqamat al-Eariri , vol. 4, p. 36, 22-15-16: ... wa-balagha musaylimata kh abaruhii biha wa khafa in huuia shughila biha ghalabahu thumamatu bnu uthiilin wa-shura~bilu 'ala ~ajri l-yamamati idh humii min qibali abi bakrin (rat/iya lliih u 'anhu) [a-arsala ilayha yasta'minuha 'alii nafsihi .... 95 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib al-aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166: ., .fa-man 'arafa l-lyaqqa tabi' ahu, wa- 'jtama'na [a-akalnii 1-'araba aklan bi-qaumf wa-qaumiki, [a-bo' athat ilayhi: af i alu, 96 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 272; al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 78; Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidaua uia-l-nihiiua, vol. 6, p. 320; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, inf. 97 See, e.g., al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 80, ll. 8-10. 94 26 M. J. Kister The solemn speech of Musaylima while concluding the agreement with Sajah is followed by a short saj' passage in which Musaylima praised the virtues of his community, emphasizing that they do not engage in sexual relations, nor do they drink wine. They fast one day and are burdened (with practicing religious duties -k) on the other. "Glory be to God; when resurrection comes, how will you live and how will you go up to the kingdom of Heaven? On every grain of mustard, there will be a witness who knows the secrets of the hearts. Indeed, most people will perish."98 The rigid prescriptions concerning the tenets of the religion of Musaylima seem to have been observed by his supporters. It is thus of some interest that certain pious supporters of Musaylima complained of his opportunism in his relations with the Bedouins who embraced his belief. According to a report recorded in al-Qashani'a Ra:» mal altuulim, the Bedouins haughtily rejected the bending and prostration during prayers.P'' Musaylima, says a report in al-Tabarf's Ta'rikh, used to tempt anyone and to bribe him in order to gain his sympathy (wa-kana musaylimatu yu~ani'u kulla a~adin), not paying any attention to the fact that people may censure this behavior as improper and reproachable. 100 The commentator of Qa~fdat Nasliuiiin b. Sa'fd al-,lfimyarfmentions that Musaylima used to say when leading Bedouins in prayer, "What is the will of Allah by raising your buttocks and by your prostation on your foreheads? Pray standing upright, in a noble posture. Allah is great." 101 Some medieval Muslim scholars attributed the censure of prostration and bending to Tulayha b. Khuwaylid, also considered a false prophet by Muslim tradition. Tulayha is reported to have said: "What is it to God that you make your cheeks dusty and that you spread your buttocks? Pronounce God's name in a modest posture, standing upright. Allah is great." (ma ya!, alu Allah bi-ta'firi khudiidikum wa-fat~i adbarikum? udhkurii Allah a'iffatan qiyaman). AI-Harlinl who records this speech of Tulayha mentions some Qur'anic expressions borrowed by Tulayha in this speech.102 An additional injunction of Musaylima refers to the marital life of his believers: the husband was instructed to have sexual relations with his wife only until a male child was born; once this happened, he was obliged to desist from any sexual activity. Only in the case of the male child's vol. 3, p. 272 infra. al-'arabu ta'nafu min al-ruku'i wa-tusammfhi al-ta~niya. 100 Tabarr, Ta'rikh, vol. 3, p. 282, in£. 101 Nashwan b. Sa'Id al-Himyarf, Muluk ~imyar wa-aqyiilu I-yaman, wa shar~uhii, Khulii~atu I-~urati I-jiimi'a li-'ajii'ibi akhbiiri I-mulilki I-tabiibi'a, eds., 'All b. Isma'Il al-Mu'ayyad and Isma'Tl b. Ahmad al-Jarafi, Cairo 1378 A. H., p. 176. 102 Al-Harunt, Ithbiit nubuwwati I-nabf, pp, 39-40. And see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jf akhbiiri I-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, p. 167, no. 15. See also "Tulayha b. Khuwaylid," EI2, s. v. (Ella Landau- Tasseron). 99 P. 147,1. 17: wa-kiinat 98 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh, The Struggle Against Musaylima 27 death, the father was allowed to resume his conjugal activity until the birth of a new male child.103 In contradistinction to the injunctions of the Prophet who forbade celibacy (rahbiiniyya) and ordered the Muslims to lead full marital lives.U'f Musaylima encouraged extreme asceticism. The reports about the behavior of his followers, the ascetic trends in their society, the rigorous injunctions concerning marital life, the stories about people who refrained from drinking wine, the stories about people who fasted frequently - all these accounts seem to be reliable. On the other hand, the obscene verses attributed to Musaylima and enthusiastically received by Sajah, the vulgar anecdotes about Sajah - these seem to have been forged by the enemies of Musaylima and Sajal,t with the intention of slandering them. Some Muslim sources refrained from quoting this material. 105 IX The idea of Islamic expansion started to mature when the Prophet migrated to Medina. The principle of the superiority ofIslam over any other belief and the superiority ofIslamic authority became cardinal principles of the new faith. The existence of any belief or practice in Islam is said to have been accepted only on condition of the Prophet's approval. The Prophet gradually became the fully acknowledged and revered leader of the nascent Muslim community. The Muslim community grew and the borders of the Muslim state gradually expanded. Mecca and Medina became cities in which only Muslims were allowed to dwell. Idolaters Al-Tabart, Tarikh , vol. 3, p. 272 ult. See, e. g., al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fii'vq ff gharibi l-hadith , vol. 2, p. 122: ... Iii zimiima wa-lii khiziima wa-lii rahbiiniyyata uia-lii tabaHula uia-lii siyii!}ata ff I-isliimi. See also the b adith. of the Prophet (ibid .), in which he censures the conduct of an unmarried man: ... a-laka 'mra'atun? qiila: Iii. qiila: fa-anta idhan min ikhwiini I-shayiilfn; in kunia min ruhbiini I-na~iirii fa- 'I!}aq bihim, wa-in kunta minnii fa-min sunnatinii I-nikii!}. See al-Munawr, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 6, p. 302, no. 9320: nahii rasiilu l/iihi [s al=am] 'ani I-ikhti~ii', "The Prophet prohibited the (self-) castration of the believers" in order to free themselves from sexual lust. 105 Al-Maqdisi, Kitiib al-bad' uia-l-t a'rikh , vol. 5, p. 164 (her kunya was Umm Sadir, her husband was Abu Kuhayla, the kiihin of the Yamama; she was a false prophetess). The obscene phrase of Musaylima's Qur'an is recorded and his sexual proposal is quoted. A revelation received by Saja~ (ibid., p. 165) allowed a woman to marry two husbands. This was unheard of in the Jahiliyya, See also the story of Sajah's meeting with Musaylima and the remark of Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 57, ll. 1-2: ... fa-qiilat sajii!}: qad ansajt a, fa- 'dhkur. wa-ba'da hiidhii min qawlihi wa-fi'lihii mii a' ra4na 'an dhikrihi. The obscene verses also appear in al-NuwayrT's Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 76; al-Sharishi, Sharry maqiimiii al-bartrt, vol. 4, pp. 35-u; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83b; al-Maydani, Majma' al-amthiil, vol. 1, pp. 326-7, no. 1758 (under the heading: azna min saja!}); Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-jiikhsra , vol. 1, p. 214, no. 290 (under the heading: azna min saja/}) and vol. I, p. 325, no. 515 (under the heading: aghlam min saja!}). 103 104 28 M. J. Kister (mushrikiin) were forbidden to enter Medina; Jews and Christians were granted the concession to enter the city for three days only in order to sell their merchandise.I'" In Islam there is only one God, one Prophet and one community of believers. This community is chosen by Allah, and only this community may dwell in the holy places of Islam: "Two religious beliefs (dfniini) will not exist in the Arabian peninsula" (or in the l:Iijaz) .107 Islam spread in the peninsula in numerous ways. Delegations of various tribes reached Medina, were influenced by the Prophet and impressed by Muslim tenets and teachings. Some embraced Islam and when they returned to their homes, they enthusiastically transmitted the Call of the Prophet. They established small Muslim communities among their idolatrous neighbors. These small communities had close contacts with the Medinan body-politic and were under the control and guidance of Medina during the last years of the Prophet's life. They were active in spreading Islam and made a substantial contribution to the conquest of the Arabian peninsula. A case of such a community was the nucleus of believers set up in Juwatha in Bahrayn. The community started its activity very early: all the sources relate that the first Friday prayer (after the Friday prayer performed in Medina -k) was the Friday prayer performed in Juwatha.108 This was the first time that a small Muslim community in a foreign territory, besieged by unbelievers who endangered their lives, appealed to the community in Medina, asking for help. Help was sent and the beleaguered Muslims were saved. The military unit sent by Abu Bakr was headed by al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrami, It is noteworthy that when the military unit sent by Abu Bakr reached the borders of Bahrayn, it was joined by a large gathering of people led by Thurnama b. Uthal, appointed by the Prophet to govern a certain region of Yamama, Furthermore, the chiefs (umarii') of this region joined the unit of al-'Ala' and defeated their enerny.I'" The utterance of the Prophet who instructed the Muslims to live close to each other if they dwell in a non-Muslim environment may belong to this early period. "I renounce responsibility (ana bari"un) for any See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu§annaf, vol. 6, pp. 51-2, nos. 9977,9970. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mus annaj , vol. 6, p. 54, no. 9985 (only Jews and Christians are mentioned); and no. 9990: ... la yajtami'u bi-ar4i l-'arabi dfnani, au qala: bi-ar4i l-~ijazi dfnani. 108 See Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam vol. 2, pp. 401-2; Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, p. 174; al-Hirnyari, al-Rau4u l-mi'tar, p. 181; and see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun ff akhbari l-ridda li-mu'allifin majMI, p. 162, 1. 2 from bottom: lamma qubi4a rastilu Ilahi §alla Ilahu 'alayhi 'rtadda I-nasu 'ani I-islami ilia thalathata rnasiiji d: ahlu I-madfna wa-ahlu makkata, wa-ahlu juwatha. The word masjid is used here to denote the center of a Muslim town. 109 See Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, pp. 327-29. 106 107 The Struggle Against Musaylima 29 believer who dwells among unbelievers," said the Prophet. When asked about the reason for this, he answered that the believer living among unbelievers is not able to watch the fires of his believing companions." 110 The believers must live close to each other and not mix with their nonMuslim neighbors. The idea of the war against the ridda was extended and contained the obligation of the believers to take up arms against people who refused to pay the taxes (zakiit) prescribed by the Prophet. This was formulated by Abu Bakr who is reported to have said: "If they refused to give me (even) a ewe which they used to give to the Prophet ... , I would fight them because of their refusal" (wa-lliihi lau manaciinz C aniiqan kiinii yu' addiinahii ilii rasiili lliihi sallii lliihu calayhi wa-sallam la-qiitaltuhum calii manCihii). It was especially stressed that the "believers in the prophetic mission of Musaylima, the people of Yarnama," are included in the category of unbelievers (kuffiir) who have to be fought until they repent and embrace Islam.1ll Abu Bakr strove to place the nascent Muslim communities established throughout the peninsula under the sway of the Muslim polity in Medina. Muslim law and Muslim ritual had to be introduced in all these communitites. The Arab idolaters had to be crushed with the help of the Muslim forces of Medina. A letter of Abu Bakr to 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl may give us an insight into the activities planned by the caliph to protect the communities recently established in the eastern region of the peninsula. When Abu Bakr sent military units (sariiyii) against the tribes who rebelled against the authority of Medina, 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl and Shurahbil b. Hasana were sent against Musaylima with a military force (fiCaskarin). 'Ikrima acted in haste and started the attacks against the Banii Hanifa, but was defeated and informed Abu Bakr of his defeat. Abu Bakr's answer indicates that the goal of 'Ikrima's mission was to support the nascent Muslim communities in Yamama, Abu Bakr wrote: "Do not return (to Medina), as you will weaken the spirits of the people. I do not want to see you nor do I want you to see me. But go out to Hudhayfa and 'Arfaja and fight the people of 'Uman and Mahra. Then march out with your military force until you meet Muhajir b. Abl Umayya in Yemen and Hadramawt." Abu Bakr also instructed Shurahbil to stay in Yamama until Khalid arrived with his army. "When they will finish the battle with Musaylima,join 'Amr b. al-'A.!? in order to help him to fight Quqa'a.,,1l2 This material indicates that the Prophet showed great concern for the 110 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Kafi al-shii] fi takhriji al}adfthi l-koshsh a], p. 55, sup., no. 457, and see its explanation in al-Zamakhshari, al-Fa'iq, vol. 2, p. 21; cf. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v. ra'a. 111 See e.g., al-Qastallanr, Irsh ad ai-sari, vol. 3, pp. 6-7; on the followers of Musaylima see p. 6, ll. 7-8. 112 Al-Maqrizt, lrniiiru l-asma', vol. 14, p. 528. 30 M. J. Kister Muslim communities outside Medina and made sustained efforts to expand the Muslim territory. The sources contain impressive descriptions of the Prophet's efforts to help the newly founded Muslim settlements, his efficient reactions to cases of apostasy in distant districts and his judicious decisions to resolve disputes between Muslims and their adversaries. Exhortation was not always sufficient to achieve the desired expansion. For instance, Sayf b. 'Umar says that the letters of the Prophet to al-Aswad al-'Ansl and Musaylimadid not convince them and the emissary of the Prophet tried in vain to persuade them to embrace Islam. The Prophet decided to write to the ethnic Persians living in Yemen (al-abna') 113 asking them to try to "do away" with al-Aswad al- 'Ansi (an tu~awiliJ. l-aswada) and asked them to engage men from Himyar and Hamadhan to achieve this purpose. He also wrote to Thumama b. Uthal and his followers asking them to try to "do away" with Musaylima. He made a similar request to some men from Tamim and they acted accordingly. "The ways of the muriadda became indeed blocked," says the report .114 Many changes in the formation of tribal units and the conclusion of tribal alliances were connected with the division of the tribal territorial possessions. The case of the partition of the vast territory of Dahna' is instructive 11 5 The report about the partition of Dahna' is transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of al-Harith b. Hassan al- 'Amirl (in some sources: al-Bakri+k}, who came to visit the Prophet in connection with a dispute between his tribe (Bakr -k) and the Banii Tamirn. The dispute was about an event which happened in Bahrayn and in which the chiefs of Bakr raised their objections against al-'Alii' b. al-Hadrami, in whose home the discussion was held. At that time a man from the Banu Tarnim sent to the Prophet a message (khabar), informing him that the tribe of Rabi'a (including Bakr -k) reverted to unbelief (qad kafarat) and prevented (by force -k) the collection of zokiit . The information about this incident and about the khabar reached Rabi'a and they sent al-Harith b. Hassan al-'Amirl (or al-Bakri -k) in order to inform the Prophet that they (i.e., Rabi'a -k) remain obedient to him. On his way to the Prophet, he met in Habadhal l" a poor woman, Qayla bint Makrama al-'Anbariyya (of the tribe of Tamirn -k) and agreed to take her to the Prophet.J!" It was al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakri who repreSee on them EI2, vol. 1, p. 102, s.v. "Abna"', Section II. (K.V. Zet.tersteen}, Al-Maqrtzr, lrntiiiu l-asma', vol. 14, p. 525. 115 See the description of Dahria' in Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, pp. 493-4. 116 So in Maqrtzr, Imta'u l-asma', vol. 14, p. 312, 1. 3; al-Tabaranf, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 3, p. 254, no. 3325, I. 10. 117 See the lengthy description of the journey of Qayla and the story of the protection granted her by al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakrr, when he journeyed with her from Rabadha to Medina to meet the Prophet in al- Tabarani, al-Mu 'jam al-kabir , vol. 25, pp. 7-12; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Lsiiba , vol. 8, pp. 83-87, no. 11654; Ibn al-Athtr, 113 114 The Struggle Against Musaylima 31 sented Bakr b. Wa'il (of RabI'a).11s The representative of the Tamirnl tribal groups in Bahrayn who sent the message about the apostasy of Rabi'a (or Bakr -k) reached the Prophet before the arrival of the Bakrl al-Harith b. Hassan, and brought the story of al-'Ala (b. al-Hadrami}; then the Prophet ordered 'Amr b. al-'.A~ to march out and entrusted him with a flag. The Prophet went up to the minbar and urged the believers to join the raid against Habi'a in Bahrayn.l!? He informed the Muslims that al-'Ala (b. al-Hadramt) and al-Mundhir (b. Sawa) reported to him that Rabi'a apostatized (kafamt) and refused to pay the zakiit.120 The Prophet then asked: "Who will volunteer (to march out) with 'Amr b. al_'A.~?"121 At this fateful moment, al-Harith b. Hassan proclaimed loudly the allegiance of Rabi'a to the Prophet; he himself gave the oath of allegiance to Islam and converted,t22 Further, al-Harith b. Hassan asked the Prophet to affirm in a letter that Dahna" belongs to Habi'a and to set up the border line between Habi'a and Tamirn in that district. The Prophet called Bilal and ordered him to bring a piece of parchment and an inkpot (dawiit) .123 But when the scribe started to write the document in which the Prophet intended to affirm the right of Habi'a on the territory of Dahna", Qayla, the poor Tamirni woman, began to shout asserting that the territory between Dahna' and Bahrayn had belonged ill the period of the Jahiliyya to Tamim and on that basis Tamirn converted to Islam. The Prophet immediately changed the letter, affirming that Dahna' belonged to Tamlm.124 The Prophet's decision was significant. The borders of the territory granted to Tarnim in Dahna' enabled them to launch a successful raid against the Bakr b. Wa'i] (i.e., Rabi'a -k). The information about Nibaj, where the battle took place, enables us to assume that the march of the forces led by the leader of Sa'd (Tamim -k), Qays b. 'A.~im was a long and exhausting one. When Qays b. 'A.sim reached Nibaj and Thaytal (two neighboring localities) and watered the riding beasts (khayl), he cut the water bags open and let the water flow out. He then summoned the warriors to fight, saying: "The desert is behind you, death is in front of you." The Tamimi troops fought valiantly and defeated the forces of ll s d al-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 535-36. 118 See about the subdivisions of Bakr b. Wa'il and their mutual relations in Yamarna in "Bakr b. Wa'il," EI2, s.v, (W. Caskel). II 9 The text has sliiil , which is a mistake. 120 The text has wada'at al-sakiit; read correctly mana'at al-zakiit. 121 MaqrTzT, Imtiii u i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 312. 122 Cf. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Isiiba, vol. 8, p. 86, 1. 10. 12:1 The text has idiiwat, which is a mistake. 124 AI-MaqrTzT, Irniii's: I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 313: inna mii bayna l-tiahnii' wa-ib(J~lrayni ii-banI tamlmin II i-jiihihiiiyyati, wa-asiamii 'aiayhii, la-ayna tagfqu, yamu~ammadu, 'alii mu d arika'! 32 M. 1. Kister the Bakr b. Wa'il, the Lahazim.125 Some details about Nibaj deserve to be mentioned: there are two places called Nibaj: the one is Nibaj Ibn 'A.mir (in the neighborhood of Basra); the other is Nibaj near Thaytal, adjacent to al-Bahrayn.P'' The information recorded by Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakn indicates the reasons for Qays b. 'A.!?im's raids: at that time he embraced Islam and it was meritorious for him to march out against the non-Muslim Bakr b. Wa'il. AI-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni and al-Mundhir b. Sawa stated clearly that Bakr b. Wa'il apostatized. A proper military action of the allies of the Muslim body politic in Medina against Bakr b. Wa'il was badly needed. Qays b. 'A.!?im was successful in his raid against the Bakr b. Wa'il apostates. Qays b. 'A.!?im is highly praised in connection with his raids in Nibaj and Thayta1. But one of the verses mentions a third locality in which Qays b. 'A.!?im excelled in a military raid: it was Juwatha in Bahrayn. Qays b. 'A.!?im attacked Juwatha, which was under the control of the tribe of 'Abd al-Qays, and took considerable booty.127 The Muslim warriors who defeated their enemies and forced them to convert to Islam gained great merit: the Prophet saw these captives led in his dream into Paradise in shackles.P" It is noteworthy that some of these warriors were relatives of inveterate enemies of the Prophet. The two relatives of Abu Jahl - his son 'Ikrima and his brother al-Harith b. Hisham - are cases in point. 'Ikrima became a devout Muslim and was killed during the wars of conquest. 129 125 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 1, pp. 351-52; and see the verse of Qurra b. Qays b. 'A~im: "I am the son of the man who cut the water bags when he saw the troops of the Lahazim ready to fight (ana 'bnu /ladhi' shaqqa I-mazada wa-qad ra'a / bi-thaytala a~ya' a '/lahazimi ~u44arii)." 126 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 4, p. 1292, I. 2: wa-I-nibaj nibiijanf: nibaj thaytal wa-nibaj 'bni 'amirin bi-I-ba~ra. wa-qala I-a~ma'f: al-nibiij wa-thaytal ma'ani Ii-banI sa'di bni zaydi manatin, mimma yalf I-ba~rayni. Yaqut provides additional details about the two Nibajs: the one is on the way of Basra and is called" Nibaj banf 'A mir" and faces Fayd; the other Niba] is the Nibaj of the Bani Sa'd. Another definition says that the Nibaj between Mecca and Basra belongs to the Banu Kurayz, the other Nibaj is located between Basra and Yarnama. See Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 5, pp. 255-56. 127 ••. wa-aghiira qaysu bnu 'ii~im bi-banf sa'din 'alii 'abdi I-qays bi-juwatha Ja-a~abu ma aradu [imii yaz'umu banu minqar. [a-qiila sawwiir b. ~ayyiin: wa-ma laka min ayyami ~idqin ta'udduha: ka-yaumi juwathii wa-I-nibaji wa-thaytala. See al-Baladhurt's Ansab al-ashriiJ, part 7, vol. 1, RamzT Ba'labakkT, ed., p. 45 (Beirut, 1417/1997). 128 See Lisiin al-'Arab, s.v., s-l-s-l: 'ajiba rabbuna min qaumin yuqiidilna ilii I-jannati if-I-salasil; and see al-Munawi, Fay4u I-qadfr, vol. 4, p. 302, no. 5383. 129 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqa.lan]', ol-Lsaba , vol. 4, pp. 538-9, no. 5642; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab, vol. 3, p. 1082, no. 1838. See also the tradition about the march of 'Ikrima b. AbT Jahl with 500 fighters against the Prophet in order to prevent him from the entrance to Mecca; his attacks were thrice thwarted by a force of Khalid b. al- WalTd who orotected the Prophet and his Companions. See Ibn Kathlr, Tajsiru I-qur' ani The Struggle Against Musaylima Al-Harith b. Hisham also embraced Islam, took part Yamarna and died in the plague of'Amwas.130 III 33 the battle of x The struggle against Musaylima was an important part of the ridda wars. Abu Bakr was aware of the strength of Musaylima's forces. He understood that sending small units of Muslims against the well organized force of Musaylima was doomed to fail. Yamama had to be conquered in order to pave the way for the establishment of additional Islamic communities in the area of Bahrayn, 'Uman, and in Yamarna itself. A strong army was necessary for the conquest of Yamama. Khalid b. al-Walid, the famous hero nicknamed "the sword of Islam" (say! al-isliim), was chosen to lead the expedition. He was at that time the head of a military force sent against various tribal formations who decided to remain faithful to Islam, but refused to pay zakiit. The rebellious tribes who refused to pay zakiit were branded apostates (ahl al-ridda). They were ruthlessly subdued: some were captured, some were executed; some hastened to pay the zakiii , repented and were forgiven. Having completed the suppression of some big tribal formations who participated in the ridda, Khalid b. al-Walid was ready to embark on another important mission. Leading a huge army, he set out in the direction of Yarnarna, Abu Bakr wrote Khalid a letter in which he stressed the stalwart strength of the forces of the Banii Hanifa: "You have never met a people (qaum) like the Banii Hanifa: they will fight against you all together" (kulluhum 'alayka).l3l Abu Bakr also advised Khalid how to delegate authority to the tribal leaders and section commanders and how to solicit the opinion of the Muhajirun and the Ansar taking part in the expedition. The last part of the letter is of special interest: Abu Bakr recommends to prepare scrupulously the details of the first clash with the enemy: "A spear against a spear, an arrow against an arrow, a sword against a sword. And when you reach the phase of the battle in which the fight is of swords against swords, you reach the time when mothers become bereft of their sons. And if Allah grants you the victory," continues Abu Bakr, "and you get hold of the enemy warriors, beware of being merciful towards them: give the coup de grace to their wounded, pursue their retreating fighters, kill their captive warriors by the sword, frighten them by killing and burn them by fire. Beware of 1-'a?lm, at that 130 See p.69. 131 Ibn vol. 6, p. 344. Ibn KathTr objects the veracity of this tradition, arguing that time Khalid b. al- Waljd was an unbeliever. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Tsiiba, vol. 1, pp. 605..,'!, no. 1506; WaqidT, Ridda, Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf. 34 M. J. Kister disobeying my orders. Peace be upon you." 132 Muslim tradition ascribed considerable importance to the campaign against Musaylima. This can be gauged from the fact that some early traditionists and commentators considered Qur'an 48:16 ("Say to the Bedouins who were left behind: 'You shall be called against a people possessed of great might, to fight them, or they surrender."') a reference to this campain.133 Bakr b. NaHa4, a poet who descended from the defeated Banu I:Ianlfa,134 wrote in the ninth century A. D. verses praising the bravery of his tribe, which was - according to his understanding - mentioned in the Qur 'an: And we were described in the revealed Book, unlike any (other) tribe, as possessing great courage.P" uia-noluiu wu~ifnii duna kulli qabilaiin bi-shiddati ba'sin fi l-kitiibi l-munazzali XI During the years of the Prophet's activity in the Arabian peninsula and his contacts with the Arab tribes, he was often asked by the tribal leaders about the ownership of land. The Prophet's policy on this issue is relevant to the ways in which the Muslims expanded their land holdings throughout the Arabian peninsula, including Yamama, When asked about these matters, the Prophet used to quote Qur'an 7:127: "Verily the Earth is Allah's; He gives it as a heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing." Indeed, when the Prophet arrived in Medina after the hijra, he was given every patch of uncultivated land, not irrigated by water; it was placed under his exclusive authority.136 The injunctions of the Prophet concerning the uncultivated land became obligatory and continued to be in force during the time of the righteous Caliphs, and even later. There was only one 132 Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf-60; and see the letter of Abu Bakr to Khalid b. al- WalTd in al- Waqidt's /( itiib al-ridda, pp. 62-3, no. 86. 133 Al- Wal)idT, al- Wasf! fl tafslri l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 138. However, one must keep in mind that other commentators considered this verse as a reference to other military expeditions, such as those against Persia, Byzantium, the Hawasin, the ThaqTf, and the Ghatafan , These views are beyond the scope of this study. 134 See on him Brockelmann, GAS, vol. 2, p. 628 inf. 135 AI-I:lu~rTal-Qayrawanr, Zahr al-iidiib, vol. 2, p. 966. 136 See Humayd b. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu l-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1035: ... ' ani l-kalb; 'ani bni ~iililfin, 'ani bni 'abbiisin anna rasiila lliihi, ~allii lliih u 'alayhi wasal/ama, lammii qadima I-madfna ja'alii lahu kulla ar¢in Iii yablughuhii l-mii'u ya§na'u bihii mii shii'a. See also ibid., note 4, and Abu 'Ubayd, /(itiib al-amwiil, non __ aa"l The Struggle Against Musaylima 35 stipulation concerning grants of land given by the Prophet (iqtii'): the obligation to ameliorate the plot by digging a well or irrigating it by means of a canal. If the development of the uncultivated plot could not be performed in due time (i.e., three years -k), the plot had to be sold to a Muslim, who would be granted the permission of the Muslim authority to purchase the plot; without such permission the purchase had to be considered null and void. A patch of uncultivated land granted by the Prophet was sold in the time of 'Umar for a sum of 8000 dinars, because the grantees were not able to perform their duty to improve the land. The sum received by the people who sold the plot was deposited with 'All b. AbI T'alib. They were surprised that the sum returned to them was less than that which they deposited. 'All b. AbI Talib's answer was that he had paid the zakiit on the deposit.137 According to the Muslim tradition, it was the Prophet himself who granted plots of uncultivated land in Medina to Abu Bakr and 'Umar. A plot of land was granted by the Prophet to some Bedouins of Muzayna and Juhayna (as iqW), but they did not improve it; a group of other people took hold of the plot and succeeded to ameliorate it. The Bedouins from whom the plot was taken came to 'Umar b. al-Khattab and complained that they had been driven out of the territory granted to them. 'Umar refused to return them to the land, arguing that the qaWa was granted to them under certain conditions: "Whoever got land and failed to ameliorate it during three years, while others improved that soil, the people who neglected to improve the soil do not deserve to own it." 138 The land put at the Prophet's disposal is defined in the ~adzth in the following way: "The ancient land from the time of 'Ad139 belongs to Allah and to His prophet, then (it will pass -k) to you." ('iidiyyu l-ardi li-lliihi uia-rasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum) .140 When asked about the meaning of "Then it will belong to you," the Prophet answered: "You will assign it (i.e., the land -k) to the people." A similar version reads: "The uncultivated land belongs to Allah and to His messenger, and then, from me to you, 0 Muslims" (mawatiinu l-ardi li-lliihi warasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum minnii ayyuhii l-muslimiin) .141 Thus, the ownership of an iqiii' bequeathed by the Prophet to his community requires the approval of the imiim or the ruling authority (sultiin). Abu Yusuf', K itiib u l-khariij, p. 61 inf. Abu Yusuf, K itiibu l-khariij, p. 61. 139 See on 'Ad: E[2, vol. 1, p. 169 (F. Buhl); and see the exhaustive explanation of 'adiyy in connection with iqtii: in Abu Ubayd's al-Amwiil, p. 278, no. 690; see also the explanation of the saying of 'Umar: lanii riqiibu l-ardi, 140 Abu 'Ubayd, Kiiiib u l-amuuil , p. 272, no. 674; Yahya b. Adam, Kit abu l-kh ariij , p. 85, no. 269; p. 88, no. 277. 141 See this version recorded by the editor of the Kitiibu l-amwiil of Abu 'Ubayd, p. 272, on the margin, no. 2. 137 1.18 36 M. J. Kister Every effort carried out by a Muslim on a plot of uncultivated land, like a well dug in a qaii' a, or a tree planted there, has to be considered null and void if not approved by the ruling authority (sultan). This is binding because Allah is said to have bestowed upon the Prophet all uncultivated land. Therefore, the qaWa has to be improved by irrigation and construction. The imam may assign it to a Muslim for this purpose, even without the consent of the former owner who failed to perform this duty. It is, thus, the prevalent view of the Muslim tradition that all uncultivated land was granted to the Prophet by Allah; only the imams, the just and righteous people forming the Islamic authority, are allowed to approve the building up of a qaWa. They are granted the Prophet's privilege to allot the uncultivated land to the Muslims.l V It is possible that the Prophet himself formulated his opinion concering the division of the mawat land. In a ~adfth which seems to reflect this early period, the Prophet defined his mission modestly: "I am merely bringing the news of Allah's revelation, but Allah is guiding onto the right path; I am merely dividing (among you -k), but Allah grants (what He pleases to grant -k)" (innama ana muballighun uia-lliilu: yahdf, uia-innamii ana qiisiinun uia-Iliihu yu'tf) .143 The last action of the Prophet in the field of division of land (or granting of land -k) was the bestowal of land on some noble people of Yarnama who came to the Prophet announcing their desire to embrace Islam. The Prophet bestowed on this delegation some plots of uncultivated land after they embraced Islam (ja-aqta'ahum min mawilt ar~ihim ba'da an aslamu). The document of the iqta' was written on the name of Mujja'a b. Murara.144 According to a report recorded by al-Baladhuri, the delegation came after the Prophet sent a letter to the people of Yamama (and to Hawdha) and asked them to embrace Islam (in 6 A.H.). It was Mujja'a who asked the Prophet to grant him mawatland in Yamarna and the Prophet granted his request.l '! A shrewd remark of Abu 'Ubayd in which he outlined the difference between the iqta' granted to Furat b. Hayyan al- 'Ijll146 and the land granted to Mujja'a deserves to be mentioned. In contradistinction to the same grants of land in territories not yet conquered by Is142 See the advice of Abu Yusuf in his /(itiibu l-kh arii] pp. 63-{)4 defining the prerogatives of the imiims in this matter. 143 Al-Munawi, Fay4u l-o adir , vol. 2, p. 571, no. 2582. 144 Abu 'Ubayd , i(itiibu I-amwiil, pp, 279-81, nos. 691-92. Hurnayd b. Zanjawayhi , i(itiibu 'I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1034. 145 See al-Baladhurr, Futiiii u l-buldiin , pp. 118inf-119: ... fa-aqta'ahu (i.e., Mujja'a -k) arden mawiitan sa'alahu iyyiihii; and cf. Humayd h. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, 1. 3. 146 On Furat h. Hayyan al-'IjlT; see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, ol-Lsiibo , vol. 5, pp. 357-8, no. 6969. The Struggle Against Musaylima 37 lam, the grants of land in Yarnarna were given when a small Muslim community had already been in existence there. When the members of the Yamama delegation decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet granted them the mawat-Iand of Yamarna.l+" It is evident that by this grant the Prophet indicated that Yamarna was put under the sway of Islam, although the number of Yamamis who embraced Islam was very small. The guiding principle applied in Yarnama was that the conversion to Islam of even a small group under its leader was binding on the whole population of the district. The Muslim settlements in the different regions acted according to the instructions of the Medinan body politic. What the Medinan center demanded was the right of passage through the different regions in order to gain direct contact with the isolated Muslim communities. These small communities were decisive in the establishment of Muslim authority over the whole population; hence, the direct contacts of the Medinan center with these settlements became the conquest of the whole province in which these tiny Muslim communities existed. The conquest of Yamama by Islam was in fact the key to the conquest of the adjacent territories in the Arabian peninsula. XII The few passages of Musaylima's "Qur 'an," recorded in adab literature, in some Quranic commentaries, in historical compendia and in biographies of the Prophet, were harshly criticized by Muslim scholars. AIJahia's opinion on these saj' passages is negative: he maintains that Musaylima lacked the gifts of a poet, an orator, a soothsayer (kiihin) or a geneaologist.l t'' AI-Jal,1i~ gives some details about the beginnings of Musaylima's career as the "false prophet" of Yamama, He used to frequent the markets in Arab and Persian territories; he visited the markets of Ubulla, Baqqa, al-Anbar and al-Hira. He learned in these places the tricks of the sorcerers and of the idol temples guardians. He indeed succeeded to insert an egg steeped in acid into a glass bottle with a very narrow opening, claiming this was the miracle which he carried out with the help of Allah. A similar trick was carried out by Musaylima before all audience in which a Bedouin chief and his family were present; the chief was al-Mujja'a (b. Murara -k) al-Hanafi. Musaylima showed those present his miracle: the pigeons with their wings cut off (al-~amiimu 1-1I!aqiis'i~)were able to fly in a dark night. Like in the former case, he 117 See Abu 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, pp. 280-81: wa-amma iq!a'uhu [uriita bna ~ayyanin l'I.Jliyya arden bi-I-yamama Ja-ghayru hadha; uia-dhiilika anna I-yamamata qad kana 1,,/111 islamun 'ala 'ahdi l-nabiyyi s allii lliih u 'alayhi wa-sallam .... p. 281: .,. qiila abii '"/,,,yd: [a-k adhiilika iq!a'uhu [uriiia bna ~ayyiinin; wa-hii'ulii'i ashriiJu l-yamiima, [u II'1!a'ahum mawiita ardihim yata'allaJuhum bi-dhiilika. 14K AI-Jal,1i,? (d. 255 A. H.), al-Bayan wa-l-tabyfn, vol. 1, p. 359. 38 M. J. Kister claimed that he was helped by Allah and forbade on that occasion to keep the pigeons at home by cutting their wings. Mujja'a was fascinated by the two miracles and embraced the faith of Musaylima.l'i'' Al-Jahiz stressed the blind belief of the Bedouins in miracles and their ignorance of the frauds and impostures of jugglers and sorcerers. Muslim scholars, examining the utterances of Musaylima and analyzing the verses of his "Quran," stated that their composition is odd and ludicrous, formulated in poor saj'. The short utterance of Abu Bakr concerning passages of Musaylima's "Qur'an" was often quoted and widely circulated. Abu Bakr said it when the people of the Banii Hanifa came to Medina after the defeat of 'Aqraba' and the killing of Musaylima; they used to quote some of his revelations and his injunctions. Their assessment of the material was: "These utterances are devoid of any virtuous idea" (inna hiidhi: l-kaliima lam yakun min illin).150 Muslim scholars emphasize the differences between the queer utterances of Musaylima, composed in odd sa)', and the clear utterances of Allah revealed in the Qur 'an. The scholars stress that Musaylima borrowed a great deal of his utterances from the Qur'an, using some expressions for quite different situations. In the words of Ibn Kathir: "People of insight will find the deep difference between the feeble words of Musaylima, between his unworthy deeds, between his "Qur'an" - with which he will remain in the fire of Hell until the Day of (his) Distress and Shame - and between the Revelation of Allah;" "there is a great difference between the words of Allah - may He be exalted: Allah, there is no god except Allah, the Living, the Everlasting, slumber seizes Him not, nor sleep" and the "revelation" of Musaylima, may God disfigure him and curse him: "0 frog, the daughter of two frogs, croak as you may croak, you will not turn the water turbid, nor will you bar the drinking person (from drinking)." 151 Ibn Kathir continues to quote "the feeble verses from Musaylima's "Qur'an," accompanying every sentence with 149 AI-Jal:Ii~, Kiuiou l-~ayawiin, vol. 4, pp. 369-71; and see the mention of these miracles in the Kit aou l-~ayawiin vol. 6, p. 206. 150 In some sources, ill is rendered by alliih: if this is correct, the meaning would be: "These utterances are not from Allah." See al-Baqillanl, I'jiizu l-Qur'iin, p. 158: lam yakhruj 'an illin, ay 'an rububiyyatin, wa-man kiina lahu 'aqlun lam yushtabah 'alayhi sakhfu hiidhii l-k aliim, See the explanation of ill in 'Ikrima's readings in the phrase wa-lii yarqubiina jI mu'minin i/lan; it is derived from II, i.e., allah, which appears in the names of the angels: Jibril and MTkarl. In Tha'alibr's al-Kash] wal-bautin , vol. 3, p. 76/2, fol. 133a inf.-133b ill is rendered by al-mithiiq, al-'ahd, ol-hil], See also the quotation of Abu Bakr's saying in al- Tha'alibT, Tbimaru l-ouliib ; p. 174 inf; Lisiin al-'arab, s.v. all; Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 368,491; Mujahid, Tafsfr, vol. 1, p. 273, note 3; al-Tabart, .l iimi" al-bayan, vol. 14, pp. 145-50, (on Qur 'an 9:8). III is rendered by alliih (compared with jibrll, mfkii'lI, isriifll), by ties of relationship. According to the interpretation of the Basrans, ill is identical to 'ahd, mithiu; or yamIn. 151 Ibn Kath'ir , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 490. The Struggle Against Musaylima 39 a curse on Musaylima. Such was the utterance of Musaylima about the pregnant woman who brought forth a living being between the navel and the bowels." 152 Another utterance of Musaylima, scornfully assessed by Ibn Kathir , reads: "The Elephant, what is the elephant? And who shall tell you what is the elephant? He has a poor tail and a long trunk and is a trifling part of the creations of God." 153 Ibn Kathir classifies the utterances of Musaylima as utterances of nonsense and dotage (min al-khuriifiit wa-l-hadhayiiniit) which even youngsters abstain from telling except in the way of scoffing and sneering.154 A new and interesting approach concerning the "Qur'an" of Musaylima is found in the book of the Zaydi imiim al-Hariini, Ithbiii nubuwwati l-nabiyyi. Al-Hariini states that no composition opposing Islam was prevented from circulation in the Muslim community. Yazld b. Mu'awiya could freely circulate his verses in which he threatened that he would take revenge on the prophet Ahmad (i.e., Muhammad) because of his deeds; he expressed this threat when the head of Husayn b. 'An was brought to him.155 The verses of al- Wand b. Yazid b. 'Abd ai-Malik b. Marwan who spoke insolently about the threats of Allah against opressors (jabbiiriin) and tore the Quran to pieces in answer to these threats, says addressing the Qur 'an: "When you come to your Lord on the Day of Resurrection, tell Him: '0 my God, al-Walid tore me (to pieces)." 156 Al-Haruni insists that no "Quran" had been produced which could rival the Quran sent down to the Prophet Muhammad. "We needed not to publish the nonsensical and feeble passages of Musaylima in this book," says al-Haruni. "'We recorded these passages merely to make the astonished man wonder and to convince him that had there been a book really competing with the Qur'an, it would have been transmitted (lau kiinat li-l-qur'iini mu'iirodatur: fi l-haqiqati la-nuqilat)." Al-Haruni continues his argument concerning the impossibility that Musaylima could have intended to imitate (yu'iirilju) the Qur'an. "Though Musaylima was a liar and an insolent person, he was an Arab and (even) his ignorance would not have caused him to claim that he imitated the Qur'an. 152Ibn Kathrr , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 491; and see al-Haruni, Ithbiit nubuwwati l-nabiyyi p. 39; R. Serjeant, Early Arabic Prose (chapter 3) in The Cambridge History oj Arabic Literature to the End oj Umayyad Period, edited by A.F.L. Beeston et alii, Cambridge 1983, pp. 114 ff., 128 sup. 153The translation is by R. A. Nicholson, A Literary History oj the Arabs, Cambridge 1956, p. 183. 154Ibn Kat hlr , Tajsfr vol. 3, p. 491; and see there the story of Abu Bakr who asked the Muslims (from Yamarna -k) to tell him the utterances of Musaylima. They were unwilling, but later agreed and reported his utterances. Abu Bakr then asked: "How did he confuse you and led your minds astray: by God, that (i.e., the utterance of Musaylima -k) did not come out from a righteous source." 155 Al-Harunr, lthbiit , p. 36; and see ibid. the verses of Yastd b. Mu'awiya. 156 Al-Har-unr, lthbiit , p. 36 inf. 40 M. J. Kister Had he acted in this way, he would have been shamed among his people (lau fa'ala dluilika kana yafta4i~u bayna qaumihi). Musaylima did not claim that he imitated the Qur'an; he merely stated that the passages which he uttered (innama kana yiiriduha) were sent to him from Heaven. However, not everything which is said to have been sent by Allah is an imitation of the Qur 'an. This is so because we do not say that the inimitability (i'jaz) of the Qur'an is caused only by the fact it was sent down from Heaven. We say that for the i'jaz of a revealed book additional attributes are needed. Nobody doubts that the Torah, the Gospels and the Psalms were sent down by Allah, but no inimitability had been established for these three books.P" In fact, nobody can imitate the Qur 'an. But poets, writers and scholars did embellish their writings with some of its words or phrases. A verse adorned with such a word turns into a brilliant spot in the poem. That is a special feature of the Qur'an and an indication that the words of the Qur'an differ from human speech.158 Musaylima was aware of the role of Qur'anic words embedded in a speech or in a saj' passage uttered by a religious leader. Al-Haruni's observations concerning the ways of quoting Qur'anic words in passages included in Musaylima's "Qur'an" deserve to be mentioned. Musaylima quotes some words from the Qur'an in which the Prophet referred to certain phenomena or to some occurences and uses them for a different context. Thus, the phrase: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-a~~abi l-fil ("Has thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the people of the elephant?") of Qur 'an 105 - was placed in Musaylima's Siirat al-hubl«: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-l-hublii, "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the pregnant woman." Another Qur 'anic phrase used by Musaylima was: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l-mu'minina (Qur'an 3:164). This was put in the passage about the pregnant woman: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l_~ubla.159 Al-Haruni states with satisfaction that due to Qur'anic expressions embedded in Musaylima's passages, these became an ornament covered with gems. It is quite plausible that the Qur'anic phrases were included in Musaylima's saj' utterances. This seems to have been the reason why some people were impressed by Musaylima's "Qur'an" and embraced his faith. The governor of 'Iraq succeeded, however, to convince some of these people to embrace Islam.160 The Qur'an was keenly studied by the emissaries of Musaylimain Medina who returned to Yamama; Musaylima learned it by heart and quoted it in his speeches as if they were part of his "Quran." 157 158 AI-HarunI, Ithbiit ; pp. 38-9. AI-HarunI, Ithbiit, p. 39 inf. 159 Al-Harunr, Ithbiit , p. 39. 160 Al-Tha'alibr, Thimiiru l-ouliib , p. 147. The Struggle Against Musaylima 41 A glance at the descriptions of the sunrise, the morning, the evening and the night in the passages of M usaylima's "Qur'an" may lead us to some conclusions regarding the influence of the Qur'an on the ideas of Musaylima and on his political views. We read in Qur'an 9:1-2: "By the night when it covers up! And by the day when it brightens up ... " In Qur 'an 9:1-4, we read: "By the sun and its growing brightness. And by the moon when it follows it (the sun). And by the day when it reveals its glory. And by the night when it draws a veil over it ... ;, Qur'an 89:1-4 reads: "By the Dawn, And the Ten Nights, And the Even and the Odd, And the Night when it moves on (to its end.) ... ;, Impressive is the description of sunrise in Quran, 78:14-15: "And We appointed a blazing lamp, and have sent down out of the rain clouds water cascading that we may bring forth thereby grain and plants and gardens luxuriant." These quotations from the Qur'an are comparable to some fragments of Musaylima. It is evident that in the descriptions of the dark night covering the light of the day, Musaylima's text bears similarity to the Quran. In spite of the climate of Mecca in which the Prophet dwelt, in spite of the barren soil of that city, the Prophet recorded in his revelation the graces granted the believers. We read in Qur'an 6:99-100: "And it is He who sends down water from the cloud; and we bring forth therewith every kind of growth; then we bring forth with that green foliage wherefrom we produce clustered grain. And from the date palm, out of its sheath (come forth) bunches hanging low. And we produce therewith gardens of grapes and olive and the pomegranate - similar and dissimilar. Look of the fruit thereof when it bears fruit and the ripening thereof. Surely in this are signs for a people who believe." A short passage of Musaylima's "Qur'an" mentioning Allah's graces reads: "Remember the grace of Allah and thank Him, as He turned for you the sun into a shining lamp and turned the rain falling very thick (thajjaj); He brought forth for you the ram and the ewe and granted you silver and glass, gold and silk clothes (dzbiij). And it is from His grace that he brought out from the earth pomegranates, grapes, royal basilicum (myf}an), and bitter plants (zu'wan).161 The two descriptions of God's grace have the same tendency: to enumerate the bounty of the fruits, grapes, olive trees and palms granted by Allah. It is evident that the short passage discloses the intention of Musaylima to show the superiority of Yarnama over other areas; especially Mecca and Medina. The mention of the silver and gold of Yarnama refers to an important detail regarding the riches of Yarnarna: there were indeed several mines of silver and gold.162 Al-Tabarl163 and 161 162 163 Al-Tha'alibi, Tlumiiru l-quliib, p. 147. Al-Harnadani, [(itiib al-Jauharatayn, index (s.v. Yarnarna]. Al-Tabarr, Ta'rtkh , vol. 3, p. 284. 42 M. J. f{ ister al-BaqillanI164 record an additional passage containing the virtues of Yarnama: it is an injunction to defend the land of Yamama, to oppose its opressors and to help the humble and the poor. Al-Haruni follows this passage with sharp criticism: "These passages of Musaylima are too feeble-minded and poor to deserve inclusion in this book." 165 Musaylima's verse and speeches bear substantial similarity with the Qur 'an. XIII Serious rivalry ensued between the Prophet and Musaylima concerning one ofthe "proofs of prophet hood," (dalii'ilu l-nubuwwa): the miraculous healing of the sick. Well known is the miracle when the Prophet healed 'AlI of an inflammation of the eye. The Prophet sent a messenger to 'AlI asking him to come to his court and head a raid against the enemy. When 'AlI appeared with inflamed eyes, the Prophet spat into his eyes and blessed him. He gave him a banner; 'AlI went out with the troops and was victorious in the raid.166 Many reports concerning cases in which the Prophet cured madness, toothache, bellyache, dumbness, or forgetfulness are recorded in the Sire: as could be expected, the sources present the treatment of the Prophet as successful, while the treatment of Musaylima is always shown to be harmful. When the Prophet arrived in Medina, the people suffered from a plague of fever. The Prophet invoked God and the epidemic fever was removed from Medina to al-JuJ:!fa.167 A special treatment was given by the Prophet to a madman who was brought to the Prophet. The Prophet rubbed his back and invoked God to cure him. The madman recovered immediately and returned sane to his tribe.168 Another treatment was used by the Prophet on a boy from the tribe of Khath'am. When the Prophet was on a journey with one of his Companions, he met a Khathami woman sitting with a boy. She addressed the Prophet imploring him to help her in her distress: the boy was plagued everyday by many fits of madness. The Prophet then asked to pass him the child. He spat into the child's mouth three times. He said: "In the name of Allah, I am the servant of Allah, go away, 0 enemy of Allah!" Then the Prophet passed the child to his mother and asked her to meet him after a year in the same place. When the Prophet met the woman after a year, he asked her about the activity of Satan (al-khabzth). She told AI-Baqillanf, l'jiizu I-Qur'iin, p. 157. Al-Haruni, Iihbiit ; p. 38. 166 Al-Dauraqr, Musnad Sa'd b. Abf Waqqii~, p. 51, no. 19; al-Maqrfzr, asmii', vol. 11, pp. 284-5; 167 Al-Maqrizr, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 11, pp. 295-303; 168 Al-Halabr, [nsiin al-'uyiin, vol. 3, p. 252. 164 165 lmtiii u 1- The Struggle Against Musaylima 43 him that the Satan stopped his activity and they had not yet heard from him. The woman offered the Prophet three sheep. But the Prophet took only one sheep and returned the other two.t69 Another case was reported about 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. alKhatt ab. Abu Lubaba b. 'Abd al-Mundhir, the grandfather of the child from the mother's side brought the child to the Prophet; the child was born unusually small. The Prophet affirmed that he had not seen a child smaller than 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. Zayd. He took the child and performed the treatment of tahnik: he rubbed his palate with the pulp of a date, he stroked the head of the child with his hand and blessed him. After this treatment the child grew up and became a very tall person and a perfect man. 170 Another case of treating a Khath'ami child brought by his mother to the Prophet is recorded in al-Nuwayrr's Nihiiyat ol-arab fi [uniini l-adab. The mother complained that the child does not speak and asked for help. The Prophet ordered to bring him water; he gargled his throat with the water, he washed his hands with it and gave the water to the woman. He ordered her to give the water to the child to drink and to rub it into his body. The child was healed and grew up superior in intelligence. 171 It is not surprising that in contradistinction to the miraculous successes of the healing of Muhammad, the Muslim sources record the fatal results of Musaylima's treatments. Musaylima tried to imitate the Prophet in his miraculous healing. When he heard that the Prophet used to perform the tohnik , spreading pulp of dates on his finger and rubbing it on a child's palate, he did the same, but the boy in question became mute.172 He heard that the Prophet used to stroke children on their heads; he used the same method, stroked the head of a boy brought to him, but the boy became bald.173 When Musaylima heard that the Prophet used to spit into a well and turned its salty water sweet, he tried to imitate him and spat into a well blessing the water, but its sweet water turned salty.174 A case of Musaylima's invocation which caused a tragedy is reported by Ibn Hubaysh, A man came to Musaylima and told him about the sorrow of his family: "I am a wealthy man, but no child born to me lived more than two years, except a boy who is with us; he is more than ten years old. Yesterday," continued the father, "a Imtii'u. l-asrnii", vol. 11, pp. 320-21. AI-MaqrIzI, Imtiii u l-asmii", 312. 171 Al-Nuwayrr, Nihiiyat al-arab, vol. 18, p. 331; and cf. al-Maqrfzr, Imtii=u l-asmii", vol. 11, p. 319. 172 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Ishriif , p. 329. 173 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Lshrii] , p. 329; 'All al-QarI, Sh arb: al-Shifii, on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiir/. of al-Khafaji, vol. 2, p. 486, 1. 3 from bottom): see also Ibn Hubaysh, Kitiib al-qh aeauuit , vol. 1, p. 55 inf., (with an addition: every child born to him was born bald). 174 Ibn Hubaysh , Kitiib al-ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 56. 170 169 Al-Maqrizr, 44 M. J. Kister child was born to me, and I beg you to bless him and to invoke Allah to prolong his life." Musaylima promised to do it, so that the newborn child would be granted forty years of life. The man returned to his house delighted, but found his elder son dead, after he fell into a well and drowned. The newborn child was lying down suffering the pangs of death; both children died in the evening. The mother of the children said sadly: "Abu Thumama has not been granted the position by Allah like that which was given to Muharnmad.l " XIV After the death of the Prophet and the election of Abu Bakr, the main goal of the body-politic in Medina was to quell the vigorous opposition of the Arab tribes against the injunction to pay zakiit from their herds. Abu Bakr began to prepare his army against the rebellious Bedouin tribes (including the Banu Hanifa]. According to the tradition recorded in Ibn Hubaysh's Ghazawiit as transmitted from Ibn Ishaq's slm, Abu Bakr planned to send an army against Yamarna and summoned Zayd b. alKhattab to appoint him the commander of the army. Zayd b. al-Khattab refused the offer because of his resolve to become a matyr (shahld) - an aspiration upon which the head of an expedition is not allowed to act. Then Abu Bakr wanted to appoint Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a (the brother of Hind bint 'Utba, the wife of Abu Sufyan] as commander of the force, but Abu Hudhayfa refused on the same grounds as Zayd.176 Afterwards, Abu Bakr summoned Khalid b. al-Walld [al-Makhzurni] and ordered him to march out with the Muslim force against the Bedouin tribes in order to subdue them. Khalid b. al-Walid marched out against the Asad, Ghatafan, Tayy and Hawazin; using merciless methods of punishment, he succeeded to defeat them totally. After this victory in Buzakha, Khalid decided to turn in the direction of al-Bitah, pursuing the famous Tarnlmi leader Malik b. Nuwayra. But the Ansar, who took part in the march, refused to follow Khalid's orders, arguing that they were waiting for a special letter from Abu Bakr and his clear orders concerning the continuation of their march, as they had been promised by him; Khalid's answer was that he had received a different command from Abu Bakr and he had to continue the march. As Khalid was the amlr, there was no need to wait for the orders of the Caliph because everything had to be decided by him. "But I am not going to act against 175 'All al-Qart, Shar~ al-shifit (on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiig from bottom: kiin ai iiyiituhu mankiisatan: [a-inn ahu kamii yuqiilu min sa'aliihu dhiilika t abarruk an, [a-moluh a mii'uhii. See also Ibn Nashwat al-t arab , vol. 2, p. 630 (with some variants). 176 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit vol. 1, p. 63: ... inna I-amlra shahiida. vol. 2, p. 486,1. 3 tafila If bi'ri qauSa'td al-Andalusr, Iii yaqdiru 'alii 1- The Struggle Against Musaylima 45 you by force," concluded Khalid, and set out with the Muhajirun, The Ansar were perplexed and started to discuss the situation stating: "If the people (headed by Khalid -k) gain booty (khayr), we shall be deprived of it; if a disaster afflicts them, the people will shun us." So the Ansar decided to join Khalid. They sent a messenger to him and asked to be permitted to join the army. Khalid magnanimously agreed.177 Modern historians of Islam have not paid enough attention to the opposition of the Ansar and their withdrawal from the army of Khalid at a decisive stage. Khalid intended to attack a strong section of Tarnim, who claimed that they embraced Islam and were only accused that they refused to pay the zakiit imposed by Abu Bakr. The withdrawal of the Ansar seems to indicate that there was a real split in the Muslim army in connection with the unfaithfulness of the Bedouins. After the victory of Khalid b. al-Walid in Buzakha, some of the Bedouins came to Abu Bakr asking to grant them letters of safety and to enable them to convert to Islam. Abu Bakr refused and advised them to join the army of Khalid; those about whom Khalid would report that they had stayed with him (in his army -k) in Yamama would be granted safety. That was Abu Bakr's decision and the Bedouins were asked not to bother him anymore. An instructive report of al- Waqidi (quoted on the authority of Abu 'Abdallah b. Abi l-Jahm) says that the Bedouins who joined Khalid b. al-Walid caused the defeat of the Muslim force on the Day of Yam am a three times and were a disaster for the Muslims. As a result of this, the Ansar demanded to wage battle alone.178 During the campaign against the Bedouin tribal formations Khalid disarmed the Bedouin troops and handed over their weapons to the Muslim units. The weapons were registered and returned after the battles; Khalid handed over the returned weapons to Abu Bakr .179 In contradistinction to the sharp criticism of the actions of the Bedouins during the battles, the reports of the Muslim sources abound in impressive descriptions of the heroic deeds of the Companions for the cause of Islam in obedience to the Prophet's orders. The veterans of the sahiiba were admired for their resolve; 'Umar b. al-Khattab was highly praised because he killed every unbeliever captured in the battle. Among those killed was al-'A~ b. Hisham, his uncle on his mother's side (al-khiil). It was 'Urnar b. al-Khattab who suggested killing the captured non-Muslims, or to extradite them to their relatives in order that they AI-TabarI, tv-o«, vol. 3, pp. 276-77. Ibn Hubaysh, al- Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili 1nubuwwati, vol. 2, p. 587: ... [a-qiilu: qad 'awwadanii I-a'riibu l-firiir, mii hii-kadhii kunnii nuqiitilu mae a l-nabiyy; s alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam. uia-qiilii li-khiilidi bni l-uialidi, wa-huwa amfruhum: "akhli~nii bi-'aduwwinii," [a-okhlas ahum, 179 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 46. 177 178 46 kill them .180 M. J. Kister It is noteworthy that the religious fervour pervading the faithful Muslims caused them to engage in duels even with their unbelieving fathers in order to kill them. Such was the case of Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a who was prevented by the Prophet from fighting his father with the intention of killing him. The sarcastic poetry of his sister Hind bint 'Utba b. Habi'a, the mother of Mu'awiya, did not convince her brother to change his decision. She reminded him that the father was kind to him, brought him up until he became a young man and granted him a proper education, blaming him as a squinting, inauspicious and faithless person.I''! However, Abu Hudhayfa was convinced by the Prophet to refrain from killing his father: "Leave him," said the Prophet, "and let somebody else kill him." And, indeed, Abu Hudhayfa's father, his uncles, his brother, his nephew (ibn akhZhi) and other relatives were killed by the Muslims. Abu Hudhayfa was glad and thanked Allah for these fatal events in his family.182 The situation in Abu Bakr's family was not less complicated. One day Abu Bakr heard his father, AbU Quh afa , reviling the Prophet. Abu Bakr violently slapped his father so that he fell upon his face. He told the Prophet about the event; the Prophet asked him not to do it again. Abu Bakr nevertheless said: "Had I had a sword at hand, I would have killed him." 183 Additionally, Abu Bakr summoned one of his non-Muslim sons to a duel on the day of Badr .184 The first clash between the force of Khalid b. al-Walid and the warriors of Musaylima ended with a defeat of the force of Khalid. In the following two clashes the force of Musaylima was also victorious. The Muslim fighters felt that they were threatened by strong warriors with superior arms and swords.185 The forces led by Khalid b. al-Walid against the rebellious tribes and later against the Banu Hanifa are reported in some sources to be enormous. These reports seem to be exaggerated. A concise tradition transmitted by Rafi' b. Khadij, a warrior in Khalid's force,186 gives us some details about the number of warriors: "We went out of Medina about 180 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 584, inf.; for 'Umar's advice on this, see al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-ta'wil, vol. 3, p. 41. 181 See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lstit iii», p.1631, no. 2914; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr remarks with sharp criticism: "He was the best man in his belief, but she was - writing these two lines of poetry - the worst person in belief." See also Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 84-5. 182 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 585. 183 Al-Mawardi, Tajsir (al-Nukat wa-I-'uyiin), vol. 4, p. 205. 184 Al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-i a'suil, vol. 7, p. 46. 185 See Tabarl , Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 289; about the hinduwiiniyya swords, see Friedrich Wilhelm Schwarzlose, Die WafJen der alten Amber (Leipzig, 1886), pp. 127-8. 186 See Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 72. The Struggle Against Musaylima 47 4000 men, the people from the Ansar were about 400-500 men," and "the Banu Hanifa counted about the same number (4000 men)." 187 Ibn Khadij continues his report saying that the Muslim force was defeated three times because of the Bedouins in their lines, who used to flee at every enemy attack, drawing with them people of conviction and sincerity (Ja-yastakhiffii ahla l-basii'iri wa-l-niyyiiti). Then Thabit b. Qays called Khalid to give the Ansar and Muhajiriin the exclusive prerogative to act against the enemy (akhli~nii li-'aduwwinii). Khalid consented: "It is up to you (dhiilika ilayka)," was his answer. Thabit b. Qays took the banner, cried "yii la-l-onsiiri" and gathered his men. Then Khalid cried: "yii-la-l-muhiijirzn!" and the Muhajinin came and surrounded him. The Bedouins were stationed far behind the fighters.188 After the failure of the Muslim force to achieve victory in three assaults against the Banii Hanifa, the Muslims decided to march out against them a fourth time. The Muslim force marched vigorously and put a part of the Banii Hanifa to flight. In this attack, the Muslims succeeded in killing one of the commanders of the Hanafi force; it was 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Bakr who killed him. Shocked by the killing of their commander, the Barril Hanifa retreated to a large garden which came to be known as the Garden of Death. It was a place with a high wall closed by a gate. The Banu Hanifa who retreated to this place considered it suitable for their last stand. The pursuing Muslim force reached the closed gate of the Garden, but did not fight the Banii Hanifa. In their peculiar situation, al-Bara'a b. Malik, the hero of the attacking force, decided to perform a dangerous mission: he asked a group of Muslim fighters to throw him from above the fence into the Garden where the fighters of the Banu Hanifa had the upper hand in the struggle. The Muslim fighters threw al-Bara'a b. Malik over the wall into the Garden and he succeeded to open the gate. The Muslim warriors poured through the open gate into the Garden and began to kill their enemies. Nearly everyone who was in the Garden was killed or wounded. Musaylima was killed along with many of his followers. Many famous Muslims vied with each other claiming that they participated, together with a black slave named Wahshi, in Musaylima's death. The Banii 'A.mir claimed that Khidash b. Bashir together with Wahshi killed Musaylima. After the killing of Musaylima, a woman looked from the window of her house in the Garden and saw Musaylima lying on the ground and shouted: "Alas, let us grieve for the commander of the faithful! He was killed by a black slave," (wii-amzm l-mu'minin, qaialahu al-'abd al-aswal/)! 189 187 188 189 See Ibn Hubaysh , Gh azauuit ; vol. 1, p. 72 and seq. See Ibn Hajar , al-Lsiiba , vol. 3, p. 16 no. 3054. See Baladhurr, Fuiiil; al-buldiin , p. 121 where Wahshr says that he killed both 48 M. 1. Kister This exclamation reflects the feelings of Musaylima's supporters: they considered him as the head of their religious community while alive.190 Many Muslims were introduced into the fictitious lists of men who were credited with killing Musaylima. The most surprising tradition is that Muawiya claimed to have killed Musaylima, although we have no evidence that he participated in the battle at all.191 Baladhuri mentions a report according to which Musaylima was killed by 'Abdallah b. Zayd b. 'A~im of the Banii Najjar of the Ansari clanJ92 Some other people are also mentioned as taking part in the killing of MusaylimaJ93 After the end of the bloody battle of al-fAqraba", Khalid b. Wand sent al-Mujja'a b. al-Murara to evaluate the situation of the Banii Hanifa in their nearby town and to assess their feelings and plans after their defeat. Mujja'a returned to Khalid and informed him that their dwellings were full of warriors and that they were ready to renew the war against the Muslims. Mujja'a advised the Banu Hanifa to clad the women and the youths in military clothing and to appear in this manner in the windows of their dwelings. Mujja'a spoke about the weariness of the Muslim warriors and suggested to agree to a ceasefire. Khalid agreed, although Abu Bakr ordered him to be harsh towards the Banu Hanifa, to kill the wounded, to apprehend those who were in retreat, and to kill the prisoners.v'" The fatigue of the Muslim army forced Khalid to be more considerate towards the Banu Hanifa, The treaty stated that the Banu Hanifa would convert to Islam and surrender their gold or silver, their weapons and coats of mail. Abu Bakr was enraged by this; nevertheless he decided to ratify the treaty. However, he did not forgive Khalid his concessions. He publicly expressed his fears that the Banu Hanifa would remain faithful in their belief to Musaylima until the Day of Resurrection. 195 "the best man," meaning Harnza (the Prophet's uncle) and "the worst man," meaning Musaylima. 190 Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Liim al-nubalii', vol. 1, p. 132; al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24 sup. 191 See al-Baladhurr, Futiil; al-buldiin , p. 121. 192 See Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdis'i, al-Lstibeiir . pp. 81-2; al-DhahabI: Siyiir a'liim alnubulii', vol. 1, p. 132. 193 The names mentioned are Abu Dujana, Wal]shI and 'Abdallah b. Zayd. See alDhahabi, Siyar a'Liirri al-nubalii", vol. 1, p. 130,132, vol. 2, p. 204,271; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiri!, p. 371. Many others who claimed to have taken part in the killing are mentioned in compendia of Srra and Hadit h. 194 The Muslims' hatred towards the people of the ridda is reflected in the extremely cruel treatment of the prisoners of war in the battle against Sulaym. Khalid b. alWalrd gathered a group of captives in enclosures and burned them. See Dhahabi, Siyar a'liim al-riubalii", vol. 1, p. 268. After the battle against the ridda of 'Uman, Asad and Ghatafan , the Muslims burned the bodies of their fallen enemies. See 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbt: dalii'il al-nubuwwa, vol. 2, pp. 588 ult.-589 11. 1-2. 195 Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 96. The Struggle Against Musaylima 49 *** The conquest of Yarnama was one of the most important events in the history of early Islam. Though the defeat of the Banii Hanifa took place during the reign of Abu Bakr, the negotiations with Bedouins who eventually became allied with Islam had been successfully completed while the Prophet was still alive. Before his death, he is said to have sent letters to the tribal leaders who embraced Islam and demanded that they act against Musaylima, in support of the secessionist leaders of Yarnama, These secessionists were Musaylima's opponents, backed by the body politic of Medina. The conquest of Yarnama paved the way for Muslim expansion into other regions of the Arabian peninsula. It also revealed some serious problems plaguing the nascent Muslim state. For the first time, some of the Ansari' warriors refused to obey their commander Khalid b. alWalId and agreed to return to the army only after they became convinced that this course of action would safeguard their interests. Furthermore, the conflict with the Bedouin tribes became evident and was publicly expressed. The idea that only the Ansar and the Muhajirfin should fight the enemy matured in an atmosphere of intense mistrust toward the Bedouins. In contradistinction to the attitude of the Bedouins whose sole aim was to get a share of the booty without endangering their lives, the Muslim tradition extols the bravery and enthusiasm of the Muhajinin and the Ansar who were more than willing to enlist in the fighting force under Khalid's comrnand.U" They are described as being ready to sacrifice their lives for the sake of Islam. In the bloody battles of the ridda, the idea of martyrdom for the sake of Islam (shahiida) came into being. The martyrs were promised eternal bliss in Paradise and the idea of martyrdom became at least as important as the military victory itself. This can be exemplified by a conversation between 'Urnar b. al-Khattab and his son 'Abd Allah who survived a battle in which his brother Zayd b. al-Khattab was killed. 'Umar said to his surviving son: "You have returned home safe and sound while your brother is dead. Why were you not slain before him? I wish I had not seen your face!" 'Abd Allah replied: "Father, Zayd asked for martyrdom and God granted his wish. I strove for the same, but it was not given to me." 197 The Muslim sources extol those who were killed in battle. The tradition recounting the heroic deeds of the Muslims formed an essential part of the history of the [utiil; and the maghiizf literature. 196 197 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa See Tabar), Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 292. vol. 2, p. 584-589. 50 M. J. Kister Bibliography 'Abd al-Razzaq b. Harnmam al-San'ani. Kitiibu l-musanncj . Habibu l-Rahman al-A'sami, ed. Beirut, 1392/1972. Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani. Kitiib al-aqhiini, Beirut, repr. 1390/1970. Abu l-Mahasin, Yiisuf b. Musa. Al-Mu'ta~ar min al-mukhtasar min mushkili l-iithiir, Haydarabad, 1362 A. H. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitiibu l-amwiil. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqqI, ed. Cairo, 1353 A. H. ____ . Kitiib al-nasab. Mariam Muhammad al-Dir', ed. Damascus, 1409/1989. Abu Ya'Ia al-Mausili, Ahmad b. 'All. Musnad. Husayn Salim Asad, ed. Damascus-Beirut, 1404/1984. Abu Yiisuf, Ya'qub b. Ibrahim. Kitiibu l-khariij. Cairo, 1352 A. H. 'All al-Qarl. Shari, al-shifii (on the margin of Nasitnu l-riyii4). See al-Khafaji, Athir al-Din, Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yiisuf al-Andalusi al-Gharnatl al-J ayyani. Tafsir al-bahr al-muhii (al- Tafsir al-kobir]. Cairo, 1328 A. H. AI-'AutabI, Salama b. Muslim. Al-Ansiib. 'Uman, 1412/1992. Al- 'Ayni, Mahrnud b. Ahmad. 'Umdat al-qiiri, shari, ~a~i~i l-bukhiiri, Cairo, 1348 A. H. Al-Baghawi, Abu Muhammad al-Husayn al-Farra', Ma'iilim ol-tanzil (on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'wil.) Cairo, 1381 A. H. Al-Bakri, Abu 'Ubayd. Mu'jam mii ista'jam. Mustafa al-Saqqa', ed. Cairo, 1364/1945. Al-Baladhuri, Ahmad b. Yahya. Fuiiihu l-buldiin, Abdallah Anis alTabba' and 'Umar Anis al-Tabba", eds. Beirut, 1377/1958. ____ . Ansiibu l-ashriif , MS. 'A.shir Ef. And see the printed edition of Rarnzr Ba'Iabakki, part 7, vol. I. Beirut, 1417/1997. Al-Baqillani, Abu Bakr, Muhammad b. al-Tayyib. I'jiizu l-qur'iin. Ahmad Saqr, ed. Cairo, 1963. Al-Bayhaqi, Ahmad b. al-Husayn. Al-Sunan al-kubrii. Haydarabad, 1354 A. H. ____ . Dalii'il al-nubuunua. 'Abd al-Mu'ti Qal'aji, ed. Beirut, 1405/1985. Al-Bayhaqi, Ibrahim b. Muhammad. Al-Mohiisin iua-l-masiiuii. Muhamrnad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, ed. Cairo, n.d. Al-Bukhari, Muhammad b. Isma'Il. Al-$a~i~. Cairo, 1311 A. H. ____ . Al-Ta'rikh al-kabir . Haydarabad, 1380 A. H. Al-Busti, Muhammad b. Hibban. Kitiib al-thiqiit. Haydarabad, 1393/ 1973. Al-Dauraqi, Abu 'Abdallah Ahmad b. Ibrahim. Musnad Sa'd b. Ab'i 

Mecca and Tamim.pdf MECCA AND TAMIM (ASPECTS OF THEIR RELATIONS) BY M. J. KISTER Jerusalem The history of Tamim in the times of the Jihiliyya is of special importance.Informationabout Tamimin Arabiansourcespoint clearlyto the close relationsof the leadersof Tamimwith the kings of al-Hira.But there was another centre as well, with which Tamim was closely connected: it was Mecca.It maybe venturedto say that Tamimplayeda considerablerole in the history of Mecca in the times of the Jdhiliyyaand were quite helpful in the establishmentof the dominantposition of this city in the tribal society of the Arabianpeninsula. The examinationof the contactsbetween Meccaand Tamimmay shed some light on the origin of the "tribalcommonwealth" underthe leaderof Meccaand on the ways of Meccandiplomacyin its tribalenvironship ment. A scrutinyof these data may lead to a revision of some opinions about the relationsbetweenMeccaandthe tribesand to an elucidationof some events during the period of the struggle between the Prophet and Mecca. The discussion of the relations between Mecca and Tamim may be preceded by some remarksabout the relationsbetween the Arab tribes and al-Hiraat the end of the sixth century. The second half of the 6th centurywas a period of fundamental chanin the relationsbetween the tribes of North-EastArabiaandal-Hira. ges The defeat of the forces of al-IHira, who took part in the raids against tribes and fought in the inter-tribalencounters-undermined the prestige of the rulers in the opinion of the tribes. Privileges of guarding of caravansgrantedto some chiefs causedjealousyand conflictbetween the tribes andled to clashesbetweenthem. Discontentedtribesrose in rebellion againstal-Hira.Raids on caravansof the rulersoccurredfrequently JEsHo, VIII II3 8 114 M. J. KISTER and roads of commerce became unsafe; the rulers of began to al-.Hira lose control of the commercialroads and their prestige dwindled. The weaknessof the rulersof and their Persianmasterswas apparent; al-.Hira took partin some battleson the side troops of the Persiangarrisonswho of the loyal tribes were defeated. A case of this kind is recordedby alBalddhuri. Bakru 'AmribniTamimin 'ald Wa-aghdrat bnuWd'ilin BanZ yauma ndsun al-Asdwirati, Banif wa-ma'ahum min 1-Salibi fa-hazamathum ra'sa Tar7fun '1-Asdwirati, 'Amrin,wa-qatala fa-qdla: Wa-lauld nisd'u 'ttirddi bi-1-Salibi bayna lasuwwiqat: undsin Durnd wa-Bdriqi "Andthe Bakrb. Wd'ilattacked Banii'Amr(of Tamim)at the the "Day of al-Salib". Withthemwere men from the Asdwira. The Banif'Amrdefeated themand Tarifkilledthe chief of the Asdwira said: and it Were not mydriveat al-Salib-therewouldhavebeendriven womenof men betweenDurndandBdriq" 1). to by Equipment supplied the Persians loyaltribeswastakenas booty the victorioushostiletribes2). by the of Meanwhile disintegration the Persian Empireat the end of the musthavebeenfelt at al-Hira. 6th century the Al-Nu'mdn, last rulerof with the Arabsand it is plausible seemsto have sympathised al-.Hira, havecomein touchwithsomeleaders tribes, of thathe might attempting to makecommoncausewith the strongtribes.In an apocryphal story the followingsayingis attributed al-Nu'mdn: to innamd rajulun minand wa-md malaktu bi-makdnikum yutakhawwafu wa-innamd min kum, wa-'azaztu ... anna md niahiyatikumli-ya'lama 'l-'Araba'aldghayri .annaau.haddatha of stressed factthatthe dynasty Lakhm the nafsahu...3). N6ldeke rightly i) al-Baladhuri:Ansib, ms. f. IoI5b. z) See Naqd'id, p. 581: wa-kinatBakruntahtayadi Kisra wa-Fdrisa. Qdla:fa-kdnf7 min 'indi 'dmili 'Ayni 'I-Tamri...etc. wa-yujahhi-zfnahum. yuqawwimznahurm Fa-aqbalzr ("Bakr were under the control of Kisrd and the Perisans. They used to strengthen them and to equip them. They came from the governor (of Kisrd) of 'Ayn al-Tamr... "). 3) Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'Iqd al-faridI, I69. MECCA AND TAMIN 115 seems to have become too independentin their attitude for Kisrd 1). Rothstein quotes a passage from al-Dinawariin which Kisra is said to have arguedthat he killed al-Nu'man becauseal-Nu'min andhis family made common causewith the Arabs2). According to a tradition,recorded by Abu 'l-Baqd',Kisrdintendedafterthe death of al-Mundhirto send a Persiangovernor with i2,000 Asawirato al-Hira.He changedhis mind and decided to appoint one of the children of al-Mundhirafter a talk with 'Adiyy b. Zayd3). Poetry of the Jihiliyya fairly reflectsthe resistance of the tribesto foreign rule; poets praisetheirclans that they fought the kings 4) and killed them 5). Al-Nu'mdnn must have been aware of chaos in the Persian Empire and of the rise of the power of the Arab tribes and might have planned a new line in his policy which did not accord with Persian interests. There must be a grain of truth in the suspicions of Kisra. It seems that the dynasty of Lakhm was abolished becauseit could not be trusted. The Lakhmidsbecameunableto secure the ways of commerce.They failedto preventthe Arab tribesto raidthe territoriesof the PersianEmpire. Nidldekesuggests that the abolition of the dynasty of Lakhm facilitated the raidsof the territoryof by the Arab tribes6). Brockelmann considers the defeat of the al-.Hiraforces at Dhii Qdr as a consePersian quence of the abolition of this dynasty7). Levi della Vida assumesthat "with the fall of this bufferstate the door was opened to Arabiansfor invasion" 8). But the door was in fact opened to Arab invasion because of the decline of the PersianEmpireand of the rise of power of the Arab T. N61ldeke:Geschichte Perseru. Araber,p. 332z, I. der n. Rothstein: Die Dynastieder pp. Lahmiden, II16-I 7. Abi 'l-Baq"': Mandqib, f. io6a. ms. See Levi della Vida: Pre-IslamicArabia (The Arab Heritage),p. 50. See al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh z6: I, sab'atan Al-qdtilinaminal-Manddhiri ft 'l-kahfifauqa wasa'idi1-rayvhni are (said in praise of the BanaIHarmala.The al-Manddhira explained as "al-Nu'min b. al-Mundhirand his kin"). 6) T. Noldeke, op. cit., ib. 7) C. Brockelmann:Historyof theIslamicPeoples,p. 8. 8) Levi della Vida, op. cit., p. 1i. I) z) 3) 4) 5) II6 M. J. KISTER tribes. Persiangarrisonswere not able to prevent the raidsof the tribes and Persiantroops were defeated by troops of Arab tribes. The Arab tribes, disappointedby the policy of al-Hiraand Persia,and aware of the weakness of the client kingdom began to look for a body politic of theirown with a competentleadership.This was createdby the association,basedon common emergenceof a new idea of an eqalitarian interest: "The Commonwealthof Mecca". The traditionsabout this period of the establishmentof the power of Mecca, although scanty, give us a rough idea of the stages of this development. A concise account of Muhammadb. Salldm1) furnishesan introduction the problem. The Quraysh were merchants.Their trade did not, however, exceed the boundaries of Mecca. The foreign merchants and brought their merchandise the merchantsof Meccasold the waresto the inhabitantsof Mecca and the neighbouring tribes. Such was their trade till Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf went to Syria and alighted (in the territory) of the Emperor (Qaysar). He slaughteredevery day a sheep and prepareda broth with crumbledbreadfor the neighbouringpeople. Thus he gained his nickname"Hdshim","the crumblerof the breadin the broth" 2). (His name was in fact 'Amr.) He was invited by the Emperor and used to visit him. When he realisedthat he had gained his favour, he asked him to give the merchantsof Mecca a letter of safe conduct for themselves and their merchandise. They would bring leathersand clothes from the Hijdzto Syria,which would be cheaperfor the inhabitantsof Syria.The Emperor grantedhim the requestedletter of safe conduct for the merchantsfrom Mecca,visiting Syria.On his way back he met the chiefs of the tribeshe passed,and securedfrom them the the ldaf, pact of securityin their tribal areas,yet without concluding an i) al-Qili: Dbayl al-amdli, p. zoo; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 207-209; Muhammad Hamidullah: Al-/ldf ou les rapports economic-diplomatiques de la Mecque pre II, of Islamique (MilangesLouis Massignon, 293 seq.); idem: MuslimConduct State, 102; al-Qdsimi: al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'indt ghayru 'l-mashrkta, RAAD, XXXIV, pp. 243-25 2) For another explanation of this nickname see Caetani: Annali I, 5. .Zfir 109- 1io(90). MECCA AND TAMIN 117 alliance. The merchantsof Quraysh would carry the goods to Syria, paying the Bedouinstheircapitaland theirprofit (scil. for theirgoods) 1). Hdshimhimself went out with the merchantsof Meccain order to carry out the provisions of the treatiesconcluded with the tribes. He led the Meccanmerchants Syriaand settledthem in Syriantowns. He died on to this journey at Ghazza. Al-Muttalibb. 'Abd Manif went to al-Yaman and gained a similar charter for the merchantsof Quraysh from the rulers of al-Yamanand 7/if from the chiefs. He died in Radmin. 'Abd Shamsb. 'Abd Manif went to Abyssiniaand on his way gained the 7l/f. Naufal, the youngest of the brothers, got the charterfrom the Persian Emperor (Kisrd)and 7laffrom the tribal chiefs (on the way to Persia). He then went back to 'Iriq and died in Salmdn.Quraysh afterwards developed theirtrade. Qurayshdevelopedtheirtradein the period of the Jdhiliyyaand their wealth increased. It was the Bani 'Abd Manif to whom Quraysh in Jihiliyya were mostly indebted (for their deed). Ibn Sa'd recordsthe story of Hashimwho got the 7Iifand the charters of the rulers2). The chartersof the rulersare renderedby al-Qgli 'abdor amin. Ibn Sa'd uses the term hilf. Muh. b. Habib uses (in the chapterof the dlaf) word 7iaffor the chartersand the agreementswith the chiefs the of the tribes 3). for Al-Balddhuri uses in his report about the 71af expression'isam the tahmilu lahum(so in the text I) Muh. Hamidullahtranslateswa-'aldanna Qurayshan of al-Munammaq; text of al-Qali has ilayhim)baidd'i'a the fa-yakfinahumhumidnaha ru'Rsa as amwilihim ilayhim wa-yu'addfna wa-ribhabum follows: ,,ct leur remettraientla prix realisee, sans pour autant les charger des pais ou deduire des commisions. ."; he rendersthe passage into English as follows: "..promised.. to carrytheir goods as agents without commission for commercial purposes or otherwise concluded treaties of friendship.." This translationseems to be inaccurate. z) Ibn Sa'd: TabaqdtI, 75-80 (ed. Beirut); a tradition told on the authority of 'Abdallah b. Naufal b. al-H•arith(see Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 4994) states that Hdshim wrote to al-Najishi (the king of Abyssinia) asking him to grant a charter for the merchantsof Mecca. The economic base of the ildfis here recordedas follows: ... .ald an tahmila Qurayshun baada'i'ahum wa-ldkird'a 'ald ahli 1-tariqi(p. 78). This helps to understandthe passage discussed in the preceding note. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, I6z seq. p. II8 M. J. KISTER the chartersof the rulers. Naufal b. 'Abd Mandfis said to have got the Al-Tabariuses the words 'isdmand hablto denote the charter.Naufal and from the Chosroes (al-Akdsira) they (i.e. the merchants got the .habl of Quraysh)frequentedal-'Irdqand Persia2). took the la7f from the enemies 3). records that Al-Tha'I~libi H.shim This phrase about the zlaf taken from the enemies is recorded by al-Tha'dlibi in another report, which essentially deviates from the narratives about the ildf mentioned above 4). Quraysh--reports alTha'clibi-used to trade only with merchants who frequented the marketsof Dhii Majdzand 'Ukdz during the sacred months and came to Mecca. The reasonfor this was, that Qurayshwere devoted to their and their baytand used to serve the visitors of dinand loved their .haram Mecca to their advantage.The first, who went out to Syriaand visited kings and made far journeysand passed by enemies (i.e. hostile tribes) and took from them the zlafmentioned by Allah (in the Qur'-n) was mentions his two trips (to the 'Ab;hila in alHdshim. Al-Tha',libi in Yaman and al-Yaksiam Abyssinia in winter; to Syriaand Byzantium from the heads of in summer)and says about the la7f: he took the ladf the tribes and the chieftainsfor two reasons: becausethe people of the haramand others were not safe (of the attacks) of the "wolves of the Arabs"and the Bedouin brigandsand men of raidsand people involved see i) al-Baladhuri:Ansab, I, 59; for the word 'umsum al-A'sha: Diiwn, p. 29. al-Tabari: Ta'rikhII, i2. p. 5 (ed. de Jong, 1867). 3) al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar p. 4) al-Tha'dlibi:La.ta'ifal-ma'drif, 89 seq. The exclusiveness of the ilif for Qural-qulbb, aysh is attested in the report by the verses of Musdwirb. Hind: 2) 'isam from the kings of al-'Irdq 1). lahum lakumil/fi7. ilfunwa-laysa Uld'ika i~minmj7i'an wa-khaufan wa-qadja'atBanfiAsadinwa-khiff. See Hamasa(Sharhal-Marzfiqi ed. A. S. Hdrin), p. 1449, No. 6o5; comp. al-BalIdhuri: Ansib I, 89 (Nutayla about her son Dirdr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib): sannali-Fihrinsunnata 'l-ldfi and see al-Hamddnial-Iklil I/II, ms. f. 26a: Ma'addan, innafibd Fa-ld tuqsfi 'l-saminu. il/dfa 'lahi wa-l-amru Za'amtum anna ikhwatakumQurayshun MECCA AND TAMIN 119 in long-lastingactions of revenge and becausetherewere tribesthat like the tribes of Tayy, Khath'amand Qudl'a, did not respectthe sanctityof the and the sacredmonths whilst the other tribes performedthe .haram, the Ka'ba and respectedthe House. The ladf, recordsalpilgrimageto meant a sum thatwas grantedby Hshim to the heads of the Tha'clibi, tribes as profit while he undertookthe transportof their wares together with his own and drove for them camelsalong with his camels,in order to relieve them of the hardshipsof the journey and to relieve Quraysh from the fear of the enemies. That was an advantagefor both sides; the staying (scil. the Bedouins) were profiting, the journeying(Qurashites-scil.) were safe (guarded).Conditions of Qurayshimproved. Ibn Abi 'l-lHadid records two accounts:1) the account given by recorded in his Fadl Hishim cald al-Qali and an account of al-J.hiz is explicit about the shares of 'Abd Shams This account of 2). al-J.hiz the chiefs of the tribes by Hdshim.(. .wa-sharika tjdratibi profit given ft aala lahumma'aburib.han ...) ru'asid'a'l-qabi'ili min al-'Arabi... wa-j recordsanotherversion about the 71if:Hdshimimposedtaxes onAl-J.hiz of the chiefs of the tribes. These sums collectedby Hdshim the heads enabled him to organise the defence for the people of Mecca from brigandsand tribes who did not respect the sanctity of Mecca3). The account of al-Ya'qubi4) gives the already mentioned version about the four brothers who gained the /laf. The account contains, however, a sentence, which gives a clue for the assessment of the concluded by Hdshim: After validity of these agreements of the ladf, the death of Hshim-says al-Ya'qftbi-Quraysh were afraid that the Bedouin tribes might get the upper hand. This sentence indicates that the 7laf agreementshad not been actually carriedout. Quraysh feared that some tribes might refrainfrom carryingout the terms of the pacts. It was the energetic action of the sons of 'Abd Manif and the profits grantedthe chiefs which causedthat the chiefs kept their obligations in connection with the 7lif. III, al-baligha 454, 458. i) Ibn Abi '1-Hadid:Sharbnabhj Rasd'il, p. 70 (ed. Sandfibi). 2) al-J.ihiz: 4) al-Ya'quibi:Ta'rikhI, 278 (ed. Najaf I, 200). 3) ib. 120 M. J. KISTER Lexical explanationsof the word ildf examinedby Birkelandrender the word as "protection","a pact providing security"etc. 1) Birkeland states that the meaning of the word "protection" is not given in the of commentaries the Qur'In, exceptAlilsi. This explanationis, however, n 2). Abii Hayyin quotes the opinion of al-Naqqish, given by Abti .Hayy~ that there were 4 journeys(i.e. they sent 4 caravans:to Syria,Abyssinia, al-Yaman and Persia).Abii does not agree with the refutation .Hayyin of Ibn 'Atiyya and quotes for his argumentthe story of the 4 sons of 'Abd Manif, who got the 7ladf. Abfi Hayydnquotes the explanationof and b. al-Azhariof the word ladf, the verses of Matraid Ka'b. (translated by Birkeland)3). The explanationof al-Azhariis given as well in the to commentaryof the Ma'dbid al-tans7s the verses of Musdwirb. Hind.4): of "akindof protection means guarding by (Shibbu 'l-dijratibi-l-khafdra)". It maybe saidthat the accountsaboutthe dlaf outlinesthe essential in a of phenomena the changes Mecca.Mecca, smallcentrefor distribution of goods for the Bedouintribesin the vicinityof the city, rose to the position of an importantcentreof transittrade.It was the merchants of Mecca, who carriedthe wares to Syria,Abyssinia,al-'Iraqand al-Yaman.The family who laid the foundations for the revolutionary was changewasthatof 'AbdManif.Thetradebasedon thepactsof 7ldf of a joint enterprise the clans of Qurayshheadedby the family of The pacts concludedwith the tribes were based on a 'Abd Mandf. hitherto unknown principle of trade interest. It was not an alliance (hi/f) with obligationsof mutualhelp and protection.It was not an obligation of the tribes to guard the caravans of Quraysh against payment practisedby the tribes in their relationswith the caravansof The laifagreementswere set up on a base of share in profit al-JHira. for the heads of the tribes and apparentlyemployment of the men of the tribes as escort of the caravans. i) H. Birkeland: The Lord Guideth,p. Io6-107; comp. al-Zamakhshari:al-Fd'iq I, 40 (ed. Muh. Aba 'l-Fadl Ibrdhim-Bijawi). li-ilfi Qurayshin). VIII, 5i5 (SlOrat 2) Abfi HIayyin:al-Bahral-mubhit 3) Birkeland,op. cit., p. i19; see al-Qli: Amali I, 241; al-Bakri: p. 547-50; Sirt, al-Sharifal-Murtad•: Amall IV, 178-79. I, 4) al-'Abbdsi: Ma'dhidal-tans7s 95 (Cairo I316 AH). MECCA AND TAMIN 121 One may assume that the il7f must have contained a paragraph concerning the observation of the sacred months, namely the keeping of peace during these months and respecting the sanctity of Mecca (or ratherthe inviolabilityof Mecca).The ilaf meant in fact the acceptance of the "Pax Meccana"by the tribes, the acknowledgment of the position of the Meccans and the Meccan trade and the setting up of an economic co-operation based on common interest. That explains the peculiar passage in the account of al-Tha'~libiabout the pacts with the (hitherto)hostile tribes. Birkeland,discussing the historicalbackgroundof the verses i-2 of stresses the importanceof the iladf pacts and states that "their Sfira ao6, financialskill and their possession of the sacredterritory (i.e. Quraysh) had made them the economic masters of Western Arabia about a hundredyearsbefore the Prophet1)". But the statement of Birkeland may be extendedto EasternArabiaas well. The dimensionsof the trade of Quraysh were very large 2). It is conceivable, that the tribal chiefs might have preferred to collaborate with the merchantsof Mecca. In their co-operation with Quraysh their profits were more stable, they could establish closer relationswith them and actuallydid so. They were welcomed in Mecca and could enter it without fear. In al-Hira they were submissive and servile, in Mecca they could negotiate as equals. The impressionmade by the enterpriseof Meccais vividly described in a story recordedby al-Ya'qibi 3): A Kalbi tribesmanin the service of a Kalbi woman (a merchant) on the Syrian border witnessed the arrivalof a Meccancaravanin Syria.He gives details about the personality of Hdshimand his dignity, about the respect shown to him by the chiefs of Mecca, about his generosity and remarks: "By God, that is the true splendour,not the splendourof the Banai Jafna".It is a sentence which is remarkable: glory of the Qurashileader, his mannersand the I) Birkeland,op. cit., p. 22zseq. z) See E. R. Wolf: The social organization of Mecca and the origins of Islam, Southwestern Journalof Anthropology, 5I, pp. 330-337. 19 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikhI, 280 (2oi ed. Najaf). I22 M. J. KISTER behaviourwere much more akin to the Kalbi Bedouin than the aloofness of the Jafni ruler. It is a sentence forming a prelude for the future. A peculiartradition,which seems to throw some light on the situation in Meccain the times of Hdshimdeservesto be examined.This tradition, of quoted by al-Suyiiti from the Muwaffaqiyydt al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr1) is told on the authority of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. According to this tradition the nobles of Quraysh u'sed to practice in the Jdhiliya the i'tifd 2). I'tifdd-records al-Suyfiti-meant that when they lost their propertythey used to leave for the deserts,where they pitched tents and patiently awaited death "one after another" (tandwabif)till they died, before people might know about their plight. So things went on till Hdshim grew up and became a man of influence among his people. He summonedQurayshand said: "O Quraysh,might goes with abundance, and you became the richest of the Arabs and the mightiest and the i'tifddruined many of you". He put forwardhis proposition which was acceptedby Quraysh,to attach to every rich Qurashia poor man. The poor would help the rich in his journeys with the caravansand "live in his shade by the redundanceof his property".That would be the means to stop the custom of i'tifdd. They agreed and Hdshim brought the people together (i.e. the rich and the poor). When the event of Elephant occurred (that was the key of the Prophecy and the commencementof the splendourof Quraysh,so that all people respect them; in this year the Prophet was born) and when later revelations were revealed to the Prophet-God revealed to the Prophet ordering him to inform his people what he did for them and how He helped them against the people of the Elephant. "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the owners of the Elephant?"3). Then He said: "And why did I do it, O Muhammad,for your people, whilst they were at that time worshippers of idols? So He said to them: Li-ldfi Qurayshin It means: Because of their mutual feeling of mercy and 4). VI, I) al-Suyati: al-Durr al-manthgr 397 (Sara io6). 2) in text ihtifad,which must be a mistake. CV. 3) Safra CVI. 4) Sfara MECCA AND TAMIN 123 their mutual help. They were pagans. He freed them from the fear of the Elephant. "He fed them against hunger" means the hunger of i' tcifid. The tendency of the tradition is to render the word li-zldfi Quraysh as denoting li-tardbumi But wa-tawdsulihim. the story itself, Qurayshin rather loosely connected with the interpretationof the aya, seems in fact, to reflect the situation before the ila7f. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdrhad an outstanding knowledge of the social and economic situation of Mecca in the times of Jdhiliyya and this story may contain a good deal of truth. The tradition points to the fact, that before the action of Hdshim the caravanswere sent by individuals. Before the ilaf were concluded the sending of caravans seems to have been very risky and in case of an attackof brigandsor of a hostile tribe the tradesman, who invested all his capital, lost everything. It was the la7f which made the journeyssecure. The proposition of Hdshim to include the poor in the enterprise of the caravanswas a bold one. It meant to give the poor some shares in the profits as payment for their work or, probably, against investment of small sums by poor relatives. This trend seems to be echoed in one of the verses of Matriid b. Ka'b: ') bi-faqirihim Wa-l-khdli.tina ghaniyyahum faqirubum ka-l-kdJf .attdyakfina their rich with their "And who mix poor till their poor becomes like an able (man to bestow his favour on needy)". This idea of "mixing of the poor" (or inferior people) with rich and wealthywas an ideal of the Jdhilisociety and is attestedby verses 2). x) See above p. I20 n. 3; and see these verses as well: Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhadarat al-abrdr II, i ig; al-Tabarsi: Majma' al-baydn (Sara io6); al-Baladhuri: Ansdb I, 58; al-Ya'qtibi: Ta'r7kh I, 202 (ed. Najaf); al-Diyvrbakri: Ta'rikh al-Khamis I, 156. 2) Comp. al-Qdli: Amdli II, 158; al-Bakri: p. 548; Ibn Sharaf: Rasd'il (Rasd'il al-bulaghd' 334) (Khirniq): Sim.t al-intiqdd p. 124 M. J. KISTER It is a significanttraditionin which the ideal of the Jihiliyya is reflected in care for the needy of the clan, whereas the embracing of Islam is consideredas deviation from this ideal. Nu'aym b. 'Abdallah ) of the 'Uwayj (of the 'Adiyy Quraysh) embracedIslam. His father used to feed the poor of the 'Adiyy. After Nu'aym had embraced Islam he was met by al-Walid b. al-Mughira who said to him: "O son of 'Abdallah,you pulled down al-Makhzfimi what your father built and you cut what he linked (by his favours), when you followed Muhammad" 2). a about the HIilfal-Fuadflmentionsspecial The accountof al-Balddhuri obligationto help the needy arrivingat Meccawith the surplusof the propertyof the people who enteredthe alliance(...Ta'dqada waradaMakkata bi-fu4zli ahli 'ald... wa-muwdsdti 'l-fdqatimimman 3). amwdlihim") b. An Ansdripoet, al-Nu'mdn 'Ajldnwhile boastingof the deeds of the Ansdrfor the Muhdjirfin, says: bikum marhaban hajarfi: li-qaumin Wa-qulnd min wa-ahlan qad wa-sahlan, amintum al-faqri nahitabum bi-nuddrihim Wa-l-khdli.ina bi-dhi'l-faqri wa-dhawi minhum 'l-gbind and see Ibn al-Shajari:al-Hamdsa,p. 56 ('Amr b. Itnaba): bi sari•ihim Wa-l-khdlifina wa-l-bddbilina li-l-sa'ili .halifahum 'ata'ahbum and see al-Khilidiyydni: al-Ashbdb 20zo; I, Hassdn: Diwdn p. 308: ghaniyyabum bi-faqfrihim Wa-l-khli.tina 'ald wa-l-mun'imina 'l-faqiri1-murmili and comp. al-A'sha: Diwdn III, 35: Wa-ahdna sdlihamilihi li-faqirihd wa-sd'alahd wa-asd,wa-aslaha baynabd, and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Isti'db,p. 300 (al-Nu'man b. Bashir): sharikaka 'l-ghind Fa-ld ta'dudi'l-mauld f sharikuka 'l-'udmi. wa-lakirnnama ft 'l-mauld al-IsabaNo. 8777 (he cared for the widows of the I) See about him: Ibn Banii 'Adiyy). .Hajar: z) al-Bilddhuri: Ansdb,ms. f. 869a. 3) Idem: op. cit., ms. f. i44a; another version is given in the Sira of Ibn Hisham I, 141. MECCA AND TAMIN I 25 amwdland Nuqdsimukum wa-diydrand 1) ka-qismati aysdri'l-jaz#ri'ald 1-shatri "And we said to the people who immigratedto us: Welcome and securedare you from poverty We shall share with you our propertyand abode who divide (in shares)the slaughtered like the gamblersof maysir, camel". Traditions about Hakim b. Hizam record that he used to distribute the profits of his caravansamong the poor and needy of his clan2). The traditions quoted above seem to reflect clearly the tendency of care for poor and needy in the clan. Hdshim, establishing the ldf, could successfullyexpand the trade; rich and poor participatedin the caravan.A caravanbecame a joint enterprise.Even if a merchantsent on his own risk a caravan-other merchants tried to join him and invest in his caravan3). The following remarkof al-Qummi about the social conceptions of the Meccans and their care for the poor is remarkable. Wa-kdnat Qurayshun yatafahabasna .hdlati'l-fuqard'iwa-yasuddina 'an khallata'l-mahdw~ji 4). Hdshim seems to have expandedthe tendency of care for the needy into a social principle.Al-Diyvrbakrirecordsa traditionabout Hashim on the authority of Ibn 'Abbds, reporting that the people of Mecca were in a state of needinesstill they were ralliedby Hlshim for sending of the caravans to Syria and al-Yaman. They used to divide their profits among the rich and poor, so that the poor became like the rich 5). Ibn lHabib, says reportingabout the men of the ladf that through them Allah raised the Quraysh and turned rich their poor". (Ashdbu i) Ibn Hajar:al-Isiba, No. 8747; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Istlcdb,p. 298. I, 2) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:Nasab uraysh 367 (No. 644). 3) Idem: op. cit., I, 371 (No. 645, 646). 4) al Qummi: Ghard'ib al-Qur'dn margin of Tabari's Tafsir, BelIq 1229 AH) (on XXX, 169. I, 5) al-Diyvrbakri:Ta'rikhal-Khamis 156. 126 M. J. KISTER 'Iladhina wa-na'asha rafa'a ' ldhu bihimQurayshan 1-zldfimin ,Qurayshin abd fuqard' . .) 1). One is inclined to find some resemblancebetween the "mixing of the poor and the rich" (mukhilata)and the mu'dkhdt 2). The conclusion of the i'af agreements was accompanied by the improvement of the internal conditions in Mecca and the provision of amenities for the pilgrims. The first houses in Mecca were built by Qusayy3). It may be assumed that these houses were very modest. The cutting of the trees in Mecca formed a serious problem, because of the sanctity of Mecca. But Qusayy ordered to cut the trees and to build the houses 4). The houses seem to have been circular in order to avoid the imitation of the shape of the Ka'ba5). Mu'arrijal-Sadiisi reports that Zubayr b. al-Hirith b. Asad was the first who covered a house (with a roof). Qurayshdemolishedthe house out of reverence for the Ka'ba 6). It was JHumayd Zubayrb. al-HIrithb. Asad b. 'Abd b. al-'Uzzd who built the first square house in Mecca7). When he built his house Quraysh feared the punishment (of Allah). The rajaz poets composed verses: yubndli-HIumaydin Al-yauma baytuh wa-immd mautub. Immd .haydtuhu "Today for Humayd his house is built (This means for him) either his life or his death"8). When he was not afflictedby punishment Quraysh started to build squarehouses. p. I) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I62. sal'am) yanbasitu z) Comp. al-Sulami: Addb al-subrba 50: . . wa-kdna p. (al-nabiyyu fi m/li Ab7 Bakrinkam f fthi f! milihi wa-yahkumu kama yaihkumu m/libi". yanbasi.tu ms. f. a. 85 3) See Abfi Mandqib, See Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 71 (ed. Beirut); al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,I, 58; Caetani: 'l-Baq.': 4) I, Annali L o3 (78); al-Ya'qibi: Ta'rikb I, 197 (ed. Najaf); al-IHalabi:Insin I, I, al-'uy7in 14. al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar al-qulib,p. 13. 5) nasab 6) Mu'arrijal-Sadfisi:al-HIadbfmin p. Quraysb, 54. I, 7) al-Zubayrb. Bakkir: NasabQuraysb 4438) These verses are attributedto Duwayd: see al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., ib. n. 2. MECCA AND TAMIN 127 If this traditionbe time of the changesin building of houses true--the6th was the second half of the century. The sister of this lHumayd was the mother of Hakim b. Hizdm. The son of JHumayd, 'Abdallah b. Humayd fought at Uhud 1). The time of the significantchangesin the building of houses may thus be fixed in the last decades of the 6th century. The nobles of Mecca vied in providing amenities for the pilgrims. Hdshim is said to have taken care to supply the pilgrims with food 2), 'Abd al-Muttalibto have been the first who provided them with sweet The water of Zamzam,although having medicinalKisr. qualities5) was not and was mixed by 'Abd al-Muttalib with raisins. He also palatable gave the pilgrims milk with honey 6). 'Abbdscontinued the tradition of 'Abd al-Muttalib and supplied drinking water for the pilgrims. The Prophet drank from his siqayaand the drinking from the siqaya of the family of 'Abbdsis consideredas sunna There are traditions 7). about digging of wells and rivalry between nobles of Mecca in providing drinks for pilgrims8). Suwayd b. Harmi is said to have been the first who gave the pilgrims milk (to drink)9). Abti Umayya b. al-Mughira al-Makhzimi (Zdd al-rakb) and Abi Wadd'a al-Sahmi gave the pilgrims honey 10) water 3). He dug the well of Zamzam in the times of b. Qubddh 4). The traditions about the ilaf, about the improvements in Mecca, about the provisions of food and drinksfor the pilgrims-all this points to the efforts to increase the prestige of the city and to secure the i) See Ibn Hisham: Sira III, 135; al-Balddhuri: Ansab I, 3 I9: he made an oath to kill the Prophet at Uhud. z) al-Balddhuri:Ansab I, 6o-6i; al-Azraqi: Akhbar p. 67 (Wiistenfeld). II, 3) al-Mas'idi: Murj" 46; 4) ib. 5) Rathjens: Die Pilgerfahrt, 42, 45. pp. (ed. Br6nnle). III, 7) See al-Suy0ti: al-Durr al-manthir 219. Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. I77. 6) Al-Azraqi; Akhbdr p. 70 (ed. Wiistenfeld); comp. Abai Dharr: Sharb, p. 42 8) Comp. al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh, pp. 32, 197-198. 9) ib. p. 342; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 53a. 128 M. J. KISTER pilgrimage and trade. Special arrangementswere made for individual merchantsproceedingto Meccafor a pilgrimage1). Elaborateprovisions were made for the caravansfor which consent of the tribes was gained. In this system Tamim played a considerablerole. This can be gauged from some passages of the report about the markets of the Jahiliyya, recorded by Muh. b. Habib 2). states Reporting about the market of Diimat al-Jandal Ibn that "every merchantwho set out from al-Yamanand the.Habibasked Hijiz for the escort of Qurayshas long as he travelledin the abode of Mudar; for the Mudar did not harass Mudari merchants,nor were they (i.e. the merchants)troubled by an ally of Mudar. That was the accepted custom between them. So did Kalb not trouble them, because of their alliance with Tamim3). The Tayy also did not harass them because of their alliance with the Asad. Mudar used to say: "Qurayshcarried out for us the obligation of religious duties inherited to us by Ismd'il" 4) (i.e. bequeathed to us). This report is recorded in al-Marziiqi's Amkina with important i) al-Marziqi: al-AmkinaII, 66; see the translationin Muh. Hamidullah:Leprophite de l'Islam II, 6o6. 2) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 264-265. pp. 3) Hamidullahin Muslimconduct state p. 54 (o01); "as they were allied (i.e. the of Kalb) to the Bani Jusham" (evidently a misprint). 4) Hamidullah translates: Les Mudarites avaient l'habitude de dire (avec fierte) "Les Quraichites ont pay6 la dette de honte que nous avions contractee au nom d'Isma=l(parles guerresfraticideset par le bellum omnium contra omnes)" - Le Prophbtede l'Islam, II, 6oo--This translationseems however to be inaccurate.In order to translate"que nous avions contract6eau nom d'Ismal"--Hamidullah must have read mdaurathnd Ismdla which is an error. The phrase has to be read: ma aurathand The sentence is of the greatest importance for the understanding of the IsmdWu. attitude of the tribes towards Quraysh.For the correct interpretationof the sentence a passage from al-Kall'i's al-Iktifd' (I, I5o) may be quoted. Al-KalV'i,discussing the qualities of Quraysh, records the following passage: . . wa-kdnfi 'ald irthin min dini Ibrdhima wa-Ismd'ila min qird 1-dayfiwa-rifdi 'l-hajji wa-ta'imi 'lfhi wa-man'ihi al-baghyi wa-l-ilhidiwa-qam'i'l-zdlimiwa-man'i'l-magzlfmi. min The passage commencing with min qird is an explanation of irthinmin din Ibrahim .harami wa-Ismadil.-The passage in Marzaqi's AmkinalI, I6z does not leave any doubt "what our father about the meaning of the sentence: ma aurathand abtind IsmaWilu, inherited us" (bequeathedto us). And comp. al-Majlisi:Bihdral(ancestor) Ismi'il anwdr VI, 42. MECCA AND TAMIN 129 variants1). Qurayshused to set out (to Diimat al-Jandal)from Mecca. If they took the way of al-Hazn2) they did not requirethe protection of any of the tribes till they came back, and that was becauseMudar... etc. 3). And when they departed from al-Hazn or went to al-Hazn they reachedthe waters (i.e. the abode, the pasturing places) of Kalb. Kalb were allies of Tamim and therefore they did not harass them. When they went on to the lowland they passed the Asad and arrived at the Tayy..." The account of Marziqi supplements the report of Ibn Habib. The vague expressionof Ibn is fi bilddMudlar here more precise. .Habib The road leading from Mecca to al-Hazn4), which was under the control of the tribes of Mudar. The lHaznitself was the territory of Tamim 5). The two significant accounts, of Ibn Habib and al-Marziiqigive some idea: how the system set up by Mecca worked in the areaof Mecca-al-Hazn and its extension. Two tribal units of Mudar, closely linked with Mecca by the Mudar alliance, Tamim and Asad-made it possible, due to the alliance of Tamim with Kalb (Qu~d'a)and the alliance of Asad with Tayy (Qahtini), to Quraysh to send in full security their caravans and to control the trade on these routes. It is these two tribes-Tayy and Kalb-who were especially dangerous for Mecca, as the majority of these two tribes did not respect the sanctity of Mecca and of the sacred months. It is significant that alMarziiqi records about the Tayy: "..and (arriving in the territory of Tayy) they (i.e. the merchants)gave them some pay and they (i.e. Tayy) guided them (in the direction) wherever they wanted"6). i) al-Marzaqi:al-Amkina,II, 16z. Hamidullah translatesfa-in akhadhat'ald 1-hazni"et s'ils prenaient le chemin montagneux" (Le Proph/te,II, 604). That seems, however, not to be accurate. 3) There is perhaps some misprint or error; perhaps one has to read "au 'alau 'l-Hazn". 4) See Thilo: Die Ortsnamen 56; and see Ydqct: Buldinand al-Bakri- MuaYam p. ma 'stabjam, s.v. See von Oppenheim-Caskel:Die Beduinen I64. ".Hazn". III, 5) 6) al-Marzuqi:al-Amkina II, I6z. 2) JESHO,VIII 9 130 M. J. KISTER The attitude of the Tayy and Kalb towards Mecca will be touched upon later. of Merchantsproceeding to the importanttrade-centre al-Mushaqqar had also to requirethe escort of Quraysh,becausethe road led through the territory of Mudar. This harbour-city frequented by merchants from Persia, an importantbase of Persianrule-had a marketgoverned by men from Tamim 1). In examination of the accounts about Diimat al-Jandal2) one may assume that the Tamim played a most important role in the control of the roads to these two markets and in securing of the caravans of Mecca. Some Tamimis frequented Mecca for trade. An iniquity committed to a Tamimi visiting Mecca caused a conflict between the leaders of Quraysh. The story is recorded by Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid on the authority of al-Wdqidi3). Abdallahb. Ja'farcontestedin glory Yazid b. Mu'cwiya in the presence of Mu'cwiya4). He asked him: "By which of your ancestors do you rival in pride? By JHarb, whom we sheltered or by Umayya..?" We are here concerned with the story of Harb sheltered by 'Abd al-Muttalib,which is given as follows: Quraysh had the privilege of priority in passing the 'Aqaba, when travelling. Anybody had to wait till they passed. Harb went out one night and when passing the 'Aqaba he met a man from the family of lHIjib b. Zurara, proceeding to Mecca for business. Harb leaned forward and announced his name and so did the Tamimi. He stated to be the "son" of b. Zurdra.The Tamimi passed the 'Aqaba .Hijib together with Harb. Harb was enraged and swore that he would never allow him to stay in Mecca as long as he lived. The Tamimi spent some time outside Mecca. But-as his business was in Mecca (wa-kdnamatjarubu bi-Makkata)-he decided to enter and enquired p. I) Ibn Habib: al-Mubabbar, z65. of z) See the article D#mat al-Jandal L. Veccia Vaglieri in EI2. Sharhnahjal-baldgha 465; Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikb VII, 329. III, 3) Ibn Abi 1-HIadid: 4) See the account of this event in Dahldn's Sira I, zz (on the margin of "Insdn al-'qyfn"):the talk was between Ibn 'Abbds and Mu'dwiya; and see Ibn al-'Arabi: I, Mubhdarat al-abrdr 179. MECCA AND TAMIN 13 I The about the man, who could give him protection against .Harb. to Tamimi (the "son" of Zurdrd)entered Mecca at night and went the house of 'Abd al-Muttalib.He recited a poem in which the event was recorded and the protection of al Zubayr b. Abd al-Muttalib 1) was requested.He was grantedthe requestedprotection.In the morning al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib summoned his brother, al-Ghaydiq, and they went out girded with swords, escorting the Tamimi. Harb met them, assaultedthe Tamimi and slappedhim on his face.A quarrel ensued between the sons of 'Abd al-Muttaliband Harb managed .Harb. to escape and sought refuge in the house of Abd al-Muttalib who grantedhim protection. Hashim This narrativeprobablypoints to relationsbetween the BanOi and the Darim. Traditionmentionsthe namesof some people of Darim, who were in touch with the Banfi Hdshim. One of them was the of hirmiyy the Prophet. The prestigeenjoyedby the Tamimin Meccawas based mainly on their strengthand their servicesfor the externaltradeof Mecca. The Tamim were strong and their leaderswere highly respected. The prestigeof the leadersof Tamim(of the branchof the Darim)is reflected in a remarkable anecdote attributedto the Prophet: A man (a Muslim)marrieda womanfrom a lower social classandwas The was by reproached his brother. Prophet told aboutit, he was told as well aboutthe virtuesof the womanwhom he married. saidin He a talk with the husband: for "You are not to be blamed not marrying a woman(so aristocratic) the daughter Hijib b. Zurdra. as of Allah broughtIslamandmadeall menequal.A Muslimis not to berebuked" 2). (for sucha marriage) Some groups of Tamimwere even includedin the body politic of Mecca.They were given a sharein the Meccandominanceand to contributed increasethe influenceof Meccain the tribal society I) Al-Zubayrb. 'Abd al-Muttalibwas the leader of the BanafHashim at the "Day of al-Fijdr";see Muh. b. IHabib: Mubabbar, 169; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqaq, 47; al p. p. al-Balddhuri: AnsdbI, 102. 2) Al-Fisi: Shifdal-gharam (Wiistenfeld, II, 141). 132 M. J. KISTER and its prestige. The organization we refer to is the organization of the Hums. Ibn Sa'd counts as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and people of the Arabs "born by Quraysh". (According to another version of Ibn Sa'd: "and the allies of Quraysh")1). Ibn Ish1q records as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and Kindna; Ibn HishZm adds (on the authority of Abfi 'Ubayda al-Nahwi)the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a2). Ibn Qutayba mentions in his Ma'drif as lHumsQuraysh and people from 3). But in his al-Ma'adnal-Kabr he counts as Hums: Kin.na descendantsand their allies their Quraysh 4). counts as Hums: Quraysh, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Al-JIhiz al-.Hirith b. Ka'b 5). Al-Anbdri6) and al-Marziiqi 7) count: Quraysh, Kindna, Khuzd'aand 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a. in his commentary of the Qur'dn has the following Abai .Hayyan list: Quraysh, Kinina, Khuza'a, Thaqif, Khath'am, Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Nasr b. Mu'cwiya8). An almostidenticallist is given by al-Qurtubi; instead of Khath'am-he has Jusham 9). The L. 'A. records as Hums: Quraysh and "whom Quraysh had born" (i.e. descendants of men or women from Quraysh), Kindna, Fahm, 'Adwdn, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Khuzd'a 10). The lists of the Hums quoted above are contradictory.The examinaincluded the Quraysh, tion of these lists shows doubtless that .Hums Mecca. According to the inhabitants of Mecca, and people outside I, i) Ibn Sa'd:Tabdqdt, 72. Ibn Hisham: Sira I, 212; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 272. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 269. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'nit 'l-Kabir, p. 989. al-Jahiz: Mukhtdrditfusil, ms. f. 2o8 b. al-Mufaddaliyydt XXXIV, 14 (Lyall). al-Marziiqi: Sharh al- Hamisa, p. 31. Ab Hayyin: al-Babr al-muh•itII, 63. . 9) al-Qurtubi: al-Jdmi' li-ah~im al-Qur'dnII, 345 (Sura II, 189); and see Blachbre: CoranII, 782, n. 185. 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) IO) L. 'A., s.v. "Hms". MECCA AND TAMIN 133 Arendonk: "The Hums is the name traditionallygiven to the inhabitants of Mecca at Muhamad'sappearancein so far as they were distinguishedby specialcustoms during the Ihrim from the othertribes, who were together known as al-Hilla". )--This definition has to be altered. A detailedlist of the tribes of the Hums is given by Muh. b. Habib. "Hums were-reports Ibn Habib-all Quraysh, Khuzi'a (because they had dwelled in Mecca and were neighbours of Quraysh),people being descendents of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh"), clans dwelling in Mecca. Descendants of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh") were: Kil~b, Ka'b, 'Amir and Kalb i.e. the BantiRabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a.Their mother was Majd bint Taym b. Gh.ilib b. Fihr. To her referredLabid saying: band Saqdqaum7 Majdinwa-asqd min Numayran wa-l-qabd'ila Hildli2). b. and b. b. and al-HIrith 'Abd Mandt Kindna Mudlijb. Murra 'Abd And 'Amirb. 'Abd theirdwellingnearMecca. due Mandt Kindna to b. Man-t b. Kindnaand Milik and Milkdnb. Kindnaand Thaqifand and b. AndYarbil' Hanzala MIzinb. Milikb. 'Amrb. Tamim, 'Adwdn. bint Fihr b. Mdlikb. whose mother(of both of them) was Jandala are that al-Nadr Somemaintain all the 'Amir(i.e. 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a) 3). becausetheir brethren,the Rabi'ab. 'Amir becameJHums. Hums, b. Qudd'a.And b. And 'Ilcf i.e. Rabbdn Hulwdnb. 'Imrin b. al-.Hif 4), Jandbb. Hubal b. Abdallah from Kalb. His motherwas Amina p. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: al-Inbdh, 87; Labid: Diwdn, p. 93 (ed. I. 'Abbas); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 120 b. (In Jambara:Majd bint Taymb. Murrab. Ghdlib is b. Fibr. The term used inJamhara of interest:wa-hiya '1latihammasat Bani 'Amirin, Humsan). ja'alathum 3) Jandala bint Fihr b. Malik b. al-Nadr b. Kindna was the wife of Hanzala b. Malik b. Zayd Mandtb. Tamim. She gave birth to Qays, Yarbi', Rabi'a and 'Amr-b. Malik b. Zayd Mandt. After the death of 1Hanzala Malik b. the sons of b. she married.Hanzala 'Amr b. Tamim and gave birth to Mazin, Ghaylan, Aslam and Milik GhassZn--the sons of Malik b. 'Amr. See: Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. ff. 62a, 90a; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 958b. 4) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, p. 540. i) EI, s.v. "Hums". 134 M. J. KISTER bint Rabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; her mother was Majd bint Taym al-Adram b. Ghdlib b. Fihr" 1). The list of Ibn Habib shows a peculiarfact: the tribes allied in the organizationof the Hums are of differentorigin and belong to various tribal divisions. The 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a are Mudarites. Kalb belonged to Qu$d'a. The origin of Thaqif is disputed. (According to some traditionsthey are consideredas descendantsof Qays 'Ayldn). 'Adwdn belonged to Qays 'Aylhn, Khuzi'a were of South-Arabianorigin 2). The more important is the fact, that these tribes lived in different areas of the peninsula. The Thaqif dwelt to the South-East of Mecca, the Kinina to the South, controlling the route Mecca-al-Yaman,the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ato the North East of Mecca, the Quda'a (Kalb) in the and North, controlling the trade-routeto Syria;YarbiY' Mizin controlled the route to al-Hiraand Persia. Of special interest is the case of Zuhayr b. Jandb al-Kalbi. The Ghatafdn decided--according to tradition-to establish a haramlike that of Mecca. Zuhayr b. Jandb raided them and destroyed their haram ). This tradition explains why the group of Janib of Kalb were included in the organizationof the Hums One may find some connection between the ilaf discussed above and the Hums. The expression of al-Tha'dlibithat Hdshim "took the /laffrom the enemies"4) meansin fact, that the 7lafwere a complementary system for the Hums. The laf were intended for tribes who did not respect the sacred months, or-although performing the pilgrimage-were in the sphere of influence of the client kingdoms. These clans and tribes-like Tayy, Khath'am, clans of Quda'a5), Ghifir from the Kindna6) were given some shares of profit and gave p. z) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 468 seq. 3) AghdniXII, 121; XXI, 63. al-Qulib, p. 89. 4) Thimadr al-Baladhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 9oob; al-Jabiz: Iayawdn VII, 216; see al5) Balldhuri: Ansdb, ms. 366a: the talk between Mu'dwiya and 'Adiyy b. I tim in al-. which Mu'dwiya accused Tayy of not respecting the sanctity of Mecca. Tayy and Khath'am did not perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and were called al-Afjardni. al-shahra 'II, 6) See al-Dhahabi: Siyara'ldmal-nubald 34 (wa-kdndfyubill7na /-hardma); and see Usdal-ghdba 16o. I, i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muzhabbar, 178-179. p. MECCA AND TAMIN 13 security to the caravans. How much Mecca was dependent on these tribes and eager to carryout the terms of the 7lafcan be gauged from some records preserved. Al-'Abbas was present when Abii Dharr was beaten violently in Mecca after he had embraced Islam. He reproachedhis people saying: "Woe to you, you are about to kill a man from Ghifir whilst your business and your passing by is through the territory of Ghifar". They let him go 1). Thumima b. Uthil of the Hanifa could threaten Quraysh with cutting of supplies from the and even realizedhis threat2). Sa'd b. Mu'rdh could threaten YamTma the Abi Jahl, that if he prevents him to circumambulate Ka'ba-he would cut his trade with Syria3). One is even tempted to think that there is some connection between the term allafabum "he concluded pactsof ildf with them",and the term al-mu'allafa "people qulifbuhum whose hearts were gained (for Islam) by some gifts". But .Hums denotespeople strong in their convictionof the sanctityof Mecca, position of Quraysh,enjoyinga special admittingthe distinguished in the rites of the status and readyto strugglefor their ideas. Some featuresof the .hajj can be gauged from the chaptersof .Hums dealingwith the virturesof Quraysh. Al-JIhiz recordsthat al-J.hiz a Qurashi neverdid allegehis originto anothertribe,whilsttill today "nobleArabs-like Bani Murrab. 'Auf, some of the Bani Sulaym, Khuzd'aand others-allege being of Qurashiorigin. Qurayshdid never bury their (female)babies alive. That was followed by the inhabitants al-Ti'if, because they were neighboursand related of with them by marriage and becausethey were lHums,and it was who madethemlHums.." 4). Quraysh When Islam appeared--continues al-Jbhiz-therewas no Qurashi womanwho hadbeentakencaptiveby the Arabtribes,nor was there I) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald'II; 37 (taqtulfnarajulanmin Ghifdrinwa'ald wa-mamarrukum Ghifdr?). matjarukum Insdnal-'uyun 198. XII, 143; al-IHalabi: III, al-Qur'dn, al-Jimi' li-abhkdm al-abrdrII, 266; Sifat al-safwa I, 37 3) Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhddarat (la-aq.ta'anna ild matjaraka 'l-Shdmi). ms. 4) al-Jdhiz: Mukhtdrdtfusz~l, f. zoz seq. IrshidVI, 433; al-Qurtubi: p. al-Isti'db, 79; al-Qastallini: z) Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 136 M. J. KISTER any captive among them whose mother was a Qurashi woman. The Qurayshdistinguishedthemselves from other tribes, that they did not give their daughters in marriageto the nobles of other tribes, unless they had got an assurance,that they would embrancethe idea of the the daughters Hums. (They themselves-stresses al-J.hiz--married them.) These of other tribes without conditions to be imposed on tribes were: 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif, Khuz!'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. and They were people of devotion (wakdnfl dayyJdnna) therefore they renouncedraiding.That was in orderto avoid pillage, injustice,robbery and rape". In another passage al-Jdhiz, discussing the qualities of Quraysh, remarksthat Quraysh remained generous although their profits were not big sincethey refrainedfrom raiding.Al-Jlhiz emphasizesthe hospitality of Quraysh,their carefor the pilgrimsand their care for kinsfolk. They allotted the men of the tribes to the differentclans of Mecca-says Ghatafdn were assigned to (the care of) al-Mughira (i.e. al-J.hiz. al-Makhziiimi),Banfi 'Amir went to someone else, the Tamim to somebody else. They (i.e. the Quraysh) compelled them to perform the ritesand caredfor all theirneedsx). stresses Quraysh that Al-J.hiz ms. Gha.tafdn i) fa-taki#nu Mukhtadrdtfusil, f. 2o4a (. .fa-yaqtasimznabum, li-kadhd..). In al-Zubayr b. al-J.hiz: li-l-Mughiratiwa-Banf 'Amirin li-kadhd, wa-Tamimun Bakkar'sNasabpQuraysh, f. 128 b. an interestingreportis given about the allotment ms. of the clans of Quraysh. They (i.e. the Quraysh)used to give them clothes in which the they used to circumambulate Ka'ba; they (i.e. the Bedouins) used to throw away the clothes which they wore when they came to Mecca. The host (i.e. the clan who lodged the Bedouins frequenting Mecca) used to get (scil. a share of) the meat of the slaughteredcamels. The Bana Fazdra alighted in the house of al-Mughira b. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. Makhziim. The first who prevented him (i.e. alMughira)to get (his share of) the slaughteredcamel was Khushaynb. La'y al-Fazari al-Shamkhi.. ; comp. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-balighaIV, 296; and see Ibn not The word harim recordedin the vocabularies z282z Durayd:al-Ishtiqdqp. as "payment for Quraysh from the alighting Bedouins" is recorded in the story of (Z.uwaylim). Zuwaylim reported by al-Baladhuriin his Ansdb, ms. f. i i oia. The quoted verse is of interest: mana'nd Ouraysbin harimahd Wa-nahnu amin bi-Makkata,ayydma wa-1-nabri 'l-tahdluqi Al-Balddhurirecords also the story of 'Amr b. Jdbir b. Khushayn who used to get b. from every captive of the Ghatafan z camels. That was stopped by 'Arin (comp. the version of Ibn Durayd, ib.). .Zuwaylim MECCA AND TAMIN 137 remainedLaqdh,independent. They did not pay any tax and to them were entrustedthe functions of rifida, siqaya,etc. In a third passage repeatsonce more that all Qurayshwere al-J.hiz Hums, devoted to their din,a fact which prevented them from raiding, capture, intercoursewith captive women and from burying alive their female babies. Once more al-Jaihiz emphasizesthat the Quraysh gave not their daughtersin marriage unless on the condition that the children would become They were compelled--dwelling in a barren .Hums. valley-to find means of livelihood and they got the 1ldfand made journeys to kings.." 1). In a fourth passageof al-J~ihiz reportabout the lHumsis repeated. the But there are some details which deserve attention. Mentioning the reports that the merchants went to (the land of) caravans-al-J.hiz Qaysar in Byzantium,to al-Najashiin Abyssinia, and to al-Muqauqis in Egypt. It is the only case in which Egypt is mentionedas destination of the merchantsof Mecca.Al-Jahizdrawsin this passagea line between the Hums of Qurayshand the converted of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. The Quraysh, being Hums, refrained from .Hums raiding, whereas the tribes who accepted the ideas of the Hums continued to raid, to have intercoursewith capturedwomen and to take spoils. But Quraysh remained courageous 2). Ibn al-Faqih's account records that KhuzI'a, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif and "men of tribes" embraced the creed of the Hums. He records the tradition about the condition imposed on the nobles of the tribes marryingthe daughters of Qurayshand gives details about the restrictionsimposed on the pilgrims, not belonging to the lHums. They had to leave their travelling provision when entering Mecca, to take off their clothes which they wore outside the area of Mecca and to wear clothes of the lHaram(buying the clothes or borrowing them or as gifts). If they did not find clothes of the they per.Haram ms. f. I6b. seq. i) Mukhtaratfus.il, al-qulib, z) al-J.hiz: Mukbhtdrtffuil,ms. f. 20o8b.seq.; comp. al-Tha'alibi:Thimdr al-J.hiz: p. 8 seq. (Ablu 'lldb); (significant is the expression wa-sird bi-ajma'ihim tujjdran kbulata' a). 138 M. J. KISTER naked.They obliged the pilgrims to start formed the circumambulation the ifda?a from al-Muzdalifa.They were laqdh, they did not pay any tax, nor did any king rule over them 1). Y~qditmentions the Hums. According to him Quraysh gained for the idea of the lHums: Kindna, Jadilat Qays, Fahm and 'Adwdn, Thaqif and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. He records the hardship which they imposed on themselves, the restrictions imposed on the pilgrims, and emphasizesthat the people of Mecca were laqdh. Kings of Himyar, Kinda, Ghassdnand Lakhm used to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and obeyed the lHumsof Quraysh, considering as obliging to respect them.. 2). Mecca is mentioned as Ddr al-Hums in the verses attributed to a Kahin of the Lihb 3) in the record of al-Halabi.Al-Halabimentionsthe conditions of marriageof the Qurayshand their renouncingof raiding, which is connected with pillaging and rape4). Sources give details about the rites of the IHumsand of the imposed hardships5). They performed the wuqzifat al-Muzdalifainstead of at to 'Arafdt6). They confined themselves during the .hajj the boundaries of the IHaram. During the hajj they did not eat meat, nor did they preparecurd, they did not stay in the shade of a house, they did not enter their houses through their doors 7), etc. It is evident that by the hardship imposed on themselves they wanted to express their connects veneration for the Ka'ba and the Haram. Al-Zamakhshari with the root hrm. They acquiredtheir distinct position the root .hms i) Ibn al-Faqih: Kitabal-buldin,p. i8. s.v. al-bulddn, Makka. Yiqait: Muy/am 3) The Lihb were known as men of special knowledge in augury (from the flight of birds) see: Wellhausen: Reste,p. i34; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 491; al-Suhayli: p. al-Raudal-unufI, I 18. I, 4) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uy~n1 242. s.v. al-bulddn, "Makka"; p. 5) See Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, i80; Ydqat: Mutjam al-abrdr 162, 150. Ibn al-'Arabi: Alubhdarat I, pp. 6) See Wellhausen: Reste,p. 77; Rathjens:Die Pilgerfahrt, 72-73; but the Prophet did not follow the Hums in their wuqzff-see: al-Dhahabi: Ta'rikhal-IsldmI, 49. 7) But see the contradictory traditions in al-Tabari's Tafs7r(Sztra II, 189) and I, al-Suyati: al-Durr al-imanthzfr 204 seq. 2) MECCA AND TAMIN 139 of sanctitybecausethey dwelt in the Haram.They calledthemselves Ahlu 'lldh That the idea of Hums was in fact connectedwith the 1). cult of the Ka'bais plainlyattested thefact,thattheKa'bawascalled by al-Hamsi' 2). It is evidentthat this link betweenQuraysh the tribesattached and to the Humsinfluenced theirrelations. Caskelremarks the 'Amir that b. Sa'sa'a,being Hums, were on good termswith the inhabitants of Mecca An 'Amiri poet and chief, 'Auf b. al-Ahwasb. Ja'far b. 3). the Kildb,swearson the sacredmonth4) of the BandUmayya, sacred of Quraysh, sacrificed the b. Ja'far,the uncle victims5). Khilid places of 'Auf, is said to have been the first who coveredthe Ka'bawith brocade whichhe got froma caravan lootedby him6). TheKa'b (dibdj) and Kildbof the 'Amirwere calledKa'b and Quraysh KildbQuraysh 7). b. Nuwayraof the Yarbfi'(of Tamim),who belongedto the M~lik Hums, mentionsa group of horsemenwho informedQuraysh(as aboutsomebattle8). 'Ummdr) The Prophethimselfbelongedto the Hums9). He was the .irm7 of 'Iy•d b. Himdral-Mujdshi'i 'l-Tamimi.The Prophetlent him his clothesand 'Iy•d used to perform circumambulation the Ka'ba the of in the clothesof the Prophet 10). 2) al-Fayrizibddi: al-Qdmzs,s.v. hms. A curious explanation is given for the in al-Maghribi's Inds, ms. f. 26b: "They were called IHums, because they refrained .Hums from the service of labour.." 3) EI2, s.v. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. 4) i.e. Dhf 'l-hijja. XXXV, 4-5 (ed. Lyall): 5) al-Dabbi: al-Mufa4daliyydt wa-inni wa-'lladhi Qurayshun hajjat Hird'u mabdrimah' wa-mdjama'at Ban7Umayyata Wa-shabri wa-l-hadayd idbabubisat mudarrjahba 'l-dima'u 6) al-Suhayli: al-Raudal-unufI, 77; al-Alasi: Bulzghal-arabI, 234. 7) al-Dabbi: al-Mufaddaliyydt, 2z59(ed. Lyall). p. XXVI, 3 (ed. Ahlwardt); Ibn Abi 8) al-Asma'zyydt Sbarhnahj al-Baldgha IV, 292. 'l-.Hadid: 9) See al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld) I, 124; al-Suyiti: al-Durr al-manthzir I, 204 al-Fa'iq,s.v. hums. I) al-Zamakhshari: p. io) See: Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I8i; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 147; seq. 140 M. J. KISTER From the traditions quoted above one can gain a rough idea about the Hums. The fundamentalprinciples of the Hums were the inviolathe independence') and neutrality bility of the area of the .Haram, of Mecca. The feeling of security in Mecca is described by one of the nobles of Mecca in the following verses: lahd Fakharnd wa-l-umfiru qardrun bi-Makkatind wa-bi-l-baladi 'l-bardmi. land Wa-annd ldyurdmu harimun wa-annd nurawwa'u'l-mandmi. fi Id land Wa-annd tusdqu ki'dbun ld 1-khiddmi. khildla 'l-naq'i bddiyatu wa-hddhd ' Ma'ddhalldhiminhddhd 2). fa-inna'Illdha lahfb laysa musdm7 A Bedouincould not accustomhimselfto the quiet life of Mecca; Qays b. Zuhayral-'Absi said: ma'dshiru Qurayshin min Tufdkhirun7 bi-Ka'batihim wa-bi-l-bayti 'l-hardmi Fa-akrim fdkhariwa-ldkin bi-'lladhi 'l-kildmi. ddmiyatu maghdi'l-khayli kulla nun Wa-ta' ft '1-'ajajati yaumin nubfzra 'l-khaylibi 'l-asali1-dawm'i. A.habbu ilayyamin'ayshin rakhiyyin al-Muijam al-saghir, p. 3; Ibn al-Jrrid: al-Muntaqi, p. 5oo; al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 98Ia; Ibn HIazm:Jawdmi' al-sira,p. 25 (reporting that he was a cousin of al-Aqra' b. Hdbis); Ibn Hazm: Jambarat ansdb al-'Arab, p. zI9; Ydqfit: Mu'jam al-buldin, s.v. haram; Ibn al-Isdba, N. 6123; Abia Nu'aym: Hilya II, 16 (mentioned as one of the Ahl al-Suffa). .Hajar: Nasab Quraysh, ms. f. 76b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysb, p. 2zo; L.'A., s.v. lqI: Abi 'l-Baq': Manidqib,ms. f. to b; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansdb IV B, i26 (and see p. Abo 'Ubayd: Kit. al-amwdl, 256; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 66a; al-Tabarini: x) The fierce reaction of the Meccans when their independence was threatened can be gauged from the story of 'Uthmn b. Huwayrith. See al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: "Annotations"). 2) al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1094a. MECCA AND TAMIN 14I ma'a 'l-Qurashiyyi Harbinau Hishami. bi-'ayshin Wa-md'ayshu'kbniJud'dnin '1-baladi 1) yajurru'I-kha.zafi 'l-tibhmi The observation of some rites and customs was in fact an expression of their veneration of the sanctuaryof Mecca. This organization,including different tribal units-among them units of Tamim, who dwelled in different areas of the peninsula, had a militant character. They were ready to struggle for their ideas of the sanctity of Mecca. The zlif seem to have been built up on the base of Hums. The .Hums were the elite group distinct by their close relationswith the Meccans, by their rites and customs. Both the organizations, the Hums and had economic significance. The religious "colouring" is not surila1f prising 2). were "Hilla".The lHilla includedPeople not belonging to the IHums according to the report of Ibn JHabib-all the Tamim (except Yarbi', Mdzin, I)abba, IHumays,Z'dina, al-Ghauth b. Murr), all the Qays 'Ayldn (except Thaqif, 'Adw~n and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a), all Rabi'a b. Nizdr, all Qudd'a (except 'IlIf and Jandb), the Ansdr, Khath'am, Bajila, Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt b. Kindna (other divisions of Kindna were Hums), Hudhayl, Asad, Tayy and Bdriq3). These JHilla-when different in their rites during the performing the .hajj--were quite and during the tawaf. A third group mentioned by Ibn Habib i.hrdm were the Tuls, including tribes from al-Yaman and Hadramaut, 'Akk, Ujayb and Iyid 4). The division into the threegroups--Hums, Tuls-is confronted I.illa, 2) Comp. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt,p. 8o (.."Teilweise religi6s getarnt.."). 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 179. p. 4) ib.; A special group, which deserves to be mentioned, were the Basl. The word basl denotes ideas similar to the ideas inherent in the word hums:courage, bravery, intrepid fighting on one hand, and the haramthe forbidden on the other hand. The Basl were the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy (or 'Aut b. Lu'ayy, or Murra b. 'Auf b. Lu'ayy). They maintained,that the number of the sacredmonths is 8. The tribes grantedthem security during these months. See al-Kald'i:al-Iktifd', I, 78; Ibn Kathir: al-Bidajya II, 204; I) Ib. Quraysh, because they were the people of Mecca and Mecca is haram). L.'A., s.v. bsl; Abfi Dharr: Sharh al-sira (ed. Br6nnle) p. 233 (the Basl were 142 M. J. KISTER by another division. This scheme divides the tribes according to their recognition of the sanctity of Mecca: (i) the muhrimfinand (2) the The muhrimfn included the Hums and these tribes of the muhillun. did not IHillawho in fact performed the pilgrimage. The mu.hill•n the sanctityof Meccanor did they respectthe sacredmonths. recognize constituted a real danger for Mecca. These mu.billzin all Al-Jdhiz counts as mu.hilliin the Tayy and Khath'am(mimman kdina Muhillin says Idyard li-l-.haramiwa-ldli-l-shahri 'l-.hardmi.hurmatan). and as well manyclansof Yashkur, al-J.hiz--werewere enemiesbecauseQud.'a, (different) and their din al-H.rith of their b. Ka'b. They 1). pedigree (different) his uttered famour the thesemuhillfn intercalator declaration, Against of lawfulthe shedding theirblood. "I makelawfulto shedthe making Kill them, whereveryou blood of the Tayy and Khath'am. mu.hilliin, themif they harass meet you"2). mentionsas muhillifn, people who consideredas lawful Al-Ya'qfbi to commitiniquitiesin these markets. They were groupsfrom Asad, b. and 3). Tayy,Bakrb. 'Abd Mandt Kindna of 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a to It is evident,that it was necessary take some steps to guardthe free markets of Meccafrom hostile tribesand unrulyelementslike 4) and robbers. brigands In fact al-Ya'qiibi states: And among the tribes there were people, to who condemned this and devoted themselves (nasabif anfusahum) the help of oppressed and to prevent bloodshed and committing of iniVII, I) al-Jahiz: al-IHIayawin 216 seq.; comp. al-Najirami:Aymin al-'Arab, p. 12; Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 319 inf. p. min Ansib, ms. f. 9oob (..wa-inni qad ahlaltudimd'a'l-muhillina 2) al-Bal.dhuri: fa-'qtulfihum lakum); of interest wajadtumizhum 'aradlI Tayyinwa-Khath'am idhd haythu is the following verse of al-Hutay'a. Alam akunmuhrimanfa-yakina bayni 'l-mawaddatu wa-baynakumu wa-l-ikhd'u 40, 1.7.). The commentarysays: (Diwdn (ed. T-h-) al-musalimu 'alaykawa-damuka yakramudamubu 'alayhi. 'lladhi al-muhrimu I, z22 (ed. Najaf). 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikb 4) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar 267 (wa-lam takunfihi (i.e. 'Ukdz) p. wa-ld ,ush/i;run kbufdratun). MECCA AND TAMIN 143 and refrain from it and haram kill. (2) people .haram, respectthe sacredmonths(yz.hrimina (3) 'I-ashhura 'l-.huruma). people set b. sharingthe principle up 3) by Sulsulb. Aus b. Mukhdshin Mu'd- (The quities. They were called al-Dhdda al-Mu.hrimina Mu.hrimfn, "the Defenders"). They were from the 'Amr b. Tamim, the Banti b. Zayd Mandt (b. Tamim), Hudhayl, Shaybdn and Kalb .Hanzala They used to carry weapons (in the sacred months). The b. Wabara. tribes were divided into people who took off their weapons during the sacred months and (lacuna; apparently:people who carried arms during these months-K). This report of al-Ya'qiibi is of importance;it sheds some light on the role of some groups of Tamim who served in an inter-tribalmilitia, set up to defend Mecca and the marketsof Mecca. One may recall the remarkablepassage of al-Jbhizquoted above 1), in which ilif was explainedas a tax, imposed on the tribes in order to defend Mecca from the "wolves of the tribes", brigands and hostile tribes. It cannot be ruled out that the /lafmight have included some point about a pay for the militia to guard the markets and to guard Mecca. Additional details about this militia are given by al-Marziqi 2): The tribes (al-'Arab) were divided according to three different conunlawful ceptions about the sacredmonths: (i) people who perpetrated these are the who do not respect the sanctity of the deeds; stealin the mu.hillfn, who Rasa'il runs as follows: i) See p. 119 n. 2 above; the passage in al-Jdhhiz's dhdiika. Wa-qadfassarahu qaumun hi-ghayri ja'ala 'ala ru'iAsi QdjI: innaHdshiman yu'addzfnahd ilayhili-yahmiya ahlaMakkata.Fa-innadhu'biha 'l-qabd'ii'dard'iba bina i-'Arabi wa-sa'dika 'i-abyd'i wa-ashdba kdnf Idyu'manina Cald 'i-.tawd'ili wa-ndsun al-'Arabi kdn7ldyarauna min 'l-barami;It siyydma li-1-harami wawa-ld li-l-shahri'l-hardmiqadran, wa-Khath'amin .urmatan mithluTayyin wa-Qudad'ata bni ba'diBalhdrithi Ka'bin". al-AmkinaII, i66. 2) al-Marzicqi: The translationof Hamidullah(Le Prophite,p. 605) is not accurate.He renders 3) the text as follows:.. mais les gens se partageaienten trois groupes a ce propos: ceux qui pratiquaient l'abomination...ceux qui s'en abstenaient..et enfin les fantaisistes (ahl al-ahwd'),partisans du Tamimite.." The text tells about three conceptions according to which people were divided. Wa-kandt al-'Arabuflasbhuri 144 M. J. KISTER wiya b. Shurayfof the 'Amr b. Tamim; it is he who made lawful for them the fight of the mu.hillfn. This tradition transmittedby Ibn al-Kalbi (on the authority of his father)is refuted by Ibn al-Kalbi and Abi Khirdsh.They state: "That is the claim of the Banii Tamim. Certainis in our opinion that it was the Qalammasand his ancestors. And it was he who intercalatedthe months". The refutation of Ibn al-Kalbi and Abii Khirish does not refer to the whole tradition about Sulsul. It refers only to the phrase "and he made lawful to fight the muhilahallaqitdla'l-muhillin fa-innahu utteredby the interseemsto referto the declaration al-Kalbi lin."Ibn who utteredthis declaration. It was in fact the intercalator calator. out who But it was the group of Sulsul,the mu.hrimifn-dhdda carried the implicationof this declaration. A peculiartradition recordedby al-Shahrastdni (al-Milal,p. 443-ed. claimsthat the Qalammas text al-Mutalammis)Umayya b. (in Cureton) was al-Kindn7 of the dinof Tamim('alad ban! dini Tamim). seems The traditionabout the mu.hrimzin-dhdda to be trustworthy. The Usayyid, the clan of Sulsul, were in close connections with Mecca. Some of the Bani Usayyid came to Mecca, became allies of influential of families,and families, daughters aristocratic gainedwealth,married was citizensof Mecca.Influential the Usayyidi became family respected of Nabbdsh.Their houses were in the vicinity of the Ka'ba1). Al-A'shd b. Zurdrab. al-NabbdshmournedNubayh and Munabbih,the two sons b. of al-Hajjdj 'Amir,killedat Badr The motherof Baghidb. 'Amir 2). b. Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf b. 'Abd al-Dar was the daughter of al- ahlu ha wan shara 'a bu .wa-minhum.. minbum.. iabwd'in: '/-hajti'aldthaldthat .wa-minhum The expression The group set up by Sulsul were not "fantaisistes". lahum Sulsul. ... is ahluhawan not peiorative; it is equal in its denotation to the expression used for the preceding groups. i) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 88b; al-Fdsi: Shifd' al-ghardn (Wiistenfeld, II, I40 seq.). 2) Ibn Hishdm: Sira III, 16; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 182 b; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghint XVI, 6o. MECCA AND TAMIN 145 Nabbash b. Zurdra One of the mountains of Mecca belonged to 1). Ban& Nabbdsh2). A spurious tradition-which may, however, the contain some grain of truth-claims that Aktham b. Sayfi, the famous sage of the Usayyid, acquiredhis wisdom from Qusayy, 'Abd Manif, Hdshim and Abil 3). Another spurious tradition claims that T.lib from 'Abd al Muttalib4). To the Usayyid Aktham learned nasab belonged as well the first (or second) husband of Khadija,Abii Hila. The family of Aus b. Mukhdshinwas a noble one. The descendants of Aus b. Mukhdshinwere the guardiansof the sanctuaryof Shums, the idol worshippedby the Dabba, Tamim, 'Ukl, 'Adiyy and Thaur6). This idol was pulled down by Hind, the son of Khadijaand by Safwin b. Usayyidof the Mukhdshin This SafwdnmarriedDurra,the daugh6). ter of Aba Lahab, and she gave birth to two of his sons Auf and alQa'qd" Mukhashin b. Mu'dwiya b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was called 7). b. al-Hkrithb. Mukhdshinb. Mu'dwiya Dbh 'I-a'wVd8). Sayfi b. Riy.h b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, the father of Aktham was called Dhb or '-.hilm Dhib'l-aubdr of the copious herds he possessed)9). Rabi'a b. (because Mukhdshinand his father were respected "judges of the Mukh.shin tribes" 10). is attributedwas Sulsul to whom the setting up of the mu.hrimin-dhida in very close relations with Mecca: he was in charge of the mausim and a judge at 'Ukz x11). al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., ms. f. 89b; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri:Nasab Quraysh in Suhayli's al-Raud p. 254; and see the discussion about the writer of the sa•ifa al-unuf I, 2 32. z) al-Azraqi: Akhbdr (Wiistenfeld I, 490); Yqfiqt: Buldin, s.v. Sbayba. 3) al-Majlisi:Bihdral-anwdr 39. VI, 4) Abu l-BaqI': Maniqib,ms. f. 96a. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 316. p. 5) I) ansib al-'Arab, p. 199, inf. .Hajar: 7) Ibn Hazm:Jambarat al-Hamddni:Iklil I/II, ms. f. 178a (Mukhdshin);Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 8) p. 134 (Rabi'a b. Mukhdshin). al-Anbdri: Mufaddalyydt (Lyall) 447 (Rabi'd); al-Ya'qabi: Ta'rikh I, 214 (ed. Najaf: Mukhlshin); al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 503, n. 2; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharbnabjal-Baldgha 427. III, 9) al-Hamdani:ib. Ibn al-Athir; al-Murassa'(ed. Seybold) p. 82 (also attributed to Aktham). Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 134; al-'Askari: Jamharatal-amthil,p. Io04. p. i i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 182. JESHO, VIII Io 6) ib; and see Ibn al-Isdba, No. 4067, 4071. 146 M. J. KISTER The duties entrustedto Tamimin Meccaand in the marketsof Mecca are a convincing evidence of the important role played by Tamim in establishingof the economic power of Mecca. Tamim were invested in with the ifd/da Mecca itself and with the control of the market of 'Ukdz. 'Ukdz was one of the importantmarketsbecauseherethe public opinion of the tribes could express itself in its literary, political and social aspects1). It was the co-operation with Tamim in the market which helped Qurayshto avoid competition and secured for of the'Uk.z Qurayshthe influencein these markets2). The share of Tamim in the Meccan system is defined by Ibn JHabib as follows: "The leaders (A' imma) of the tribes (after 'Amir b. al-Zarib) in the mawasim and their judges at Tamim. The guardiansof their dinand the 'Ukdz were the BanLY trustees of their qiblawere the Quraysh.The authoritativeinterpreters of the din were the Band Mdlik b. Kindna 3)". Ibn Habib gives a list of chiefs of Tamim who acted both as leaders of the mausim and as (i) Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (2) Uanzala b. judges of 'Uk.z. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (3) Dhu'ayb b. Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (4) Mdzin b. Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (5) Tha'laba b. Yarbii' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt,(6) Mu'dwiyab. Shurayfb. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (7) al-Adbat b. Quray' b. 'Auf b. Ka'b b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt,(8) Sulsul b. Aus b. Mukhdshinb. Mu'~wiyab. Shurayf b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, (9) Sufydnb. Mujdshi'; Sufyan was the last man who combined the two functions: of a judge and a leaderof the mausim. After his death these duties were performedby two differentpersons. Muhammadb. Sufydnperformedthe duties of a judge at 'Ukdz. At the appearanceof Islam the judge was al-Aqra' b. HJbis b. 'Iqdl b. Muhammadb. Sufydnb. Mujdshi'.After Sulsul the "ijdza"of the mausim was entrusted to 'AllIq b. Shihdbb. La'y of the 'Uwdfa (of the Banti i) Comp. al-Marzu-qi:al-Amkina II, I65, 170; al-Marziiqi: Sharb al-Hamisa, pp. p. 15 14; Wellhausen: Reste,p. 84-87; Buhl: Das LebenMubammeds, 49-50, 105. p. 2) The opinion of Rathjens (Die Pilgerfahrt, 70), that there was competition between the market of Mecca and 'Ukdz seems to be without basis. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 18x inf.; the Mdlik b. Kinana were the clan p. of the intercalators. MECCA AND TAMIN 147 in IbnHazmreports a chapter in omitted theeditionof LeviProvengal6), thatthe Tamimgot the duty of the judgesat 'Ukdzandthe ifdda after it had been performedby 'Adwdn. The last of the 'Adwin were the and The 'Amirb. al-Zarib AbaiSayydra. last manwho performed of ifddaat the appearance Islamwas Karibb. Safwin; the last judge was al-Aqra'b. IHbis. The Tamiminheritedthe duties of the raminy, nafrandthe ijddafrom Siifa-reportsIbn lHazm. Tamimi by poets recallin theirpoemsthe dutiesperformed Tamim. boastsof the duty of the by Al-Farazdaq performed one of his .hakam ancestors: Wa-'ammin 'khtdrat 'lladhi hukfmatan Ma'addun idhwafau 'ald'l-ndsi ma'd 'Ukdzabihd Huwa'l-Aqra'u kdna 'l-khayru 'lladhJ yabtan7 thdbitin majdin awdkhiya 7) anyunazza'd i) Zaynab bint 'Allaq b. Shihib b. 'Amr of the Banf 'Uwifa b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandtwas the grandmotherof 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (see Ibn al-Mubabbar, p. 27; al-Baladhuri: Ansib, ms. f. Io049 b). His son 'Attab got the.Habib: pay ('a.td') of z,500 dirham by 'Umar (al-Balidhuri, op. cit. f. I05oa; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 83a). 'Alliq is said to have believed in God and in the Day of Resurrection(al-Shahrastani, al-Milal, p. 439, ed. Cureton). 2) See Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara,ms. f. 8Ia; Ibn Hazm: Jamharatansdbal-'Arab, p. 208; al-Balidhuri: Ansib, ms. f. o1044a, 957a; Damra b. Jibir b. Nahshal married his daughter Hind (al-Dabbi: Amthal al-'Arab, p. 8). 3) al-Balidhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1044 b (but Mdzin is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; Sulsul is followed by 'Allaq). 4) Naqd'i~d438 (Tha'laba b. Yarba' is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; but Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf is followed by Jurwa b. Usayyid. That is apparently an error; read for thumma: bn). 5) al-Marzfqi: al-AmkinaII, I67. 6) al-Jdsir: Na.ratun ft kitdbiJambaratiansibi 1-'Arabi, RAAD, 95o0, .Hamd p. 248 seq. 7) al-Farazdaq:Divwn, p. 50oz(ed. Sawi). Sa'd) '). The last man who performedthe duty of "ijlza" when Islam appearedwas Karib b. Safwdn2). on The list of the Tamimi judges given by al-Balddhuri the authority of Ibn Kundsais almostidenticalwith the list of 3). Identical al-Mu.habbar are as well the lists of the Naqdi'id4) and al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5). 148 M. J. KISTER The function of the judge boasts as well Jarir: '/-hikimrfna Quldkhin 'aald Wa-nahnu dhd 1) wa-l-musdba kafaynd 'l-jarfrati 'ald (Thereis a variant:Wa-nabhnu 2). 'l-.hJkimina 'Ukdzin) A significant verseof Hassdn Thdbit b. refersto the dutiesof Tamim in the markets: min Wa-afd/alu niltum al-majdi md wa-l-'uld 'inda 3) ridafatund '.htiddri 'l-mawdsimi "Andthebestwhichyou gainedfromgloryandloftiness Is (to be) ourhelpersat the attending markets." of This verse is the 14th of a poem of which was an answer .Hass-n, to the poemof the delegation Tamim,whichcameto Meccato meet of the prophet anno 9 H. Arafatanalysedthe poem 4) and came to the conclusion thoughattributed Hassdn, wasactually that it to compoin Arafat not analyse did sed by an Ansdri a laterperiod.Unfortunately as this verse. The conclusion Arafatis, however,not acceptable far of that as this verseis concerned. Takingfor granted therewas an Ansdri this to interested insultthe Tamim-he would not have recalled poet were relationof the Tamimwith Mecca.In latertimeswhen Quraysh for highly respectedin the Islamicsociety-the riddfa Qurayshwas not an insult. "is clearlydivided into Arafatremarksthat the poem of .Hassdn two sections.The firsteightlinesareboastingin the firstpersonplural the in preciselythe same mannerwhich characterizes poems of the The remaining to someof whichwereattributed laterAnsdris .Hassdn. Ddrim" to six lines are threatsand insults addressed the Banfi 5). of the poemcontaining withthe eightverses We areherenot concerned See Naqd'id, p. 438; Jarir: Diwan, ib.; Ydqfit: Buldtn, s.v. Qulkh. 3) Diwan p. 385 (ed. Barqfiqi). 4) W. Arafat: "An interpretation of the different accounts of the visit of the .Hassan: Tamim delegation to the Prophet A.H. 9", BSOAS '955, PP. 416-25. 2) i) Jarir: Diwan, p. 67; Naqd'id, p. 437. 5) ib. p. 422. MECCA AND TAMIN 149 praises of the Ansdr and stressingthe aid of the Ansir for the Prophet. Arafat may be right assuming that these verses were composed by an Ansdriof a later generation.But why did an Ansdriof a later generation slanderthe Tamim in such a vehement manner. To start with, one may observe that the six verses of Hassln (9-14) are an answerfor the poem of al-Zibriqin b. Badr1). In the four verses recorded al-Zibriqdnpraises his tribe and their deeds. The verses of for lHassinform, in fact, an answer, a naqkla the verses of al-Zibriqdn. The verse of quoted above forms an answer for the first verse .Hassin of al-Zibriqdn: Atayndkakaymiya'lama'l-ndsu fadland 'inda idhd 'l-mawdsimi '.htiddri came to "We'.htafalIzyou in order that people may know our excellence When they rally attending the markets". The verse seems to point to the duty of the Tamim performed in the markets. The answer of Hassdn-on behalf of the Prophet-is explicit: you were merely our chamberlains, ardaf, at these markets. That is the utmost of excellence which you could attain. It would be, in fact, probablybetterto put this verse afterverse io of the poem. That refutesthe claim of the excellence would give 3 verses in which IHassdn of the Tamim. The three other verses (11-13) would form the unity of threat and urge to embraceIslam. The violent insults in the verses of IHassdnare not surprising. was known as the poet who mentioned in his verses in the .Hass~n defense of the Prophet the faults of his opponents, their lost battles and some flaws in their pedigree2). Arafat refuting the authenticity of the verses of Hassin remarks: "However, it is doubtful whether it would be in keeping with the i) Ibn Hishim: Sira IV, z Ii; two verses are quoted in al-Marzubdni's Mudjam al-sbu'ard',p. 299 and attributedto 'Ut~ridb. IHjib (attributedas well to al-Aqra' b. Habis). III, II, 376; al-Zurqdni: Sbarbal-mawabib 2) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald' 376. 150O M. J. KISTER of character the Prophet, alwaysa great statesman,to allow such insults and threats to be used on such an occasion against the well known of of representatives a greattribe"1). The argument Arafatis a sound answerto the one. But thereis a reportwhichmay give a reasonable to by According an accountgiven in the questionput forward Arafat. of therewas a contestbetweenal-Aqra' the Tamim SiraJHalabiyya 3) 2) which and Hassan(mufdkhara), was attended the Prophet. by Al-Aqra' with his naqida. Prophet, The recitedhis poem and responded the verses of.Hassan said to al-Aqra':"You did not need hearing .Hass-n, to of kunta (laqad ghaniyyan) be reminded thingswhichyou understand that people alreadyforgot". This utteranceof the Prophet-says alKalbi-was more gravefor al-Aqra'than the versesof was .Hassan. that It is not surprising this verse(14)of Hassan omittedin later sources.The duty of Tamimfell in oblivionand was mentioned only had ceasedto The old markets already by earlyIslamicTamimipoets. of exist. The verse could not serveas argument boastingor of insult. of The moderncommentary Barqi-qi gives the followingexplanation: becauseif you embrace "It is betterfor you (says Islam-you .Hassan) because would gain the highestglory (sharaf), you will attendwith us and all gatherings thatis the best thingyou striveat"4). This explanamd does not denotefuture, tion is hardlyacceptable. Wa-aftdalu niltum anno but past. The versewas, in fact, an insultin the time of .Hassan, in 9 H.: you were merelyhelpersof ours (of Quraysh) the markets. of the seconddivision)describe VersesI -Iz of the poem (verse 3 "If a realsituation. you havecometo saveyourlives andyourproperty lest you be dividedamongthe booty, then admitno rivalto God, and attireto thatof foreigners" and becomeMuslims wearnot a similar 5). x) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. z) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uyin,III, 228-29. 3) It is more plausible that the verses of the Tamimi poet may be attributed to al-Aqra' or 'Utirid b. HIjib. It is hardly conceivable that the Sa'di ka-Dirimi. al-Zibriq.n The verses would have praised the Ddrim: wa-anlaysaft ardi '1Ij.diZi of Hassin are as well addressed to the Ddrim: Bani Darimin, d tafkharz. 4) IHassin: Divwn, ib. 5) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. MECCA AND TAMIN 15 I in The situationreferred in these versesis plainlymentioned the to that The versesof al-Farazdaq. threatof Hassdn the Tamimiprisoners as have been sold in the markets-cannotbe considered a void might threat.Al-Farazdaq boastsof the Ddrim: rasili 'ldhi idhshadda Wa-'inda qabdahu addhimuh wa-mulli'a asrdTamimin min Farajnd 'l-asrd 'l-addhima md ba'da 'ani wa-'shtaddat shakd'imuh 1) 'alayhim takhamma.ta that In another stresses the freeingof the captives poem al-Farazdaq of was due to the intercession al-Aqra'with the Prophetfor them. sawwdrin 'l-majdi, ild .hdyimi. bi-khu.t.tati Lahfatlaqa '1-asrd fi .hibdlihi 'llati ' HIdbisin Wa-'inda rasili 'lldhiqdmabnu f7 mughallaqatan a'ndquhd 'I-addhimi. 'calayhim Kafdummahdti 'l-khd'Jifina ausihdma 'ald'a1-mufddZ 1-musdhimi2). A tradition recorded on the authorityof al-Kalbi (forming a for of commentary these verses) states that al-Aqra'interceded the b. captivesof the 'Amr b. Jundabb. al-'Anbar 'Amr b. Tamimand The Prophetfreed the captivesand promisedto pay the bloodwit. al-Aqra'paid the bloodwiton behalfof his people3). The verses of Hassin aboutTamimseemto be authentic. One may agreewith Arafataboutthe inferiority these versesof of that is not a sufficient proof that these verseswere not .Hassdn-but JHassin. in Suchversesare not surprising politicalha-d'. composedby The problemof the delegationof Tamimdeservesto be treated separately. The seculardutiesof Tamimat the market,discussedabove, were i) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 767; Naqd'ia4, 748. p. a'niquhd). z) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 862; Naqd'id, p. 747 (mughallalatan 3) Naqi'id, p. 747; it is significant that versions "L", "O" of the Naqa'id have au sibhma resembling closely the expression of the verse of 1-muqdsimi .HassZn. 152 M. J. KISTER complemented by remarkableduties performed by the relatives of Tamim during the festivities of the pilgrimage.The SPraof Ibn Hishdm supplies the following account about the Tamimi leaders at the pilgrimage festivities: "Al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd b. al-Ya's b. Mudar used to give permission to men on pilgrimageto leave 'Arafa,and this function descended to his children after him. He and his sons used to be called Safa. Al-Ghauth used to exercise this function because his mother was a woman of Jurhum who had been barren and vowed to Allah that if she bore a son she would give him to the Ka'ba as a slave to serve it and to look after it. In course of time she gave birth to al-Ghauthand he used to look after the Ka'ba in early times with his Jurhum uncles and presided over the order of departurefrom 'Arafa because of the office which he held in the Ka'ba. His sons carriedon the practiceuntil they were cut off. Murr b. Udd, referring to the fulfilment of the mother's oath, said: O Lord, I have made one of my sons A devotee in Mecca the exalted. So bless me for the vow fulfilled, And make him the best of creaturesto my credit. Al-Ghauth, so they allege, used to say when he sent the people away: O God I am following the example of others. If that is wrong the fault is Qudj'a's. Yahyd b. 'Abbdd b. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayrfrom his father 'Abbid said: Soifaused to send the people away from 'Arafa and give them permission to depart when they left Mini. When the day of departure arrivedthey used to come to throw pebbles, and a man of Siifa used to throw for the men, none throwing until he had thrown. Those who had urgent business used to come and say to him: "Get up and throw so that we may throw with you", and he would say, "No, by God, not until the sun goes down"; and those who wanted to leave quickly used to throw stones at him to hurry him, saying, "Confound you, MECCA AND TAMIN 153 get up and throw". But he refused until the sun went down and then he would get up and throw while the men threw stones with him. When they had finished the stoning and wanted to leave Mini, fa held both sides of the hill and kept the men back. They said: "Give .Sthe order to depart, Safa". No one left until they had gone first. When Safa left and had passed on, men were left to go their own way and followed them. This was the practiceuntil they were cut off. After them the next of kin inherited. They were of B. Sa'd in the family of b. Shijna. It was Safwdn who gave permission Safwdn b. to the pilgrims to depart from 'Arafa, and this right was maintained al-.HIrith them up to Islam, the last being Karib b. Safwdn. by Aus b. Tamim b. Maghrd'al-Sa'di said: The pilgrims do not quit their halting-placeat 'Arafa Until it is said, "Give permission O family of Safwdn1)". The verses of Aba Maghrd' are often quoted and the importance of the duty of Karib b. SafwIn is stressed2). It is a significantverse of Aus b. Maghri': Tard thindnd,idhd mdjdi'a, bad'ahumrn in 'wa-bad'uhum, atdnd, kina thunydnda3) The yijda of Safa is mentioned in the verses of Murra b. Khulayf: Idhidmd ajiat min athu 'l-naqbar Minan .Sf fauqahi safa'u 'l-dami wa-/dhaqutdrun wa-taba"athat 'ajilan 'l-i'dba Ra'aytu 'alaiya dan'd'inli-l-Rabdbi wa-Kalthami4) The two poets of Tamim, al-Farazdaqand Jarir mention boasting i) Ibn Hisham: Sira I, I25 seq.; the translationof the whole quoted passage is taken from Guillaume: The Life of Muhammad, 49-50; comp. Ibn Kathir: al-Bip. dayaII, 20o6. 2) al-Mubarrad:Nasab, p. 9; Muh. b. Habib: al-MAluabbar, I83; al-Baldhuri: p. Amdi, II, 176; al-Bakri:Simt, p. 795-96; Ibn Qutavba: Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-QMli: al-Shi'r, p. 264; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'lqd al-faridII, 222; Ibn Abi 'l-IHadid: Sharh III, nahjal-baldgha 426. Ibn Walldd:al-Maqsr7r wa-/-mamd7id, 24. p. 4) al-Marzubini: Muijam al-shu'ard', p. 382. 3) L. 'A., s.v. th . n ._y. 154 M. J. KISTER the y*da of their tribe 1) in Mecca. A verse of al-Farazdaqabout the of iydZa Tamim was considered as unsurpassed(afkhar)in boasting: min 'l-ndsu habata 'l-Muhassaba Minan Idhd min yaumi 'l-nahri .haythu 'arraff# 'ashiyyata Tard'l-ndsa sirnd md yasfrzrna khalfand nahnu ild wa-in 2) waqqafzi auma'nd '-na-si Jarir says: 'l-bajfji 'alaykum land Wa-jawwdZu 'l-makdrimi wa-l-mandri 3) wa-'ddidyyu (called al-Rabit, or Sifa) is recorded by Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 6oa (they perished; Muh. b. Habib: Mukhtalifal-qabd'il; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 956b; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 34 (al-Ghauth b. Murr moved to al-Yaman and were called Siifa);al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd',I, 132 seq.; and see Wellhausen:Reste,p. 77; Caetani: Annali I, p. Io5 (79). There are however contradictory traditions about Sfifa. Al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld, I, iz8) reports that the men, who were entrusted with the duty of the ifjda were descendants of Sifa, whose name was Akhzam; he was from the Mdzin b. Asad. Al-Ghauth b. Sffa, the son of Slfa and a woman from Jurhum,was entrusted of the Khuzd'a. His descendants performed the ifdc/a with the ijada by in the times of Jurhum and Khuzi'a till they perished. In the times of Quraysh .Hubshiyya the ifjIda passed to the 'Adwtn (of Qays 'Aylhn), to Zayd b. 'Adwan. The last man, who performed this duty when Islam appearedwas Abfi Sayyara. Al-Maqdisi (Kit. al-Bad' IV, I z7-ed. Huart) records that Sofa were a group from Jurhum, given the privilege of the yijaa. They were defeated in the battle with Qusayy. was in the beginning entrustedto people from Khuzd'a, Ydqft reportsthat the yij/za to 'AdwAn and became the privilege of Abai SayyAra;finally it became the passed s.v. Thabir). privilege of al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd (al-Bulddn, In another passage Ydqft reports that a group of Jurhum, called Stfia, used to perform the yijda. The poet said about them: Wa-ld ft yarimdna '/-ta'rjfimauqi'abum dia hattadyuqdla: "aizzgd S'zafdnd" s.v. Makka).The privilege passed to Khuzd'a,was latertransferred (Yaqiat:al-Buldan, to 'Adwvn (Abil Sayydra).Qusayy removed Abca Sayyara and his people. p. According to al-Sijistdni(al-Mu'ammarin, 5i ed. Goldziher) Sfifaperformedthe duty of the yijda one day; on another day the duty was performed by 'Adwdn. (see n. 34 of Goldziher.) z) Ibn Rashiq: al-'UmdaII, I37; al-'Askari: Diwdn al-Ma'dni,I, 78; al-Farazdaq: Diwan, p. 5667 (ed. al-SAwi; there is a misprint: auma'ndild 'l-ndri,instead of ild 'l-ndsi);but see al-Qdli: al-Amali (Dhayl I19 inf.) and Ibn Rashiq:al-'UmdaII, z69. 3) Jarir: Diwdn, p. 298. I) The tradition stating that Siifa were the descendants of al-Ghauth b. Murr MECCA AND TAMIN 15T of the Al 'Ajjajsaysdescribing multitude the pilgrims: idhd fitru HFattd mi .hdna 'l-suwwami iun lam 1) yfiqami minnajda' ajdZa Theseversesof the Tamimi pointto the aboveco-operapoetsclearly tion between Qurayshand Tamim.The fact that Qurayshinvested Tamim with the two most importantduties in their religions and economiclife: the and the Ji-Za shows thatthe Tamimwere 2) .hukima and renderedconsiderable servicesto in fact strong and influential Mecca. The suggestionof Wellhausen, the granting the !i/dato Stifa of that laterto Tamim-K) shows,thatMeccawas not the centerof the (and seems not to be adequate.Qurayshceded their authorityor .hajja) a clan with invested some dutiesin their territory in the territory or in whichthe exertionof influence vitalfor Quraysh markets), was (the becausethey could in this way more efficiently controlthe activities of the tribesandgainthe security theirterritory. of Therewereprecedents of this kind and this principle already was appliedby the rulers of the borderkingdoms Aboutthe investment somedutiesin the of 4). market,we can gauge from a significantpassage in al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5): bi-tilka Wa-kdna ashrafu yatawafauna ma'a 'l-tujjdri 'l-'Arabi 'l-aswdqi minajlianna kinattardakhu 'l-mulzka li-kullisharzfin li-l-ashrdji, bi-sahbmin i) al-'Ajjdj:Diwan, p. 6o (ed. Ahlwardt). Festivals, 32-33:Wellhausen: 2) For the ijyaasee: von Grunebaum:Mubammadan p. Reste,pp. 57, 75-8o; about ashriqThabirsee Aba Mishal: Nawadir,p. 452; and see L. 'A., s.v. th b r and Sh r q. 3) Wellhausen: Reste, p. 77: "Das Recht, das Zeichen zum Beginne des Laufes zu geben, die sogenannte IdiZa stand in alter Zeit den Cufa d. i. den Al (afwan zu, nicht den Quraisch (B. Hischdm 7712, 8o5, 825, vrgl, Agh. III, 417, seq.). Das ist bemerkenswert. Hitte Mekka im Mittelpunkt gestanden, so hitten es auch die Quraisch getan; statt dessen wird berichtet, dass sie in der heidnischen Zeit sich gar nicht an der Festversammlung zu 'Arafa beteiligten, sondern erst an einem spiteren Punkte zu der Prozession stiessen". 4) Comp. Ibn al-mughtdlin (Nawrdir al-makt.itat,ed. A. S. Haroin Asmad' 6, 221). But perhaps to read mulayknot malik (ay laysa bi-l-maliki1-timmi). .Habib: 5) al-Marzfqi: al-Amkina,II, 166. 56 M. J. KISTER shai-lfuku/lli baladin siqa baladihi,illd mrinal-arbdahi. Fa-kadna ya.hkduru bihd 'Uktda,fa-inntahuim yatandaifauna minkulli aubin. kdin "And the nobles (leadersof the tribes) used to frequentthese markets with the merchants, because the kings used to allot to every leader (sharif,noble), a share of the profits. The leader of every area used to attend the market of this district, except 'Ukdz, as they flocked to 'Ukaz from every side". This passagegives some idea about the relations between the rulers and the Bedouin chiefs. They were granted some share in the profits. Such apparently was the situation in DMmatal-Jandal, at Hajar, at Suhlr-at Dabd and in other markets, controlled by rulers of client kingdoms in which there were taxes levied. In the same way Quraysh invested the Tamim with the privilege of the leadershipof the market of But this was not based on some paltry reward. was a 'Uk.z this 'Uk.z. free marketwhere no taxes were paid. There is no indication what reward was. The expression a'immatal-'Arab points to some principle of mutual co-operation. As an ideological base served the principle of the respect for the sanctuary of Mecca and the sacred months. It is clearthat the consent of the tribes was necessaryfor the performing of this duty. The control of the marketsand the yidzawere of importancenot only for the tribes. It was of the concern of some rulersas well. This can be gauged from a significanttradition reported by Suhayli: wa-qdla ba'.du kdinat qibalimul/ki Kindata. min inna 'l-Ghauthi naqalati'l-akhbdri wildyata "Some transmittersof historical records say that the appointment of al-Ghauth(b. Murr)was done by the kings of Kinda"1).These Ghauth b. Murr are said to have left for al-Yaman2). The traditions that alGhauth b. Murr emigratedto al-Yamanpoint clearly to their connections with South Arabia. According to tradition, after Sifa were exrith tinguished, the duty was inheritedby the Safwdnb. al-TH~ b. Shijna of the Sa'd, who were next in kin (fa warithahum ba'dihim dhdlikammin One may rememberthat this family had close connections bi-l-qu'dudi). I) al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf I, 84 inf. 2) See above, p. 154, n. i. MECCA AND TAMIN I 57 with the Kinda family.It was Uwayrb. Shijnawho shelteredsome members of the defeated family of Kinda and was praisedby Imru 'l-Qays. It was Karib b. Safwdnwho refused to join the other clans of Tamim in their attackagainstthe 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a,who belonged to the at the battle of Jabala.One may venture to suggest that there is a grain .Hums, of truth in this tradition. The Kinda co-operatedwith Qurayshin the escort of caravans1) and it is plausible that they influenced at least the appointment of the man and the clan who performed the idzJa. A Sa'di leader and poet, al-Zibriqdnb. Badr, reproacheda man who dared to slanderAbfi Jahl. He said: Abd AtadrJmanhajauta H.abibin salilakhaddrimin sakanfi 'l-bitdha A "Zdda'l-Rakbi"tadhkuru Hishdman am wa-bayta 'lldhi wa-l-balada 1-laqd.ha 2) The versesexpressloyaltyand respectto the aristocratic Qurashite (AbaiJahl)anddevotionfor Mecca. The branch of Tamim to whom the function of the judge at was entrusted werethe Mujdshi' the Ddrim,a claninfluentialUkz. of at the courtof al-Hira 3). The tradition discussed in this paper give us a rough idea how the clans of Tamim became linked with Mecca: some of them by the organizationof the Hums, some of them by the pacts of 7lif, some of them by getting the authority at the markets and in performing of the rites of the hajj,some of them by participating the intertribal in militiato guardMecca. It is plausible that we find in Mecca men from Tamim as and .hulafd' of Tamimi chiefs marriedby leaders of Meccan clans. This daughters factmaydeserve be stressed. to to According sometraditions, Quraysh I) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 267 (about the market of al-Rdbiya in Hadramaut): "..the Quraysh used to request the escort of Kinda..and the BanQ Akil al-Mur;r gained power, owing to Quraysh, over other people".. 2) Ydqfit: Bulddn, s.v. Makka. 3) See Oppenheim - Caskel: Die Beduinen,III, i66. 158 M. J. KISTER bint refrained from marrying daughters of some tribes. was the of Kalb, the wife of 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'AufTum.dir first al-Asbagh Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite. Qurayshdid not enter into marriageswith Kalb 1). About a family of Tamim tradition emphasizes that Quraysh entered into marriageswith this family 2). The wife of the noble Makhzamite, Hisham b. al-Mughira, the b. motherof the famousAbi Jahl,was Asma'bint Mukharriba Jandal b. Ubayr b. Nahshalb. Ddrim. She was as well the mother of 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a and (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a 3). (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a4) b. b. Mukharriba Jandals).'Abdallahb. bint married Asm.' Rabi'amarriedHind bint Mutarrifb. Salamab. MukharSal.ma b. Abi 'Ayyash riba 6). (Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a marriedthe daughter of the Tamimi the b. b. leader (Utdrid HTjib ZurdraLayl1 Abi!Jahlmarried daugh7). ter of 'Umayr b. Ma(bad b. Zurdra (Ubaydullah b. 'Umar b. al8). bint Khaula married Asmd'bint 'Utdridb. HIjib b. Zurdra9). KhattOb al-Qa('q8b. Ma(badb. Zurdrab. 'Udas marriedTalha b. 'Ubaydallah; her second marriage was with AbTiJahm b. Hudhayfa10). Layli bint I) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 267; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab ms. f. 95 b. Quraysh, 2) al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 989 b: . .kdna sharifanwa-qadnakahatilayhiQurayshun .. fubil al-shu'ard', 3) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 36a, 67b; al-Jumahi: Tabaqdt ms. p. 123; al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh, f. 35a, 140 b; al-Mus'abal-Zubayri: I, pp. NasabOuraysh, 317, 301; al-Wdqidi:Maghdzi, 83-84; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghdni pp. Ansdb,ms. f. 986 b, 804a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 29 seq.; Naqd'iai,p. 607; al-Balddhuri: al-IsdbaVIII, al-Isti'db, p. 495; al-Balddhuri;Ansdb I, 298, 209, 235; Ibn IHajar: Io (No. women). 55 8. al-Isaba,No. 611x 4) See about him: Ibn IHajar: Ibn Hishdm: Szra I, 273; Ibn (Abd al-Barr: al-Isti'(b, p. 705; al-Mus'ab al5) Nasab Quraysh,ms. Zubayri: Nasab 9uraysh, pp. 267, 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakk.r: f. 96a. V, 6) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh,p. 319; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 28. 7) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar: Nasab Ansib, ms. f. 804 b. ms. .Quraysh, f. 14Ia; Ibn Hajar:al-IsdbaVIII, 182; al-Balddhuri: al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: op. cit., p. 312; al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit. f. I35 b. 8) p. 9) al-Jumahi: Tabaqitfuihilal-shu'ard', 488 n. 3. Ansib, ms. Io) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., ms. f. i i8a, 17Ia; al-Bal.dhuri: f. 871a; al-Mus(ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 372, 281; Ibn IHajar: al-Isiba VIII, 71 III (No. 371); Ibn Said: Tabaqdt I, 152; V, 120; VI, 147 (ed. Leiden). MECCA AND TAMIN I 59 Mas'id b. Khdlid b. MIlik b. Rib'i b. Sulmi b. Jandal b. Nahshal married 'Ali b. Abi Tdlib; her second marriage was with 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Abi Tdlib 1). 'Aqil b. Abi Tdlib married the daughter of the Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt2). The daughters of Sindnb. al-.Hautakiyya of al-Zibriqdn b. Badr married Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, al-Musawwir b. Makhramaal-Zuhri, 'Amr b. Umayya b. al-Haal-.HJrith al-.Damri, kam b. Abi 'l-'As b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, 'Uthmdnb. Abi 'l-'As, b. Abi 'l-'As, Umayyab. Abi 'l-'As 3). al-.Hakam al-Asghar,'Abd Umayya,Naufal and Ama were the children Umayya of 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Mandf, born by his wife, 'Abla bint 'Ubayd b. Jddhilb. Qays b. Hanzalab. Malikb. Zayd Mandt;their descendants were called al-'AbalJt 4). Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy married Fukayhabint Jandalb. Ubayrb. Nahshalb. Ddrim5). One of the wives of al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy was Umm al-HJIrith bint b. Yarbi' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt6). b. Salit al-.Hirith Khalaf married a Tamimi woman, Salmd bint 'Auf; she b. Umayya gave birth to 'Ali b. Umayya killed at Badr7). Wahb b. 'Uthmdn b. Abi Talha of the 'Abd al-Ddr b. Qusayy marriedSu'da bint Zayd b. Laqit of the Mdzin b. 'Amr b. Tamim8). Harb b. Umayya married a Tamimi woman 9). Ndfi' b. Tarif b. 'Amr b. Naufal b. 'Abd MandfmarriedGhaniyya bint Abi Ihdb b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abd b. Ddrim 10). Abfi Ihab was a descendant of Suwayd b. Rabi'a who i) Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, ms. f. 9a: al-Bal1dhuri's Ansdb, ms. f. 153a: al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn JHajar: al-Isdba No. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 2) al-Bal1dhuri: Ansib, ms. f. 154a, 105 oa. al-Sadfisi: Hadhf, p. 30; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansab, ms. f. 345, 8o6; Abft 'l-Faraj: Aghdn I, 3) al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 169. ms. 4) Ibn al-KalbiJamhara, f. i16; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 98; Mu'arrij 82. 5) al-Mus'abal-Zubayri:op. cit., p. 198; al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 8o8a(Kuhayfa bint Jandal-not Fukayha); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 2ia. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 2o; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn IHajar:al-IsidbaNo. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 7) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., f. 176 b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 387 inc. 8) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., f. 88a. 9) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 123. io) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 204. I6o M. J. KISTER killed a son of the ruler of al-Hira and escaped to Mlecca.He became an ally of the Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf. The grandfatherof Ghaniyya, 'Aziz b. Qays marriedFdkhitabint 'Amir b. Naufal b. 'Abd Manif 1). AbCiIhdb b. 'Aziz, the father of Ghaniyya married Durra bint Abi Lahab, the uncle of the prophet2). The daughterof Abii Ihdb married 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'Attdb b. Asid b. Abi 'l-'ls b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams 3). The granddaughterof Abii Lahab, Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab marrieda Tamimi: Hind b. Hind b. Abi HIla the grandson of Khadija from her first (or second) husband, the Tamimi Abri Hdla4). The daughter of Naufal b. al-Hdrith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib5) married the Tamimi Hanzalab. al-Rabi'a,the secretaryof the Prophet6), the nephew of Aktham b. Sayfi 7). The list of the Tamimi women who married the men of the aristocratic families of Quraysh is not comprehensive at all. There seems to have been a considerable number of Tamimi women who married the sons of distinguished families of Mecca. It points to the close relations between Quraysh and Tamim. These marriages may have been intended to strengthen the ties with the chiefs of Tamim, who contributed considerably to strengthen the position of Mecca in the tribalsociety. i) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 204, 420; al-Zubayr. b. Bakkar, op. cit., f. I86a; AbO'l-Baqd', op. cit., f. i5ob. 2) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. ii6 b. 3) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 193. 4) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamnhara, ms. f. i i 8b. 5) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 8827. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. i i 8a. 7) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isaba, No. 1855. BIBLIOGRAPHY al-'Abbdsi: Ma'ahbid al-tansis,Cairo I3 I6 A.H. Abfi 'l-Baqd' Hibatu 'llh: al-Maniqibal-mazyadyya akhbdr ms. al-mulfkal-asadiyya, fi Br. Mus., add. 23, 296. Abfi Dharr: Sharhal-Siraed. Bronnle, Cairo 19 1. ed. 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Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, Cairo 1928. al-Najirami:Aymdnal-cArab, NaqaPidJarir wa-l-Farazdaq, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1905-1912. 1939-195 2. der T. Nl61deke:Geschichte PerserundAraberZurZeit derSassaniden, Leiden 1879. M. von Oppenheim - W. Caskel - E. Briunlich: Die Beduinen, I-III, Wiesbaden al-Qdli: Dhayl al-amdli,and "Nawadir",ed. 'Abd al-cAziz al-Maymani,Cairo 1926. 1323-I329 al-Qummi- Ghard'ib al-qur'an, on margin of Tabari's Tafsir, Billq al-Qurtubi: al-Jamini al-qurl'n,ed. Cairo, 193 5-46. li-ahkdm A.H. C. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt nachMecca,Hamburg 1948. in G. Rothstein: Die DynastiederLahmiden al-Hira, Berlin 1899. ed. al-Shahrastdni: al-Milal wa-l-nihal, W. Cureton, London I846. al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf, I-II, Cairo 1914. al-Durr al-manthfirfi I-VI, Teheran 1377 A.H. 'l-tafsirbi-l-ma'thzfr, al-SuyCiti: al-Tabarani: al-Mujam al-sagbir, Delhi 1311 A.H. al-Tabari,Muh. b. Jarir: Ta'rikhal-umam I-VIII, Cairo 1939. wa-l-mulzk, al-Tabarsi:Majma'al-bayin,I-XXX, Beirut 1957. ed. al-Tha'llibi: La/ta'ifal-macdni, de Jong, Leiden I867. in U. Thilo: Die Ortsnamen deraltarabischen Poesie,Wiesbaden 1958. ed. al-Wdqidi:al-MaghdzI, A. von Kremer, Calcutta1856. Berlin 1887. Heidentums, J. Wellhausen: Restearabischen E. R. Wolf: "The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origins of Islam", Southal-Yacqabi:Ta'rikh,I-III, al-Najaf 1358 A.H. Ydqat: MuJamal-buldin,I-VIII, Cairo 1906. RAAD, XXXIV. ghayru Zdfir al-Qdsimi:al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'acnt 'l-mashrk.ta, ms. nasab wa-akhbdrihd, Bodley. Marsh. 384; al-Zubayrb. Bakkar:Janmharat Quraysh vol. I, ed. MahmaidMuh. Shakir,Cairo 1381 A.H. al-Zurqdni: Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I325-I328 A.H. western Journal of Anthropology (19 5 ), 330- 337. - - : Thimar al-qulib ft 'l-muddaf wa-l-mansfb, Cairo 19o8. 

Mecca_reports.pdf SOME REPORTSCONCERNINGMECCA FROM JAHILIYYA TO ISLAM 1 BY M. KISTER j. Information aboutthe conditionsin Meccain the periodpreceding and Islamis scarce, therearefew accounts aboutthe relations Mecca of with tribes and vassal kingdoms. Some data from hitherto unpublished Mss., or those published only recently may elucidate certain aspects of the inner situation in Mecca, and shed some light on the relations of Meccawith the tribesand the vassalkingdoms. I A passage theanonymous in 2) Nihayatal-irabf/Iakhbiral:fuirsia-l-'arab some detailsabout the activityof Hdshimb. 'Abd Mandfand gives aboutthe Expedition the Elephant. is noticeable of It that this report stresses the of withAbyssinia, emphasized not especially relations Mecca in othersources. Hdshim,says the tradition,took from the kings of Abyssinia,althe of Yaman,Persiaand Syriacharters permitting merchants Mecca to frequent theseterritories with theirmerchandise It is emphasized 3). that the first king who granted him the charterwas al-Najdshiand that "Abyssiniawas the best land in which the Meccanmerchantstraded4)." After receiving of the charterfrom the NajdshiHdshimwent to Yemen. The report furnishes us with some information about the kings who ruled in that period: in Yemen ruled Abraha b. al-Ashramwho bore the kunyaAbai Yaksfim5); he granted Hishim the requested charter. i) The reader'sattention is called to the Addenda at the end of this article. Places in the text and the notes referredto in the Addenda are markedby asterisks. 2) See about this Ms.: E. G. Browne, Some Accountof the Arabic Workentitled / Nihayatu1-irab akhbdri Fursi wa-1cArab, J RA S, 1900, pp. ft Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23298, fol. 174a: 195"-204. ... wa-innahshiman 3) Nihayat al-irab, sdra ild l-mulfki fa-akhadbaminhum min cuqpda: yumnaCuqaumubu al-c'uhdawa-1la bulddnihim wa-ardihim. al-tijratifit min 4) Ibid.: ... wa-keinat 1-babashati afdaliI-amakinilaftiyatjaru qurayshtun. arcdu ftha 5) It may be noticed that the social conditions in the army of the Abyssiniansand 62 M. J. KISTER From the Yemen Hdshim journeyed to Jabala b. Ayham, the king of Syria; from Syria he proceeded to 'Iraq, to Qubddh; from both of them he got the required charters. The final sentences of the report tell us about the results of the efforts of Hdshim and give a description of the changes which occurred in the relations of Mecca with the tribes and the neighbouringkingdoms as a resultof the grantedcharters. "... Thus Quraysh traded in these territories and got profits and became rich; their wealth increased, their trade expanded; thus the Arabs overcame the 'c4jam by the abundance of wealth, generosity and excellence; they (i.e. Quraysh)were men of mind, reason, dignity, generosity, excellence, staid behaviourand nobility; they are the chosen people of God's servants, the best of His creatureand the noblest of His peoples 1)." the causes which brought about the fight between Aryit and Abraha are given in a nephew of the the Nihdyat al-irab in more detail than in other sources. divided gifts and products after the conquest ofAry.t, the Yemen among the Najdshi, chiefs and nobles of the Abyssinians, treating scornfully the weak (i.e. the poor) and depriving them of his gifts (fol. i 5Ia: ... wa-farraqa cald i-sildti wa-1-.haw-'ija wa-haramadzu'afd'ahum wa-ashrdfihim fa-ghadibti cufzam)ai1-habashati wa-zdardhum shadidan .). They appealed to Abraha, one of the officers .. min dhalikaghadaban of the army sent with Arydt, and swore their allegiance to him. The weak part of the army stood behind Abraha, the strong and the noble behind Arydt. In the wellThe declarationissued by Abraha known fight between them Abraha killed after the duel stresses again the social aspect of the rebellion: "O Abyssinian people, Ary.t. God is our Lord, Jesus is our Prophet, the Gospel is our Book, the Najdshi is our king. I rebelled against only because he abandoned equality amongst Therefore stand fast for Ary.t amongst you, as God will not be pleased by you. equality preference in division (i.e. of spoils and grants-K) and by depriving the weak of their share of booty." (fol. I 1b :yd ma'shara wa1-habashati rabbund isanablyyuna Ilahu liwa-l-injilukitabunawa-i-najdshiyyu malikund,wa-inni innamakharajtu cala aryd.ta tarkihi 1-sawiyyata baynakum, fa-thbutzili-i-stiwa'i baynakum, fa-inna lldha i3 yarda7 bi-i-atharati 1-qasmi ...) fi wa-la anyubhrama 1-ducafa'u 1-maghnama Abraha, stressing in his letter to the Najdshi his allegiance and loyalty, repeats his argument that treated the weak unjustly (fol. 15za: ... wa-innamd qataltuarydtailld li-ithdrihi Ary.t cal 1-diucafd)i wa-ldraDyika .). .. minjundika, yakundhlika minszratika fa-lam i-aqwiyd'a The lowly origin of Abraha is indicated in the remarkof the Najdshi: ... wa-innama huwaqirdun min al-qurzidi, wa-ldaslun.Cf. the account laysalahusharafun 1-habashati f of Procopius in Sidney Smith's Events in Arabia in the 6th Century AD, B SO A S XVI (1954), PP. 431-432; and see al-Zahr Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, al-basim, fol. 3za (quoted from Wdqidi):... Mughult.y, 1-mulifka wa-stadhalla .fa-a ctj (i.e. 1-Juqara'a. Ary.t) i) Nihdyat al-irab, fol. I74a, inf.: fa-atjarat qurayshun hddhibi fi i-amdkinikulliha wa-athrauwa-kathurat wa-sida i- carabu fa-rabihb7 amwaluhum wa-aZumat tijdrdtuhum MECCA 63 After the death of Hashim his son 'Abd al-Muttalibtook over his duties and mission; he died during the reign of Anishirwin b. Qubddh1) In his time the well-known expedition of Abraha against Mecca took place. qullays) Accordingto Arab traditionAbrahabuilt a temple(haykal, to and triedto divertthe pilgrimage Meccato his temple.The immediate cause for the expedition of Abraha was the desecration of this temple. We have conflicting traditionsabout the location of the temple (San'l', Najrdn, a place on the sea shore) and the persons who burnt it, robbed it or relieved their bowels in it. According to the traditions the desecration was committed by Nufayl b. Habib al-Khath'ami,2) by a man (or men) from Kinana3), or more accuratelyby a man from the Nasa'a 4) or by a group of Arabs. The reportsabout the desecration the unintentional (or burning) of the templepoint to Qurayshas the initiatorsof this action. The tradition that the deed was carried out by men from Kinana, or a 5) group of nasa'aor .hums deserves special attention; these groups were closely related to Quraysh. A tribal leader of al-Hirith b. 'Abd waCal/a-'ajami bi-kathrati -amwali wa-l-sakha'iwa-l-fadli; wa-kanudhawi ab/lamin Il/hi wa-nublin; cuqzl/inwa-baha'inwa-sakhi'in wa-fadlinwa-waqdrin fa-hum safwatu min cibadihi wa-khiratuhu minjami'i khalqihi wa-afdalu bariyyatibi. Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1939, I, 556; Mughultdy,op. cit., fol. 32a; al-Zurqcni, Sharhal-mawdhib, Cairo3 32, I, 83; Nihydatal-irab,fol. 174a. ed. 3) Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, Khurshid Ahmad Firiq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, p. 68; al-Tabari,Ta'rikh, I, 551; al-Zurqdni,op. cit., I, 83; al-Damiri, Cairo 1383-I963, 1I, 230; and see al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-nubuwwa, Hayat al-hayawan, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fol. 13a: ... annarajulan min banzmilkin b. kindna,wa-huwa minal-hums... 4) Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, I, 550 inf.; al-Qurtubi, al-Jamicli-abhkami 'n, Cairo 1-qur 1387/1967, XX, 188, i.i; al-Kalici, al-IktifP', ed. H. Masse, Paris 1931, I, 188 ed. ult.; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, al-Saqd,al-Abydri, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/ ed. 1936, I, 44 ult.; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawbyya, Mustaf~ 'Abd al-W~hid, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 30. 5) See about al-Shdtibi, al-Juman akhbari1-zaman,Ms. Br. Mus., Or. ft 55a; al-I-fkim, al-Mustadrak, 3008, fols. 43b, al-.hums Hyderabad 1342, I, 483; al-Suyuti, Cairo 1373/1954, pp. 25-26; al-Bakri,Mujam ma stajam, ed. Mustaf~ Lubabal-nuqfil, al-Saqd, Cairo 1364/1945, I, 245, s.v. Birk; Muqitil, Tafsir, Ms. LHmidiyya 58, fols. 87a, Io3a; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 143-146; al-'Isami, Simt al-nujz7m Cairo 1380, I, 218-219. al-cawm/i, 2) I) Ibid., fol. 174b, sup. 64 M. J. KISTER Mandt b. Kindna came to Mecca in order to conclude an alliance with a clan of Quraysh'). Kindna were the allies of Quraysh in the wars of al-F•jdr2). The close co-operation of Kindna with Quraysh is reflectedin a short passage recorded by al-Fdkihion the authority of al-Zuhri where the crucial event of the boycott of the Banii Hdshim is recounted. When Quraysh decided to impose a boycott on the BandiHashim in connection with missionaryactivities of the Prophet, they allied with the BandiKindna.The terms of the agreementbetween the two parties entailed that they should cease trading with the Bandi Hdshim and desist from giving them shelter3). This passage may help us to evaluatethe story of the boycott 4) and the reports about the co-operationof Qurayshwith the neighbouring tribes and clans. It is not surprisingto find traditionsaccording to which a leaderof Kindna participatedin the delegation to Abraha, when he came with his army to destroy the Ka'ba. Consequentlythe version that men from Kinana the committed desecration seemsto be preferable. The reportsusuallydescribe wrathof Abraha the when he received the informationabout the desecrationof his temple. The Nihadyat has Two men al-irab a shortbut important passageabouthis reaction. of Khath'am, the says the report,desecrated templeof Abraha.Upon hearing about it he said: "This was committed by agents of Quraysh as they are angry for the sake of their House to which the Arabs resort for their pilgrimage." He swore to destroy the Ka'ba so that pilgrimage should be to the temple of San'c' exclusively. "In San'a' there were (at that time-K) Qurashi merchants", states the report. b. al-Mughira 5)." Abraha summoned Hish.m p. I) Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq,178. op. p. z) See e.g. al-Munammaq,20z seq., al-Bakri, cit., s.v. cUkdz. Ta'rikh Makka,Ms. Leiden,Or. 463, fol. 444b: ... qdla 1-zuhriyyu: 3) Al-Fdkihi, anna wa-dhilika banikindnata wa-i-khafu qurayshun 1-kufri, 'ald 1-wddZ taqdsamat an and .haythzu wa-ld halafatqurayshan banihdshimin layubdyicr'hum yu'wzfhum; see this 'ald XII ed. report:al-Bakri, cit.,s.v. Khayf.;Ahmadb. Hanbal, Musnad, Shdkir, 230, op. no. 7239. at Oxford195 pp. I 19-122. Watt,MuhammadMecca, 4) Cf. W. Montgomery 3, Cairo ed. Nasabquraysh, E. Levi Provengal, 5) See on him Mus'abal-Zubayri, b. Ms. Bodley,Marsh.384, nasab 301; al-Zubayr Bakkdr, 1953,p. quraysh, Jamharat fols. I29a-13oa. "Among them was MECCA 65 the Qurashi merchants and asked them: "Have I not allowed you to trade freely in my country and ordered to protect you and to treat you honourably"? They said: "Yes, o king, so it was." Abraha asked: "So why did you secretly send men to the churchbuilt for the king, al-Najashi, to defecate and to smear the walls with excrements?"' They answered: "We do not know about it." Abraha said: "I thought that you did it indeed out of anger for the sake of your House to which the Arabs go on pilgrimage, when I ordered to direct the pilgrims to this church." Hisham b. al-Mughirathen said: "Our House is (a place of) shelter and security; there gather there prey-beasts with wild animals, prey birds with innocous ones and they do not attack each other. Pilgrimage to your temple should be performed by those who follow your faith, but adherentsof the faith of the Arabs 1) will not choose or adopt anything (else) in preference to the House (i.e. the Ka'ba-K) 2)." Abraha swore to demolish the Ka'ba. Hishdm b. al-Mughira said that more then one king had intended to pull down the Ka'ba, but had failed to get there, as the House has a Lord who protects it. "Do what you like" (sha'naka wa-md aradta)he finally said. This seems to be an early tradition, reflecting as it does the conditions at the period preceding the expedition of Abraha and I) For dinu1-carabsee G. E. von Grunebaum, The Nature of Arab Unity before Islam, Arabica X (1963) P. 15 .. z) Nihdyat al-irab, fols. I74b-I75a: .fa-ukhbira bi-dhilika abrahatufa-qdla: dasisuqurayshin, hddhd ilayhi1-carabu, li-baytihim li-ghadabihim lladhi(text: Ilati) tahujju dhdlika1-baytahajaraniajaran hbattd la-ahdimanna yakhlusa 1-hajjuild mad wa-l-masihi bnu bi-san tfjdrun minqurayshin, ha-hund; ca'a fthim hishdmu 1-mughirati,fa-arsala wa-kdna wa-ikramikum? lakum al-maijara ardi wa-amartu qjlz: bald, qad kdna ft an bi-.hifikum ild dhAlika;qdla: fa-ma hamalakumCald dasastum hadhihi1-bi'ati Ilati banaytuha wa-la takhabihahiitnahd? li-l-maliki1-najdshly)i (text: hattd)ahdatha 1-'adhirata man fihd annakum innamd caltumdhalika qd/zl:md land bi-dhalikacilmun;qdla: qad Zanantu fa amartumin tasyiri lladhW li-baytikum (text: llati) tahujju ghaadaban ilayhi1-carabu cindama inna baytand hirzun wa-amnun l-Ihujii ilayha; qala hishamubnu /-mughirati: yajtami'uC ma'a fihi 1-sibadCu 1-wahshi wa-jawdribu 1-tayri ma'a 1-bughdthi, wa-ldya cridushay'un wa-innama ild minhd li-sdhibihi; yanbaghi anjyaihqja b'catikamankdna 'ald dinika;ammd man kdna Caladini 1-'arabifa-laysa bi-mukhtdrin wa-ld mu'thirin 'ald dhdlika1-bayti 'an. shay JeshoXV 5 lahum: a-lamutliq 'alayhi, fa-qdla ilayhim (text: ilayhi) hattd dakhald abrahalu, fa-aqbald 66 M. J. KISTER corroborating the reports about commercial relations between Mecca and the Yemen in that period. There is little ground for suspicion that the story was fabricated:it contains no favourablefeatures,heroic or Islamic, which would explain why it should have been invented; Makhzfim could have hardly any interest in forging it as one of the many "praises" of Hisham 1). It remained in fact peripheral, not included in any of the reports of the expedition of Abraha. The answerof Hishamin his talk with Abrahacontains an interesting definition of the position of Mecca and its role as conceived by a Meccan leader. Mecca, in this concept, was a neutralcity, not involved in intertribalwars, a place of security and a sanctuaryto which every Arabhadthe right to makepilgrimage.Only adherentsof a state religion should be ordered to perform their pilgrimage to a temple established by the ruler. It is hardlynecessaryto observe that this neutralposition enabled Mecca to expand its commercial relations with the tribes. A similaropinion about Mecca was expressedby Qurrab. Hubayra, a tribal leader, in a decisive moment of the history of Mecca: in the first phase of the ridda. His view mirrors the attitude of the tribal groups, according to their established relations with Mecca. When 'Amr b. al-'As was on his way from 'Uman to Medina, when the revolt of the riddastarted,he came to Qurrab. Hubayraal-Qushayri2). Qurrareceived him hospitably and gave him escort to Medina. When 'Amr b. al-'As was about to leave, Qurra gave him his advice: "You with security both for yourpeople of Quraysh lived in your .haram selves and for (other) people (i.e. the tribes-K) with regard to you. Then there appeareda man from amongst you and announced what you heard. When this (information)reached us we did not dislike it; we said: "A man from Muldaris (going) to lead the people" (i.e. the tribes-K). This man has (now) died. People (i.e. the tribes-K) are hurrying to you not offering you anything. Therefore go back to If to and your haram live therein security. you do not act (according ed. i) See Ibn Abi 1-Hadid:Shar/? al-baldgha, MuhammadAbai 1-FadlIbrahim, nahj Cairo 1963, XVIII, 285-300. z) See on him "Arabica"XV (1968) p. 155, note 2; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,al-Isftlceb, ed. 'Ali Muhammadal-Bijawi, Cairo n.d., III, 1281, no. 2114. MECCA 67 my advice-K) I am ready to meet you (in fight-K) wherever you will fix the place 1)." The intent of Qurra was that Mecca should return to its former position as a place of security. Quraysh had to refrain from getting involved in a new political plan "to lead the people"; this plan had come to its end, in his opinion, with the death of the Prophet. Quraysh should revert to its previous relations with the tribes upon conditions of equality, with co-operation and confidence. Because of this saying Khalid b. al-Waliddemandedto execute Qurra when he was taken prisoner 2). There are conflicting traditions about the troops which took part in the expedition of Abraha. Ibn Ishlq mentions only the Abyssinians as the force of Abraha, reporting that the Arabs went out against him. The two leaders who fought Abraha, aided by their tribes and the Arabs who consideredit their duty to fight him, were Dha Nafar and al-HIimyari Nufayl b. Habib al-Khath'ami:they were defeatedand captured.Abraha marchedtowards Mecca and passed by al-Td'if where he was received with hospitalityby Mu'attib b. MNlikal-Thaqafi and directedtowardsMecca.This story is followed by the reportof the the seizingof the herdof 'Abdal-Muttalib, talkof 'Abdal-Muttalib with Abrahaand the miracleof the birds who destroyedthe army of Abraha.Ibn Ishaq mentionsalso anothertraditionaccordingto which 'Abd al-Muttalibwent to Abraha in the company of the leaders of Kinanaand Hudhayl(Ya'mar Nufitha al-Kinani Khuwaylid and b. al-Hudhali)and offeredhim a third part of the goods of the Tihima 3). Muqatil (d. 15o H) reports (as quoted from his Tafsir) about the following two expeditions of Abraha al-Ashram al-Yamani against i) Ibn JHubaysh, ya al-MaghJZi,Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, P. 24: ... wa-innakum, ma'sharaqurayshin, kuntum haramikum 'manzina wa-ya 'manukum ta ft fihi l-nisu; thumma dhilika lam nakrahhu, kharajaminkumrajulun yaqh/u ma sami'ta;fa-lammd balaghanja rajulunmin mudara wa-qulnd: wa-l-nasu ilaykumsiraCn, yasfzqu 1-ndsa;wa-qadtuwujffya wa-innahum ghayrumu'tikumshay fa-lhaqf7 fa-'manf fihi; wa-inkunta 'an, bi-haramikum fd faghayra cilin 'idnihaythu shi'ta atika ... * 2) Ibid., p. 24, 11.4-5; P. 26, 11.1-2. I, 3) Ibn Hishdm, op. cit., I, 47, 63; al-Tabari,Ta'rikh,L I-5 56 (from Ibn Ishiq); Ibn Kathir, al-SZra,I, 30-41 (from Ibn Ishiq); al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, Leipzig 1858, pp. 87-92. 68 M. J. KISTER Mecca: the first one was headed by Abli Yaksfim b. (!) Abraha in order to destroy the Ka'ba and establish the elephant as object of worship; this expedition failed. The second one occurred after some Qurashites came to a Christianchurch called al-Haykal (called by the sat NajashiAladsirhasdn), down to roast meat, forgot to extinguish and as a resultthe churchwent up in flames.This happened the fire a or two afterthe firstexpedition was the causefor thesecond and year expedition.When the Najdshiwas informedabout the burning of the churchhe becameenragedand decidedto go out againstMecca. al-Kindi,Abli Yaksfimal-Kindi(!) and Abrahab. Hujr b. Shurdhil him theirhelp.It was the Najashiwho headedthe al-Sabbdh promised and who talkedwith 'Abd al-Muttalib returnedhim and expedition camebackto Mecca,he was the seizedherd. When 'Abd al-Muttalib to advisedby Abii Mas'fidal-Thaqafi leave the city and to stayin the mountains. it""This House has a Lord Who protects surrounding Abraha's said AbaiMas'tid Then the miracleof the birdsappeared, 1). and army was destroyedand 'Abd al-Mutttalib Abfi Mas'uidboth andgold 2). collectedthe discarded jewels Ibn a different of versionin his Mubtada': grandson the gives Ish.q Abraha,the king of the JHabash son of his daughter), (the Aksfimb. cameas pilgrimto Mecca.On his way back he stoppedin al-Sabb~h a churchin Najrdn.Therehe was attacked men from Meccawho by robbed his luggage and looted the church. When the grandfather heardabout it from his grandson,he sent againstMeccaan armyof men headedby Shamir Maqsid. b. twentythousand The short reportcontainsthe story of the seizing of the herd of and 'Abd al-Muttalib the miracleof the birds3). Two poemsof 'Abd al-Muttalib verses ending in mRand io versesendingin ma) are (14 also quotedfromthe Mubtada' 4). i) Comp. above, p. 65: the answer of Hishdm b. al-Mughira to Abraha. 2) Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. 25a-26b sup. (See a short passage of the version of Muqdtil in Majlisi's Bihdr, XV, 137; other fragments :al-'Isdmi, op. cit., I, 232-233; al-Tha'labi, Qisas al-anbiya', Cairo n.d., pp. 6o2-6o3).* 3) Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. 26b. 4) Ibid., fol. 27a-b. MECCA 69 But seems to have recorded only a part of the report Mughult.y of the Mubtada'.The whole report is recorded by Abi Nu'aym alIsfahdni in his Dald'il al-nubuwwa The isndd of Abi Nu'aym does 1). not include the name of Ibn Ish•q; but the fragment of the Mubtada' recordedby is identicalwith the first part of Abu Nu'aym's Mughult.y this report the army of Shamir consisted of to report 2). According Khaulan and a group of Ash'ariyyin. The army was joined by al-Taqcl al-Khath'ami. The talk of 'Abd al-Muttalib with Abraha and the story of the miracleof the birds are given at length. The combined report of al-Tabarl3) is based on the account of 6), al-Wdqidi.It is recordedby Ibn Sa'd 4), Abli Nu'aym 5), Mughult.y and al-Tha'labi7). According to this tradition 'Abd al-Muttalibstayed at the mountain of Hire' with 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhzuimi, Mut'im b. 'Adiyy and AbdiMas'id al-Thaqafi. An anonymous report claims that the father of 'Uthman b. 'Aff~n, was close to 'Abd al-Muttalibon the mountain;the first who descended in order to collect the spoils of the army of Abraha were 'Abd alMuttalib, 'AffSn and Abi Mas'td al-Thaqafi. The father of 'Uthmdn then became a rich man 8). According to the report of the Nihayat al-irab'Abd al-Muttatlibdescendendwith Hakim b. Hizam 9). A significant report is recorded by al-Tabarsi and Majlisi11).The 10) of the followers of Abraha in his army were people from majority 'Akk, Ash'ar and Khath'am. When the troops of Abraha reached Cairo i) Hyderabad 1369/1950, pp. 101-105; see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-mnanthlr, 1314, VI, 394 (quoted from the Dald'il). 2) Mughulty perused the text of Aba Nu'aym and remarks (fol. 25b, 1.7) that Aba Nu'aym recorded the name of the commander Shamir b. Masfad (see Abel Nu aym, Dald'il, p. ioi, note i). 3) Ta'rikh,I, 556-557. Beirut I956, I, 90-92. 4) Tabaqdt, 5) Dala'il, pp. Io6-107. 6) Al-Zahr, fol. 32a. 7) Qisasal-anbiyd', 603-604. pp. 9) Fol. 176b. io) Al-Tabarsi, Majma'al-bayin,Beirut 138o/0961, XXX, 234-237. Teheran 1379, XV, 134-137. i i) Bihdral-anwdr, 8) Al-Halabi, Insan al- 'uyIrn al-Sira al-balabitya), Cairo (= 135 1/1932, I, 73. 70 M. J. KISTER Mecca, the people left the city and sought shelter in the mountains. There were left in Mecca only 'Abd al-Muttalibcarrying out the duty of the siqayaand Shayba b. 'Uthmdn b. 'Abd al-Ddr carryingout the duty of the dijba. The story of the seizure of the herd of 'Abd alMuttalib is followed by the story of the meeting of 'Abd al-Muttalib with Abi Yaksiim. The details about the events following the meeting and the Khath'am broke their are of special interest. The Ash'ariyyuin swords and spears and declared themselves innocent before God of any intention to destroy the House. When the miracle of the birds occurred, the troops who marched against Mecca being killed by the stones thrown by the birds, the Kath'am and Ash'ar were saved from being harmedby the stones. This report, recordedby the Shi'i Tabarsiand Majlisi,is recordedby the Sunni al-Bayhaqiin his Dald'il 1). It is evident that the al-nubuzwwa tradition has a South-Arabiantendency. The South-Arabiantradition also adopts the version that Dhui Nafar and Naufal b. Habib were taken prisoners by Abraha and forced to follow him. Naufal (or Nufayl) was the man who desecratedthe temple of Abraha in order to keep the pilgrimage to Mecca and DhUiNafar was a friend of 'Abd al-Muttalib,who advised him when he came to meet Abraha2). These are apparent attempts to clear the South-Arabian tribes from any of accusation of aiding Abraha in his activities against the .haram Mecca. The version recorded by Mulhammad b. Habib 3) differsfrom those mentioned above. Abraha built the church in Santd' according to the plan of the Ka'ba. It was desecrated by a group of Kindna. Abraha decided to march against Mecca, to destroy the Ka'ba and afterwards to raid Najd. He gathered people of low extractionand brigands and listed them in his army. He was followed by the leaderof Khath'am, Nufayl, on the head of huge groups of his tribe and by the Munabbih b. Ka'b of the Balhlrith, who did not recognize the sanctity of the al-Iklzl, ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, X, z5. (Cairo 1368). 2) Cf. al-Hamddini, 3) Al-Munammaq, 68-80. pp. I) Fols. I3a-I4a. MECCA 71 Ka'ba and the Tarafa,who stayedat that time in Najrdn,warned .haram. Qatddab. Maslamaal-IHanafi1) of the plannedattackof Abrahaagainst Najd. Verses of Kulthuim b. 'Umays al-Kindni, who was captured by the army of Abrahaand put in chains, give a vivid descriptionof the army of Abraha. 0, may God let hear a call: and send between the mountains of Mecca (al-Akhshabini) a herald. There came upon you the troops of al-Ashram, among them an elephant: and black men riding (beasts like) ogers. And infantry troops, stout ones, whose number cannot be counted: by al-Lit, they swing their javelines thirsty (of blood). They came upon you, they came upon you! The earth is too narrow to bear them: like a gush of water flowing overpowers the valley. On their way the troops of Abraha were attacked by the Azd who defeated them. Abrahaand his army were however received hospitably in al-Ta'if by Mas'i-d b. Mu'attib, who explained to Abraha that the sanctuaryof al-'Ia'if is small and that his goal is the Ka'ba of Mecca, which should be destroyedin revenge for the desecrationof his temple. When the army of Abraha approached Mecca, the people of city left, seeking refuge in the mountains; only 'Abd al-:Muttaliband 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhzumi remained in the city 2): they fed the people (scil. remaining in Mecca). Further the report gives the story of the meeting of Abraha with 'Abd al-Muttalib and the miracle of the birds. The appendedverses give the descriptionof the disastrousend of Abraha'sarmy. The quoted traditions are, in fact, contradictory and the picture they give is blurred. Miraculousand legendaryelements3) are evident and form a part of every report. There are however some details which deserve to be considered.Muqdtil'sversion, as recordedby Mughultiy, is the only one in which two expeditions are mentioned: a first one which failed to reach the precincts of Mecca, and a second one, which i) See Diwainde Tarafa, ed. M. Seligsohn, Paris 1901, p. 146 (VII, appendix). And see ibid., p. 90; and see p. al-AMunammaq,69, note 3. z) Cf. al-Balddhuri, Ansdb al-ashrif, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 68; al-Maqdisi,al-Bad' wa-l-ta'rikh,ed. Cl. Huart, Paris 1899, III, i86. 3) See the legendary report of AbaI1-Hasanal-Bakriin Majlisi'sBihdrXV, 65-74. 72 M. J. KISTER of the expedition preceding Expedition the Elephant 1). The troops in the armyof Abrahaseem to have been from both SouthandNorthArabia. Balhlrith,'Akk,Ash'ar, Khauldn Khath'am, are the names of South-Arabian troops, mentionedin the reports. The presenceof Mudaritroops is impliedin the story of the meal of testicles preparedfor Khath'am,which the Mudari(Northern) refusedto eat the testicles troops refusedto eat2). Whenthe Mudaris before the cross, Abrahaorderedto summonthem; andto prostrate to that they do not eat testicles,nor do they prostrate they explained the cross;theyfollow the tenetsof theirpeople(wa-na.hnu, i-la'na, abayta Abraha freedthem,stating:kulluqaumin wa-dinahum 3). ft diniqaumind). The Therewas also a troop of Abyssinians. versesof Qaysb. Khuzd'i a in (al-Sulami) praiseof Abrahadescribe selectedunit of Abyssinians Abraha: surrounding v. 3 The sons of Abyssinia around him: wrapped in Abyssinian silk clothes 4. 4 With white faces and black faces: their hair (curly) like long peppers 4). occurreda year or two later. In this expedition the army was led by the Najdshi,some troops entered Mecca, but the expedition ended with the disastrous fate of the army. This tradition suits the assumption of W. Caskel, who considered the inscription Ry o06 referring to an that The information Abrahaintendedto raidNajd afterhe would destroythe Ka'bais noteworthy.The attackon Najd, as attestedby the versesof Tarafa,seemsto have been plannedon the background of the strugglebetween Persiaand Byzantium and the raids of the tribesbeing underthe sway of al-Hiraon the territories tribesin of the regionof Najrdn being underthe sway of Abraha It is notice5). in I) W. Caskel, Entdeckungen Arabien,K61n und Opladen 1954, P. 30 inf. inna abauan 1-maliku, manma'aka minmudara Al-Munammaq, 70: azjluha ya'kulfd p. lahunasun mudara ... minhddhihi min fa-ukhidha l-khusashay'an... wa-arsala, 3) Ibid., p. 71. The saying of Abraha reminds the idea advocated by Hishim b. al-Mughirain his talk with Abraha. 4) Al-Munammaq, 70. p. 5) See Caskel, op. cit., p. 30. 2) MECCA 73 able that Abraha chose Najrdnas halting place in his march, where, as Tarafa says, "the kings took their decisions." (bi-najrana qa.dda ma 1-mulfkuqada'ahum) The people of Najrdnwere devoted Christians 1). and certainly sympathisedwith Abraha;2) groups of Balhlrith in this region aided him. The information about the leaders of Mecca who remained with 'Abd al-Muttalib deserves to be examined. 'Amr b. 'A'idh al-Makhziimi was apparently in close contact with 'Abd al-Muttalib; 'Abd al-Muttalib married his daughter Fatima and she gave birth to his son 'Abdallah, the father of the Prophet3). The Makhziim, as mentioned in the Nibayat al-irabhad trade relations with the Yemen. It is not surprisingto find that Abyssinians dwelt in the Dr a!l'Ulfj, in the quarter of the Banfi Makhziim4). The Makhziim seem to have had financial relations with Najrin as well: when al-Walid b. al-Mughira died he mentioned to his sons that he owed the bishop of Najrdn a hundreddinars5). It is thus plausiblethat Makhzuim to be consulted had i) Cf. al-Hamddni, op. cit., II, 15s7(ed. Muhammad al-Akwac al-Hiwdli, Cairo and see ibid., p. 157: . .. darabz7 idh 1386/1966): ... caldHIububdna tuqaddd mahdsiluh; li-abrahata l-umz7ra. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, FutfhiMisr, ed. C. Torrey, New Haven 1922, p. 301, 1.5, the saying of the Prophet about his tiring discussions with the delegation of annabayniwa-bayna najrdna abli Najrdn: ... la-wadidtu (min shiddati md knfn .hijban yujddillinahu).* ed. 3) See Ibn Habib, al-Mubzabbar, Ilse Lichtenstaedter,Hyderabad 1361/1942, p. 51; Ibn al-Kalbi,Jamharatal-nasab,Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fols. 8a, 1.3; 8b, 1.3 bot.; Ibn Habib, Ummahdt al-nabi,ed. Husayn cAli Baghdad 1372/195 2, p. Io (fol. Ib). Mahf.z, 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458a; the Prophet was informed that these Abyssinians wanted to come to him in order to embrace Islam; they feared however that the Prophet might repel them. The Prophet said: "Thereis nothing good in Abyssinians: when they are hungry they steal, when they are sated they drink; they have two good is said to have qualities: they feed people and are courageous." cAtdb. Abi been born in this house. When 'Umar came to Mecca he distributedmoney amongst Rab.h Quraysh, Arabs, Mawdli, Persiansand Abyssinians (al-FRkihi, cit., fol. 397a, inf.). op. When cAbdallahb. al-Zubayr pulled down the Ka ba he used Abyssinian slaves for this task. He hoped that amongst them there would be the Abyssinian about whom the Prophet foretold that he would destroy the Ka ba (al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 141 inf.; al-'IsJmi, op. cit., I, 169 inf.) About the Abyssinian who will destroy the Cairo 1956, I, I27-128.* Ka'ba see al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 193; al-Fdsi, Shifd'al-gharim, Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., Ms. fol. 145b, 1.8.* 5) 74 M. J. KISTER at the arrival of the army of Abraha and shared in the decisions. The Kindna as mentioned above, had close relations with Mecca. It is thus probable that Muhammad b. Khuzd'i (al-Sulami) was sent by Abraha the BanfiKinana,thata Kindniwas captured compiled to and the verses to warn Qurayshof the dangerof the approaching army of Abrahaand thata Kindni,from the clan of Di'l was said to have been a memberof the delegationwho negotiatedwith Abraha.The verse seemsto referto the roleplayed recitedby a Di'li womanto Mu'Iwiya of in by the Kindna the Expedition the Elephant: : canwatan hummanad Czjaysha 1-ahabishi bakri wa-hum nahnahz~ ghuweta band 'anna They (i.e. the Di'l1)resisted the army of the Abyssinians forcibly: and they repelled from us those who allure, the Bana Bakr 1) It is plausible find also a chief of the Hudhaylin the delegation. to Hudhayl had good relations with Mecca and played a considerable role in stoppingthe expedition Abraha of againstMecca2). It is also quite likely that 'Abd al-Muttalibconsulted the leader of the Thaqif in his decisions. Thaqif had very close financial relations with Makhzim and common financial enterprises3). It is noteworthy too that 'Abd al-Muttalibhimself had property in al-Tfaif4). He had 1) Al-Balddhuri, Ansab al-ashrif, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IV A, p. i8; Bakr apparently refers to Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt (see Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 83); and see the story of the alliance concluded between Quraysh and the Ahabish by cAbd Muttalib to face the BaneiBakr-al-Balddhuri, Ansdb,fol. 902a; but see the second hemistich in the poem of Hudhdfa b. Ghdnim al-Jumahi, al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 69: wa-su'dadan: 1-bath'a majdan humz7 malak;? ban! wa-hum tarad? anha ghuwdta bakri (malakzr, mala':). perhaps preferable 2) See El2, s.v. Hudhayl/ (G. Rentz) and W. Caskel, op. cit., p. 31, 11.Io-I6. Asbdb al-nuzr/, Cairo 1388/1968, pp. 58-59; al-Suy[iti, Lubdib 3) See al-W al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Mahmad and Ahmad Shdkir, Cairo n.d., VI, al-nuqfil, 42; .hidi, p. 22-23; (nos. 6258-6259); and see Muqdtil, Tafstr, Ms. HImidiyya 58, fol. 46 a: ...fa-lammd a.hara /ldhu cazza wa-jalla 1-nabiyya 'ald 1-tatift shtaratat thaqifun (s) anna kulla ribanlahum cald1-nasi fa-huwa lahumwa-kullariba 1-nasiCalay)himi fa-huwa canhum and see maudfcun ...; op. cit., fols., 171b-i72a; and see al-Suyciti, Mughult.y, al-Durr al-manthfr, 366-367. I, 4) Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, cit., p. 98 ult. op. MECCA 75 also relations with the Yemen; this can be deduced from a tradition about a document of a debt owed to him by a man from San'>' 1). 'Abd al-Muttalib acted of course as a representativeof the .haram, as the dignitary of the Ka'ba, in charge of the siqaya.This is especially emphasized in the tradition that he remained in Mecca with another dignitary Shayba b. 'Uthman, who held the office of the .hdba. They both fed the people; this reflects the concept of responsibility of the dignitariesof the Ka'ba.* It would be vain to try to establish who in fact led Mecca in the decisive moment of the raid of Abraha. What can be deduced from the traditions is only what were the tribal elements which influenced the policy of Mecca and who were the representativesof the clans of Mecca deciding at that time. Details about the expedition are indeed meagre2). But information about the results of the expedition is instructive. According to the al-irab reportof the Nihdyat "Quraysh gainedprestigein the eyes of the Arabs(i.e. the tribes) and they called them Alu Ildhi; they said: "God repelledfrom them the evil (of the enemy)who plottedagainst them3)." 'Abd al-Muttalibbecame wealthy,bought every year many in orderto securethe water supplyof Meccain additionto the well of Zamzamwhich he dug. camels and slaughtered them for the people of Mecca 4). He bought the wells called al-Ajbdbfrom the Banl Nasr b. Mu'dwiya5), obviously Arabic traditionstressesthat the institutionof the humsxwas establishedafter the Expedition of the Elephant6). Some sources are doubtfulaboutthe date of the establishment the hums But it is of 7). I) Al-Majlisi, op. cit., XV, 16o, no. 90; cf. Ydqfit, Mujam al-buldin,s.v. Zaul. wie 2) See Caskel, op. cit., p. 31 sup.: "Es geht daraus hervor, dirftig die einheimischen . Quellen". . 3) Nihjyat al-irab,fol. i77a; and see al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 98.* at 4) Nibhy al-irab,fol. I77a. Ibid., fol. I9ib, inf. 5) 6) Ibn al-Athir, al-Kimilfil-ta'rikh, ed. cAbd al-Wahhdbal-Najjdr,Cairo 1348, I, 266. adri 7) Ibn Hishdm, op. cit., I, 211: qdla ibnu ishdqa:wa-qad kdnat qurayshun-ld at ... a-qabla1-filiam bacdahu--btada ra'ya 1-humsi 76 M. J. KISTER evident that the failure of the expedition helped to expand the trade of Mecca, to set up close relations with the tribes, to establish its influence and to strengthenthe institutions alreadybuilt up by Quraysh. The market of 'Ukdz was establishedfifteen years after the Expedition of the Elephant1). 'Abd al-Muttalibwas one of the members of the delegation who came to Sayf b. dhi Yazan to congratulate him on his victory 2). According to a tradition recorded by al-Majlision the authority of al-WIqidi, Sayf b. dhi Yazan sent his son to Mecca as a is on governor his behalf3). The reportof Wdqidi probably exaggerated; he may have been sent merelyas a representative, as governor.But not both the reportsindicatethat the relationsof Meccawith the Yemen and ties were re-established the commercial renewed. 11 rite Meccaowed its existenceto trade.Pilgrimage and tradewere indivisiblein this city. It is thus plausiblethat in the young Muslim one community of the most vital questionswhichcould be askedwas the questionwhethertradecould be conductedduring the hajj.This in answered Suira 198: "It is no faultin you, was II, question positively that you shouldseek bountyfrom your Lord..." 4) Trade in Mecca i) Mughulty, op. cit., fol. I7oa, ult.; al-Bakri,op.cit., III, 959; al-Tauhidiconsiders these markets of the Arabs as marks of nobility in both societies of the Arabs, wa-taballihimbi-ashrafiabhwdli bddiyatihimwa-tabaddihim tahaddurihim fJ 1-amrayni ed. ft aswdquhum lahum l-jdhilyyati... (al-Imtac wa-1-mu'dnasa, Ahmad Amin, llati Ahmad al-Zayn, Beirut (reprint-n.d.), I, 83). 1966, II, 178; Ibn 2) See e.g. Ibn Kathir, al-Bideyawa-l-nihdya, ed. Mustaf Beirut-al-Riy.d Cairo 1386/1966, al-W al-Wafdbi-abhwl al-Jauzi, 'cAbd al-mustafd, .hid, I, 122-I28. XV, 146, no. 80: qdla1-wdqidiyyf: ft zamdni'abdii-muttalibi 3) Bihadr kdna al-anwdr, mulfki 1-yamani bnahu lahu rajulunyuqlu sajfubnudhi wa-qadanfadha yazanawa-kinaminm ild makkatawliyan min qibalihi,wa-taqaddama ilayhi bi-sticmdi 1-cadliwa-l-insfi ... 4) See al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 163-169 (nos. 3761-3791); al-Bakri, op. cit., III, and see Ch. C. Torrey, amongst the bedouins and the sedentary: ... wa-mimmtiyadullu aldatahaddurihim fi ed. al-mustatdb, Muhammad 'Arnfs, Cairo 1357/193 8, al-Shayb;ni, al-Iktisabbft 1-riZq The Commercial-Theological in the Koran,Leyden I892, p. 5; but see al-Fasawi, Terms al-Macrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 67b, 1. 14 (on Ayyab al-Sakhtiydni): ... wa-kdna yashtariwa-ld yabi'uft ld 1-.hajji.* p. 2i; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/I966, I, 424-426; 960; al-Hakim, op. cit., I, 482; Muqdtil, op. cit., fol. 3ib; al-Suyfiti, Lubdb, p. 30; MECCA 77 connectedwith religious rites,as it was in the remainedthus inseparably times of the Jdhiliyya.Caravanswith wares used to pour into Mecca,1) protected by the established institutions of the Sacred Months, Hums and Dhddaand enjoying free access to the markets.*Caravansdeparted from Mecca loaded with wares for Syria, Persia or Yemen. The following information about the import of wares from Egypt is of particularinterest. In the lower part of Mecca therewas the "Court of Egypt" (Ddr M4isr)2) which belonged to Safwdn b. Umayya al- Jumahi He used to deposit the wares which arrivedfrom Egypt 3). in this court.Peoplewould come to the lower partof Meccaandbuy these wares."His trade",says the report,"was confinedto Egypt;" thereforethe court was named "Ddr Misr", referringto the wares whichwere soldin it 4). In the quarter the Banai was of Makhzaim the courtof al-Sd'ib Abi b. the l-Si'ib; in one of its departments waresof the Prophetand of alSd'ib were stored5). Al-Sd'ib was the Prophet's partner before he received the revelation6). According to al-Shaybdnithey traded with skins7). Accordingto a tradition recorded al-Balddhuri, Prophet the by of of I) See E. R. Wolf: TheSocialOrganization Meccaandthe Origins Islam, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 195 , pp. 330-337; and comp. about the trade of Qurayza and Nadir the report about the seven caravans which arrived on the same day from Busrd and Adhru' it, carrying clothes, perfumes, jewels and "seagoods" (amticat al-bahr)-al-W~1hidi,op. cit., p. 187; al-Qurtubi, op. cit., X, 56.* z) See al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 474 penult. 3) See on him Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., II, 718, no. IzI24; Ibn al-Isaba, Cairo 1325/1907, III, 246, no. 4068; Ibn Sacd, op. cit., V, 449. .Hajar, 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 461b: ... wa-lahum yuqelu laha darunbi-asfalimakkata ddrumisra,fha7 1-dabbaghrzna, li-safwanabni umayyata; k~nat wa-innama summiyat dara misraannasafwiina kina yatfihi min misratijdrjtunwa-amticatun, bna Ja-kdna umasyata minhu fi fa-yashtarfzna idhaatathuunzkhat darihitilka,fa-ya 'tihi 1-ndsu asfali makkata ila a; 1-matda wa-ld tajfTutijratuhu il7 ghayrimisra,fa-nusibatal-ddruila ma kina yuba'cu misra. fiha min matdici Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458b; al-Azraqi,op. cit., pp. 470-471. 5) 6) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 458b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 572, no. 892 (and see ib., p. 1288); Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., fol. ioza; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba,III, 60o, no. 3060o; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., fol. I86b (al-Sd'ib b. Wadd'a); ibid., fol. i49b, Cairo 1939, 1.23; Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Wafd, I, 142 inf.; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhqayal, 6o. p. p. 7) Al-Iktisab, 17 ult.-p. I8 sup. 78 M. J. KISTER invested in some wares carried by Abui Sufyin from Syria and got profit 1). The intricate trade-transactionsgave rise to various partnerships. Al-'Abbds was a partner of Khdlid b. al-Walid; they both used to lend money for interest; when Islam appearedthey had big sums lent for interest2). According to another tradition al-'Abbdswas a partner of Abai Sufy~n3). Al-Dhahabi records a tradition stating that Naufal was a partnerof 'Abbds4). Al-Balddhuri b. al-HIrithb. 'Abd al-Muttalib reports about a partnershipbetween two Sulami leaders and Harb b. invested the money necessaryfor the cultivation of the Umayya; UHarb land owned by them 5). It is evident that the trade of Mecca necessitated free traffic, free access to the markets of Mecca and free markets, without taxes. In fact, when the Prophet came to Medina he decided to turn Medina and to establishin Medina a free market,without taxes 6). into a .haram The fundamental change occurred when Stira IX, 28 was revealed: "O believers, the idolaters are indeed unclean; so let them not come near the Holy Mosque after this year of theirs. If you fear poverty, God shall surely enrich you of His bounty, if He will. . ." The verse I) Al-BalZdhuri,Anseibal-ashrif, IVa, 9; and see another version (Muhammad refuses to accept a reduction in the commision of Aba Sufydn) 'Abd al-Jabbar, ed. TathbitdalJ'il al-nubuwwa, 'Abd al-Karim cUthman, Beirut 1386/1966, II, 591. cit., p. 59; Mughulty, op. cit., fol. I7ob, penult. 2) op. p. 3) Al-W.hidi, op. cit., fol. 313a; cf. Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 27 (al-Abbds Mughulty, was the nadimof Aba SufySn; according to a report of al-Zubayrb. Bakkar,op. cit., fol. 94b, penult. 'Auf b. cAbd 'Auf (see on him al-Kalbi, op. cit., 28a) was a nadizm of b. al-Mughira al-Makhzami. About the companionship of Harb b. al-F.kih Umayya, 'Abdallah b. Jud'dn and Hisham b. al-Mughira see al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, of op. cit., fol. i 26b inf.); Harb b. Umayyawas a nadim cAbdal-Muttalib(al-Bal1dhuri, IVa, p. 3). I, 4) Siyara clm al-nubald', 144. Al-Baladhuri,Ansab IVA, p. 3. 5) 6) Al-Bal1dhuri, Futuh al-buldin, ed. cAbdallah and cUmar al-Tabb~c, Beirut 1377/1957, p. 24: . .. wa-lamma bi-l-madinati, 1-sztqa aradarasfiluIldhianyattakhidha fihi. Consequently there were no taxes imqdla: hadhasziqukum, kharajacalaykum la posed on markets. The first who levied taxes from markets was Ziyad b. Abihi awwaluman (see al-Shibli: AIahasin al-wasa'il, Ms. Br. Mus., or. 1530, fol. I21b: akhadha al-szqiajranziyddun). min MECCA 79 was revealed in year 9 of the hibra The Muslims were afraid that 1). the prohibition to approachthe Ka'ba by the unbelieversmay endanger their trade, as the unbelieversused to bring their merchandiseto Mecca Allah promised the faithful to enrich them 2). during their .habj. It is evident that this crucial verse was revealed after Mecca had been conquered,when the roads of trade were secured and controlled by chiefs and leaders who had sworn loyalty to the Prophet. They changedin fact their formerloyaltyto Qurayshinto a new loyalty: to the Prophetand the Muslimcommunity. Unbelievers who returned fromthis couldsadlyremark: "Whatcan you do, as Quraysh had .hajj that the people of Judda, embraced IslIm3)." Muqptilreports already and San'T'embracedIslam and brought food to Mecca: .Hunaynthus no need to tradewith the unbelievers 4). they had The harambecame a Muslim sanctuary;its functionarieswere and by appointed the Prophet.It is the Muslimcommunity its representativeswho decide who will bring merchandise Meccaandits to of markets. The formerinstitutions zldf, hums, were fundamentdhdda were transferred to ally transformed Theirfunctionsand authority 5). the loyal tribes,who had to ensurethe safetyof the roadsand of the tradetraffic.They had to pay taxesand yield to the authority the of chiefs appointedby the Prophet.Profits could be kept, as before, for the tribes(or theirchiefsrespectively) the established and authorities of the two harams, Meccaand Medina. It is significant when the crisisof the establishment Medina that of occurredafter the death of the Prophet,when the chiefs of tribes i) See F. Buhl, Das LebenMubammeds (transl. H. H. Schaeder),Heidelberg 1955, PP. 338-339, notes 58-60. 2) Al-Tabari, Tafsir, XIV, 192-195 (nos. 16597-16608); al-Qurtubi, op. cit., op. cit., IV, 192; VIII, io6; Ibn Kathir, Tafszr,III, 382; Ibn Tafsir, Hish.m, al-R.zi, Cairo, 1357/1938, XVI, 24-26. ba 3) Al-Tabari, Ta r7kh, II, 383: fa-raja a 1-mushrikzina fa-lZama ba'Iduhum 'dan aslamatqurayshun", tasna' na, wa-qad wa-qjil: "ma fa-aslami. 4) A1-R.zi, op. cit., XVI, 26 inf.* ... wa-manlahu about I, 5) Comp. al-Taulhidi,al-1mrtd', 85 min bad bi-amri 1-hukz7mati 'Uk.z: tamimin, wa-kdna.hukzimatnm irtafa'a ila lladhiyaqimu jkhirahum u al-aqra' bnuhbdbisin. Al-Aqra' was in the new system appointed by the Prophet as musaddiq. 80 M. J. KISTER attempted to free themselves from their dependence on Medina, they tried to return to relations of a differentkind than the with 7laf-.hums Mecca. According to a tradition recorded by Ibn JHubaysh al-Aqra' b. HIbis and 'Uyayna b.. Hisn came at the outbreak of the ridda to Medina accompanied by chiefs of tribes, met some Muhajirfin and in their tribes; the tribes, they said, informed them about the ridda refuse to pay to the authority of Medina the payments which they paid to the Prophet. They suggested that they would assure that their tribes would not attack Medina if they were given a certain payment. cameto Abu Bakrand advisedhim to acceptthe offer; The Muhdiirfn Abii Bakrhoweverrefused 1). corroborates report. this tradition recorded Ibn Hubaysh Another by When 'Amr b. al-'As was on his way to Medinahe met people reWhen he arrivedat Dhu 1-Qassa he 2) nouncing Islam (murtaddin). fromhis visit to Medina.'Uyayna b. met 'Uyayna Hisn, who returned met Abfi Bakrand told him: "If you pay us a (defined) sum, we shall 'Amr.b. from) our territory." keep you from (everyattackoccurring in askedhim about the events (whichhappened his absence), al-'As him thatAbu Bakrheadedthe Muslimcommuand 'Uyayna informed nity. "Now we are equal,you and we, "added'Uyayna.'Amr said: "You are lying, O son of the mischievous of Mudar3)." 'Uyayna b. Hisn, the chief of Fazara, was aware of the weakness bnu i) Ai-Magh~ji, p. 9: ... wa-qadima abi bakrin 'uyaynatu hisninwa-l-aqra'cu 'ald ft rijalin min ashrdfi1-'arabi, fa-dakhalz 'ala rilin min al-muhajirina fabirahabisin man ward'and'an al-islimi wa-laysa anfusibim an fi qdil7innahuqad irtadda 'dmmatu ild Jyu'addi-na raszi lldhi(s);fa-in taj'al land ilaykummin amwilihimma kanz ,yu'addh7 fa-dakhala 1-muhajirzna ju'clannarji' fa-nakfikum man wara'and; wa-l-ansdru'ald abi bakrin nard an tu/t'imai-aqra'a wawa-qdil7: 'alayhiIladhi 'aradi 'calayhim fa-'aradlz man ward'ahumad yarji'a ilayka tu'matan yardaydnibihd wa-yakfiyjnika hatta 'uya/'Nata usimatu wa-jajyshuhu amruka,fa-inna i-yaumaqalilunfi kathirin, wa-la wa-yashladda z) See Ydqfit, Mujam al-buldin,s.v. Qassa. 3) Al-MaghdZi, p. 25, 1. io: ... aqbala 'amru bnu I-'dsiyalqad -ndsa murtaddina batt ata c'adla -qassati, bna dhi wafa-laqiya 'uyaynata kharijanmin al-madinati, >an .hisnin yaqilu: "inja'alta land shay kafayndka dhdlika hkina qadima'ald abi bakrinal-siddiqi ma wara'and"; "ibnu fa-qdla lahu 'amrubnu -_c'asi: fq-qdla 'uyaynatu: "maward'aka"; 'amrun: abiquidafata l-nasi,ya 'amru, wa-antum" "kadhabta wa-stawaynd naihnu will ;fa-qala bna min Y_) i-akhbbithi mudar"... land ... taqata bi-qitli1'arabi MECCA 8I of Medina. He suggested to Abti Bakr that Fazira should protect Medina from attacks from their territory against an agreed payment. Abi Bakr could not accept the offer: acceptance of this offer might have meant giving up the idea of continuity of the work of the Prophet and yielding to the force of bedouin tribes, thus conceding to the disintegration of the Madinian commonwealth, which took up, in fact,the legacy of Mecca. Abfi Bakrhad to refuse the offer, which meant ridda.For the sake of Medina, he had to decide to crush the ridda. III The development of Mecca was accompanied by a continuous strugglebetweenthe factionsof Quraysh,which broughtabout the formation alliances clansandsometimes to clashesandbloodof of led shed. The best known allianceis the one of the Mu.tayyabfn their and the The reportsabout the role of the Banti adversaries, A.hlif ). b. Fihrin this alliance maybe of some interest. 1-.HIJrith b. Fihr belonged to Quraysh The Hlrith The al-zawdhir. Quraysh although closely co-operatingwith the Quraysh al-Zawdhir, al-bi.tdh, attendedfights and raidsin theirown tribalunits2). Sometimes their actionsseem to have collidedwith the policy of Mecca They con3). with tribesand carried joint raidsagainsttribes4). cludedalliances out Membersof defeatedgroups of Quraysh in sought al-.ZawdhirIt refuge and Mecca dispersed familiesof the Abta!byyin. is of interest amongst that personsof these HIrith b. Fihr who alreadymergedinto clans of the Abta/his were "repatriated" 'Umarinto their formertribal by mentionsa group of the b. Fihr (the clan units5). Ibn .Habib .Hirith at i) See Ibn Hishim, op. cit., I, 138-140; W. M. Watt, Muhammad Mecca,pp. 5-8. dirira bnuI-kbatttbi ra'isa z) Cf. al-Balddhuri,Ansib, Ms. fol. 88za: ... wa-kdna bni muzhdribi fihrinwa-qa'idaha l-fijri. fi cald 3) Cf. al- Isdmi, op.cit., I, 163: .. kanat yughiruna banikindnata, camru waddin bnu yughiruhum al-'dmiriyyu.qurayshul-.zawdhir wa-banc'absin, 4) Cf. al-Bal1dhuri,Ansib, Ms. fol. 882a: ... wa-ghaat banfifihrin wa-kinabaynabumyauma ba dui-hilfi, 'ald1-yamani;fa-qdla dirdru l-khattbi . . . bnu 'idhin b. ibni fol. i z8b, inf.:... Can shibabin, sababu maqtali 5) AI-Zubayr Bakkir, op. cit., bni illI 1-shurddit fahminban I1-bhdrithifihrinbi-farthah fa-lamyabqamin ban (?), 1-.hrithi qurayshun; fa-taqassamthum fa-kdna ft bant 'imrana bni makhztlmin iyJsun wa-buwa Jesho XV 6 82 M. J. KISTER of Abui'Ubayda)who camedown to Meccaandjoinedthe 1); Mu.tajyabin he counts them, in fact, in the list of the Mu.tayyabzin and records 2) that they were put as adversariesof the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b during the mobilization of the rival forces 3). The 'Adiyy b. Ka'b were a weak tribal unit; they were the only group of Quraysh, who "had no sayyid who could cope with their problems and avenge their shed blood 4)." According to another tradition the HJIrithb. Fihr were attached to 'Abd Manaf and had jointly to face Sahm and Jumah 5). It is evident that these BanI 1-Hdrithb. Fihr were not a strong group; they were into accepted by the Mu.tayyabf#n their alliance in order to strengthen the alliance. The attachmentof the Harith b. Fihr to the Abtahis was reinforced by mutual marriages: 'Abd al-'Uzzd b. 'Amir married Qilaba bint 'Abd Manif; the mother of Harb b. Umayya was Umayma bint Abi Hamhama of al-HIrith b. Fihr 6). Abi Hamhamawent out with Umayyawhen the latter contested Hashim b. 'Abd Manaf 7). Due b. to these marriages Bansi1-HIrith Fihrbecamea part of the the Abta.his and consequently of the Mu.tayyabzn The case of the BaniIl-1Hirith 8). is instructiveand points to the policy followed by Qurayshof adopting clans and attachingfamiliesand individualsinto their community9). Iladhi lahu tdlibin: qdla ab . khdiz makinahu: 1-walidu ra'aytum qad bnu abi wa-khilu l'dsiiydsu ma'badi ma bnu juqilu iydsubnuma'badin; wa-kana 'badu wahbin tabannahu, fa-kana Ja-lamma bni (r) ft qurayshin, fa-jama'ahum kdnatkhilifatu'umara 1-khattabi wajadahum butpni ild fa-hamalahumgaumihim 'ala 'arafatihim. wai) Al-Munammaq, 18, 84, 237. pp. 2) Ibid.,pp. 20 ult., 223; and see al-'Isdmi, cit.,1, 163. op. 3) Al-Munammaq, 20, 44. pp. 4) Ibid.,p. 146. 5) Ibid.,p. 334ult. Ansdb,fol. 833a,inf.; Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq, 324-326; 6) Al-Balidhuri, pp. b. 'Abdallah, cit.,pp. 443 ult.-444,1.7; al-Zubayr Bakkdr, cit.,fol. b. op. op. Muscab zoo00b. ed. Cairo 1917, p. 20. 7) Al-Maqrizi, al-Nizd' wa-l-takhdsum, Mahmid cArn-as, b. b. 8) Al-Zubayr Bakkdr, cit., fol. zoob: wa-qadima cabd (i.e. op. al-'uzzad 'dmir) makkata ma'ahuwaban fa-.awwajahu mandfiz fa-sdra i I'abdu 'qadahu wa-aqama bni -sababi bni wa-bi-dhiilika ild harithi fihrinmaca bani 'abdimandfi qusajj'in 1-9aumi, dina bni i-sababi min fi saru7 ahli1-bitahi, banimuhadribiflhrinwa-bi-dhdiika aydan dakhahi i-mu ta)'abin. pp. 9) See e.g. Ibn Habib,al-Munammaq, 275-332. MECCA 83 could achievein Meccacan be deduced The high position which a .alrf for instance from the fact that a man from Sulaym was appointedby in Quraysh as "mu.htasib" Mecca 1). and The two groups of the Mutayyabfin the Ahlajf could be mobilized with no difficulty. This can be gauged from the report about the murder of Abii Uzayhir; both groups stood ready to fight and the to spur them to fight each other. Only due Prophet ordered .Hassdn to the wise intervention of Abui Sufyan was bloodshed prevented. The dateof the event is given with precision: after the battle of Badr2). The cohesive force of this alliance can be gauged from the report that cemeteries Mecca:one of in of al-Fdkihi, therewere two separate of A story told on the authority Ibn Abi Mulayka recordsa talk 5) between'Abdallah Safwanb. Umayyaand Ibn 'Abbds.The story b. in with the role of Meccaand exposesproblemsdiscussed connection its developmentand attests the persistenceof the idea of division betweenthe and Ibn 'Abb~sattendedthe siqaya 6); Mu.tayyabfin A.hlaf. said: "How is the rule 'Abdallahb. Safwdnpassedby and pleasant (imdra)of the A.hldfwith regard to you" ("What he in fact said was: How did you assess the imara of the with regard to you"). A.hldf Ibn 'Abbds answered: "The imdraof the before that was Mu.tayyabin better than that"; he referredto the caliphateof Abli Bakr and 'Umar. Ibn Safwdn said: "'Umar ordered to close the well of Zamzamin the At the "Day of Uhud" and the AMu.tayyabfin, another of the A.hldf3). and Quraysh fought under the banners of the Mutayyabin A.hldf4). intervalbetweenthe periodsof the to the well only .hai" (i.e. open in the periodof the Ibn 'Abbassaid:"Do you strivefor the haj--K). i) Al-Fdkihi,op.cit., fol. 449b; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 286; al-Azraqi,op. cit. p. p. 454; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., fol. i29a; L.'A, s.v. sh r d; Ibn Abi 1-Hadid, op. cit., XVIII, 299.* 2) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., fol. 145b; Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, 237-241. pp. bi-acla makkata wa3) Op. cit., fol. 480a: ... wa-kinat maqbaratu 1-mutayyabina al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., fols. I74b, I84a. 4) Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr,op. cit., fol. 86b. al-tahdhzb, 306, no. 523. V, 5) See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib 6) About the privilege of the siqJya granted by the Prophet to cAbbassee Muqdtil, op. cit., fol. 74a; al-Azraqi, op, cit., pp. 337-338; al-'Isami, op. cit., I, 207. see and makkata; details about the Mutayyabfin Abhl3f, maqbaratI bi-asfali 1-ahljfi 84 M. J. KISTER sunnaof 'Umar? 'Umar ordered to turn the upper and lower parts of the valley (i.e. the valley of Mecca) into a resting place for the pilgrimsand to turn Ajyadaynand Qu'ayqi'cn into a place for walking and resting for them. Then you and your "patron" (sahibuka) started to build up the place with houses ("he perhaps said: 'you built it up with houses and palaces'"); within this is your house and property; after that (i.e. after all your actions contrary to the prescriptionsand interdictions of 'Umar-K) you come and ask (for the application of of-K) the sunnaof 'Umar? How far is it! You left the sunna 'Umar far behind 1)." The quoted passage shows clearlyhow firm the consciousness of the and was in the minds of the division between the Mu.tayyabfin A.hlaf in the times of 'Uthman. The rule of Abi Bakr (muttayyabi#n) Qurashites and 'Umar (a.hlaf)was assessed according to which faction they belonged to. The questions discussed in this talk were connected with the conflicting views about the role of Mecca and whether it was legitimate to develop it. It was a fundamentalquestion whether Mecca had to be kept as a center of pilgrimage, in which building new residential quarters was to be forbidden and the original character of the city preservedas it was in the times of the Prophet.As we can see from the quoted passage changes did take place early. A considerable wave of building activity is attested in the times of Mu'dwiya. The number of houses and courts bought by Mu'rwiya at Mecca is surprising. He bought from the BandiMulayl of Khuzd'a or the court called Ddr Ibrdh7m Ddr Aus, located in the lane of the shoemakers,in the quarterof the allies of the BandiHdshim2). In the quarter of the Band 'Abd Shams he acquired by exchange the Ddr 3). al-Hammdm In the same quarter he got hold of an unoccupied of land in the neighbourhood of the court of al-Hakam b. piece i) A1-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 443b; al-Azraqi, op. cit., p. 392. Al-FSkihi, op. cit., fol. 448b, H1.11-12; in this court the shoe-makers and butchers had their shops (ib., fol. 45 Ia, 1. 16). 3) Ibid., fol. 449a, 1. 4. 2) MECCA 85 Abi 1-'As and built there the court of Ziyvd b. Abihi 1). To Mu'dwiya (built with read bricks and gypsumbelonged the Ddr al-Raqtad' mortar), the White Court (al-Ddr al-Baydd'--theplastered court), the Ddr al-Marajil(bought by Mu'cwiya from the family of al-Mu'ammal of the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b), 2) the Ddr Babba (='Abdallah b. al-HIrith b. Naufal b. b. 'Abd al-Muttalib), the Ddr Salm (a court al-.Harith located opposite the Ddr al-Hammdm),Ddr al-Shi'b, a court in the lane of the blacksmiths called Ddr Mdli Lldhi (in which the diseased were housed), the Ddr Sa'd (built of carved stones, with figures carved in the stones).3) In the quarterof the 'Abd al-Dir Mu'dwiyabought the Ddr al-Nadwa from Ibn al-Rahin and paid for it I00,000 dirham 4) 5). In this quarter bought also the court of Sa'idb. Abi Talha6). In he the quarterof the Bana Zuhra he bought some courts from the 'Abd 'Auf7). Mu'dwiya bought also the house of Khadija, in which the Prophetlived untilthe hira, andturnedit into a mosque8). According to tradition,Mu'cwiyawas the first who built in Meccahouseswith baked bricks and gypsum mortar The sums spent on buildings 9). can be gauged from the report about the building of the court of and deposited al-Hajjij.He bought the court of 'Abd al-Muttalib thirty thousanddinars,as expensesof the building,with the pious b. 'Abd al-'Uzzd 10). For the court of 'Atd' b. Abi Rab.h .Huwaytib five thousand dindr11). In some of the courts Mu'cwiya paid fourty i) Ibid., fol. 449a, 11. 18-19; the spot between the court of Aba Sufygn and Hanzalab. Abi Sufydn,facing the court of Sa'id b. al- 'As and the court of al-Hakam was called BaynaI-Ddrayni;it was a place where the caravanswith wheat and corn used to make halt. 2) In this court there were pots of brass in which meals for the pilgrims and meals of Ramadanwere preparedin the time of Mu'Iwiya. 3) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fols. 450ob,inf.-45Ib, 46ob, 1.5. 4) See on him ibid., fol. 424a. and see other versions about this transactions: al-Zubayr b. 5) Ibid., fol. 45 5b; Bakkdr, op. cit., fol. 88b; Mughultdy, op. cit., fol. z8b, ult.; Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., fol. 24a; al-Sira al-halabiya,I, 17 inf.; al-Balkdhuri,Fuztzh, 70. p. 6) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fols. 456a, 1. 6; 496a. 7) Ibid., fol. 456b, 1. 5. 8) Ibid., fol. 47ob; cf. al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 457 inf. 9) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 441a. io) Ibid., fol. 447a. i i) Al-Balddhuri,AnsdbIVA, 47, 1. 17 (and see the referencesof the editor). 86 M. J. KISTER acquired by Mu'dwiya there seem to have been workshops of craftsmen, stores and magazines1), which securedincome and profit. The vigorous building activities of Mu'dwiya were met with opposition by the orthodox circles, who looked with disapproval at the changes in the city. They wanted it to be a city for pilgrims, with wide, unbuilt spaces, preserved for pilgrims and their riding beasts. A chapterin al-FRkihi's comprehensive dealingwith theseproTa'rikh, makkatawa-jaratihd kird'i bzuyiti blems, is entitled: "dhikrukardhayati wa-bay'iribd'ihdwa-md 2). jd'a ft dhdlikawa-tafsiruihu" The arguments of of the scholars based on the utterances the Prophet.He is said are to have stated,that Meccahad to be put freelyat the disposalof the au mubdhun pilgrims:houses should not be rentednor sold (makkatu mundkhan Id tubd'uribd'uhd buyz7tuIh).4) 'A'isha is 3), wa-ld tuz'afjaru said to have askedthe Prophetto set up for him a buildingin Mecca "Mecca answered: in orderto findshadefromthe sun;but the Prophet is an alighting man placefor thesewho comefirst"(innamd mundkhu hiya "He who eats (the income) of the rent of houses in Mecca, sabaqa).5) eats fire" (i.e. he will enter Hell-K).6) the Accordingto tradition, houses of Meccawere duringthe time free of the ProphetAb-i Bakrand 'Umarcalled"al-sawd'ib", possessions, to accessible everyone: theywerenot sold nor bought;he who needed dweltin them;he who didnot, lodged othersin them7). Peoplecoming I) For the dimensions of a court (ddr)see e.g. the report of al-Ya'qfbi, Mushikalat ed. al-nds bi-zamdnihim, W. Millward, Beirut 1962, p. 13: fa-band 1-Zubajyru 1bnu ... hd dirahu1-mashhbirata wa-fi -aswdqu 'awwdmi wa-l-tijdrdlu bi-l-basrati z) Fols. 443b-444b. L may be regarded as variants in the written 3) The differenceof version text, the two words looking alike in the Arabic script. _.., 4) Al-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 443b, 1.2; al-Qurtubi,op.cit., XI, 33 ult.; and al-Balddhumakkatuharamun yahillu bay'u rib'cihd wa-ld ujz7ru ri, FutYh5, 58: buyftihd;alp. la 1. I; and see al-Tahlwi, Sharhx dni 1-dthar, Muhammad ma ed. Fikihi, op. cit., 444a, Zuhri 1-Najjdr,Cairo 1388/i968; al- Azizi, al-Sirdjal-munir,Cairo 1377/1957, III, 305; cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Kitdbal-warac,Cairo 1340, pp. 80-81. al-Amwdl, XI, p. 5) Al-Balddhuri,Futzih, 58; al-Qurtubi, op. cit.,no. 34; Abai 'Ubayd, Cairo 1353, p. 65, ed. Mulhammad HJImid I6o. al-Fiqqi, 6) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; Abi 'Ubayd, op. cit., p. 66, no. 163. op. cit., IV, 29; Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahkim 7) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; III, 1264 sup. al-qur'dn, al-Tah.wi, MECCA 87 to Mecca used to pitch their tents everywhere,even in the open spaces of the courts 1). The discussion of this problem centered around the interpretation of Sira XXII, 25: ".. . and the Holy Mosque that We have appointed equal unto men, alike him who cleaves to it and the tent dweller"... was "Sawd'un al-'dkifufihiwa-l-bddi" interpretedby some of the scholars as equal rights of the residents of Mecca and the visitors in relation to the courts and houses. The residentshave no more rights in relation to these places than the new-comers. "The visitor may alight at any place he finds; the householder has to shelter him, whether he wants to or not 2)." One of the interpretations a cautious remark:. .. "they has are equal and they are entitled to alight wherever they want, without out driving anyone from thehouse 3).," Another problem, a legal one, closely connected with the discussed question, was whether Mecca was conquered by force ('anwatan)or by a peace-agreement.According to the former opinion (represented by Mhlik, Abi IHanifa,Auza'i) the houses should be considered as spoil; the Prophet did not distribute the houses and let the owners stay in their lodgings gratuitously,leaving these rights for their progeny too. Therefore, the courts of Mecca are at the disposal of residents and visitors alike. The contradictory opinion, represented by alShdfi'i, stated that Mecca was conquered by a treaty; the courts are thus in the ownership of householders4). The practicalapplicationof these views is mirroredin earlytraditions about 'Umar. He is said to have forbiddento build doors for the courts of Mecca5). The courts of Mecca had no doors; the first who installed a door in his court was Ayman b. b. Abi Balta'a (according to another tradition: Mua'wiya).6) 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz in a letter HI.tib See al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 32; Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., III, 1263; and see alBaladhuri, Futih, p. 59. 3) Al-Bal1dhuri, op. cit., p. 59, 11.4-5. 4) Al-Qurtubi, op. cit., XI, 33; Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., III, 1263 inf.-I264 (see esp. 11.4-7). 5) Al-Bal1dhuri, Futzih, p. 59; al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 444b, sup. 6) Al-Fikihi, op. cit., fol. 444a. 2) I) A1-Fdkihi, op. cit., 444a, inf.; Ibn al- cArabi, op. cit., III, 1264. 88 M. J. KISTER to the amir of Mecca prohibited the renting of houses in the city 1). There are compromise utterances, in which the interdiction is records the tradition about the proposal of restricted. Al-Tah.wi 'A'isha to set up a building for the Prophet in Mind; the refusalof the Prophet and the interdiction of building is thus limited to Mini 2). Further, according to al-Tahawi, the idea of equal rights to residents and pilgrims is confined to public places; but places owned by people are not included in this category;3) this is the concept of al-Layth b. Sa'd: rents of houses are permitted, pilgrims may freely alight in open spaces of houses, ways, waste spaces and plains 4). According to another compromise opinion, the renting of houses is unlawful during the but it is permissibleif the rent is taken from .hajj; and a man who is resident of Mecca (mujdwir) not in the period of the A specialchapter al-Fdkihi's in dealswith the permissiTa'rikh .haj5). manrakhkhasa kird'i ft bility of buying and renting houses (dhikru makkata Houseswerein factboughtandsold buyfti ribd'ihd).6) wa-bay'i and the transactions wereaccurately registered 7). The changesin Meccaand the reactionof the orthodoxcirclesare mirrored in a talk between 'A'isha and Mu'cwiya. 'A'isha reproved Mu'cwiya that he built the city into townships and palaces, while the Prophet had made it free for all the Muslims. No one has more right in it (i.e. in the land and buildings-K) than the other. Mu'dwiya answered: "0 Mother of the Faithful, so indeed is Mecca and they do not find anything which would shelter them from sun and rain. I ask for you to bear witness that it is a sadaqa them" (i.e. that my possession in Mecca be considered as a charitableendownment for the Muslim i) Al-Bal1dhuri, op. 9sup.;al-Fdkihi, cit.,fol. 444b,1. 2. Futh, p. 58 ult.-5 Al-Tahawi, cit., IV, 50-5 and see the discussionon this subjectal-Fdsi, op. i; I, al-ghardm, 320-32. Shifa' 2) 3) Ibid., IV, 0o. 4) Al-Bal1dhuri,Fut/h, p. 6o. .. bni bni bnu cabdi1-maliki 1-hbajjaji 7) Ibid., fol. 447a: .fa-khbsamahu cindi1-hajjaji. min yfisufa, ft 1-nafaqata fa-wajadfz al-.hajjsjuwa-l-thamana fa-nazarif l-dawdwin 6) Fols. 444b-445b. 5) Ibid.,p. 6o. MECCA 89 community-K).1) This solemn promise was never fulfilled, of course. The growth of Mecca in the early period of Islam was impressive. Houses climbed up the mountains. They were built above the highly placed well of Jubayr b. Mut'im, an area where houses were never built before 2), and on the hill of Ab-i Qubays 3). The attitude of the pious men of Mecca is reflected in the saying of Ibn 'Umar when he saw the houses built on Abi Qubays: "O Mujahid, when you see houses appearingon its mountains and water flowing in its thoroughfares, then beware"!4) The intent of the warning is made clear in anothersayingof 'Abdallah 'Amr: "Whenyou see riversbursting b. in Mecca and buildingson the tops of the mountains,then know thatyou arealready the shadeof the Day of Judgment".5) in In fact Mu'awiya'sactivity of buying and building houses was accompanied by his energetic activity of digging wells, canals and planting gardens and orchards and cultivating the land in Mecca. Al-Azraqi mentions the wells dug by Mu'cwiya and the orchards in i) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 45 b: ... 'an dhakwana maulda 'a'ishataqda: innamu'dwiyata (r) dakhalacald c'dishata manmilaha, (r) fa-qdlat: anta lladhi 'amadtaild makkata fa-banaytabd wa-qadabahahd madd'inawa-qusyzran, lldhu 'azza wa-jallali-l-muslimina, abadun inna wa-laysa abaqqu bihaminabadin;qda: yd umma1-mu'min7na, makkatakadha wa-and mi min ushhiduki yajidirna yukinnuhum al-shamsi wa-l-matari; sadaqatun annaha wa-la 'alayhim. ahli makkata min z) Al-FHkihi, op. cit., fol. 472b, penult.: ... wa-sami'tuba'Eda kina i-ndsu 1-sakani qadimii-dahrihddhihi 1-bi'ra; yaqiiu: al-fuqahd'i fi ft le.yuj*awiqfina innami kana 1-ndsu fzma dinahai -masjidi,wa-md fauqa dhiika khalinmin al-nasi. .. ila 3) Ibid., fol. 472a, 1. 2: wa-lam buyitun,innama yk auma'idhin abi qubaysin 'ald hadathat 'du. ba 4) Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kitdb al-fitan, Ms. Atif Ef. 602, fol. 4a: ')a mujdhidu, wa-jard1-ma'uft turuqihd idhd ra'ayta biuyftamakkata qad Zaharat 'ald akhshabiha fa-khudh hidhraka.Cf. al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 414a: qdia 'abduIlihi bnu 'amrin(r): idhd ya mujdaidu ra'aytai-ma'a bi-tariqimakkatawa-ra'ayta 1-binaPa yac'l akhdshibahd, fa-khudhhidhraka. 5) Al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 414a, inf.: idha ra'ayta makkata qad bu'ijat kigdman, wa-ra'ayta1-bina'aqad cal caldru'zisii-jibli fa- 'lam anna1-amraqad aZallaka;Abf cUbayd, Gharibal-hadith, Hyderabad 1384/1964, I, 269; cf. similar traditions about Medina in Samhidi's Wafd'u1-Wafd,ed. MuhammadMuhkyi 1-Din cAbd al-Hamid, Cairo 1374/1955 I, I 9: .. .yuishiku an , 1-bunydnu ya'tiya hddhai-makana(Ihdb); and see ibid., the recommendation of the Prophet to Dharr: idha balagha 1-binda'u Abei wa-1sal'anfa-rtabil ild I-shami;cf. Ibn Kathir, Nihbyatal-biddya ft wa-l-nihaya 1-fitan malhim, ed. MuhammadFahim Abf 'Ubayd, RiySd 1968, I, 80: tablughu i-masakinu ihdba. 90 M. J. KISTER which palm-trees and plants were grown1). Activities of this kind were never before carriedout in the city. Sourcesstressthat he was the firstwho dug wells in Meccaandplantedorchards 2). The aim and purposeof these investments be deducedfrom a can talk between'Abdallah 'Abbdsand Mu'iwiya.Ibn 'Abbdssaid in b. his talk when he visited Mu'cwiya:"I know a valley flowing with silentand did not ask him (scil. aboutthe gold." Mu'cwiyaremained he him the placewhichis calledal-'Abbdvalley).Afterwards granted and siyya;Ibn 'Abbdsturnedit into an orchard dug a well in it. AfterwardsMu'cwiyaset up the orchards Mecca).3) expression The "a (in valleyflowingwith gold" points clearlyto the aims of settingup the orchards; they wereobviouslyprofitable. activityof digging up wells and canalsmet with oppoMu'dwiya's sition like the building of houses and palaces.'Abdallahb. Safwdn rebukedMu'Pwiya for his growing orchardsin the "valley where thereis no sown land"(i.e. Mecca),4) to contrary the wordsof Allah5). of Scholars law discussedthe problemwhetherthe fruit of trees and to vegetablesgrown in Meccaare permissible be picked and eaten and whetherit is permissible cut in Meccatreesplantedby men6). to in It is evidentthat cuttingtreesnot plantedby men is forbidden the area haram 7). The governorsand the officials the Umayyads of caredalso for the on supplyof waterfor the cityandfor thepilgrims theirway.'Abdallah b. 'Amirb. Kurayzbuilt cisterns the pilgrimsin 'Arafa He dug for 8). i) Al-Azraqi, op. cit., p.p 442-444; al-Fakihi, op. cit., fols. 49oa-49ib. z) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 441a-b. bal 3) Al-FIkihi, op. ci., fol. 441b: wa-yaqj/a: awmala bi-acridimakkata hPi'in qjri?a / (r) lhi ina bna cabba-sin ma-hmua cimdam .,irata (r): a3 al-~al,,l•sibh innmla-ac/am,wmdi ynajr7 bi-l-dhahabi qdha.)'aaln, (r) na-lam jary'an;qila, fa-sakahamatwi kffa bacdi agqaahlia fi'jas'a/lh; fa-lammlii /iliaica al-cabbsiqJ)yati, fa-airalv qc)awlan; lanmmi" 'almilahd akhadba m/ci'ayata (r)fi camali -/I-a 'i.ti. 4) ,1tr Sira XIV, (Ibrdhim)37. c'n, IV 5) Al-Fkihi, op. cif., fol. 49ob; al-Baldhuri, AIns7b, A, 16. 6) Al-Baldhuri, pp. 60-6I. 7) See al-Azraqi,Fut/.7, pp. 372-374. op. cit., 8) Al-Bal-dhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 799b: ... nwa-takhadlba bi-'carafa/a dim n'walfi& Ibn siqajfdtin; 'Abd al-Barr,al-Isti'lb, p. 932 inf., no. 1587. MECCA 91 wells for pilgrims on their way from al-'Iraqto Mecca and said some day: "Had I been left (i.e. to do as I think fit-K) a woman would journey alighting every day at a well (literally a water-K) and a market until reaching Mecca".1) Later Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri on the order dug a well (between the passes of Dhai Tuwd and .Hajdn) well to the of al-Walidb. 'Abd al-Malikand drew the water from the He was so proud of the deed of al-Walidthat he tried to deduce from it the superiorityof the Caliphof God (i.e. al-Walid)over the Messenger The haramn. waterwas sweet and Khdlidurgedthe peopleto drinkit. He spoke scornfullyabout Zamzam callingit "Motherof the blackbeetles"(umm and over Zamzam 3). al-ji'l~n)2) stressedits preference of God. "Abraham asked God rain water and He gave salty water the of (i.e. Zamzam); Commander the FaithfulaskedHim rainwater and He gave him sweet water"(i.e. the well dug on the orderof the Caliph).4)It was in fact a shamelesssaying. This covered pool located in the having its waters supplied from the well dug by Khalid .haram, was destroyedby Dawudb. 'Ali b. 'Abdallahb. 'Abbasto al-Qasri, the joy of the people;they preferred waterof Zamzam the 5). After the period of the first Umayyads the building activities came to what amounts to a standstill. Such activities were only resumed with the advent of the Abbasids6). 2) There was however a well called "umimji'ldn" belonging to the 'Abd Shams (see al-Azraqi,op. cit., p. 438; al-Fdkihi,op. cit., fol. 487b, 1.4). 3) Al-'Isdmi, op. cit., I, 228. 4) Al-Fdkihi, op. cit., fol. 4I 5a. t//a 5) Al-Mausili, Ghdyatal-wasiPil, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33, fol. I4a: axwalu b. ... 1-birkata calamilahd lla/ ahdatha khal/id 'abdillah b. dawcizd 'ali b. cabdilldh an hadama (read: al-qasri) ... wa-kina amarahubi-'amali hddhihi1-birkatisulaymhainu al-qushayri b. cabdi 1-maliki wa-an fa-kharajabaynazamzam wa-l-rukn ma'an 'adhban yujriyaminhd ... juddhi bihanicamaZamZam wa-kain shurbi arghaba fi ma'i al-aswad minhutmi b. wa-surra 1-nasu z

"Shaʿbān Is My Month...". A Study of an Early Tradition

Studia orientalia memoriae D.H.Baneth dedicate. Jerusalem: The Magnes Press & Institute of Asian and African Studies (1979): 63-70

"Shaʿbān Is My Month...". A Study of an Early Tradition

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M. J. Kister

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shaban.pdf "SHA'BAN A STUDY IS MY MONTH ... " TRADITION OF AN EARLY "Sha'ban is my month": this utterance attributed to the Prophet is widely current and usually coupled with his statement about the status of Rajab and Ramadan.1 A corroborative utterance, linking the month of Sha'ban with the person of the Prophet, evaluates the status of Sha'ban in relation to other months as follows: "The superiority of Sha'ban over other months is like my superiority over other prophets".2 Peculiar is the commentary of Sura 28:69: "Thy Lord creates whatsoever He will and He chooses ... ", stating that this verse refers to the month of Sha'ban: "God adorns everything by something and He embellished the months by the month of Sha'ban".3 In numerous utterances attributed to the 1 AI-Munawi, Fayd al-qadir, sharb al-jami' al-saghir, Cairo 1391/1972, IV, p. 162, no. 4889; al-'Azizi, al-Siraj al-munir, Cairo 1377/1957, II, p. 369; 'Abd ai-Qadir aIJilllni, al-Ghunya li-!alibi lariqi I-baqq 'azza wa-ja/la, Cairo 1322 A.H., I, p. 211; al-Suyiili, al-La'ali al-masnu'a, Cairo n.d., II, p. 114; al-MajIisi, BiMr ai-an war, Tehran 1388 A.H., XCVII, pp. 68-69, 71, 75-77, 181-183; al-Saffiiri, Nuzhat al· majalis, Beirut n.d., pp. 190, 195 ult.; Ibn Oayba', Tamyiz al-!ayyib min al-khabith, Cairo 1382/1963, p. 81 (and see ibid., p. 91, 1. 1); Ibn Babiiyah, Thawab al-a'mal, Tehran 1375 A.H., p. 60; Id., Amali, Najaf 1389/1970, p. 17; al-Zandawaysiti, Raudat al-'ulama', Ms. BM, Add. 7258, fol. 255b; and see Kister, lOS, 1 (1971), p. 198 note 50. 2 Al·Oaylami, Firdaus al-akhbdr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 109b, penult.; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b; cf. al-SuYiili, al-Durr al-manthur, Cairo 1314 A.H., III, p. 236: ... sha'banu shahri fa-man 'a •• ama shahra sha'bana fa-qad 'a •• ama amr; wa-man 'a •• ama amr; kuntu lahu farlan wa-dhukhran yauma I-qiyamati ... (the badith is marked as munkar); and see Abmad b, 1:Iijazi, Tubfat al-ikhwan fi fada'il rajab washa'bdn wa-ramadan, Cairo 1308 A.H., p. 41: ... kana rasulu /lahi ($) yaqi1lu idha dakhala sha'bdnu: !ahhiru anfusakum li-sha'bana wa-absinu niyyatakum fihi, fa-inna lIaha 'azza wa-ja/la faddala sha'bdna 'ala sa'iri l-shuhi1ri ka·fadli 'alaykurn ... ; and see lOS, I, p. 199, note 55. 3 AI-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b: qala fi tafsiri hddhih; l-ayati: wa·rabbuka yakhlllqu rna yasha'u wa-yakhtaru rna kana lahurnu l-khiyaratu, inna lIaha ta'ala zayyana ku/la shay'in (on marjin: bi-shay'in) wa-zayyana l-shuhi1ra bi-sha'bdna;fa·kama zayyalla bihi l-shuhi1ra ka-dhalika yatazayyanu l-'abdu bi-l-ta'ati fihi li·l-ghufrani .•• Prophet, he is said to have recommended the devotional practice of fasting, prayer, vigil and supplication during this month, especially on the eve ofthe 15th ofSha'biin (= the night of the 15th of Sha'ban) , Practices of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, closely resembling those of laylat al-qadr, were scrutinized by A.J. Wensinck, who regarded these two nights as determining a New Year's period of six weeks to two months. This was challenged by K. Wagtendonk, who considered the 15th of'Sha'ban to be "a starting day of a voluntary fast, which arose out of the ascetic tendency of extending the fast of Ramadan". 4 A survey of the traditions on the virtues of the month of Sha'ban may clarify some of the controversies in reports of practices performed during this month, explain diverse tenets of certain circles of Muslim scholars and aid in gaining insight into the ideas of the virtuousness of Sha'biin. I The traditions on the Prophet's fast during the month of Sha'ban are controversial. It is not clear whether the Prophet would fast throughout the entire month of Sha'ban, or whether he would fast only part of the month. The reports on this subject are often vague; some say merely that he used to fast during this month (... kiina yasionu sha'biina); others, ambiguous in style and cast, assert that he would fast most of the month, or the entire month (... kiina yasiimuhu kullahu ilIii qaltlan, hal kiina yasiimuhu kullahu ... ). Still others, unequivocal but contradictory, relate that he fasted the entire month of Sha'ban or, on the contrary, that he never completed an entire month's fasting except in Ramadan (... kiina yasianu sha'biina kullahu ... confronted by: ... wa-lii $iima shahran kiimilan qauu ghayra ramadiina ... ).5 4 EI2 Sha'biin (A.J. Wensinck); A.J. Wensinck, Arabic New Year and the Feast of Tabernacles, VKAW, Afd. Let., N.R. XXV, 2, Amsterdam 1925; K. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the Koran, Leiden 1968, pp. 100-105; S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History, Leiden 1968, pp. 90-110: Ramadan the Muslim Month of Fasting. 5 AI-Nasii'i, Sunan, Beirut n.d. (reprint) IV, pp. 151-153, 199-201 (and see e.g. other versions ibid., in lama shahran maliiman siwa ramaddna batta mar/a li-wajhihi ... ; wa-lam yasum shahran tdmman mundhu atd l-madinata ilia an yakiina ramaddnu etc.); al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'ani I·athar (ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjar), Cairo 1388/1968, II, pp. 82-83; al-Tirmidhl, $abib, Cairo 1350/1931, III, p. 273; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Mulannaf(ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl), Hyderabad 1388/1968, III, p. 103 (and see ibid., another version: ... kana yasumu sha'bdna ilia qalilan); Abii Diiwiid, $abib sunan al-mustafti, Cairo 1348 A.H., I, p. 381 inf. -382 sup.; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; al-Qastallani, Irshdd al-sdri, Cairo 1323 A.H., III, pp. 401-403; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf (ed. Hablb al-Rahman al-A'zaml), Beirut 1392 A.H., IV, 16 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH Debate turned on the word kullahu in the tradition relating that the Prophet fasted the entire month of Sha'biin. Muslim scholars tended to limit the connotation of "wholeness" in the word, making it mean a major part. This was the explanation of 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak (d. 181) as recorded by al-Tirmidhl.f The phrase that the Prophet fasted the entire month (kullahu) conveys in fact that he would fast for the major part of the month (akthara l-shahri), argues Ibn al-Mubarak, basing himself on the Arab manner of speech: when a man says that he spent the whole night in vigiI, he means in fact to say that the major part of the night was spent in vigil. This interpretation indeed clears away the contradiction inherent in the two traditions: the one that the Prophet would fast the entire month (kullahu), and the other that 'A'isha never saw him completing an entire month's fast (... istakmala siyiima shahrin ... ) save Ramadan." The contradiction can thus be removed on the basis of Ibn al-Mubarak's interpretation: the only complete month during which the Prophet would fast was Ramadan; he also fasted for the major part of Sha'ban, Al-Qastallani could rightly remark that the Prophet did not complete an entire month's fasting during Sha'ban, so as to dismiss any thought that the fast of Sha'ban was obligatory.f This interpretation of kull cannot, however, be applied to other traditions in which the Prophet's Sha'ban fast was coupled with that of Ramadan, and in which the account was preceded by a verb or noun denoting wholeness and referring to both months. Certain haduhs relate pp. 292-293, nos. 7858-7861; Ibn Hajar, Fatb at-bart, Cairo 1301 A.H., IV, pp. 186188; Ibn Rajab, Latd'if al-ma'tirif, Cairo 1343 A.H., pp, 127-142; Nur al-Dln alHaythaml, Majma' al-zawd'id, Beirut 1967, III, p. 192; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhlb wa-ltarhib (ed. Muhammad Muhyl ai-Din 'Abd al-Hamid), Cairo 1379/1960, II, pp, 241243, nos. 1481-1486; al-Hakirn, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342 A.H., I, p. 434; alMuttaqi l-Hindl, Kanz I-'ummtil, Hyderabad 1380/1960, VIII, p. 409, no. 2969; alZurqant, Sharb al-mawdhib al-laduniyya, Cairo 1328 A.H., VIII, pp. 124--126; alBayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrd, Hyderabad 1352 A.H., II, p. 210; al-Shaukanl, Nayl al-autar, Cairo 1372/1953, IV, pp. 274--277; al-Zurqanl, Sharh muwatta'i mdlik, Cairo 1381/1961, pp. 451-460; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1349/1931, IV, p. 437; Ibn Wahb, Juz', Ms. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 37a, inf, (... wa-kdna #ytimuhu fl sha'btin); Ahmad b.l:lijazi, op. cit., p. 42; al-Ghazall, Mukdshafat al-quliib, Cairo n.d., p. 249; Mahmud Muhammad Khattab al-Subkl, al-Manhal al-radhb al-mauriid, sharh' sunan abi dawUd (ed, Amin Mahmud Khattab), Cairo 1394 A.H., X, p. 55. 6 AI-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 273. 7 'Abd al-Razziiq, op, cit., IV, p. 293, no. 7861; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, pp. 401-403; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qart, Cairo 1348 A.H., XI, pp. 82-85; Ibn l:Iajar, Fatb, IV, p, 187. 8 Al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, p. 401 (... /i'allti yuzanna wujubuhu), 17 that the Prophet did not fast an entire month (shahran komi!an) except Sha'ban, which he concatenated with (the fast of) Ramadanj? other badtths, on the authority of 'A'isha, say: "I did not see the Prophet fasting two consecutive months except Sha'ban and Ramadan't.tv As it was out of the question that the Prophet would fast for only the major part of Ramadan, the interpretation of kull or komi! as "a greater part" (scil. of the month) had to be abandoned. Scholars accepted the explanation of kull as "entire", but found another way to reconcile the contradictory traditions: the Prophet would sometimes fast the entire month of Sha'ban, and sometimes only a part of it. Another explanation tending to soften the contradiction was that the Prophet would fast during different periods of the month of Sha'ban, sometimes at the beginning, sometimes in the middle and sometimes at the end.U It is evident that scholars sought to draw a clear line between the obligatory fast of the entire month of Ramadan and the voluntary fast of Sha'ban, adjusting the controversial traditions to the orthodox view, which approved of fasting for only a part of Sha'ban. Certain reports give the reasons for the Prophet's fast during Sha'biin. The Prophet, says one tradition, would fast during Sha'ban to replace the days of voluntary fast which he had missed over the course of the year. 12 Another tradition held that, as a person's fate is decided in Sha'ban, the Prophet said he would prefer the decision of his fate to be made while he was fasting.t! Slightly different is the utterance of the Prophet in which he defined Sha'ban as a month straddled by the two significant months of Rajab and Ramadan, and remarked that people were heedless of the virtues of this month. It is in Sha'biin that the deeds of men are brought before the Presence of God, and the Prophet said he would prefer his 9 Abu Dawud, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Dariml, Sunan (ed. 'Abdallah Hashim Yamant), Medina 1386/1966, I, p. 350: ... Umm Salama: md ra'aytu rasiila lldhi (~) sama shahran tdmman illd sha'bdna, fa-innahu kdna yasiluhu bi-ramaddna li-yakiind shahrayni mutatdbi'oyni wa-ktina ya siimu min al-shahri battd naqill ... ; Murtada l-Zabldl, ItM! alsddati l-muttaqin bi-sharhi asrdri ibyd'i 'ulumi l-dtn, Cairo 1311 A.H., IV, p. 257, II. 1-2; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., VIII, p. 410, no. 2972; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, ibid. 10 Al-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 272; Ibn Majah, SUI/an al-mustafd, Cairo 1349 A.H., I, pp. 505-506: ... kdna yasiimu sha'bdna kullahu battd yasilahu bi-ramaddna. II Al-'Ayni, op. cit., XI, p. 83; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, pp. 401-402. 12 Ibn Rajab, op, cit., p. 141; al-Zurqanl, Sharh. al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 125; 13 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, op. cit., IV, p. 437; Ibn Abl Hatim, 'Ilal al-hadtth, Cairo 1343 A.H., I, p. 250, no. 737 (the badith is marked as munkar); Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 140; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126; al-Suyiitl, Sharh al-sudar bi-sharh Mli l-mautd wa-l-qubiir, Cairo n.d., p. 22. 18 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTI! deeds to be brought before God while he was fasting.I+ The month of Sha'ban, says one story, complained before God that He had placed it between the significant months of Rajab and Ramadan; God consoled Sha'ban, ordering the reading of the Qur'an during that month. Sha'ban was indeed called "The Month of the Qur'an Readers" (shahr al-qurrii'); during it pious scholars would redouble their efforts in reading the Qur'an.15 As is usual in the "literature of virtues" (al-far/.ii'il), the qualities and merits of deeds, places, times and devotional practices are measured and assessed, and a scale of merit is established. In an utterance attributed to the Prophet, the voluntary fast of Sha'ban is unequivocally set over the fast of Rajab. When he heard of persons fasting in Rajab, the Prophet said: "How far are they from those who fast in the month of Sha'ban" (scil. in rewardjlw This, however, faced a reported statement of the Prophet that the most meritorious fast (apart from Ramadan) was that during Muharram. Scholars explained that the Prophet received knowledge of the superiority of the fast of Muharram only in the last period of his Iife; and though he expressed the preference, there was no time to put fasting in Muharram into practice, or he may have been held up by current affairs.!" The virtue of fasting during Sha'ban was closely linked with the 14 Al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, p. 276; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., VIII, p. 410, no. 2973; al-Mukhallis, Majdlis, Ms. Zilhiriyya, majmu'a 60, fol. 108a; Ibn Qayyim alJauziyya, ['Iiim al-muwaqqi'in (ed. Tahil 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sa'd), Beirut 1973, IV, p. 297; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 127 inf., 136 ult. - 137 sup.; al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126 sup.; al-Ghazall, Mukdshafa, p. 249; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 255b; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyd", Beirut 1387/1967 (reprint), IX, p. 18; Mahrnud Khattab al-Subkl, ibid. 15 Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 141 inf. - 142 sup.; cf. al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 256a {... 'an anas b. miilik (r) annahu qiila: kiina a shabu rasilli lldhl ($) idhii nazarii ilii hi/iili sha'biina nkabbii 'alii l-masdhifi yaqra'Iinahd wa-akhraja l-mttslimiina zakiita amwtillhlm /i- yataqawwd bihd 1-da'Ifu wa-l-miskinu 'alii siytimi rama ddna wa-da'd l-wuldtu ahla l-sujiini fa-man kdna 'alayhi haddun aqdmii 'alayhi, wa-illd khallau sabtlahu wa-ntalaqa I-tujjiiru (above the line: al-sujjdn) fa-qadau md 'alayhim wa-qtadau md lahum. 16 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 292, no. 7858; al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, p. 277; al-Zurqanl, SharI; muwatta' maltk, II, p. 458; Id., Sharh al-mawdhib, VIII, p. 126; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 102; Ibn Babuyah, Thawiib, p. 59; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 77; and see [OS, I, p. 206, note 96. 17 Al-Qastallanl, op. cit., III, p. 402; Al-f.Aynl, op. cit., XI, p. 84; al-Zurqanl, SharI; al-muwatta', II, p. 458; Ibn Hajar, Fath, IV, p. 187 inf.; cf; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 29; al-Shaukani, Nayl, IV, 271 sup.; Nur al-Dln al-Haytharnl, op. cit., III, pp, 190-191; al-Tirmidhl, op. cit., III, pp. 276-277; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 103. 19 veneration of Ramadan: to fast in Sha'ban was held to be a means of honouring Ramadan.tf All the traditions but one,19 stress the superiority of Ramadan - the month of obligatory fast - over the other months. Consequently a clear line had to be drawn between Ramadan and the virtuous months of voluntary fast, and a distinction made between Sha'ban and Ramadan. The Prophet indeed is said to have prohibited fasting on the day or two days preceding Ramadan, In other traditions this concept was defined slightly differently: the Prophet is said to have forbidden fasting to be carried over uninterruptedly from Sha'ban to Ramadan; accordingly, a pause in fasting (fasl) between these two months was to be observed.w Some sources record an utterance of the Prophet in which the period forbidden for fasting, between Sha'ban and Ramadan was extended considerably: fasting in Sha'ban was to be suspended from the 15th of the month until the 1st of Ramadan.st The interdiction against fasting on the days immediately preceding Ramadan was, however, affected by the dispensation (ruklz$a) for those who were continuing a fast begun earlier in Sha'ban.22 18 Al-Shaukant, Nayl, IV, p, 275 inf.: ... su'ila rasillu lldhi (~) ayyu l-saumi afdalu ba'da ramaddna; fa-qdla: sha'btinu Ii-tazimi ramaddna; al-Daylarnl, op, cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 93b; al-Zurqiini, Sharh al-muwatta', II, p, 458; Ibn Abi Shayba, op, cit., III, p, 103; al-Jilanl, op, cit., I, p. 210; al-Munawl, op. cit., II, p, 42, no. 1277; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindl, op. cit., VIII, p. 348, no. 2535; al-Mukhallis, Majdlis, Ms. Zahiriyya, majmii'a 60, fol. 110b; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, p. 59; al-Majlisl, op, cit., XCVII, p, 77; al-Tahawl, Sharb ma'tini, 11,83 inf.; cf. al-Daylaml, op. cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 130a: alldhumma bdrik lana fi rajab wa-sha'bdn wa-ballighnd ramat!tin •.. 19 Al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, p, 211: ... wa-khttira min al-shuhiiri arba'atan: rajaba wa-sha'bdna wa-ramaddna wa-l-muharrama, wa-khtdra minhti sha'btina wa-ja'alahu shahra l-nabiyyi (s): fa-kama anna l-nabiyya (~) afdalu l-anbiyd"! ka-dhtilika shahruhu afdalu l-shuhiai, 20 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, pp. 158-160; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, pp. 21-22; Niir al-Dln al-Haytharnl, op. cit., III, p. 148; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan, IV, pp. 207-208; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., VIII, p. 310, nos. 2140-2141, 2144; cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Badd'i' al-fawii'id, Beirut n.d. (reprint), III, p. 96. 21 Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 21; 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 161, no. 7325; al-Sakhawl, al-Maqd sid al-hasana (ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Siddlql), Cairo 1375/1956, p. 35, no. 55; al-Dariml, op, cit., I, p. 350; al-Murtada I·Zabidi, op, cit., IV, p. 256; al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawdmi', Cairo 1391/1971, I, p. 430, nos. 489-490,445 no. 540, 745-746, nos. 1517-1519,760, no. 1566; al-Munawl, op. cit., I, p. 304, no. 494; al-Tirmidhi, op. cit., III, p. 274; Abii Dawud, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; al-Shaukiini, Nayl, IV, pp. 290-292; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan, IV, p. 209; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op, cit., X, p. 56. 22 Al-Daraqutnl, Sunan (ed. 'Abdallah Hashim Yamanl), Medina 1386/1966, II, p. 191, no. 57; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., III, p. 23; al-Dariml, op. cit., I, p. 336; Abii 20 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH The traditions explicitly recommending fasting in the final days of Sha'ban were controversial.U The Prophet is said to have made the folIowing utterance: "He who fasts on the Iast Monday of Sha'ban, God will forgive him for his sins".24 Another tradition of the Prophet promises those who fast on the first and last Thursdays of'Sha'ban entrance into Paradise.25 God will protect from hellfire the body of a believer who fasts even a single day of Sha'ban and he will be granted the company of Yusuf in Paradise and given the reward of Dawiid and Ayyub, If he completes the entire month in fasting, God will ease the pangs of his death, remove the darkness of his grave and hide his shame on the Day of Resurrection.26 Especially stressed were the virtues of devotional observance of the first night of Sha'ban. "He who performs on the first night of Sha'ban 12 prostrations (rak'a), reading during the first of them thefiitil;1a and repeating five times qui huwa ahad, God will grant him the reward of 12,000 martyrs and he will be absolved of his sins, as on the day his mother bore him, and no sin will be reckoned against him for eighty days",27 says a tradition attributed to the Prophet. The month of Sha'ban was considered by the Prophet as protection from the fires of Hell; he enjoined those who sought to meet him in Paradise to fast at least three days in Sha'ban.28 Diiwiid, op. cit., I, p. 368; al-Shaukanl, Nayl, IV, pp. 290-292; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IV, p. 210; ai-MuttaqI I-HindI, op. cit., VIII, p. 310, nos. 2142-2143; Ibn Miijah, op. cit., I, p. 506; al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'iini, II, p. 84; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad (ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir), Cairo 1373/1953, XII, p. 188, no. 7199, XIV, 192, no. 7766; Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op. cit., X, p. 54. 23 See al-Bahyaqi, Sunan, IV, pp. 210-211; al-Shaukani, op, cit., IV, p. 291; al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fa'iq (ed, 'All Muhammad a~ijiiwI, Muhammad Abii I-FaQI Ibrahim), Cairo 1971, II, p. 171. And see Ibn Rajab, op, cit., pp. 149 inf. - 150 (... wa-kharraja abt; dawud fi biibi taqaddumi ramaddna min hadithi mu'iiwiyata annahu qiila: innt mutaqaddimun al-shahra fa-man shii'a fa-l-yataqaddam: fa-su'ila 'an dhiilika fa-qdla: sami'tu l-nabiyya (~) yaqiilu: ~uma l-shahra wa-slrrahu ..• fa-yakiinu l-mana: ~amu awwala l-shahri wa-dkhirahu, fa-Ii-dhdlika amara mu'iiwiyatu bi- #yiimi iikhirJ l-shahri ... ); Mahmud Khattab al-Subkl, op. cit., X, pp. 45-49; see Lisiin al-t Arab, s.v. srr. 24 Al-Daylaml, op. cit., Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 143a; al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, p. 210 (AI-JIIiinI adds the reservation that this utterance does not apply when this Monday coincides with the last days of Sha'biin during which fasting is forbidden). 25 AHlaffiirI, op. cit., p. 195. 26 Ibid., p. 196. 27 Ibid., p. 195; cf. al-Nazill, Khazinat al-asrdr al-kubrd, Cairo 1349 A.H. (reprint), p. 43 inf. 28 Al-Saffur], op. cit., p. 195. 21 Shi'i tradition does not differ from Sunni in content; it is, however, richer in jarj{J'il - Iore and its stories are of course marked by specific Shi'i features. A lengthy report on a victory of a Muslim expedition against unbelievers during Sha'ban contains an account of a miracle wrought for the Ieaders of the expedition - Zayd b. Haritha, 'Abdallah b. Rawaha and Qays b. 'A~im al-Minqari - on account of their pious deeds at the beginning of Sha'biin. The Prophet, who welcomed the victorious expedition on its return, expounded to the people the virtues of pious deeds on the first day of Sha'biin: aIms-giving, reading the Qur'an, visiting the sick, reconciling husbands and wives, parents and children, praying and fasting and performing other deeds of piety and devotion. Such deeds would afford a hold on a branch of the Paradise-tree of Tubii, to appear on the first day of Sha'biin. Those who perpetrate evil deeds on that day will grasp the branches of the Hell-tree of Zaqiim, which will emerge from Hell. On the first day of Sha'ban God dispatches His angels to guide the people and summon them to perform good deeds, while Iblis sends his accomplices to Iead them astray. The faithful are to be alert and to revere the month of Sha'biin in order to gain happiness.29 Detailed lists of rewards for fasting each day of this month, compiled after the pattern of the lists of rewards for fasting in Rajab, record the graces and rewards to be granted to the pious who exert themselves in the Sha'biin fast.3o Even serious crimes will be forgiven those who fast during Sha'ban.U The two months of fasting prescribed in cases of incidental killing (Sura 4:92) were interpreted as synonymous with the two consecutive months of Sha'ban and RamaQiin.32 The idea of intercession Iinked with the rewards of fasting during this month is remarkable. According to tradition, the Prophet will intercede on the Day of Resurrection for him who fasts even one day of Sha'biin.33 The month itself is called "The Month of Intercession", for the Prophet is to intercede for those who utter the prayer of blessing for the Prophet during this month.w ~9 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, pp. 55-65 (from the Tafsir of the Imam aI·'AskarI). 30 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 65 ult. - 70; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, pp. 60-61; Id., Amdlt, pp. 20-22. 31 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 74. 32 AI·'Ayyiishi, Tafsir (ed, Hashim al-Rasiili l-Mahallatl), Qumm 1380 A.H., I, p. 266, nos. 232, 235; Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, pp. 57-58. 33 AI·Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 81, no. 49; Ibn Biibiiyah, Amalt, pp. 17,486. 34 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 78: ... wa-summiya shahru sha'btina shahra /. shafii'atl li-anna rasiilakum yashfa'u likulli man yusalli+alayhi flhi. 22 SHA'BAN IS MY MONnI Like Sunnl scholars, Shi'i scholars were concerned with the permissibility of uninterrupted fasting over the two consecutive months of Sha'ban and Ramadan, And as in Sunni sources, the traditions in the Shi'i sources are contradictory or divergent. According to one Shi'i report, the Prophet would fast over the two months without pause (fa$l) between them; however he forbade believers to do this.35 A means of breaking the fast, thus discontinuing a fast of two consecutive months, was provided by advice given by the Imam, to desist from fasting for a single day after the 15th of Sha'ban, and then to continue fasting uninterruptedly.se Some Shi'i traditions recommended fasting the Iast three days of Sha'ban, continuing uninterruptedly into the fast of Ramadan.s? others report that the Prophet would fast three days at the beginning of Sha'ban, three days mid-month, and three days at the end.38 Later Shi'i scholars quoted early traditions concerning Sha'ban, traced back to the Shi'i Imams, in an attempt to reconcile the controversial reports and to establish fixed patterns for the observances and devotions of this month.w Both Shi'i and Sunni traditions are imbued with sincere reverence for Sha'ban and its devotional observances and recommend almost without exceptions? fasting during the month and performance of pious deeds. The only controversy was over the period of fasting during the month and the pause separating the voluntary fast of Sha'ban from the obIigatory month of fasting of Ramadan. II The eve ofthe 15th of Sha'ban is the holiest time of the month and it is recommended to spend the night in vigil prayer and supplication, and the 35 Ibn Biibiiyah, Thawdb, p. 58; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, p. 76 (from Ibn Biibiiyah). 36 AI-MajIisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 72, no. 13: ... mii taqiilu fl ~aumi shahri sha'biina? qiila: sumhu, qultu: fa-l-faslul qiila: yaumun ba'da l-ni sfi, thumma stl. 37 AI-MajIisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 72, no. 16; p. 80, no. 47. 38 Ibn Biibiiyah, 'Uyiin akhbdr al-Ri dii, Najaf 1390/1970, II, p. 70, no. 330; alMajlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 73, no. 18. 39 See e.g. al-Bahranl, al-Hadd'iq al-nddira fT ahkdm al-'itra l-tdhira (ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawiini), Najaf 1384 A.H., XIII, pp. 382-386. 40 But see al-Bahranl, op. cit., XIII, p. 383 (quoted from Kulini's al-Wasii'il): ... annahu su'ila ['alayhi I-saliim] 'anhu fa-qdla: md ~iimahu [i.e. Sha'biin - K] rasiilu lliihi (~) wa-lii ahadun min iibii'! ... ; and see the interpretation given by al-Kulinl, ibid.; and see the contradictory traditions, al-Majlisl, op, cit., XCVII, p. 76, nos. 32-33; p. 82, no. 51. 23 morrow in fasting."! At sunset, says a tradition, God would descend to the Iowest heaven, grant His forgiveness to those seeking it, food to those begging for it and health to the sick, and would respond to those imploring His aid for other needs until the break of day.42 A version (recorded in the early compilation of 'Abd al-Razzaq) holds that on the night of mid-Sha'ban God would look upon His servants and grant forgiveness to all people on earth save unbelievers and those bearing a grudge against others. Other versions include drunkards, wizards, prostitutes and sinners of other varieties in the Iist of those denied forgiveness.O The prayers and supplications on the night of mid-Sha'ban are connected with the idea that this is the night when the life and death of all creatures in the world are decided. Some commentators on the Qur'an took verses 2-4 of Sural al-Dukhiin (44): "We have sent it down in a blessed night. . . therein every wise bidding determined as a bidding from Us ... " to refer to the night of the l Sth of Sha'biin. They consequently interpreted the pronominal suffix in anzalniihu, "We have sent it down", as relating to "the bidding", "the order", "the decree". This 41 But see the hadith, reported on the authority of Abii Hurayra, forbidding fasting on the 15th of Sha'ban, al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawtimi', I, p. 760, no. 1566. 42 Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, p. 421; Ibn Khuzayma, Kittib al-tauhtd (ed. Muhammad Khalil Harras), Cairo 1387/1968, p. 136; al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawdmi", I, p. 761, no. 1568 (cf. ibid., no. 1567); Id., al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 26 inf.; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 51; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., pp. 143, 145; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawdhib, VII, pp. 412-413; aI-Jamal, al-Futiihdt al-ildhiyya, Cairo n.d., IV, p. 100; al-Fakihl, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, fol. 418b; al-Khazin, Tafsir, Cairo 1381 A.H., VI, p. 120; al-Baghawi, Tafsir, VI, p. 119 (on margin of al-Khazin's Tafsir); al-Mundhiri, op. cit., II, p. 244, no. 1491; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 467; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XCVIII, p, 415; al-Turtushi, al-Hawddith wa-l-bida' (ed. Muhammad al-Talbi), Tunis 1959, p. 118; al-Sha'rani, Lawtiqih al-anwdr al-qudsiyya, Cairo 1381/1961, p. 185; cf. al-Malati, al-Tanblh wa-l-radd 'alii ahli l-ahwti'i wa-l-bida' (ed, Muhammad Zahid al-Kauthari), n.p. 1388/1968, p. 113; Abii Shama, al-Bd'ith 'alii inkdri l-bido'i wa-l-hawddith (ed. Muhammad Fu'ad Minqara), Cairo 1374/1955, p. 26. 43 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 316, ult. no. 7923; Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, p. 422; cf, al-Suyutl, Jam' al-jawiimi', I, p. 761, no. 1659; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., V, p. 123, no. 4007 (and see nos. 4009-4010); Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 143 (and see p. 144: the list of sinners, and p. 146: the explanation of the grave sins); Ahmad b. I:Iijazi, op, cit., p. 50; cf. al-Munawl, op. cit., II, p. 316, no. 1942; IV, p. 459, no. 5963; al-Zurqani, Shar/:z al-mawdhib, VII, p. 410 ult. - 411 sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-Kdfi l-shiif fi takhriji a/:ziidithi l-kashshdf, Cairo 1354 A.H., p. 148, nos. 380-381; al-Sha'ranl, op. cit., p. 185; alNaysaburi, Gharii'ib al-Qur'iin (ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'AwaQ), Cairo 1393/1973, XXV, p. 65; al-Razl, Tafsir, Cairo 1357/1938, XXVII, p. 238; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 467; XIII, pp. 269-270, nos. 1481-1482, 1485, 1489, 1491. 24 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH interpretation was vehemently rejected by commentators asserting that the verses refer to the "laylat al-qadr" and the pronominal suffix to the Qur'an, sent down in Ramadan+t But the widespread popular belief was indeed that the night of the 15th of Sha'ban was the night of decrees concerning Iife and death. Those destined to die would plant trees, set out on pilgrimage, beget children, not knowing that they were to die in the course of the year.s> On this night God would order the Angel of Death to seize the souls of those upon whose death during the following year He had decided.w As the Angel of Death is thus occupied in receiving the decrees of death from God, no one dies between sunset and nightfall of this eve.s? This night is indeed called laylat al-hayiit, laylat al-qisma wa-l-taqdir, laylat al-rahma, 44 See Ahmad b. Hijazf, op. cit., p. 47 inf. - 48; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, p. 414; al-Qurtubi, Tafslr, Cairo 1387/1967, XVI, pp. 126-127; Hasan alMadabighi, Risdla fImd yata'allaqu bi-Iaylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, Ms. Hebrew University, AP Ar. 80 439, fol. 9b-lOa; al-Luddl, Faydu l-hanndn fi fadli laylati l-nisfi min sha'bdn, Ms. Hebrew University, AP Ar. 80479, fol. 4a: .. .fa-l-hii' fi anzalnd damiru l-amri, ay innd anzalnd amran min 'Indind fl hddhihi l-laylati, qadayndhu wa-qaddarndhu min al-djdli wa-l-arztiqi ... And see contradictory explanations Ibn al-'Arabi, Ahktim al-Qur'dn (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi), Cairo 1388/1968, p. 1678: ... fi laylatin mubdrakatin ... ya'ni anna lldha anzala l-qur'tina bi-I-Iayli ... wa-jumhiiru l-t ulamd"i 'alii annahd laylatu l-qadri, wa-minhum man qtila innahd laylatu l-nisfi min sha'bdna, wa-huwa btitilun ... ; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966, VI, p. 245; al-Turtushi, op. cit., pp. 118-121; cf. al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 45 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, nos. 7925-7926; cf. al-Tabarl, Tafsir (Bulaq), XXV, p. 65; al-Muttaql l-Hindi, op. cit., XVII, p. 143, no. 468; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol. 15a-b. 46 Al-Munawl, op, cit., IV, p. 459, no. 5964; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 148, ll. 1-2: al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthilr, VI, p. 26; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, p, 269, no. 1483. The story of the tree in Paradise (see G.E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals, New York 1951, pp. 53-54, quoted from Lane's Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians) is recorded by al-Luddl, op. cit., fol. 5b: The tree at the side of the Throne (al-'arsh), resembling a pomegranate-tree, has as many leaves as there are human beings in the world. On each leaf is written the name of a person. The Angel of Death watches the leaves; when a leaf yellows he perceives that the date of the death of the person is imminent and he dispatches his helpers; when the leaf falls the Angel of Death catches his soul. According to a version of this tradition, when the leaf falls on its back, it denotes a positive decree for the person (I}usn al-khiitima); if it falls on its underside, it denotes an unfortunate decree. Al-Suytitl records the tradition on this tree on the authority of Muhammad b. Juhada in al-Durr al-manthiir, III, p. 15 (commenting on Sura 6:60) and in his compilation Sharh al-sudar, p. 22. 47 Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 48 inf.; al-Luddl, op. cit., fol. 5b inf. - 6a sup.; al-Madabighl, op. cit., fol. 17a. 25 laylat al-ijdba, laylat al-takftr.s» In reference to the forgiving of sins, the current popular name of this night is laylat al-sukiik or laylat al-barii'a, "the night of acquittance".49 It is the "feast of the angels" ('id almala'ika)50 and the "night of intercession" (Iaylat al-shafii' ay; on the 13th of Sha'ban the Prophet pleaded for intercession for a third of his people and this was granted; on the 14th he was granted intercession for a second third and on the 15th of Sha'ban he was granted intercession for his entire people.t! An exceptional night, indeed, distinguished by peculiar virtues. 52 A Iengthy report, recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, gives us details of the origin of the devotions of this night. 'A'isha missed the Prophet in her bedchamber that night and sought him eagerly; she found him prostrated in supplication, praying a most moving prayer. The Prophet explained to 'A'isha the importance of this night, conveying to her the good tidings that God would grant His forgiveness to a countless multitude of believers, as many as the hairs of the flocks of the tribe of Kalb. 53 48 See ai-Jamal, op. cit., IV, p. 100; Ahmad b. l:Iijiizi, op. cit., pp. 48-49; alGhaziili, Mukdshafa, pp. 249-250; al-Luddi, op. cit., fol. 5b-6a. 49 For the expression barii'a as "acquittance", "discharge of sins", see the story about the letter sent by God and found on the breast of'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz during his burial: Ps. Ibn Qutayba, al-Imdma wa-l-siytisa (ed. Tiihii Muharnmad al-Zayni), Cairo 1378/1967, II, p. 102: bi-smi lldhi l-rahmdni l-rabtm, kitabun bi-l-qalami I-jalil, min alldhi 1-'azizi 1-'alim, bard' atun Ii-'umara bni 'abdi 1-'aziz min al-' adhdb i l-alim, And see al-Madiibighi, op. cit., fol. 17b: " .fa-fi laylati l-bard'ati mithlu dhdlika yu'!a l-wdhidu barii'atan, fa-yuqtilu aufayta l-haqqa wa-qumta bi-shara'iti l-'ubudiyyati fa. khudh bard'atan min al-ndri; wa-yuqdlu li-wdhidin istakhfafta bi-haqqi wa-Iam taqum bi-shard'iti l-t ubildiyyatlcfa-khudh barii'ataka min al-jindni. 50 AI-Jiliini, op. cit., I, p. 216; al-Luddi, op, cit., fol. 6a; Ahmad b.l:Iijiizi, op. cit., p. 48 inf.; al-Ghazall, Mukiishafa, p. 249; al-Madiibighi, op, cit., fol. 17a-b. 51 AI-Jamal, op. cit., IV, pp. 100; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., p. 49; al-Ghaziili, Mukdshafa, p, 250; al-Naysiibiiri, op. cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Riizi, op. cit., xxvn, p. 238. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, no. 7927; Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rlkh (ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Badriin), Damascus 1330 A.H., I, p. 47; III, p. 296; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 144 inf.; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 26; al-Zandawaysiti, op. cit., fol. 259a; aI-Jiliini, op. cit., I, p. 215; Ahmad b. Hijazl, op. cit., pp. 48, 51; Ibn Hajar, al-Kdfl l-shdf, p. 148, no. 382; al-Wassabt, al-Baraka fi fadli l-sayt wa-l-haraka, Cairo n.d., p. 78; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol. 17a. 53 See Ibn Majah, op. cit., I, pp. 421-422; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., II, p. 243, nos. 1488, 1490; V, p. 124, no. 4008, 126, no. 4012; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, pp. 26-27; al-Jllanl, op. cit., I, pp. 213-215; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 143; Ahmad b. l:Iijiizi, op. cit., p. 49; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, pp. 410-411; al-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, pp. 88-89 (no. 16); XCVIII, pp. 416-419 (and see XCVII, p. 86, no. 8): al- 26 SHA'BAN IS MY MONUI Special prayers and supplications were recommended and precious rewards promised to those who would exert themselves in devotion and prayer during this night. Among the numerous rewards were forgiveness of sins and entry into Paradise. Orthodox scholars sharply criticized these hadtths, often branding them as weak or forged.sShi'i sources outdo the Sunni in propagating the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban; they emphasize that the Imams were singled out by the blessings of this night. God granted the Prophet laylat al-qadr, while He granted the Imams (ahl al-bayt) the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, according to a report transmitted on the authority of al-Baqir.55 A tradition attributed to the Prophet says that the position of 'Ali within the family of the Prophet (iilu muhammadint is like that of the best of the days and nights of Sha'ban, i.e. the night of the 15th of Sha'ban.56 Noteworthy is the tradition recommending a visit to the grave of Husayn on this night; forgiveness of sins will be the assured reward.s? Orthodox Muslim scholars emphasized the superiority of laylat al-qadr over the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, laylat al-barii'a. Although some scholars opined that there is no fixed date for laylat al-qadr and that it Dhahabl, Mtzan al-i'tiddl (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi), Cairo 1382/1963, IV, p. 262, no. 9081; al-Zandawaysitl, op. cit., fol. 259b-260b; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238; al-Madabighl, op. cit., fols. 18a-20b; al-Muttaql I-Hindi, op. cit., XIII, p. 270, nos. 1486-1488, 1491. 54 Al-Suyutr, al-Durr al-manthiir, VI, p. 27 inf. - 28 sup.; Abil Talib al-Makkl, Qut al-qullib, Cairo 1351/1932, I, p. 93; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XVII, p. 144, no. 469; Ahmad b. I:Iijazi, op. cit., p. 52 inf. - 53; al-Jilanl, op. cit., I, p. 216; alShaukanl, al-Fawd'id al-majmira fi I-al;liidithi l-maudtra (ed. 'Abd al-Rahman alMu'allamt l-Yamanl), Cairo 1380/1960, pp. SO-51, no. 106; Id., Tuhfa: al-dhakirin bi·'uI#ati I-Min al-hastn min kaldmi sayyid al-mursalin (ed. Muhammad Zabara alHasanl al-San'anl), Cairo 1393/1973, pp. 182-183; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 197; aI-Jamal, op. cit., IV, p. 100; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVII, pp, 85-86 (nos. 5, 7), 87 (no. 13), 89 (no, 17); XCVIII, pp. 408-418; Ibn Babuyah, 'Uyun akhbiir al-Ridd, I, p. 228; Id., Amalt, p. 24; al-Tusl, Amdll, Najaf 1384/1964, I, p. 303; Ibn al-Jauzl, al·MaurJu'iit (ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman), Medina 1386/1966, II, pp. 127-130; al-Suyutl, al·La'dli al-masnii:a fi l-ahddithi l-maudaa, Cairo n.d., II, pp. 57-60; Ibn Hajar, alK4fi al-shdf, p. 148, no. 379; al-Wa$$abi, op. cit., pp. 76-78; Ma' al-'Aynayn, Na't al-bidiiyiit wa-taustf al-nihdydt, Fas(?) 1312 A.H" pp. 184-185; al-Nazill, op. cit., pp. 43-44; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 55 AI-Tilsi, Amiili, I, p. 303; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XCVII, p. 85, no. 5 (from the Am4/i). S6 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 87, no. 9 (from the Tafslr of' al-Imam al·'Askari). 57 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XCVII, p. 85, no. 4, p. 87, nos. 10-11. 27 can occur on any night throughout the entire year,S8 the majority held that laylat al-qadr is a night of Ramadan, thus inherently excelling any night of the inferior month of Sha'bii.n. The early scholar and judge Ibn Abi Mulayka-? is reported to have sharply rebuked those scholars who held that the reward for observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban equals that of laylat al-qadrsv This report indicates that orthodox scholars were reconciled to the veneration of the night of the 15th of Sha'bii.n, and merely stressed the inferiority of this night (laylat al-barii' a) in comparison with laylat al-qadr. Legitimization of laylat al-barii' a was linked with the elaboration of the idea of its virtues and merits as compared with those of laylat al-qadr. Scholars stressed the difference between the two nights, as well as their relationship: the date of laylat al-barii'a was announced and fixed, but that of laylat al-qadr (referring to that during Ramadan - K) is not revealed, for laylat al-barii' a is the night of judgement and decree, while laylat al-qadr is the night of mercy. Were the date of laylat al-qadr divulged and precisely determined, people would abstain from every exertion and rely upon the mercy of GOd.61 A report, recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, defines the mutuaI, complementary functions of the two nights: God issues His decrees on laylat al-barii'a, but delivers them for execution on lay/at al-qadr/a In another, more detailed version, the copying from the Preserved Tablet commences on laylat al-barii'a and is completed on laylat al-qadr, when the list of sustenances is handed over to the angel Mikii.'il, the list of earthquakes, lightning and wars to Jibril, and the list of deeds (a'miil) to the angel Ismii.'ilwho is in charge oflower Heaven and is an angel of very high rank.63 58 See al-Tahawl, Sharh ma'iini, II, p. 92: ... anna bna mas'iidin qiila: man qdma l-sanata kullahd asdba laylata l-qadri ... (see the contradictory opinion of Ubayy b. Ka'b, ibid.); Ibn 'Asakir, op, cit., II, p. 324; al-'Amili, al-Kashkiil (ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawl), Cairo 1380/1961, I, p. 405: ... wa-minhum man qiila: hiyafi majmiri l-sanati, Iii yakhtassu bihd shahru ramaddna wa-ld ghayruhu; ruwiya dhiilika 'ani bni mas' iidin, qdla: man yaqumi l-haula yusibhd. 59 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, V, p. 306, no. 523; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, Beirut 1377/1957, V, p. 472; al-Fasl, al-t Iqd al-thamin (ed, Fu'ad Sayyid), Cairo 1385/ 1966, V, p. 204, no. 1570; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al·buffii;, Hyderabad, I, p. 101; Waki', Akhbdr al-quddt (ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Maraghl), Cairo 1366/1947, I, p. 261. 60 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, p. 317, no. 7928; al-Turtushi, op. cit., p. 119. 61 Al-Jllani, op. cit., I, p. 216; al-Saffurl, op. cit., p. 198; cf. al-Zandawaysitl, op. cit., fo1. 273b. 62 AJ-Baghawi, Ta!sir, VI, p. 120, 1. 7; al-Jamal, op. cit, IV, p. 100, 11. 25-26; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XCVIII, p, 414. 63 Al-Jamal, op. cit.,IV,p. 100 inf.; Ahmad b.l:lijazi, op. cit., p. 48 sup.; al-Luddl, op. cit., fol 5b; al-Naysaburl, op, cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Madabighi, op. cit., fol, lOb. 28 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTI! The beginnings of the devotional observance of laylat al-barii'a seem to go back a long way. A legendary report of an expedition sent by Abu 'Ubayda, during his conquest of Syria, contains an interesting passage on laylat al-barii'a. The commander of the expedition, appointed by Abu 'Ubayda, was 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, son of the uncle of the Prophet, the famous martyr Ja'far al-Tayyar, Among the warriors of his troop was the pious Wathila b. al-Asqa'.64 When the troop was about to set out, 'Abdallah noticed the brightness of the moon. Wathila declared that it was the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, the blessed night of great virtue. On that night, he said, sustenances and decrees concerning life and death are set down, sins and wrong deeds are forgiven. Wathila stressed that, regardless of his desire to spend the night in vigil (wa-kuntu aradtu an aqiimahii, scil. in devotional observance - K), setting out to fight for God's sake was preferable. Consequently the troop indeed marched out.65 Some reports relate that certain tiibi'iin in Syria would perform the devotional practices of this night, mentioning specifically Maki}.ii166 Luqman b. 'Amir67 and Khalid b. Ma'dan.68 The well-known scholar Ishaq b. Rahawayhs? adopted their view and was favourable toward the observance of laylat al-bariia. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabai}.,7oIbn Abi Mulayka"! and the majority of the scholars of al-Hijaz opposed these practices; Maliki and Shafi'I scholars followed in their path, severely criticizing the obser64 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, p. 101, no. 174; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II p. 21, no. 120; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl), Cairo 1392/1972, VI, p. 591, no. 9093; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Istl'tib (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl), Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1563, no. 2738. 65 Ps. Waqidi, Futid: al-Shdm, Cairo 1348, I, p. 57. 66 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 404, no. 5; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazrajl, Tadhhib tahdhib al-kamdl (ed, Mahmud 'Abd al-Wahhab Fayid), Cairo 1391/1971, III, p. 54, no. 7178. 67 See on him Ibn Hibban al-Bustl, Kitdb al-thiqdt (ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl, Hyderabad 1388/1968, p. 229; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazraji, op. cit., II, p. 372, no. 6005. 68 See on him Ibn Hibban al-Bustl, op. cit., p. 55; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, III, p. 118, no. 222; al-Bukharl, Ta'rtkh, III, no. 601; Safiyy al-Dln al-Khazrajl, op. cit., I, p. 284, no. 1802. 69 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-huffd z, p. 433; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, I, p. 216, no. 408; Ibn Abl Hatim, al-Jarh wa-l-tadtl, Hyderabad 1371/1952, II, p. 209, no. 714; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-i'tiddl, r, p. 182, no. 733; al-$afadi, al-Wdfi bi-l-wafaydt (ed. Muhammad Yusuf Najrn), Wiesbaden 1391/1971, VIII, p. 386, no. 3825 (and see the references of the editor); al-Subkl, Tabaqiit al-shdfi'tyya (ed. al-Hulw - al-Tanahl), Cairo 1383/1964, II, p. 83, no. 19. 70 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 31; al-Fasl, al-t Iqd al-thamtn, VI, pp. 84-93. 71 See on him above, note 59. 29 vances, branding them as bid'a. Amongst the Syrian scholars advocating the devotions there were certain differences of opinion concerning the forms of observance: some of them would wear fine garments, scent themselves with incense, anoint their eyes with collyrium and spend the night in the mosque praying and supplicating publicly. Others preferred solitary prayer and devotion in the privacy of their homes. Some persons, says the tradition, refrained from observing this night when they learned that the shcolars and pious men who advocated such veneration based their belief of Isrii'iliyyiit traditions.F There were some extremist opinions, which totally denied the basis of the traditions on the virtues of laylat al-barii'a and branded the reports as forged.P But generally orthodox circles merely reproved the manner of these devotions. A Iate report vividly describes them as practiced in the seventh century of the Hijra. Mosques were lavishly lit and the governor would come to the courtyard of the mosque; firebrands were kindled and the seated governor would act as judge. People would submit complaints against the unjust and wicked, and those convicted were punished on the spot. The adversaries shouting their arguments, the cries of the punished, the barking of the guards (janiidira) and the noise of the crowd turned the mosque into a poI ice-station (diiru shurta), as noted by Ibn aI-I.HiJJ,74The Iatter especially denounced processions to cemeteries, performed on this night by mixed crowds of men and women. Some women sang, some beat tambourines; a sort of cupola-shaped canopy (ka-l-qubba 'alii 'amiid), surrounded by lamps (qanadtt) was carried in the crowd and so the people arrived at the cemetery. Wooden posts were set up on the graves and hung with the clothes of the dead. Relatives sat down on the graves and talked to the dead about their troubles and sorrows, or complained at the graves of scholars and the righteous. Ibn al-Hajj stresses that some of these practices resemble those of the Christians, who would dress their statues and pray before their images.75 A rather Iate date for the introduction of the prayer of the night of the 72 Al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawdhib, VII, p. 413; Ibn Rajab, op. cit., p. 144; Ahmad b I;Iijazi, op. cit., p. 52; 'Ali Mahfuz, al-Ibda'li ma ddrr al-ibtidd', Cairo 1388/1968, p.295. 73 See e.g. Ibn 'Arabi, op. cit., IV, p. 1678: ... wa-Iaysa Ii laylati l-nisfi mill sha'bdna badtthun yu'awwalu 'alayhi, la Ii fat/liM wa-Id Ii naskhi I-ajali filla, fa-hi tal/a/ita ilayhd. And see note 44 above. 74 Ibn al-Haj], al-Madkhal, Beirut 1972, I, pp. 302-303. 75 Ibid., pp. 304-307. 30 SIlA'BAN IS MY MONTII 15th of Sha'ban in Jerusalem is recorded by al-Turtushi, According to his report, a man from Nabulus came to Jerusalem in 448 A.H. and performed this prayer in the mosque of al-Aqsa. From then onward the prayer became current and was held in al-Aqsa and in homes, coming to be considered a sunna.l» III The reports on the early origin of the observance of laylat al-barii'a seem to be trustworthy. The favourable attitude of the Syrian tiibi'fm (in the second half of the first century of the Hijra) towards these practices probably points to an earlier tradition, to be traced back to some of the Companions, such as Wathila b. al-Asqa"; indeed Makhul, who championed the observance of laylat al-barii'a, was a student of Wathila and transmitted hadtth on his authority.?? These practices were, as we have said, attributed to the Prophet himself. The observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban was not confined to Syria; so much can be deduced from the utterance of Ibn Abi Mulayka, quoted above. Ibn Abi Mulayka was a Qurashite appointed by 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr as judge in Ta'if and in Mecca. It is implausible that his utterance (in which he vigorously opposed the idea of granting laylat al-barii'a equal rank with laylat al-qadr) was directed solely against the people of Syria; more probably it was aimed at the people of Mecca and Ta'if, Furthermore, the transmitter of this report is Ayyiib (al-Sakhtiyani)78 who Iived in Basra and may have been interested in knowing the opinion of his teacher on a practice observed in his town, or country, al-Traq. It is to be remarked that the utterance ofIbn Abi Mulayka was directed against a qii$$;79it is well known that the qussiis were obliged to edify and encourage people to exert themselves in devotional practices such as laylat al-barii'a. Finally, a short passage in the biography ofIbn 76 Al-Turtushl, op, cit., p. 121; Abii Shama, op. cit., p. 24 (from al-Turtushi); 'Ali Mahfuz, op. cit., pp. 296-297 (from al-Turtushl); Jamal al-Dln al-Qasiml, l~laf;t al-masdjid min al-bida'i wa-l-iawd'id, Cairo 1341 A.H., p. 106 (from al-Turtusht). 77 Al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al·f;tuffli+, I, p. 108, no. 96. 78 See on him Sezgin, GAS, I, p. 87, no. 12. 79 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, 317, no. 7928: ... 'an ma'mar, 'an ayyidr qdla; qila ti-bni abi mulaykata inna ziyddan al-minqariyya (probably: al-namariyya; see alSuyut], Tahdhlr al-khawdss (ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh), n.p. 1392/1972, p. 179; al-Dhahabi, Miztin al-t'tiddl, II, p. 90, no. 2945), wa-kdna qdssan, yaqiilu inna ajra Iaylati l-ni sfi min sha'bdna mithlu ajri laylati I-qadri, fa-qala: lau sami'tuhu yaqiilu dhdlika, wa-fi yadi 'asan, la-darabtuhu bihli; Abii Sharna, op. cit., p. 25 sup. 31 Abi Mulayka, recorded by Ibn Sa'd, may serve to illuminate his disapproval of putting laylat al-barii' a on a par with laylat al-qadr: Ibn Abi Mulayka used to Iead the prayers of the people in Mecca during RamaQan.80 It is thus clear why he would stress the superiority of laylat al-qadr, celebrated during Ramadan, over the night of the 15th of Sha'ban. The charge that the celebration of the night of the 15th of Sha 'ban was based on Isrii'iliyyiit81 should be taken with reserve; it was not uncommon for scholars to discredit their opponents by ascribing bid'a ideas to them, or accusing them of adopting Isratliyyat traditions. In the same category was the accusation that the lavish lighting of mosques on the night of the 15th of'Sha'ban was an innovation of the Barmakids, who were thus actually advocating fire-worship.V The data stating that the majority of Hijazi scholars objected to the observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban seem to be inaccurate, at least as far as the third century of the Hijra is concerned. The account given by al-Fakihi is a detailed and vivid description of the devotional practices performed at Mecca on that night. The entire population of Mecca, says al-Fakihi, would go out to the mosque and spend the night reading the Qur'an, so as to finish the recitation of the entire Qur'an and perform the tawdf; some of them would perform a hundred rak'a, reciting Siirat al-Hamd (i.e. the Fatiha - K) and qui huwa lldhu ahadun (i.e. Siirat al-Ikhliis - K) at every prostration. They would drink the waters of Zamzam, wash (their faces - K) in it and take a supply of the water home to heal their ills through the blessings of this night (combined, of course, with those of the waters themselves - K).83 We have here, indeed, the first reliable information on the prayers of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, as recorded in the sources.s+ and as performed in 80 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, p. 473 sup. 81 Al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-mawtihib, VII, p. 413: ... wa-'anhum akhadha l-ndsu ta' zimahd, wa-yuqdlu innahum balaghahum fi dhdlika iithiirun isrd'Iliyyatun, fa-Iammd shtahara dhiilika "anhumu khtalafa l-ndsu fihic fa-minhum man qabilahu minhum, waminhum man abiihu .•• 82 Abii Shama, op. cit., p. 25 inf. 83 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol 418b: dhikru 'amali ah/i makkata laylata l-ni sfi min sha'biina wa-jtihiidihim fihii li-fadlihd. wa ahlu makkata fimii madd ila l-yaumi, idhii kdnat laylatu l-nisfi min sha'biina kharaja 'ammatu l-rijdli wa-l-nisd'i ua l-masjidi fasallau wa-tdfii wa-ahyau laylatahum /:Iattii 1-~abii/:li bi-l-qirti' ati fi l-masjidi l-hardmi batta yakhtimii I..qur'dna kullahu wa-yusallii, au man $allii minhum tilka l-Iaylata mi'ata rak'atin, yaqra'u fi kulli rak'atin bi-l-hamdi wa-qul huwa lldhu ahad 'ashra marrdtin, waakhadhii min mii'i zamzama tilka l-laylata fa-sharibiihu wa-ghtasalii bihi wa-khaba'lihu 'indahum li-l-mar dd yabtaghiina bi-dhiilika l-barakatafi hddhihi l-laylati. 84 See above note 54; and see Abii Shama, op. cit., pp. 27, 29. 32 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTIl the haram in the third century A.H. The prayer mentioned here is one of the prayers recommended for the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, recorded by Ibn aI-Jauzi and branded by him as forged. Needless to say, the tawiif and drinking of Zamzam water are features peculiar to certain devotional practices and feasts in Mecca. A tradition of the "reward promise" type, recorded by al-Fakihi, belongs to the Iore of current traditions on this subject and is reported by Ibn aI-Jauzi; He who recites a thousand times within a hundred rak'a: qui huwa lldhu ahad, on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, will not die before God sends him a hundred angels: thirty to bring him good tidings that God is to introduce him into Paradise; thirty to shield him from God's chastisement; thirty to deter him from sin, and ten to aid him against his enemies.s' This indicates how widespread the traditions concerning the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban were in Mecca and Mecca scholars were considered orthodox and were said to be opposed to public observance of this night. The continuity of the observance of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban can be traced from the second half of the first century A.H. It is attested in. the second century in the traditions recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq, The passage in al-Fakihi's Ta'rtkh Makka gives a description of the celebration in Mecca in the third century. AI-Zandawaysiti records the virtues of this night in the fourth century. Al-Turtiishi's account refers to the practices witnessed in the fifth century, and Ibn al-Hajj's description depicts the observance at the end of the seventh century. A rich polemical literature concerning this night was produced over the centuries, and numerous !af/a'il treatises were compiled. The night of the 15th of Sha'ban is revered even today, and modern compilations still attack the popular observance, branding it as bid'a and quoting, as usuaI, early sources. The continuity of custom and usage during these celebrations can be illustrated by example. At the end of the seventh century A.H. Ibn all;Iajj mentions the sittings of the governor in the courtyard of the mosque on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, at which he would judge and punish the guilty. In the fourth century aI-Zandawaysiti includes among the Iaudable deeds of the various classes during Sha'ban the sessions of the rulers, who would summon the imprisoned, punish the guilty and free the innocent.w This practice seems to reflect the idea of God's judgment 85 Al-Fakihl, op. cit, fol. 418b; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Mau dirdt, II, p. 128; al-Naysaburf op. cit., XXV, p. 65; al-Razl, op. cit., XXVII, p. 238. 86 See above note 15. 33 in this month or during this night. The custom of visiting cemeteries on this night (Shi'i sources promoted visits to the tomb of Husayn) may be related to the hadith' according to which 'A'isha found the Prophet praying in the cemetery of Baqi' al-Gharqad on this night; it was at this spot that he explained to her the virtues of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban, The observances and celebrations of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban seem to be rooted in Jahiliyya belief and rituaI, as rightly assumed by Wensinck.t? When the month of Ramadan became the month of the obligatory fast, however, the night of the 15th of Sha'ban apparently lost its primacy: laylat al-qadr was fixed by the majority of Muslim scholars within Ramadan (usually as the night of the 27th of Ramadans") and became one of the most venerated nights of the Muslim community. But esteem of the night of the 15th of Sha'ban survived and, lacking the support of official scholars, it became a favoured occasion for devotional practices in pious and ascetic circles, as well as a night of popular celebration (including practices disapproved of by zealous conservative scholars). Moderate orthodox scholars strove to reconcile the traditions of the two nights, granting Iegitimacy to the devotions of laylat al-barii'a but establishing the superiority of laylat al-qadr. Also conciliatory was the idea of a division of functions between the two nights: laylat al-bariia was considered as the night of decrees, laylat al-qadr as the night in which God's biddings (or His mercy) were carried out. All this is, of course, a later development; hence Wensinck's theory of two genuine New Year's nights seems to be untenable. Orthodox Muslim scholars, though disapproving of the public celebrations, agreed to private devotional observances on the night of the 15th of Sha'ban.s? On these conditions laylat al-bard'a could gain their approval and became a recommended night of devotional exertion. The fasting of the Prophet over the two consecutive months of Rajab and Sha'ban may be linked with the tahannuth, which he was wont to 87 See Wensinck, op. cit., p. 6 ("This belief is already recorded by Tabarl; it is probably pre-Islamic"). 88 See Wagtendonk, op. cit., pp. 106, 112, note 5. 89 See thefatwa of Abu 'Amr b. !;>aliib,as recorded by Abu Sharna, op. cit., p. 32, 1.5: ... wa-ammd laylatu l-nisfi min sha'biina fa-lahd fa dilatun wa-i/.!ya'lIhd bi-I-'ibddati mustahabbun, wa-ldkin 'ala l-infirtidi min ghayri jamd'atin; wa-ttikhiidhu l-ndsi laha wa-Iaylata l-raghii'ibi mausiman wa-shi' iiran bid'atun munkaratun. 34 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTH observe in the following month of Ramadan.w The tahannuth is said to have been initiated by the Prophet's grandfather, 'Abd al-Muttalib/" and was observed by some people of Quraysh.Ps This socio-religious observance combined the element of charitable deeds with a practice of veneration toward the haram of Mecca. It was observed on Mount Hira' and is sometimes referred to as i'tikaf or jiwdr in the story of the first revelation of the Prophet. Some reports say that the Prophet sojourned on Mount Hira' in solitude, but others explicitly state that he stayed there in the company of his wife Khadija.P! Some details on the jiwiir of the people of Mecca and its purpose are given by al-Azraqi: the Qurashites would leave Shi'b al-Sufiyy and sojourn on Jabal al-Raha "out of veneration of the haram". This practice was followed in summer.sThe place of the jiwiir of 'A'isha95 and its duration are indicated in a report recorded by al-Fakihi. 'A'isha sojourned for two months at a spot between Mount Hira' and Thabir. People would visit her there and converse with her. In the absence of 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr the prayer was headed by her servant, Dhakwan.ss The two 90 See Goitein, op. cit., p. 93 sup.; Wagtendonk, op. cit., pp. 32-35. 91 See BSOAS, 31 (1968), pp. 232-233. 92 See al-Baliidhuri, Ansdb I, p. 105, no. 192: kdnat qurayshun idhii dakhala ramat!anu kharaja man yuridu l-tahannutha minhd ila hird'«. 93 See BSOAS 31 (1968), p. 225, note 15; p. 227, notes 26-27; and see al-Muttawi'I, Man sabara zafira, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 1473(10), fol. 43b: ... /:latta idhd kana l-shahru lladhi ardda lldhu fihi bihi md ardda min kardmatihi wa-rahmatihi I-'ibiida mill al-sanatl llati ba'athahu lldhu tabdraka wa-taald lihii, wa-dhdlika l-shahru ramaddnu, kharaja rasulu lliihi (i) Ua /:lirli'a kamli kana yakhruju Ii-jlwdrihi wa-maahu ahluhu khadijatu ... A significant version is recorded by al-Fiikihi, op. cit., fol. 499b, ult. - 500a, 11.1-2; the Prophet sojourned on Hira', Khadlja used to come to him from Mecca in the evening. The Prophet descended from the mountain and stayed with her in (the place in which later) the mosque of Shi'b Qunfudh twas erected. - K). In the morning they used to depart. (. .. anna I-nabiyya (i) kdna yakiinu fl birli'a bi-l-nahdri fa-idhd (the verb is missing; perhaps: atli, jd'a or another similar verb has to be supplied) l-laylu nazala mill Mra'a fa-atd I-masjida lladhi Ii l-shi'bi lIadhi khalfa ddri abt 'ubaydata yu'rafu bi-l-khalafiyytn wa-ta'tihi khadijatu (r) min makkata fa-yaltaqiytini Ii l-masjidi lladhi Ii l-shi'bi, fa-idhd qaruba 1-labii(l/I ftaraqd, au nahwahu). About the place, Shi'b iii Qunfudh, see al-Azraql, Akhbiir Makka (ed. F. Wtlstenfeld), p. 491 penult. - 492. 94 Al-Azraql, op. cit., p. 482 inf.: '" Ii-anna qurayshan kdnat Ii l-jdhiltyyatl takhruju min shi'bi l-sufiyyl fa-tabitu f'ihi (the suffix hi refers to al-rdha - K) Ii l-sayfi ta' ziman li-I-masjidi l-hardmi, thumma yakhrujiina fa-yajlisilna fa-yastarlhilna Ii I-jabali ... 95 See Wagtendonk, op. cit., p. 35. 96 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol. 486b: ... 'alii bni abt mulaykata qtila: inna 'a'ishata (r) jdwarat bayna Mrli'a wa-thabtrin shahrayni, fa-kunnd na'tihli wa-ya'tlhd ndsun min 35 reports may help us in the evaluation of the jiwiir of the Prophet (apparently identical with tahannuthi: the Prophet, like the people of Shi'b al-Sufiyy, used to leave his home in summer and sojourn on Mount Hira'. Like them h~ did it "out of veneration of the haram of Mecca"; Iike 'A'isha he sojourned there for some fixed time. None of the reports mentions fasting explicitly. The duration of the Prophet's fast during Rajab and Sha'ban was not fixed; it was sporadic and the Prophet broke fast arbitrarily. The hadiths reporting this manner of the Prophet's fastingv? seem to be trustworthy. The reports of his fasting during the month of Sha'ban recorded in early sources are not questioned anywhere, nor doubted by any authority; they are certainly as reliable as the reports of his fasting during Rajab.98 It may be stressed that there were no rules of fasting, nor any regulations; the Prophet's fast was a voluntary, pious observance, the duration of which he fixed at his own discretion. In Medina, after his hijra, the Prophet was faced with the task of establishing a code of Iaw and ritual. One of the injunctions of this code was to fast. The verses of the Qur'an imposing the fast of Ramadan upon the emerging Muslim community were revealed against the background of the confrontation with the Jewish community.P? the encounter with the hostile Meccan unbelievers and their allies and the victory won on the battlefield of Badr. Even if affected by Jewish, Christian or other influences, these rules formed a genuine independent trend in the nascent body of Iaw for the Muslim community.l00 The injunction of the fast of Ramadan did not, however, abolish voluntary fasting during Rajab or Sha'ban, Some of the controversial traditions concerning the change in the Prophet's fast during Sha'ban after his arrival in Medina may facilitate a better insight into the persistence of this voluntary fast. Some scholars asserted that the Prophet, while in Mecca, fasted only some parts of the month of Sha'ban; after his arrival in Medina, however, he fasted the entire month. Al-Qastallani refutes this report, basing himself on the hadtth of 'A'isha, who stated qurayshin yatahaddathiina ilayhti, fa-idhti lam yakun thamma 'abdu lldhi bnu 'abdi l-rahmdni bni abt bakrin (r) ~a/la biha ghulamuha dhakwdnu abii 'amrin (r); Ibn Sa'd, op, cit., V, pp. 295-296. 97 See e.g. al-Nasa'I, op, cit., IV, pp. 150-151: ... kdna rasiilu /Iiihi (~) yasiimu batta naqillu Iii yuftiru, wa-yuftiru batta naqiilu Iii yasiimu ... 98 See Goitein, op. cit., pp. 93-94. 99 See ibid., pp. 95-102. 100 See Wagtendonk, op. cit" p. 144 inf. 36 SHA'BAN IS MY MONTII that the Prophet, after his arrival in Medina, never fasted any full month, except Ramadan." 01 This tradition transmitted on the authority of 'A'isha deserves our trust. The phrase in this haduh of 'A'isha "mundhu qadima l-madtnata" gives us a clue in assessing the change at Medina. 'A'isha is indeed a reliable witness of the Prophet's Iife in Medina, and her hadtth with the quoted phrase, limiting it to Medina, is apparently sound. The voluntary fast of Sha'ban was now transfigured into an obligatory fast, that of Ramadan, the month of the Prophet's own devotional exertions, the month of his tahannuth in Mecca. This fast became a distinctive mark of the Muslim community and one of the pillars ofIslam. The importance of the fast during Sha'ban consequently declined, but it never Iost its virtuous position as a recommended voluntary fast, observed over the ages and revered especially by pious and devout Muslims; the night of the 15th of Sha'ban became the culmination of the month's devotions. The observances of Sha'ban were finally approved of and legitimized by moderate orthodox scholars. The high esteem of Sha'ban was clearly expressed in the utterance attributed to the Prophet: "Rajab is the month of God, Sha'ban is my month, Ramadan is the month of my community". 101 Al-Zurqani, Sharh al-mawdhib, VIIJ, p, 125. 37