Zoroastrians
akra'.pdf al-AḳraÊ¿ b. ḤÄbis b. Ê¿IḳÄl b. Muḥammad b. SufyÄn b. MudjÄshiÊ¿ b. DÄrim,
TamÄ«mite warrior. Al-AḳraÊ¿ is an epithet (âbaldâ); his proper name (FirÄs? ull?) is
disputed. He is said to have been the last judge in the djÄhiliyya at ÉUkÄáº, having inherited this office (which was a privilege of TamÄ«m) from his ancestors; he performed this duty until the rise of Islam, giving his judgments in sadjÊ¿ (al-DjÄḥiáº, BayÄn, i, 236). He is said also to have been the first to prohibit games of chance (ḳimÄr), but was accused of partiality in the controversy between BadjÄ«la and Kalb. He took part, and was captured, in the battle of ZubÄla (or SalmÄn, according to al-BalÄdhurÄ« and YÄḳūá¹) and was freed by Bisá¹Äm b. Ḳays. Another exploit of al-AḳraÉ was the raid on NadjrÄn after the battle of al-KulÄb al-thÄnÄ« (see al-NaḳÄʾiá¸, 46, 448; Ibn ḤabÄ«b's statement (Muḥabbar, 247) that he took part in al-KulÄb al-awwal is due to a confusion with his ancestor SufyÄn: see AghÄnÄ«, xi, 61). Ibn ḤabÄ«b also states that he was one of the djarrÄrÅ«n, who succeeded in uniting a whole branch of his tribe, the BanÅ« Ḥanáºala, under his banner. According to Ibn Ḳutayba (al-MaÊ¿Ärif, 194) and Ibn al-KalbÄ« (quoted in the Iá¹£Äba) he was a Zoroastrian (madjÅ«sÄ«); this is of importance for the estimation of Persian influence on some sections of TamÄ«m. Nothing is known of his attitude towards Muḥammad up to the time when he joined the Prophet in al-SuḳyÄ during the expedition to Mecca in 8/630. He took part in the conquest of Mecca and was one of al-muʾallafa ḳulÅ«buhum who were presented with gifts, which gave occasion to a famous verse of ÉAbbÄs b. MirdÄs. He took part also in the battle of Ḥunayn and refused to return his booty, in spite of the Prophet's request. (For Muḥammad's somewhat negative opinion of him see also Ibn HishÄm, iv, 139.) He participated later in the deputation of TamÄ«m to the Prophet, the traditional account stressing his arrogant conduct; nevertheless, he was appointed to collect the á¹£adaḳÄt of part of the BanÅ« Ḥanáºala (al-AnsÄb, x, 970r). Together with other chiefs of TamÄ«m, he
interceded for the captives of the Banu 'l-ÉAnbar, and was a witness to a letter despatched by the Prophet to NadjrÄn. During the ridda, according to Sayf (al-ṬabarÄ«, i, 1920), al-AḳraÉ and al-ZibriḳÄn proposed to AbÅ« Bakr to guarantee the allegiance of TamÄ«m against the grant of the kharÄdj of Baḥrayn, and it was only ÉUmar who prevented AbÅ« Bakr from accepting the proposal. In view of the situation of TamÄ«m at this period, this tradition does not seem trustworthy, but it may reflect ÉUmar's attitude to al-AḳraÉ (cf. BayÄn, i, 253, and Ê¿UyÅ«n al-AkhbÄr (Cairo), i, 85). Sayf relates also that he took part in the battle of the ridda alongside KhÄlid b. al-WalÄ«d, and was in the vanguard at the battles of DÅ«mat alDjandal and al-AnbÄr. His name is last mentioned in 32/652-3, when he was sent by alAḥnaf b. Ḳays to subdue DjÅ«zdjÄn; he must have been a very old man at that time. AlBalÄdhurÄ« mentions that his descendants lived in KhurÄsÄn. (M.J. Kister) Bibliography Ibn HishÄm, SÄ«ra, index BukhÄrÄ«, ch. on Wafd BanÄ« TamÄ«m, iii, 65 NaḳÄʾiḠ(Bevan), index Ibn al-KalbÄ«, Djamharat al-AnsÄb, B. M. 1202, 65 BalÄdhurÄ«, Futūḥ, Cairo 1319, 414 idem, AnsÄb al-AshrÄf, MS, x, 969v-970r ḤassÄn b. ThÄbit, DiwÄn, Cairo 1929, 243-52, 353
v
Ibn SaÉd, index Mubarrad, KÄmil, Cairo 1355, i, 133 DjÄḥiáº, BayÄn, i, 236, 253 Ibn ḤabÄ«b, Muḥabbar, 134, 182, 247, 473 Ibn Ḳutayba, MaÊ¿Ärif, Cairo 1935, 194, 305 ṬabarÄ«, index AghÄnÄ«, Tables Ibn ÉAbd Rabbihi, Ê¿Iḳd, Cairo 1940 f., index Ibn Rashīḳ, Ê¿Umda, ii, 160 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamhara, 219 Ibn ÉAsÄkir, iii, 86-91 YÄḳūá¹, s. vv. SalmÄn, DjÅ«zdjÄn Ibn al-AthÄ«r, index LA, s.v. ḳaraÊ¿a Ibn Ḥadjar, Iá¹£Äba, s.v. al-AḳraÉ E. Bräunlich, Bisá¹Äm b. Qais, Leipzig 1923, 46 MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, ImtÄÊ¿ al-AsmÄÊ¿, Cairo 1941, index.
[Print Version: Volume I, page 343, column 1] Citation: Kister, M.J. "al-AḳraÉ b. ḤÄbis b. ÉIḳÄl b. Muḥammad b. SufyÄn b. MudjÄshiÉ b. DÄrim." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.
MundhirEI.pdf al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ (or SÄwÄ«) b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. Zayd b. ÉAbd AllÄh, a chief of
the tribal division of DÄrim of TamÄ«m. The tribal branch of the ÉAbd Allah b. Zayd were, according to tradition, called al-IspadhiyyÅ«n. This name, obviously of Persian origin, is said to have referred to this people because they worshipped a horse (asp); according to another tradition, they were called so because they came from a place called Ispadh. A third tradition assumed that this name was attached to a group of scattered tribal factions joined together and united (al-djummÄÊ¿). Some Western scholars have assumed that the word is derived from the Persian Ispahbadh; this may indicate that this group served as a force of the Ispahbadh of Baḥrayn. There is indeed a report according to which the IspadhiyyÅ«n were a force stationed in the fortress of alMushaḳḳar (see LA, s.v. s-b- dh). The tribal division DÄrim of TamÄ«m were in close relations with the Persians. AlMundhir b. SÄwÄ is mentioned in the Arabic sources as the âMaster of Hadjarâ (á¹£Äḥib Hadjar) or as the âKing of Hadjarâ (malik Hadjar). These âkingsâ, says Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b in al-Muḥabbar, were appointed by the kings of Persia and controlled the market of Hadjar. One of the traditions says explicitly that al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ was appointed by the Persians to control the Arab tribes (kÄna Ê¿ala ʾl-Ê¿arabi min ḳibali ʾl-fursi; alBalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, ms. ÉÄshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a; and see idem, Futūḥ albuldÄn, 106). After his conversion to Islam, the Prophet is said to have appointed him as governor (Ê¿Ämil) of al- Baḥrayn. Reports of the sÄ«ra compilations mention unanimously that the Prophet sent ÉAlÄÉ b. alḤa ramÄ« with a letter to al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ summoning him to embrace Islam. They differ, however, as to the date of the event: whether it took place in the year 6 H. or in 8 H. The exact date cannot be established. But it is plausible to assume that the Prophet sent his emissary to Mundhir after his conquest of Mecca; the conquest
strengthened his position in the Arab peninsula considerably and he could, due to his newly acquired authority, widen his influence in some districts which were remote from Mecca and which, though they formed part of the Persian empire, were entrusted by the Persian kings to Arab leaders. The plan to dispatch the messenger was probably stimulated by the fact that the merchants setting out to Hadjar (literally: to alMushaḳḳar) had to cross the territory of Mu arÄ« tribes and had to get the protection of Ḳuraysh (sc. of the Meccans). Without this protection, the merchants could not reach Hadjar with their merchandise (see Ibn ḤabÄ«b, op. cit.). Mundhir responded by stating that he had embraced Islam, that he had read the letter of the Prophet to the people of Hadjar and that some of them converted to Islam, while others refused to do it. Some traditions say that the Arabs of Baḥrayn embraced Islam. Mundhir asked the Prophet for instructions as to the positions of the Jews and the Magians in Baḥrayn. The Prophet decreed that the djizya should be imposed on them if they stuck to their faiths. In another letter of the Prophet, written to the Magians of Hadjar, the Prophet added two stipulations: the believers should not marry Magian women and should not eat meat of animals slaughtered by the Magians. The Prophet is said to have sent to ÉAlÄÉ a list of the mandatory taxes levied as á¹£adaḳa from camels, cattle, sheep and fruits. The poll tax was imposed according to the social position of the taxpayer: people who had no landed property had to pay four dirham a year and deliver a striped cloak (Ê¿abÄʾa) made of hair or wool; others had to pay a dÄ«nÄr. It is noteworthy that the poll-tax imposed on the people of the garrison of Hadjar (al-waá¸ÄʾiÊ¿) who had been settled there by KisrÄ, with whom a separate treaty was concluded by the Muslim authorities, also amounted to one dÄ«nÄr. The Prophet is said to have dispatched special emissaries (mentioned are AbÅ« Hurayra, AbÅ« ÉUbayda b. al-DjarrÄḥ and ÉAlÄÉ b. DjÄriya alThaḳafÄ«) who would carry out the functions of tax- collectors and instructors in the performance of religious duties.
The full authority of the Prophet in the area can be gauged from a particular phrase in the letter of the Prophet to al-Mundhir: â... as long as you act rightly we shall not depose youâ. Certain cases of deviation and disloyalty seem to have taken place; this is implied in an utterance of the Prophet saying that â... he had the ability to drive them (i.e. the people of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ) out from Hadjarâ. The Prophet enjoined the converts to Islam to obey his messengers and to aid them in carrying out their mission. The Prophet kept direct contacts with the believers of Hadjar; he is said to have received a deputation of the believers of al-Baḥrayn and to have welcomed them. Another tradition mentions that the Prophet met some believers from Hadjar and interceded in favour of Mundhir. The messengers of the Prophet in Hadjar passed favourable reports about Mundhir to the Prophet. The tradition saying that al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ came with a group of believers to visit the Prophet was refuted by the majority of the scholars of the sÄ«ra. Another tradition says that âthe king of Ḥadjarâ sent Zuhra b. Ḥawiyya as his envoy to the Prophet; Zuhra embraced Islam and became a faithful believer. Mundhir is said to have died shortly after the death of the Prophet. A rare tradition says that at the Prophet's death the governor of Baḥrayn was AbÄn b. SaÉÄ«d b. al-ÉÄṣī b. Umayya. The position of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ and his peculiar relation with the Prophet is examined by Ibn Ḥazm in his Fiá¹£al. Mundhir is included in the list of the âKings of the Arabsâ who deliberately and voluntarily embraced Islam, became sincere believers and gave up their authority and prerogatives transferring them to the messengers of the Prophet. Their forces, says Ibn Ḥazm, were much stronger than those of the Prophet and their territory was vaster than that of the Prophet. The letters of the Prophet to al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ in which the Magians of Baḥrayn were granted the right to stick to their religion and were obliged to pay the poll tax,
djizya, are in fact the earliest documents reporting on this decision of the Prophet. This ruling of the Prophet is said to have stirred a wave of discontent and anger among the Hypocrites (al-MunÄfiḳūn) of Medina and is reflected in one of the earliest commentaries of the ḲurÉÄn, the tafsÄ«r of MuḳÄtil. The Hypocrites were enraged and argued that the Prophet had violated his own decision to accept the djizya only from People of the Book; they complained bitterly that on the basis of that ruling the forces of the Prophet had fought and killed their fathers and brethren. The believers were perturbed by these arguments and informed the Prophet about it. Then the well known verse of sÅ«ra II, 256, lÄ ikrÄha fi ʾl-dÄ«n, explicitly forbidding to compel anyone to change his faith, was revealed. Another verse of the ḲurÉÄn, sÅ«ra V, 105, yÄ ayyuhÄ Ê¾lladhÄ«na ÄmanÅ« Ê¿alaykum anfusakum lÄ yaá¸urrukum man á¸alla idhÄ Ê¾htadaytum was also revealed in connection with the claim of the Hypocrites; the very early tafsÄ«r of MuḳÄtil glosses the passage lÄ yaá¸urrukum man á¸alla by min ahli hadjar. Later scholars tried to present the stipulations of the agreements concerning the position of the non-Muslim population on a broader ideological basis. Ibn Ḥazm states in his al-MuḥallÄ that the djizya of Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians may be accepted on the condition that they acknowledge (aḳarrÅ«) that Muḥammad is a messenger of God to us (i.e. to the Muslim community) and do not offend him nor the faith of Islam. MÄlik formulated this stipulation as follows: â... he who says that Muḥammad was sent as a prophet to us (i.e. to the Muslim community), not to them, is free of punishment. He who claims that Muḥammad was not a prophet should be killedâ. The treaties concluded between ÉAlÄÉ b. al-Ḥa ramÄ« and the population of Hadjar according to the instructions of the Prophet were, of course, considered valid and the territories of Baḥrayn and Hadjar were assessed as á¹£ulḥ territories (AbÅ« ÉUbayd, alAmwÄl, 100).
Some scholars attempted to justify the imposition of the djizya on the Magians by the fact that the Magians had had a sacred Book, which was concealed by their sinful king; this assumption was however rejected by a great majority of Muslim scholars of tradition and law. Some scholars claimed that the Magians were granted the right to pay the tax of the djizya because they had âsomething like a Bookâ (shubhat al-kitÄb) and rules applying to the People of the Book are valid for them as well (AbÅ« YaÉlÄ Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusayn al-FarrÄÉ, al-AḥkÄm al-sulá¹Äniyya, 154). The Prophet's ruling imposing the djizya on the people of Hadjar and Baḥrayn was not well-known in the Muslim community of Medina. Even ÉUmar was unaware of it, and was informed about it by some Companions of the Prophet. The injunction of the Prophet was supported by his utterance sunnÅ« bihim sunnata ahli ʾl-kitÄb (see Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, KitÄb al-AmwÄl, 136, no. 122), âtreat the Magians according to the sunna of the Prophet applied to the People of the Bookâ. The stipulations of the treaties concluded with the People of the Book (Jews and Christians) and the Magians in Baḥrayn were applied in other territories of the Muslim empire. The Magian population in the Muslim empire became an integral part of the community, and the Muslim lawyers took care to provide details of their legal status; this can be seen e.g. in some chapters of the early Muá¹£annaf of ÉAbd al-RazzÄḳ. The revolt against Islam, the ridda, which flared up in Baḥrayn after the death of the Prophet and after the death of al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ, was quelled by ÉAlÄÉ b. al-Ḥa ramÄ«, who headed some of the Muslim forces and succeeded in conquering some adjacent territories.
Thus the TamÄ«mÄ« al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ played an important role in the islamisation of the territories of al-Baḥrayn and in enabling the religious communities of Jews, Christians and Magians in Baḥrayn to survive. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography ÉAbd al-RazzÄḳ, al-Muá¹£annaf, ed. ḤabÄ«b al-RaḥmÄn al-AÉáºamÄ«, Beirut 1392/1972, vi, 30-2 (mÄ«rÄth mad̲j̲ūs), 68-71 (akhdhu ʾl-djizya mina ʾl-madjÅ«s), 77-8 (al-madjÅ«sÄ« yadjmaÊ¿u bayna dhawÄti ʾl-arḥÄm thumma yuslimÅ«n), 80-1 (nikÄḥu ʾl-madjÅ«sÄ« ʾl-naá¹£rÄniyya), 108 (Äniyatu ʾl-madjÅ«s), 108-9 (khidmatu ʾl-madjÅ«s wa-aklu á¹aÊ¿Ämihim), 121 (dhabīḥatu ʾlmadjÅ«sÄ«), 121 (á¹£aydu kalbi ʾl-madjusÄ«), 124 (diyatu l-madjÅ«sÄ«) AbÅ« ḤÄtim al-BustÄ«, al-SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya wa-akhbÄr al-khulafÄʾ, ed. ÉAzÄ«z Bak, Beirut 1407/1987, 316 AbÅ« YÅ«suf, K. al-KharÄdj, Cairo 1382, 128- 32 BalÄdhurÄ«, AnsÄb al-ashrÄf, ms. ÉÄshir Ef. 597-8, fol. 969a idem, Futūḥ, ed. ÉAbd AllÄh AnÄ«s al-ṬabbÄÉ and ÉUmar AnÄ«s al-TabbÄÉ, Beirut 1377/1958, 106-18, tr. ḤittÄ«, 120- 31, tr. O. Rescher, Leipzig 1917, 76-85 ÉAlÄ« b. BurhÄn al-DÄ«n al-ḤalabÄ«, InsÄn al-Ê¿uyÅ«n fÄ« sÄ«rat al-amÄ«n al-maʾmÅ«n (= al-SÄ«ra alḥalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, 283 below-284 FayrÅ«zÄbÄdÄ«, al-ḲÄmÅ«s al-muḥīá¹, Cairo 1371/1972, s.v. s-b-d̲h̲ HishÄm b. Muḥammad al-KalbÄ«, Djamharat al-nasab, ed. NÄdjÄ« Ḥasan, Beirut 1407/1986, 201
Ḥumayd b. Zandjawayh, K. al-AmwÄl, ed. ShÄkir DhÄ«b FayyÄ , RiyÄ 1406/1986, 13650 Ibn ÉAbd al-Barr al-NamarÄ«, TadjrÄ«d al-tamhÄ«d li-mÄ fÄ« ʾl-Muwaá¹á¹aʾ min al-asÄnÄ«d, Beirut n.d., 26, no. 32, 154, no. 487 Ibn al-DjawzÄ«, al-WafÄ bi-aḥwÄl al-muá¹£á¹afÄ, Cairo 1386/1966, 742 Ibn Ḥadjar al-ÉAsḳalÄnÄ«, al-Iá¹£Äba fÄ« tamyÄ«z al-á¹£aḥÄba, ed. ÉAlÄ« Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ«, Cairo 1389/1970, i, 17, no. 2; ii, 571, no. 2823; iv, 540, no. 5645; v, 423, no. 7093; vi, 214-16, no. 8222, 91, no. 7935 idem, al-Wuḳūf Ê¿alÄ mÄ fÄ« á¹¢aḥīḥ Muslim min al-mawḳūf, ed. MadjdÄ« al-Sayyid IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo, n.d., 18 Ibn Ḥazm, al-MuḥallÄ, ed. Aḥmad Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo n.d., vii, 317, no. 941 idem, DjawÄmiÊ¿ al-sÄ«ra, ed. IḥsÄn ÉAbbÄs, NÄá¹£ir al-DÄ«n al-Asad and Aḥmad Muḥammad S̲h̲Äḳir, Cairo n.d., 25 idem, al-Fiá¹£al fÄ« ʾl-milal wa-ʾl-ahwÄʾ wa ʾl-niḥal, ed. Muḥammad IbrÄhÄ«m Naá¹£r and ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn ÉUmayra, Beirut 1405/1985, ii, 224 Ibn HishÄm, al-SÄ«ra al-nabawiyya, ed. al-SaḳḳÄ, al-AbyÄrÄ« and ShalabÄ«, Cairo 1356/1936, iv, 222, 254 Ibn Ḳayyim al-Djawziyya, AḥkÄm ahl al-dhimma, ed. á¹¢ubḥī á¹¢Äliḥ, Damascus 1381/1961, i, 1-2 Ibn ManáºÅ«r, LA, s.v. s-b-dh Ibn SaÉd, al-ṬabaḳÄt al-kubrÄ, Beirut 1380/1960, i, 263, 275-6, iv, 360-2
Ibn Sayyid al-NÄs, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-athar fÄ« funÅ«n al-maghÄzÄ« wa ʾl-shamÄʾil wa ʾl-siyar, Cairo 1356, ii, 266 penult.-267 MaḳrÄ«zÄ«, ImtÄÊ¿ al-asmÄÊ¿ bi-mÄ li-RasÅ«l AllÄh min al-anbÄʾ wa-ʾl-amwÄl wa-ʾl-ḥafada waʾl-matÄÊ¿, ed. MaḥmÅ«d Muḥammad ShÄkir, Cairo 1941, i, 308-9 Muḥammad b. ÉAlÄ« al-Aná¹£ÄrÄ«, al-Miá¹£bÄḥ al-muá¸Ä«Ê¾ fÄ« kuttÄb al-nabÄ«yyi ʾl-ummÄ« wa-rusulihi ilÄ mulÅ«k al-ará¸i min Ê¿arabiyyin wa-Ê¿adjamiyyin, ed. Muḥammad ÉAáºÄ«m al-DÄ«n, Beirut 1405/1985, i, 163, 211, ii, 280- 4 Muḥammad b. ḤabÄ«b, al-Muḥabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, 265 Muḥammad b. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn al-Dimashḳī, Raḥmat al-umma fi ʾkhtilÄf al-aʾimma, Beirut 1407/1987, 317 Muḥammad b. ShÄkir al-KutubÄ«, Ê¿UyÅ«n al-tawÄrÄ«kh, ed. ḤusÄm al-DÄ«n al-ḲudsÄ«, Cairo 1980, i, 260 Mughulá¹Äy, Mulakhkhaá¹£ al-zahr al-bÄsim fÄ« sÄ«rat Abi ʾl-ḲÄsim, ms. ShehÄ«d ÉAlÄ« 1878, fol. 71a, l. 3 from bottom MuḳÄá¹il b. SulaymÄn, TafsÄ«r, ed. ÉAbd AllÄh b. MaḥmÅ«d ShaḥÄta, Cairo 1969, i, 135, 348 NiáºÄm DÄ«n al-Ḥasan al-ḲummÄ« al-NaysÄbÅ«rÄ«, GharÄʾib al-ḲurʾÄn wa-raghÄʾib al-furḳÄn, ed. IbrÄhim ÉAá¹wa ÉAwa , Cairo 1381/1962, vii, 46 SamÉÄnÄ«, al-AnsÄb, ed. ÉAbd al-RaḥmÄn b. YaḥyÄ al-MuÉallamÄ«, Hyderabad 1382/1962, i, 195 ult.-196
ShÄ«rawayh b. ShahrdÄr al-DaylamÄ«, Firdaws al-akhbÄr bi-maʾthÅ«r al-khiá¹Äb al-mukharradj Ê¿alÄ kitÄb al-shihÄb, ed. FawwÄz Aḥmad al-ZimirlÄ« and Muḥammad al-MuÉtaá¹£im bi-ÉllÄh BaghdÄdÄ«, Beirut 1407/1987, ii, 436, no. 3212 ṬabarÄ«, TaʾrÄ«kh, ed. Muḥammad Abu Él-Fa l IbrÄhÄ«m, Cairo 1961, ii, 645, iii, 29, 137, 301, 488 WÄḥidÄ«, AsbÄb al-nuzÅ«l, Cairo 1388/1968, 13 ZamakhsharÄ«, al-FÄʾiḳ fÄ« gharÄ«b al-ḥadÄ«th, ed. ÉA. Muḥammad al-BidjÄwÄ« and Muḥammad Abu Él-Fa l Ibraḥīm, Cairo 1971, i, 43 ZurḳÄnÄ«, Sharḥ Ê¿ala ʾl-mawÄhib al-laduniyya li-ʾl- Ḳasá¹allÄnÄ«, Cairo 1326, iii, 350-2 AbÅ« Ḥafá¹£ ÉUmar al-Mawá¹£ilÄ«, K. al-WasÄ«la, Hyderabad 1397/1977, iv/2, 115 Aḥmad b. AÉtham al-KÅ«fÄ«, K. al-Futūḥ, Hyderabad 1388/1968, i, 48-55 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, 131-2, 360-62 M. Cook, Magian cheese: an archaic problem in Islamic Law, in BSOAS, xlvii (1984), 44967 Muḥammad ḤamÄ«dullÄh, MadjmÅ«Ê¿at al-wathÄʾiḳ al-siyÄsiyya li-ʾl-Ê¿ahd al-nabawÄ« wa-ʾlkhilÄfa al- rÄshida, Beirut 1407/1987, 144 (no. 56)-156 (no. 67), 572-7 (and see the editor's comments) ÉAwn al-SharÄ«f ḲÄsim, Nashʾat al-dawla al-islÄmiyya Ê¿alÄ Ê¿ahd RasÅ«l AllÄh, Cairo 1401/1981, 177-94, 323-9 J. Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. IV. Gemeindeordnung von Medina, Berlin 1889, 103-4 (no. 9), 117-19 (no. 42)
W. Caskel, Ǧamharat an-Nasab, Das genealogische Werk des HiÅ¡Äm ibn Muḥammad alKalbÄ«, Leiden 1966, ii, 430. [Print Version: Volume VII, page 570, column 1] Citation:
Kister, M.J. "al-Mundhir b. SÄwÄ (or SÄwÄ«) b. ÉAbd AllÄh b. Zayd b. ÉAbd AllÄh." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; , Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; , E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs.
la_tashabbahu.pdf "DO NOT ASSIMILATE YOURSELVES ... " La tashabbahu ... The sweeping victories gained by the Muslim forces during their conquests in Syria, Iraq and Persia, and their speedy advance in these vast areas, brought about a meeting between the Muslims and the native peoples of those areas. It is, therefore, evident that new principles had to be established in order to guide the Muslim community in its relations with Christians, Jews and Magians. Basing themselves on interpretations of Qur'anic verses, Muslim scholars stated that Jews and Christians were to be considered unbelievers.1 Very early commentators of the Qur'an interpreted the verse: "And confound not truth with falsehood ... " (wa-la talbisu l-haqqa bi-l-batili -- Qur'an II, 43) as constituting a warning to the believers not to mix Islam with (the precepts and injunctions of -- K) Judaism and Christianity.2 Many of the traditions touching upon this subject
See, e.g., 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tanzih al-qur'an 'ani l-mata'in, Beirut ed., pp. 118-119 (cf. p. ll8, 13. wa-dhalika sifatu l-yahudi wa-hum kuffar ... ); Muqatil, Tafsir, MS. Ahmet III, 74-2, fol. 2llb. ( ... wa-dhalika anna 1- yahuda wa-l-nasara yusl!rikuna fi salatihim fi l-biya'i wa-l-kana'isi ... ). There is however a difference between the unbelief of the People of the Book and that of those who associate idols with God (al-mushrikun); the latter are stronger in their unbelief ( ... Ii-anna kufra l-mushrikina aghla~u min kufri ahli l-kitabi ... ); Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al;lkam ahli l-dhimma, ed. Subbi al-Salib, Damascus 1381/1961,I, 10. 2 Yabya b. Salam, Tafsir, Mukhtasar Ibn Zaman in, Ms. Fas, Qarawiyyin no. 40-34, p. 8 (. .. qala qatada: ya'ni la takhliru l-islama bi-l-yahudiyyati wa-l-naSraniyyati ); al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Cairo 138711967, I, 341-342 (see p. 341, 1.3 la talbisu l-yahudiyyata wa-l-naSraniyyata bi-l-islami wa-qad 'alimtum anna dina llahi lladhi la yuqbalu ghayruhu wa-la yujza ilia bihi l-islamu wa-anna l-yahudiyyata wa-l-nasraniyyata bid'atun wa-laysat min allahi .. .); Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966, I, 146; al-Tabari, Tafsir (= Jami' al-bayan 'an ta'wil al-qur'an), ed. Mabmiid and Abmad Shiikir, Cairo n.d., I, 568, no. 825 (and see another interpretation ibid. no. 826:
322 were scrutinized by I. Goldziher.' The Muslim community was enjoined to observe strictly the injunctions of the Qur'an and to follow faithfully the sunna of the Prophet. Jahili customs and usages were to be abandoned. Thus the prayers performed at sunrise and sunset, when the polytheistic unbelievers ial=mushrikun) used to prostrate themselves to the sun, were forbidden. The sun rises and sets clasped between the two horns of the Devil.' Jahili
al-haqq is rendered by: al-tauriu lladhi (!) anzala llahu 'ala musa and al-batil by alladhi katabidu: bi-aydlhim); al-Samarqandi, Taf sir, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3668, I, fol. 16 b; al-Shaukani, Fatl) ai-qadir al-jami' bayna [annayi I-riwaya wa-l-diraya min 'ilmi l-taisir, Beirut n.d. I, 76; Abu Hayyan, Tafsir al-bahr at-mubit, Cairo 1328, I, 179; and see Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Riizi, Masa'il al-riizi wa-ajwibatuha, Cairo 1381/1961,p.5 ... li+anna l-murada bi-talblsihim al-haqqa bi-l-biuili kitiibatuhum fi l-tauriui mii laysa minhii ... ; Muqiitil, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Shahata, Cairo 1969, I, 34: ... thumma qiila li-I-yahiidi wa-Ia t albi sii ... wa=dhiilika anna I-yahuda yuqirrisna bi-ba'4i amri muhammadin wa-yaktumuna badan. 3 See, e.g., I. Goldziher, "Ober jiidische Sitten und Gebrauche aus muhammedanischen Schriften," MGW J, vol. XXIX, (1880),302-365; idem, "Usages Juifs d'apres la litterature religieuse des Musulmans," REJ, XXVIII (1894) 75-94; and see the comprehensive study on this subject published recently: Albrecht Noth, "Abgrenzungsprobleme zwischen Muslimen und nicht-Muslimen: Die "Bedingungen 'Umars (al-shurul al-t umariyva)" unter einem anderen Aspekt gelesen,"JSAl, IX [1987] 290-315. 4 See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rabrnan al-A'zami, Beirut, 139211972, II, 424-434 (al-sa'atu llatl yukrahu fiha I-saliuut; according to some traditions prayer in the middle of the day is also reprehensible: see e.g. al-Daylami, Firdaus ai-akhbiir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 186a ... la tusalli: 'inda lulu'i l-shamsi, [a-innaha tatlo'« bayna qarnay shaytiinin, fa-yasjudu laha kullu kafirin, wa-Ia 'i nd a ghurubiha f a-innana t aghr ubu bayna qarnay shaYlanin, [a-yas judu lahii kullu kafirin, wa-Ia wasala l-nahari [a-innaha tasiuru [ahannama 'inda dhiilika ... ; al-Suyiitl, Jam' al-jawami', Cairo 1978, I, 895; Ibn Taymiyya, l qtidii' al-sirat al-mustaqim, mukhalafatu a$l)ab al=jahim, ed. Muhammad l;Iiimid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1369/1950, p. 135-136; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, repro Beirut, II, 453-455; al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba al-fawa'id, Beirut
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during the tawat were rejected and forbidden.' The of bewailing the dead, which were considered' to be a of Jahiliyya customs, were also forbidden." Bedouin greeting were to be given up. When al-Zubayr came to Prophet in his illness and greeted him by saying iaalani llahu. tidaka, the Prophet rebuked him by saying that he had not yet given up his bedouin manners (ma tarakta a'r abi yyataka ba'du}.1 The meal consumed after the funeral practices practices remnant forms of visit the
1967, II, 493; Muhammad l;Iabibullah al-Shinqiti, zs« at-muslim fima 'alayhi l-bukhiiri wa-muslim, Cairo 1387/1967, I, 134, nos. 347-348; al-Munawi, Fayd ai-qadir, sharb ai- jami' al-saghir, Beirut 139111972, V, 318-319, nos. 9408-9409; Ibn Kathir, al= Bi dii y a wa-l=nihaya, Beirut-al-Riyad 1966, I, 62; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, Cairo 1348, XV, 192; al-Zamakhshari, al-Fii'iq, ed. Muhammad Abu I-Fal;il Ibrahim and 'Ali al-Bijawi, Cairo 1971, III, 179; CA, s.v. qrn; al-Majlisi, Bi/Jar ai-anwar, Tehran, 1392, LXXXII, 254, sup.; ai-Muttaqi al-Hindi, Kanz al='ummal, Hyderabad, 1395/1975, VIII. 124, no. 881; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, ed. Hamdi 'Abd ai-Majid al-Silafi, n.p., 1405/1985, I, 352, no. 1070, VII, 227, no. 6946, 234, nos. 6973-6974, VIII, 62, no. 7344; al-Busiri, Mi$ba/Ju l-zuja]« tt zawiiidi bni majah. ed. Musa Muhammad 'Ali and 'Izzat 'Ali 'Atiyya, 'Cairo 1983, I, 412, no. 1253; Ibn Khuzayma, $a/Ji/J, ed. Muhammad Mustafa l-A'zami, Beirut 1395/1975, II, 256-257, nos. 1273, 1275. 5 See e.g. Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtidii', pp. 124-125; cf. M.J. Kister, "Concessions and conduct," in G.H. Juynboll (ed.), Studies on the first century of I slamic society, Southern Illinois University Press, 1982, pp. 100-103; and see U. Rubin, "The Ka'ba, Aspects of its ritual functions and position in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times," JSAl, VIII (1986), 97-131. 6 See e.g. Ibn Abi Shayba, at-Musanna], ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghiini, Hyderabad 1388/1968, III, 389-390 (but see ib. p. 391 sup.: the niya/Ja permitted). And see about the forbidden practices of the wailing women ib. p. 290 sup.: anna rasida lliihi ts] la'ana man halaqa w a+kh ar aqa w a=s al aq a ... ; ib. anna r asiil a llahi ts) la'ana t-khamishata wajhahii wa-l-shaqqata jaybahii ... ;) and see al-Biisir i, Mi$ba/J ai-zujaja fi zawiiidi bni miijah, I, 518-520, nos. 1580-1583,521, no. 1585. 7 Miilik b. Anas, Risiil a f i I-sunan wa-l=mawii'i z wa-l=iidiib, ed. 'Abdallah Ahmad Abu Zina, Cairo 1403/1983, p. 44.
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324 was considered a Jahili practice," Ibn 'Umar refrained from praying in a mosque embellished with merlons ishurutiu) and gave an order to pull down the merlons because they were reminiscent of the idol stones iansab) of Mecca," The main concern of the religious leaders of the Muslim society was to establish some barrier between the Muslim community and the communities of the Jews, Christians and Magians. This separation was to be upheld in the various spheres of social relations, as well as in rites and customs. In the very early period after the death of the Prophet some young boys kept their side curls uncut. Anas b. Malik was enraged when he saw a young boy with such curls and ordered him to shave them immediately, because this was the fashion of the Jews,'? The Prophet told his daughter Fatima to pierce the lobes of the ears of al-Hasan and al-Husayn, in order to differentiate them from the usage of the Jews," Some scholars maintained that
(al-fa'am 'ala l-mayyit) 8 Ibn Abi-Shayba, at-Musannaf, III. 290. inf.; and see 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, III. 550. no. 6664 ... 'an saidi bni jubayr qala: thaliuhun min 'amali l-jahiliyyati: al-niya/:latu wa-l=ta'iimu 'ala l-may yiti wa-baytiaatu l-mar'ati 'inda ahli l-mayyiti laysat minhum ; and see al-Bii$iri, al-Zujii]«, I, 535, no. 1612. 9 Ibn Taymiyya, lqti4a'. p. 132, info 10 Ibn Taymiyya, I qtida', pp. 131, inf.-132 sup.; and see L 'A S.V. qss; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya [i gharibi I-hadlth, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad al-Tanahi, Cairo 1385/1965, IV. 71, S.V. qss; idem. Jiimi' al-usid min ahiidlthi l-rasid, ed. Muhammad l;liimid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1368/1949, V, 424, no. 2893. 11 Ibn Biibiiyah al-Qummi, Man la ya/:l4uruhu l-f aqih. ed. Hasan al-Miisawi al-Khursiin, Beirut 140111981,III, 319, no. 1534;and see the description of Sufyiin al-Thauri as a young man with an earring in his ear: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil [i au'ala'i l-rijiil, al-Muqaddima, ed. Subhi I-Badr i l-Samarr a'I, Bagdad 1977, p. 156; and see al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-i-tarhib, ed. MUQyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo, 1381/1961,IV. 223. no. 3182:... wa-inna [i udhuni Ia-qurtayni, wa-ana ghuliim ... ; and see the opinion of Miilik b. Anas in 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawiini, al-Jami' [i l+sunan wa-l-adab wa-l=maghazi wa=l=t a'r i kh, ed. Muhammad Abii I-Ajfiin and 'Uthman Bitt ikh, Tunis-Beirut 140211982, p. 231:... wa=akrahu l-qurta mina l=dhahabi li-l-ghilmani i-sighar.
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performing circumcision on the seventh day after a boy's birth is disliked, as this may indicate an assimilation to a Jewish custom." Orthodox scholars were unwilling to instruct people to avoid work on Friday, considering this to be too close to the usage of the Jews and the Christians who do not work on Saturday and Sunday respectively," The believers were enjoined to refrain from placing their hands on the tombs or kissing them when visiting a cemetery; it was considered a Jewish custom." The Prophet ordered the believers not to greet each other in the way observed by Jews and Christians: the Jews greet each other by raising their fingers, the Christians by raising their hands," Some traditions attributed to the Prophet claimed that he forbade shaking hands with dhimmi s. The prohibition is explained by commentators by saying that the dhimmi s are
12 See 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd al-Qayrawiini, al-Lami', pp. 208 ult.-209 sup.... qala miilik: wa-Ia yu'jibuni an yukhtana l-sabiyyu bnu sab'ati ayyam, wa-hadha fi'lu I-yahud ... [but see the note of the editors, ib.l; and see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maiid fi hadyi khayri I-'ibad, Beirut, n.d. II, 4. 13 See al-Turtiishi, al-Hawaditn wa-t-bida', ed. Muhammad al-Talibi, Tunis 1959,p. 133:... wa-qata malik [i l-mudawwana inna bada ao$/;lab ai-nabiy yi (0$) kanu yakrahiina an yatruka l-rajulu I-'amaia yauma i-jumu'a kama tarakati i-yahudu wa-i-nao$ara [i yaumi l+sabti wa-l-ahadi ; and cf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maad, I, 115. 14 'Abd al-Qiidir al-Jiliini, al-Ghuny a li-tiilibi tari qa l-haqqi 'azza wa-jalla, Cairo 1322, I, 44: ... wa-idha zara qabran ia yada' yadahu 'alayhi wa-ia yuqabbilhu, [a-innahu 'iidatu I-yahud ... 15 AI-Muniiwi, Fayd, VI, 402, no. 9798: ... ia tusallimis taslima l-yahiuii wa-l-nasara, [a-inna tasllmahum isharatun bi-I-kufufi wa-l-hawaiibi. (And see the comments of al-Muniiwi, ib); AI-Muniiwi, Fayd, V, 384, no. 7679: ... laysa minna man tashabbaha bi-ghayrinii, ia tashabbahii bi-t-yahiidi wa-Ia bi-l=nasarii [a-inna taslima I-yahudi l-isharatu bi-t-asiibi' wa-tasllma l-nasarii l-ishiiratu bi-t-akuifi ; Ibn Taymiyya, al-Lqtida; p. 85; al-Suyiiti, Jam' al-jawami', I, 684; Ibn al-Athir, Jami' al-usid, VII, 388, no. 4861; Abii Ya'Ia, Musnad, ed. Husayn Salim Asad, Beirut 140411984, III, 397, no. 1875; Ibn al-Qaysariini, M a'rif ai al-tadhkira fi l-ahadithi l-maudiia, ed. 'Imiid al-Din Ahmad Haydar, Beirut 1406/1985, p. 139, no. 387; Fawii'i d min kaliimi bni rajab, Majmii'a, Ms. Hebrew University AP. Ar. 8* 158, fol. 104a = Ms.
326 unbelievers, kuffar, and therefore do not deserve to have their hands shaken. The Muslims, on the other hand, are brethren, and they have to greet each other with the shaking of hands and with the greeting of salami" Malik b. Anas, however, did not see any wrong in shaking hands with Jews and Christians,"? Similar in content were some traditions traced to Ibn 'Abbas. Had Pharao greeted me by saying, "May God bless you", I would answer, "And you". "And Pharao is dead already", added Ibn 'Abbas," Ibn 'Abbas is said to have recommended that the greeting of a Jew, a Christian or a Magian be answered in a proper manner; he based himself on Sura IV, 86: And when you are greeted with a greeting, greet with a fairer than it, or return it; surely God keeps a watchful count over everything, which in his opinion referred to believers and to unbelievers alike." A tradition traced to Abii Musa al-Ash'ari, who is said to have answered in a due manner the greeting of a dihqan in a letter sent to him, displays the same attitude." Some traditions enjoin that the response of a believer to the greeting of the People of the Book be confined to the utterance "And upon you"; this concise response was justified by the fact that the Jews greeted the Prophet by saying at-sam 'alayka, and the Prophet ordered that the malediction of the Jews be answered
Laurenziana, Or. 197, fol. 94a; Goldziher, Uber jUdische Siuen, p. 355. 16 Al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi, al-Manhiyyat, ed. Muhammad al-Sa'Id Zaghliil, Beirut 1405/1985, p. 76 sup.; comp, al-Muniiwi, Fay4, VI, 350, no. 9569: nahi: an yusafaha I-mushrikiina au yuknau au yuraMaba bihim (and see ib; the comments of al-Munawl); and see 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jiliini, al-Ghunya, I, 44. 17 Malik b. Anas, Risiila, p. 44. 18 Fal,llu lliihi al-Jiliini, Fa41u llahi l-samad taudihi l=adabi l-muirad li-abi 'abdi llahi muhammadi bni ismiilla l-bukhiiri, Hims, 1388/1969, II, 555, no. lIB; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 319,no. 10609. 19 AI-Jiliini, op.cit., II, 549, no. 1107; and see: Mabmiid Muhammad al-Zabidi, 'Uqiid al-jawahir al-munifa, ed. Wahbi Sulaymiin al-Albiini, Beirut 1406/1985, II, 151ult.-152. 20 Al-Jiliini, op.cit; II, 544, inf.-545, sup.
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by the ominous: wa-'alaykum.21 Several traditions enjoined upon Muslims not to be the first to greet Jews and Christiansf? this injunction was often coupled with the utterance of the Prophet in which it was said that Jews and Christians encountered on a road should be forced to the narrowest part of the way.23 In another tradition, the list of people from whom one should withhold one's greeting includes Jews, Christians, Zoroastrians, wine drinkers, people who cast doubts on the
21 AI- nuer, op.cit., II, 545, no. 1102, II, 548, nos. 1105-1106,II, 553, no. 1ll0; Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Dinawari (Ibn al-Sunni), 'Amal ai-yaum wa-l-tayla; Hyderabad 1358, p. 67; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usul, VII, 389-392, nos. 4863-4866; Malik b. Anas,Risala, p. 44; al-Ja$$i~, Ahkam al-Qur'an, Qustantiniyya, 1338, III, 427; Abu Ya'li, Musnad, V, 295, no. 2916, 410, no. 3089, 425, no. 3114, 445, no. 3153,478, no. 3214; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz; IX, 68, no. 646, 69, no. 660, 70, nos. 672, 675; Goldziher, Ober jicdisck« Siuen, p. 308; al-Da'I Thiqat at-Imam, al-Majalis al-mustansiriyya, ed. Muhammad Kamil Husayn, n.p., n.d., p. 109; 'Ala' al-Dln 'Ali b. Balaban al-Farisl, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni hibban, ed. Shu'ayb al-Ama'iit, Beirut 1404/1984, II, 220, no. 503. 22 AI-Ja~~i~, op.cit., III, 427: ... qii!« abu bakrin l i.e. al-Jassas]: wa-innama kuriha al-ibtida'u li-anna t-saiam« min tahiyyati ahli l+lannati fa-kuriha an yubda'a bihi l-kafiru idh laysa min ahliha wa-la yukrahu l-radda 'ala wajhi I-mukafa'ati ... ; al-Jilini, op.cit .. II, 545, no. 1102;Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi du'afa'i I-rijal, VII, 2237-2238; Abu Ya'li, Musnad, II, 236, no. 936; al-Muniwi, Fay4, VI, 386, no. 9726; al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kablr, II, 277-278, nos. 2162-2164; I. Goldziher, Uber jiJdische Siuen, p. 307. 23 AI-Jilani, op.cit., II, 547, no. 1103, 554, no. 1111;al-Muniwi, Fay4, VI, 386, no. 9726; al-Suyuti, Jam' al-jawamt, I, 87; Ibn al-Sunni, 'Amal, p. 67; Ibrahim b. 'Ali al-Fayruzabadi ai-Shirazi, al-Muhadhdhab [i [iqhi /-imami I-shafi'i, Beirut 1379/1959 (repr.), II, 255; Ibn al-Athir, Jami' al-usul, VII, 392, no. 4867; al-Jassds, Ahkam, III, 427; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-maiid, II, 27 [and see the different views of the Muslim scholars on this subject, ib.1; al-Fayrjiziibddf, Sifr al-sa'ada, Beirut 1398/1978, p. 103; Muhammad Mustafi 'Azmi [= al-A'zaml], Studies in early lJadith Literature, Beirut 1968, Ar. text, p. 20, no. 29 and pp. 80-81 lthe assessment of the traditionl
328 pedigree of people's mothers and players of chess." In one of the pious utterances the believer is recommended to utter the formula of the oneness of God when looking at a church or a synagogue, on hearing the sound of a horn ish abur) or a church-bell (niiqus) or when looking at a group of unbelievers, Jews or Christians," Scholars devoted some attention to the problem of how to deal with a greeting given by mistake, that is, if a Muslim responded to the greeting of a dhimmi but later realized that he had made amistake, he would often come back and ask him to "give him back" the greeting." In one case of this kind the reason for asking the response to the greeting to be "given back" is formulated as follows: the mercy of God and His blessing are reserved exclusively for the Muslims; therefore the believer ('Uqba b. 'Amir al-Juhani) substituted the invocation "May God expand the span of your life tata!« llahu hayataka) and multiply takthara) your wealth and children" to the conventional response to a greeting.i" The reason why one should avoid a greeting which contained a reference to the "Mercy of God" was that the blessing to someone who sneezed had been changed because of the Jews. The latter would present themselves to the Prophet sneezing, and would expect the Prophet to say, "May God have mercy upon you trahimakumu lliihu)", but the Prophet used to say: "May God lead you to the right way (yahdikumu lliihu wa-yuslihu biilakum)."28 It is similarly forbidden to use the
24 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 132, no. 1099; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, II, 417, no. 4296. 25 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilanl, al-Ghunya, I, 47 ... wa-yustahabbu id/.la ra'a bay'atan au kanisatan ... an yaqida: ashhadu an la iliiha ilia liahu wahdahu la sharika lahu ilahan wa/.lidan la ndbudu ilia iyyahu. 26 Al-Jfldn], op.cit., II, 555, no. 1115; . Goldziher, Ueber juedische Sitten, p. I 308. 27 AI-Jilani, op.cit; II, 554, no. 1112;al-Dhababi, Mizan al-i'tidiu, II, 401, no. 4247: idha daautum li-ahadin mina l+yahiuii au al-nasarii fa-qulu: akthara lliihu miilaka wa-wuldaka. 28 AI-Jilani, op.cit., II, 555, no. 1ll4; Ibn al-Sunni, "Amal, p. 72; Ibn al-Athir, Jam;' al-usid, VII, 400, no. 4888.
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formula salamu llahi 'alaykum when writing to non-Muslims; the formula to be used should be al=salamu 'ala man ittabaa I-huda; this formula was used by the Prophet in his letter to Musaylima." The believers were warned of adoption of ideas and customs of Jews and Christians and were enjoined not to follow them in their practices and rites. But it is worthwhile to notice that the Prophet himself is said to have followed the practices and rituals of the People of the Book until ordered by God to act differently."
29 Malik b. Anas, Risala, p. 40. 30 See e.g. al-Haziml, al-I'tibar [i bayiini l-nasikhi wa-l-mansiikhi mina l=akhbiir, Hyderabad 1359, p. 121:... Kana yat ashabbahu bi-ahli l-kitiibi, [a-lamma nusikha dhiilika wa-nuhiya 'anhu ntahii ... ; and see al-Tahawi, Shorb ma'iini l-Iuhiu; ed. Mahmiid Sayyid Jao al-Haqq, Cairo 1388/1968, I, 489: ... Kana yattabi'u ahla l-kitiibi I)atta yumaru bi-khilafi dhiilika ... li-anna hukmahu $alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam an yak una 'ala shari'ati l-nabiyyi lladhi kana qablahu I)atta yuhdatha lahu shari'atun tansukhu ... ; and see ib. p. 490 the comment of 'Ali when the believers stood up at a funeral: "that [was so] while you were Jews", dhalika wa-antum yahudu ... ; al-Tahawi explains that 'Ali referred to the fact that they followed the shari'a of the Jews; later it was abrogated by Islam. And see ib. p. 389: the hairdress of the Prophet was like that of the Jews; it was later changed by the Prophet. And see Ibrahim al-Bajiir I, Hiishiy a 'ala l-shama'ili l-muhammadiy ya ... li-i-tirmidhi, Cairo 1344, p. 41: ... kana yasdilu sharahu ... wa-kana l-mushrikiina yafruqiina ru'usahum ... wa-kana yuhibbu muwafaqata ahli l-kitabi [ima lam yu'mar fihi bi-shay'in, ay fima lam yutlab fihi minhu shay'un 'ala jihati l-wu jiib! au al-nadbi; qala l-Qurtubi: wa-hubbuhu muwafaqatahum kana fi auwwali l-amri 'inda qudiimihi l=mad i nat a f i l=waqti lladhi kana yastaqbilu qiblat ahum [ihi li=t a'allufihim, f a-Iammii lam yanfa' [ihim dhiilika wa-ghalabat 'alayhim al-shaqwa amara bi-mukhiilafatihim [i umiirin kathiratin; wa-innama iuh ar a mahabb at a ahli l=kitiib] duna l=mushriki n l i+t am as suki ul a'ik a bi-b aqii y a sh arii'i'] l-rusuti, wa-ha'ula'i wathaniyyiu: ; and see the discussion concerning the shari'a followed by the Prophet in the period of the Jahiliyya before his Call: Ibn al-'Arabi, Tafsir at-qur'an (=Al)kam al-qur'im}, pp. 23-24; 'Abdallah b.
330 Believers were enjoined to refrain from disputes with the People of the Book as to the Torah, the Injil and the Zabiir, and from confirming their views; believers should affirm the truth of passages which are true, and which have been falsified or declared untrue (fa-tukadhdhibunahum) by the People of the Book. The believers were enjoined to believe only in the holy Book, i.e. the Qur'an," An extremist attitude towards the dhimmis is exposed in traditions which say that Jibril refrained from conveying the revelation to the Prophet and from touching his hand because the Prophet had touched the hand of a Jew. Only after the Prophet had performed the ritual ablution did Jibril shake his hand and convey the revelation to him.32 A similar tradition says that the Prophet advised Abii Hurayra not to shake hands with a Jew or a Christian after having performed the wudis'; if he shook hands with them, he would have to repeat the
Muhammad al-Sadiqi al-Ghimari, Takhri] al)adithi Huma' [i usuli l-liqh, ed. Yiisuf 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mar'ashll, Beirut 1405/1984, pp. 184-185; al-Zurqani, Sharh. al-mawahibi l-laduniyya, Cairo 1328, VII, 239-242: ... wa-qad ikhtalaf a l-'ulama'u hal kana 'alayhi l-saliuu wa-l+saliimu qabla ba'thatihi mutaabbidan bi-shar'i man qablahu am la ... ; and see Mughultay, ai-Zahr al-biisim [i sirat abi l-qiisim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 110 a-b: ... qala l-madhiri: ikhtalaf a l-nasu hal kana muia'abbidan qabla nubuwwatihi salta llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam bi-shari'atin am la ... 31 Al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 188 b, sup.; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 413, no. 9759. The utterance /a tusaddiqu ahla l=kitiibi is said to have been connected with a peculiar usage in the first stage of Islam, as reflected in the following report: .'. 'an abi hurayrata lrl qala: kana ahlu /-kitabi yaqra'una l=t aurata bi-l-cibrani y y ati wa-yulassirunaha li+ahli l=isliimi bi=l-c ar abi y y ati; [a+qiil a r asiue llahi l sl : /a t usaddi qk ahla l-kitabi ... ; see Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal fi lrmilal wa-/-ahwa'i wa-l-nihal, Cairo 1384/1964, II, 13sup.; cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathiir, Cairo 1314,II, 48. 32 Al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 227; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidiil, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawf, Cairo 1382/1963, III, 299; I. Goldziher, Usages juifs, p. 76.
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ablution." Although scholars called upon Muslims to restrict their contacts with the People of the Book, the believers were urged to summon them to embrace Islam whenever they met them." The consensus of the Muslim scholars was that the precepts of Islam abrogated the injunctions of every religion which preceded Islam; God annulled the laws of the Torah, the Injil and the other religions, and made the laws of Islam incumbent upon mankind and upon the iinn.3s If the Torah or the Gospels are taken as booty during a military expedition, they should not be left to stand as they are, because these are books deliberately altered tmubaddalat and without any sanctity (Ill hurmata laM). The writing should therefore be scratched out, and the vellum or paper utilized in a proper fashion." It stands to reason that traces of Jewish and Christian rites and usages should be abrogated. The Prophet forbade believers to lean on their left when sitting during prayer. Such practices were labelled by the Prophet "the prayer of the Jews"." The believers were ordered not to sway during prayer from one side to the other in the manner of the Jews when they prayed"
33 Muhyi l-Din Ibn al-'Arabi, al-Wa,faya, Beirut n.d., p. 198;'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, al-Ghunya, I, 44 info 34 Muhyl l-Din Ibn al-'Arabi, al-Wa,faya, p.198. 35 Ibn Qayyirn al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, I, 259. 36 Ibrahim b. 'Ali al-Shirazi, al-Muhadhdhab, II, 241 info 37 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-lummal, VII, 342, no. 2212, VIII, 97, no. 716, 98 nos. 717-718;al-Munawi, Fayd, VI, 345, no. 9536; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, VII, 316, no. 7243: hadhihi [ilsatu l-maghdkbi 'alayhim. 38 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VIII, 129, no. 921: ... 'an ummi ruman qalat: ra'ani abii bakrin amilu fi l-saliui [a-zajarani zajratan kidtu ansarifu min saliui thumma qd!«: sami'tu rasida lIahi i sl yaqidu: idhii qiima ahadukum [i I-,faiati [a-l=yusakkin alrafahu wa-Ia yamilu mayla l-yahlidi, [a-inna taskina t-atrat! min tamami l-saliui ; al-Khalliil, ai-Musnad min masa'il ahmad b. mukammad b. hanbal, Ms. Br. Mus. Or. 2675, fol. 80a: ... wa-I-yahudu tanudu [i l-saliui, wa-kadhiilika
332 or when the Torah was unrolled." Muslim scholars disapproved of invocations at the minbar that were accompanied by the raising of hands and by loud noises; these were labelled taqlis al-yahud.40 Standing up and raising one's hands during the t aw a] was condemned as a Jewish custom. "Jews in the synagogues use such a practice", said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A~, and advised the believers who used to follow this practice during the tawat to utter such invocations in their councils tmaiatis, not during the fawilf).41 Jews used to close their eyes
l-riifidatu ... 39 Ibn al-Athir. al-Nihaya, V, 124. s.v. nwd. 40 Al-Turtiishi, Kitiib al-hawiidith; p. 59 inf. [The text la tuqallis taqlisa I-yahud is interpreted by Malik (b. Anas) as denoting rising of the voice and rising of hands in invocation. Taqlis in this meaning could. however, not be traced in the standard dictionaries; but a very similar definition is given for taqlis (with a sin): alrtaqli s huwa raf'u l-sauti bi-l+dua'] wa-l-qirii'ati wa-ghiniii ; see e.g. L 'A. S.v. qls; and see ib. other interpretations of the verbl. According to tradition the Prophet was entertained by taqlis on the day of 'id at-fur: kana yuqallasu lahu yauma l-fitr ; this is rendered by al-Munawi by: ... yudrabu bayna yadayhi bi-I-duff wa-I-ghina'[al-Munawi. Fay d, V. 238. no. 7130]. Taqlis, entertainment. play. is said to have been practiced on two days of feasts in the period of the Jjihiliyya; it was replaced by the entertainment on the days of "id al-fitr and "id al-a4I:ta. [See e.g. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iuhlir, Hyderabad 1333. II. 2lll. Qays b. Sa'd b. 'Ubiida is said to have been astonished that this practice was abandoned after the death of the Prophet L .. shahidtu "idan bi-I-anbar, [a-qultu lahum: ma Ii la ariikum tuqallisisna kama kanu yuqallisiina 'ala 'ahdi rasuli llahi (s); al-Tahawl, M ushkil, II, 209]. A similar utterance is attributed to 'Iyac;l al-Ash'ari Ial-Suyiiti, Jam' ai-jawiimi', II, 586, inf.l. 'Iyac;l stresses that the taqlis is a sunna lf a-innahu sunnatunl ; the word taqlls is explained by Yiisuf b. 'Adiyy as an entertainment in which girls and boys used to sit on the roads playing drums and other instruments lib. II, 586, penult., and cf. al-Tabawl, Mushkil, II, 212, sup.l And see on taqti s in the time of the Prophet: Ibn al-Athir, U sd al-ghiiba, IV, 164 and Ibn l:Iajar, al-Isaba, IV, 756. no. 6143. 41 About raising of hands during prayers and invocations see: al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 138211963, III, 429, no. 7036: man raiaa yadayhi [i l-saliu fa-Ia salata lahu; and see
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during their prayers; this practice forbidden in Islam.P Two features
was disliked and even of Jewish prayer, the
Ibn Hibban al-Busti, Kitab al-majruhin, ed. Mahmiid Ibrahim Ziiyid, n.p. 1976, III, 46, 11.1-2; bn al-Qaysarani, Ma'rifat al-tadhkira, p. 85, no. I 17: ... a-r a'ayt um r af' akum a y di y akum fi l+saliiti innahli la-bid'atun; and see the various versions of this utterance: al-Bustl, al-Majruhin, I, 186:... bid'atun, yani ilii udhunayhi; ma zada rasidu. llahi 'ala hadha, ya'ni thadyayhi ... wa+auma'a hammiid ila thad y ayhi ... ; wa-l=arabu tusammi l=salata ,du'a'an, f a-khabaru hammiidin hadha a-ra'aytum raf'akum aydiyakum [i l-saliui' ariida bihi "fi l-dua'!" ... ma rajaa nabiyyu llahi ts) yadayhi [auqa sadrihi fi I-du'a' ... ; and see a l-Biisfr i, Mi$bahu I-zujaja, I, 299, no. 860: ... ra'aytu rasida llahi (s) yarfdu yadayhi fi l+saliui hadhwa mankib a yhi hl na y af t at ihu t-saliaa wa-hi na yarka't« wa-hina y as judu ... ; and see another tradition ib. pp. 299-301. Cf. Ibn al-Qaysariini, Mo'rif atu l-tadhkira, p. 153,no. 451:... raaytu l-nabiyya is) kana idhii raf aa ra'sahu mina l-sajdati I-ilia rajaa yadayhi tilqa'a w a jhihi ; and see ib. p, 117, no. 233: ... kana idha raka'a raf a'a yadayhi la yujawizu bihimii udhunayhi wa-qala: al-shaytanu yarfau yadayhi [auqa rasihi; and see Ibn Hibban al-Busti, al-Majruhin, I, 316: ... inna l-shaytana hina ukhri]a mina l+jannati raf'a yadayhi fauqa ra'sihi; and see this tradition: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil fi 4u'afa'i l-riiii! III, 1224; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 300-301, nos. 9298-9300; and see the scrutiny of the different versions of the tradition of rising the hands: Murtada I-Zabidi, 'Uqudu 1-[awiihiri l-munif a, ed. Wahbi Sulayman al-Albiini, Beirut 1406/1985, I, 100-103 [and see the comments of the editorl; and see Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattani, Nazm at-musaniuhir mina i-hadithi l-mutawiuir, Cairo 1983, pp. 85-86, no. 67, 176-177 no. 203. Ibn Rajab al-Hanbali, Jami' al-'uium wa-i-hikam, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Kiimil and Muhammad al-Ahmadi Abii l-Niir, Cairo 1969,I, 222, penult.-226; cf. Abii Ya'Ia, Musnad, V, 291, no. 294; and see al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 388, no. 10779; Ibn Khuzayma, I, 294-296, no. 583, 344-345, nos. 693, 695, III, 146-147, nos. 1791-1792; and see, e.g., M.J. Kister, "Concessions and conduct" in: G.H.A. Juynboll (ed.) Studies on the first century of Islamic society, p. 98, note 80; al-Turtiishi, al-Ifawadith, p. 122. 42 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, II, 271, no. 3329; Ibn Taymiyya, l qud«, p. 85; al-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 186a; al-Jarrabi, Kashfu l-khafa'i wa-muzilu l-ilbiis 'amma ishtahara mina l-aMdithi
sen«
334 sadl and the ishtimal al-samma',43 were strongly disapproved of. Tradition says that the Prophet was admonished not to follow other unpleasant features of Jewish prayers: members of a Jewish congregation would lower their voices and, then raise them, following the lead of one of them, who raised his voice and shouted loudly." The believers were ordered to abstain from talking to each other during prayers, as this was the custom of Jews and Christians." The greeting may God hear your and our prayer on the Day of the Feast was marked by the Prophet as a greeting of the People of the Book and he,
'alii alsinati l-niis, Beirut 1351,no. 3003; closing of eyes was however permitted in certain circumstances: see 'Izz ai-Din 'Abd al-Salam, al-Fatiiwii, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-Fattah, Beirut 1406/1986, p. 147, no. 106. 43 AI-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, Hyderabad [reprint al-Riyad 1968], II, 242-243; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, II, 730; Ibn Taymiyya, lqtidii', pp. 129-131 [see the discussion about the meaning of the word and the problem of the permissibility of prayer in this way]; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. sdl; al-Suyihi, Jam' at+Lawiimi', II, 492: ... Iii yashtamil ahadukum ishtimiila l-yahud ... ; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 13, no. 78: ... Iii yashtamil ahadukum [i l-saliui shtimiila l-yahud 129, nos. 917-918; al-Tiisl, al-Nihiiya [i mujarr adi l-f iqhi wa-f atawa, Beirut 1390/1970, pp. 97 inf.-98 sup.; al-Majlisi, BilJiir al-anwiir LXXXIII, 203-211;al-Babrani, ai-Hadii'iq al-nadira tt alJkiim al-titraii Hiihira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawanl, Najaf 1379,VII, 122-125; and see Abii Yiisuf, Kitiib al-iithiir, ed. Abii I-Wafa, Cairo 1355, p. 39, nos. 201-202 [and see the comments of the editorl: and see ibn Khuzayma, $alJilJ, I, 378, no. 769 [ishtimiill, 379, no. 772 [sadl]; and see Zayn ai-Din b. Ibrahim b. Nujaym al-Misr i, Sharh. risiilati l-.faghii'ir wa-l-kabair, Cairo 1401/1981, p. 63. 44 Ibn Kathir, Taisir, IV, 361; al-Tabari, Taf sir, [Biiliiq 1321,repro Beirut] XV, 125; and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthisr, III, 156:... wa-akhraja abu l-shaykhi 'ani bni 'umara qiila: kiinat bani: isrii'ila idhii qaraat a'immatuhum jiiwabuhum [a-kariha Iliihu dhiilika li-hiidhihi l-ummati; qala: idhii quri'a l-qur'anu [a-stami'i: wa-an$itu. 45 AI-Muttaqi ai-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 112, no. 809; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthisr, III, 156.
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therefore, disapproved of it.46 One item of clothing which marked the difference between the ritual of the Muslims and that of the Jews was the shoe. Shoes were indeed a token of high social position for their owners. The Prophet was ordered to wear shoes and to set a seal (i.e, a ring with a seal) on his finger.'? Shoes were considered to be "the wear of the prophets"," The Prophet is said to have advised the believers to hold shoes in high esteem, as they were "the anklets of men"," One of the epithets of the Prophet was Sahib al-na'layni" According to one tradition, the Prophet entrusted his Companion, Abu Hurayra, with a special mission: he handed him his shoes and ordered him to assure everyone whom he met while carrying them that he would enter Paradise if only he uttered the shahada, as a token of his firm belief. Abu Hurayra was however impeded by 'Umar in his mission, for 'Umar kicked him and threw him to the ground. Abu Hurayra returned
46 Ibn Harnza al-Husayni al-Dimashqi, al-Bayisn wa-/-ta'rif [i asbab wurudi I-I)adithi l=shar'i], Beirut 1400/1980, II, 339, no. 1038. Ibn al-Qaysarani, Ma'rifat al-tadhkira, p. 157, no. 472; Ibn Hibban al-Busti, al-Majrul)in, II, 149; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, II, 543, no. 4791; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 133, no. 1101.[but see al-Majril)in II, 301: the Prophet approved of this greeting]; and see I. Goldziher, Usages Juijs, p. 85. 47 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, V, 138; al-Munawi, Fayd, II, 190, no. 1635; Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutdal fi madhi I-ni'al, Hyderabad 1334, p. 100; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam ahli I-dhimma, p. 755. 48 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutdal, p. 27. 49 AI-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 35b: ... istajidi: I-ni'al [a-innahii khalakhilu I-rijal ; al-Zamakhshari, Rabi'u l-abrar wa-nu,fU,f al-akhbbr, ed. Salim al-Nu'aymi, Bagdad 140211982, IV, 28 (attributed to al-Ahnaf'); Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbar, Cairo 1349/1930, I, 301 (attributed to al-Ahnaf); al-Jal}i~, al-bayiin wo-l-tabyin, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Harlin, Cairo (reprint Beirut), III, 98; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, p. 755 (attributed to 'Umar), 50 Ahmad al-Maghribi, Fall) at-muta'Iil, p. 101; al-Zurqani, Sh arb al-mawiihib ai-laduniyya, Cairo 1326, III, 136, 1.3.
336 to the Prophet, gave him back his shoes and, crying, informed him of 'Umar's deed. 'Umar succeeded in persuading the Prophet that Abu Hurayra's mission should be stopped, as the promise of Paradise might have brought about remissness in carrying out one's religious duties," Yellow shoes were regarded with favour, and the Prophet is said to have stated that he who wears them would enjoy contentment as long as they were on his feet.52 Scholars admitted, however, that it is not incumbent on the believers to wear shoes like those of the Prophet." An utterance attributed to the Prophet says that God granted the Muslim community the distinction of performing their prayers while wearing shoes." In another utterance attributed to the Prophet it is stated that shoes are the adornment of prayer." The Prophet interpreted the phrase: "0 children of Adam! look to your adornment at every place of worship [khudhit zinatakum 'inda ku/li masiidin, Siirat al-a'raf, 31J", as denoting an injunction to wear shoes during prayers." A great many traditions state that the Prophet used to
51 Ahmad al-Maghribi, Fath al-mutabl, pp. 60-61. 52 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 78; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, X, 320, no. 10612. 53 See Muhammad Ahmad aI-'Adawi, U:sul [i l-bido'i wa-l-sunan, n.p., 1401, p. 42. 54 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthia, III, 78, inf.: '" mimmii akrama Ilahu bihi hadhihi I-ummata lubsu ni'alihim [i saliuihim ; 'Ali b. Muhammad b. 'Araq, Tanzih al=shari'ati I-marf iia 'ani t-ahiidithi l-shani'ati l-maudiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhiib 'Abd al-Latif and 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Siddiq, Beirut 1399/1979, II, 101, no. 74. 55 Al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 78, inf; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, II, 54; Abu Ya'Iii, Musnad, I, 405, no. 532. 56 Al-Qurtubi, Taf sir, VII, 190 sup.: ... ilbasii ni'alakum [a=sallli. fiha ; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, pp. 1829, 2156, 2171;aI-Suyuti, al-Durr, III, 78 inf.: ... khudhi: zinatakum 'inda kulli masjidin, qala: sallu [i ni'alikum ; al-Shaukani, Fatb al-qadir, II, 201; and see ib. min tamiimi l-saliui al-saliuu [i l-ndlayn ; (and see this tradition: aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VII, 376, no. 2450; and see Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, VI, 2156); Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzik al-shari'a, II, 101 (zayn al-saliui I-hidha'u).
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pray with his shoes on.!? Some sources record lists of Companions and fiibi'un who performed their prayers while they were wearing shoes." Ibrahim al-Nakha'i took care to put on his shoes at the beginning of prayer." Very high merit was placed on prayer while wearing one's shoes: according to a tradition, an angel announces to the believer who prays while wearing shoes that all his sins have been forgiven and that he should resume
57 Al-Tahawi, Sharh' ma'ani i-athar, ed. Muhammad Sayyid Jiidd al-Haqq, Cairo n.d., I, 511-512; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id, II, 54, 55; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, II, 431; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, I ghiuhat al-lahfim min masayidi l-shaytan; reprint Beirut, 1358/1939, I, 147; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 79 sup.; Ibn 'Adiyy, ai-Kamii, VI, 2214; Ibn Hajar aI-'AsqaIiini, Patb al-biiri, sharb sahih al-bukhari, BiiIiiq 1300 (repr, Beirut), I, 415; Ibn Daqiq al-Td, ai-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam; ed. Muhammad Sa'id aI-MauIawi, Damascus, p. 91, no. 204; al-Maghribi, Fath al-mutaiil, pp. 49, 50; al-Yiisufi, zs« al-muslim, V, 65; al-'Ayni, 'Umd at al=qari, IV, 119; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannaf, II, 415; al-Muniiwi, Fayd, V, 222, no. 7059; 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musanna], I, 384, no. 1500 (and see ib. no. 1502: the Prophet entered the mosque wearing shoes, prayed wearing shoes, and left the mosque wearing shoes); Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Maqdisi, al-Muharrar [i l-hadlth, ed. al-Mar'ashli, Samiira and all-Dhahabi, Beirut 1405, I, 177, no. 208; al-Tabaranl, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, XXII, 205, nos. 539-540; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VIII, 138-139, nos. 994, 999, 1001, 1002, 1006, 1011; 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'rikn at-mad ina ai-munawwara, ed. Fahim Muhammad ShaItiit, Mecca 1399/1979, p. 40; al-Biisiri, Misba/J ai-zuja]«, I, 349. A remarkable report says, however, that Miilik b. Anas forbade the governors to ascend the minbar of the Prophet lscil, in Medina] wearing shoes or boots [see 'Abdallah b. Abi Zayd aI-Qayrawiini, al-Jiimi', p. 140, sup.J. 58 Mal)miid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al+Manhal al=adhb al-maurlid, sharb sunan at-imam abi dawud, Cairo 1394, V, 41; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musanna], II, 416-417; and see 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, I, 386, no. 1508, 387, nos. 1509, 1511;al-Jahiz, ai-Bayan wa-/-tabyin, III, 110. 59 'Abd al-Razziiq, al-Musannaf, I, 387, no. 1510;and see the tradition idha qumtum iia l-saliui [a-ntailii: Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, VI, 2156, inf.; Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzih ai-shari'a al-marfica 'ani l-akhbari l-shani'ati l-maudica, II, 100; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidiil, III, 509, no. 7351.
338 his worship anew." The reason for the injunction to pray while wearing one's shoes is given in a widely circulated utterance of the Prophet: "Act against the practice of the Jews, as they do not pray while wearing one's shoes or their boots" (khaiilu l-yahisda, t a-innahum la yusallisna ti ni'iilihim wa-ia [i khilalihim).61 Another tradition of the Prophet on this subject has a slightly different wording. It says: "Pray while wearing your shoes, and do not assimilate yourselves to the practice of Jews ($allu [i ni'iilikum wa-la tashabbahis bi-i-yahud).62 Muslim scholars explained the Jewish practice of praying barefoot by the fact that Jews considered prayer while wearing shoes as signifying lack of respect and esteem (scil, for the sanctuary); furthermore, the Jews in their conduct followed Moses, who was ordered to take off his shoes in the holy valley of Tuva, mentioned in the Qur'an (Siirat Ta-Ha, 13).63
60 AI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 376, no. 2449. 61 Mahrnud al-Subki, al-Manhal al-'adhb, V, 42; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 78; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sun an al=kubra, II, 432; Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-sawdid, II, 54; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Lghiuhat al-lahfiin, I, 147; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, I, 415; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, IV, 119; al-Daylami, Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 75b; ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VII, 374, no. 2430; al-Muniiwi, Fayd, III, 431, no. 3879; al-Suyiitl, Jam' at-jawami', I, 505 penult.-506; Ibn 'Ariiq, Tanzih al-shari'o, II, 101, no. 74; Ibn Qayyim, Ahkam, p. 156; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 432, sup.; Ibn Taymiyya, I qtiqa', p. 178; Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Mawarid al-~am'an ila zawii'idi bni hibbiin, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Razziiq Hamza, Cairo n.d., p. 107, no. 357; and see I. Goldziher, Uber judische Siuen, p. 314. 62 See, e.g., al-Muniiwi, al-Fayd, IV, 201, no. 5021; and see al-Dhahabi, Mizan at-i'tidiu. IV, 457, no. 9835: ... salli: [i I-ni'Iil khalifu I-yahud transmitted by Shaddiid b. Aus; ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, K anz, VII, 374, no. 2431. 63 Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al+adhb, V, 45 inC.;al-Muniiwi, Fayd, IV, 201, no. 5021. And see the comments of al-Muniiwi, ib.: the leather of Moses' shoes was from an impure beast, a donkey, and he was therefore ordered to take them off. In addition, he had to receive the blessing of the holy valley [ai-wadi al-muqaddasi by touching its ground with his
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The problem of the prayers of the believers while wearing their shoes caused a vivid discussion as to the ways of performing the ritual ablution, the wudii', The verse enjoining the wudu', [Siirat al-rna'ida, verse 6] was interpreted by some scholars as enjoining washing of the feet; others assumed that it imposed only the obligation to wipe the feet.64 As for the prayer
feet. The Prophet stated that the conclusions drawn by the Jews and their practices were not sound ['ala ghayri sihhatini, though the matter itself was true. (Cf. al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', ed. Ibrahim 'Atwa 'Awad, Cairo 138211962, V, 281, 1.1 ... [a-qala ka'b: kiinati: min jildi himiirin mayyitin, [a-hiidhii sababu amrihi bi-khal'ihii; [a-akhadha l-yahiidu minhu anna khaia l-nalayni [i l-salati laysa bi-sahib .. .). These arguments are recorded in al-Qurtubi's Tafsir XI, 173; al-Qurtubi mentions however other reasons for the commandment to take off the shoes: Moses was ordered to do so because of awe and respect for the holy place, Tuwa; like in the haram of Mecca one had to enter the holy place of Tuwa barefoot. According to another interpretation the removal of his shoes by Moses denoted metaphorically the removal of thoughts on children and family from his heart. 64 See e.g. ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, IX, 328, nos. 2720-2721; Muhammad b. Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hadi l-Maqdisi, al-Muharrar fi I-I)adith, I, 99, no. 37, 100, nos. 39, 41, 106, no. 52, 108, no. 60; al-Bii!$iri, Misbal)u l-zuiii]«, I, 183, no. 187. A significant utterance reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas says that people objected to everything except washing [of feet], but he Ii.e, Ibn 'Abbas] did not find in the Qur'an anything except wiping [of the feet]: inna l-nasa abau illii I-ghusl. wa-Ia ajidu [i kitabi lliihi ilia I-masha (ibidem, no. 188); and see al-Shafi'I, Ikhtilii] al-hadith, ed. 'Amir Ahmad Haydar, Beirut 1405/1985, pp. 169-171[and see esp. the utterance of al-Shafi'I, ib., p. 170; and see the references of the editorl; and see the contradictory traditions: 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannaf, I, 18-28, nos. 53-82; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, II, 262-263 [see the significant utterance attributed to Anas b. Malik, ibid. p. 262: nazala l-qur'iinu bi-t-mashi, wa-l-sunnatu bi-l-ghuslit; al-Tabari, Tafsir led. Shakir], X, 52-64, 74-80, nos. 11447-11536[see the contradictory opinions pp. 58-59 and the harmonizing assumptions pp. 62-64; see the opinion of al-Tabari pp. 74-80); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, I, 67-77 [see p. 68 seq.: babu l-takriiri f i ghusli l-ri jlayni, biibu l-dalili 'ala anna [arda l-riilayni l+ghuslu wa-anna mashahuma Iii yajzi ; and see p. 74 about performing the washing of the feet while wearing shoes]; see Abii
340 of the believer wearing boots, he was absolved from washing his feet at every wudii' on condition that he had washed his feet before putting on his boots," These traditions enjoining not to assimilate themselves seem to belong to a very early phase in the emergence of Islam, in which it was felt to be essential for the nascent Muslim community to establish distinctive features for its own religious rites and practices, so as to differentiate itself from all other religious communities. There was however no full consensus among Muslim scholars in a later period as to prayer in shoes. Traditions recorded in very early collections of hadith seem to indicate a certain amount of reservation. Ibn Jurayj (d. 150 A.H.) asked 'Atil whether a believer may pray while wearing shoes. 'Ata answered, "yes", and added that he had heard that the Prophet had prayed with his shoes on. "What is wrong with them (i.e. with shoes)? The Prophet also prayed while wearing boots", said 'Atil.66 Ibn Jurayj's doubts as to whether or not prayer while wearing shoes is permissible are exposed in this tradition. Another report tells of Abu Hurayra's denial of the rumour that he did not allow people to pray with their shoes on. He asserted that he had seen the Prophet pray in shoes,"? Uncertainty as to the manner of prayer is visible in a significant conversation between two of the Companions of the Prophet: Abii Miisa al-Ash'ari and 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid. Abu Musil led the prayer
Ya'Ia, Musnad, I, 449, no. 600: '" thumma akhadha bi-kaff ayhi mina l-mii'i [a+sakka bihimii 'alii qadamayhi wa-fihimi: l-na'lu thumma qalabaha thumma 'alii l-ukhrii mithla dhiilika; qultu: [i l-nalayni? qala: fi l-nalayni, thaliithan. See Ibn Khuzayma, Sahih, I, 83-87, nos. 161-168, 100-101, nos. 199-202. 65 See, e.g., al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, II, 334, nos. 2393-2394, and cf. ib.; IX, 288, no. 9238; and see al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, I, 292 ult. 66 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 384, no. 1501; cf. al-Kattani, Nazm al-mutaniuhir, p. 99, no. 81. 67 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 385, no. 1504; al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhiir, I, 511-512.
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and took off his shoes before starting the prayer. 'Abdallah asked him, "Why did you take off your shoes; are you in the holy valley of Tuva?"68 The conflicting perceptions underlying this report are elucidated in a different version of this tradition: 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid came to Abii Miisa al-Ash'ari, When the time of prayer arrived, Abii Miisa urged his guest to lead the prayer, but 'Abdallah refused since Abii Miisa was the host and the prayer was to be performed in his abode and in his masjid. Abii Miisa agreed, and before he started the prayer he took off his shoes. Then 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid asked him about the reason for his action enquiring ironically whether he thought he was in the holy valley of Tuva. The final phrase of the tradition, seems to hold the clue for the understanding of Ibn Mas'iid's question and for the desired conclusion: "We saw indeed the Prophet praying in boots and in shoes.?" Taking off the shoes is obligatory in the Ka'ba or in a Holy Place, but the usual daily prayers should be performed wearing shoes. Indeed, the Prophet prayed barefoot in the Ka'ba on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca." 'Abdallah b. Mas'iid's remark seems to have been grounded on the widely circulated tradition according to which God singled out the Prophet and the Muslim community granting them the privilege to perform their prayers in every spot on earth. "God made the earth for me a mosque and [its dust a means of] purification", says the utterance of the Prophet."
68 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, I, 386, no. 1507; al-Tabarani, ai-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 292, no. 9261. 69 Al-Tahawr, Shari) ma"mi i-athar, I, 511 inf.; and see al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XI, 173 inf.; al-Tabaranl, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, IX, 293, no. 9262. 70 See Niir ai-Din al-Haythami, Mawarid al+zam'Iin; p. 252, no. 1022: ... hadartu rasida llalri (0$) yauma I-fati)i wa-salla [i l-kabati, [a-khalaa nalayhi fa-wada'aha 'an yasarihi ... 71 See, e.g., at-Baj], Sunan at-salihin, Ms. Leiden Or. 506, fol. 44b.; al-Tabari, Tahdhib ai-athar, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 140211982, I, 441; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qari, IV, 8-10 [ ... jaala l-arda kullahii Ii wa-li-ummati tahiiran wa-masjidan [a-aynama adrakati l+rajula min ummati I-saliuu fa-'indahu mas jiduhu wa-Tndahu
342 Accordingly there was no reason to take off one's shoes at prayer. Shoes had to be cleaned, of course, before prayer, and some of the sources include passages concerning the manner of cleaning one's shoes, especially as the Prophet and his Companions used to pray while wearing the same shoes in which they walked in the streets of Medina and in which they performed their bodily needs." According to one tradition a peculiar incident brought about a fundamental change in the perception of prayer and its rules. The Prophet is said to have taken off his shoes one day during prayer, and the believers followed suit. After the prayer the Prophet explained that he had taken off his shoes because the angel Jibril had informed him that there was filth attached to his shoes." Another noteworthy tradition relates that the Prophet took off his shoes during prayer only once and never repeated this again." Another reason why the Prophet took off
r ahur uhu ; and see ib. several different versionsl; al-Kauani, N azm
al-mutaniuhir, pp, 79-80, no. 59 [see the different versions recorded by the a ut hor l, and p. 207, no. 257; al-Ourtubl, Tafsir, XIX, 20; al-Haythami, Mawarid ai-sam'iin, pp. 104-105, nos. 338-345; Ibn al-Athir, J ami' al-usiil, VI, 312, no. 3668, 319, no. 3681; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, I ghalhal ai-iahfan min masiiyidi t-sna ytiin, Cairo 1358/1939, I, 148-149; and cf. Y. Friedmann, "Finality of Prophethood in Early Islam," JSAI, VII [19861181,note 16. 72 See, e.g., Mahmiid al-Subki, ai-Manhal al-tadhb, V, 43; al-Muniiwi, FaY4, V, 222 (see the commentary of the author on tradition no. 7059). 73 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiuhat al-lahfan; I, 146 (it was the blood of a tick of a camel); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 431; Ibn Abi Shayba, at-Musannaf, II, 417; Mahmiid al-Subkl, ai-Manhai ai-'adhb, V, 40 inf.-41; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdiini l-Iuhiir, I, 511;Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, p. 2162; Ibrahim al-Shiriizl, al+Muhadhdhab [i [iqhi i-imam, I, 70 sup.; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawiiid, II, 55; al-Maghribi, Fatb al-mutaid, pp. 54-55; Sa'di Husayn 'Ali Jabr, Fiqh at-imam abi thaur, Beirut 1403/1983, p. 200; al-Ourtubi, Tat sir, XI, 174; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, Beirut 1380/1960, I, 480 ( ... anna fihima qadharan au ad han ... ); a l-T'abar anl, ai-Mu'jam ai-kabir, X, 83, no. 9972. And see Ibn Khuzayma, Sal;.il;., I, 374, no. 786, II, 107, no. 1017.
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his shoes after prayer is given in a tradition in which It IS stated that the Prophet once replaced a strap on his shoe that had been torn, by a new one; after the prayer the Prophet ordered that the torn strap be returned, explaining that he had been distracted during the prayer by the new strap." Another tradition relating to this theme says that the Prophet was bored by his shoes and therefore took them off duri ng prayer, followed by the believers." The event at which the Prophet took off his shoes during prayer is linked in some traditions with the utterance of the Prophet enjoining the believers to clean their shoes at the gate of the mosque, to put them on and to wear them during the prayer." It is surprising to read in the final passage of this story, recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq and Ibn abi Shayba, that the Prophet took off his shoes and that the congregation followed suit and imitated his action. After the prayer the Prophet stated, "He who likes to pray in his shoes may do so, and he who likes to pray barefoot may do SO.18 Another report according to which the Prophet gave permission to pray either wearing shoes or barefoot records a different reason for this utterance of the Prophet: he just gave his feet a rest, and decided that he who wants to take off his shoes may take them off, he who wants to pray while wearing them may pray with his shoes on." A tradition which confirms this last
Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, II, 416, 11.2-4; Ibn Sa'd. Tabaqiu, I, 481. 75 'Abd al-Rahlrn al-Traql and Abu Zur'a al-Traql, Tarb al-tathrib fi sharhi l-taqrlb, Halab n.d. II, 379; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 481. 76 Nur aI-Din al-Haythaml, Majma', II. 55. 77 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannaf, I, 388, no. 1514;al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 375. nos. 2443-2444; and cf. ib. nos. 2440, 2442; Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Musanna], I, 191; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, II, 402 inf., 403 sup.; al-Harith al-Mubasibi, Fahm al-salat, ed. Muhammad 'Uthman al-Khasht, Cairo 1403/1983, p. 72; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Mawiirid al-;am'an, p. 107, no. 360. 78 Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Mu s a nn a], II, 415, inf.; 'Abd al-Razziiq, at-Musannaf, I, 387. no. 1513; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz, VII, 376, no. 2446. 79 Al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII. 376, no. 2447.
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point of view states indeed that the Prophet used to pray in either of the two manners, wearing shoes or barefoot." The change in the perception of the practice of prayer is evident: the believers were granted permission to pray as they wished, either barefoot or wearing shoes. Accordingly the imperative verb khiilifu had to be reinterpreted and was explicated as a word merely denoting permission," Al-Subki is right in stating that this tradition turns the obligation to pray with one's shoes on into a free choice left to the believer; being shoed while praying is put on a par with being barefoot.P The utterance became widely circulated in the period following the death of the Prophet, when the Arab tribes went on their huge conquest expeditions. The very early mosques in the conquered territories differed widely from the simple mosque of the Prophet at Medina; prayer with shoes on was not appropriate to floors covered with tiles or slabs. Besides, the Jews in some of these territories, in contrast to the Jews in the Arab peninsula, may have prayed while they were wearing shoes. Consequently, Muslim scholars were compelled to make a re-evaluation of the traditions about the manner of prayer in a mosque: prayer while wearing one's shoes was stated to be a concession ir ukh sa) reserved to the Prophet and his Companions. Shoes are admittedly an adornment of prayer, but treading on filthy ground imuliimas atu l=ar di llati t akthuru [ihi: t-naiasat)
80 Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majma', II, 54, 56; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrb, II, 431; Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kiimil, V, 1827; al-Maghribi, Fat/:! al-mutaiil, p. 95; al-Tahawi, Sharb ma'ani l-iuhar, I, 512; aI-Yiisufi, Zad al-muslim, V, 66; al-Suyfiti, Jam' al-jawami', II, 520; Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al=adhb al-mauriid, V, 43; 'Abd al-Razzaq, ai-Musannat, I, 385, no. 1503, 387 no. 1512;al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, Kanz, VIII, 139, no. 1000; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad (ed, Shakir), X, 157, no. 6627, 188, no. 6660, 206, no. 1679; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiu, I, 480. 81 Mahmiid al-Subki, al-Manhal al=adhb, V, 43, 11.1-3: ... li+anna l-takhyira wa-l-tafwlda ilii l-mashi'ati dalilu l-ibiihati . 82 Mahrniid a l-Subki, al-Manhal al-l adhb, V, 43: wa-huwa min al=ahiuiithi l-siirii ati li-l-amri bi-I-saliui ti l-no'li fi L-ho di thi l-sabiqi min a l-wuikbi ila l-ibiiha ...
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depreciates the position of such a prayer, and the elimination of impurity and filth is of greater importance than adornment (scil, through wearing shoes) during prayer," Some doubts were even cast on the soundness of the tradition khillitu i-yahud in connection with the transmitter of the hadith.14 Only Hanbali scholars continued to stick to the idea that prayer while wearing one's shoes is a sunni practice," The practice of prayer in the mosques without shoes became a common feature in the Islamic Empire; special chapters in the collections of hadith and fiqh discuss at length the problem where to put the shoes for the duration of the prayer." The clash between the early tradition, i.e. that the Prophet prayed while he was wearing his shoes, and the common practice of praying barefoot in mosques, is reflected in an utterance of al-Hasan [evidently al-Basril, who wondered why none of the transmitters who reported that the Prophet had prayed without removing his shoes did not themselves pray while wearing shoes." People in the mosques were not aware that the Prophet had prayed in shoes; the fact that some persons
83 AI-Munliwi, Fayd, III, 431 (See the commentary on no. 3879), V, 222 (See the commentary on no. 7059); Mahmiid al-Subk'i, al=Munhal al+adhb, V, 43; al-Maghribl, Fath al-muiaiil, pp. 51, 88; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, I, 415; al-Yiisufi, Zad al-muslim, V, 64-66; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qiiri, IV, 119. 84 See al-Munliwi, Fayd, IV, 201 (See commentary on no. 5021); and see al-Dhahabi, Miz(ln al-i'tidiil, IV, 457, no. 9835; al-Maghribi, Fath' al-muta'iil, p. 89: ... warada [i kauni l-saliui [i l-ni'ii! mina l-zina al-ma'miiri bi-akhdhiha [i l-iiyati hadithun 4a'ilun jiddan auradahu ibn 'adiyy [i l-kamil wa-ibn mardawayb [i taisirihi min hadithi abi hurayra wa-t-luqayti min hadithi anas ... 85 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ighiuhat ai-iahlan, I, 147-148. 86 See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], I, 389, nos. 1518-1522;ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, VII, 374, nos. 2434-2435. 87 Al-Jahiz, al-bayan wa-l-tabyin. III, 110:... wa-kana l-hasan yaqidu: mii a'jaba qauman yarwuna anna r asid a ll ah] is) salli: fi ndlayhi ... thumma ia tara ahadan minhum yusalli muntdilan.
346 appeared in the mosques with their shoes on brought about rows and clashes in the mosques, and these culminated sometimes in the killing of those persons," The attitude of the later Muslim scholars is reflected in a succinct response by the famous commentator of Muslim's Sahih, al-Nawawi [d. 676 Hl He was asked whether it was a sound tradition [hal saMal that the Prophet had prayed while wearing shoes, whether prayer with one's shoes on or prayer barefoot was preferable tatdal), whether it was a sound tradition that the Prophet had taken off his shoes during prayer and that his action had been imitated by his Companions, that he had asked them why they had done it and disapproved of their deed, and then why he had disapproved of it. Al-Nawawi stated that both traditions li.e, that he prayed wearing shoes and that he took off his shoes during prayer] were sound. Prayer barefoot is however preferable, says al-Nawawi, because the Prophet prayed barefoot more frequently than while wearing shoes; he merely prayed while shod in order to show that this manner of prayer is permissible. The Prophet took off his shoes when he was informed by Jibril that the shoes contained some filth iadhan), which prevented him from praying. Finally the Prophet disapproved of taking off one's shoes, because he objected ikariha) to an action being performed during prayer, which need not to be carried out during ritual service." It is noteworthy that al-Nawawi does not mention at all that there was an element of differentiation and exclusivity in the wearing of shoes during prayer; prayer with his shoes on was performed by the Prophet only in order to show that this manner of praying was permissible. In summing up, it may be assumed that the common and widely followed practice of praying barefoot in the mosques was a result of the significant changes in the social and material conditions of life in the Muslim community: the sumptuous style
88 See al-Maghribi, Fatl) al-mutaiil, p. 52; al-Yiisufi, Ziid at-muslim, V, 65. 89 AI-Nawawi, al-Manthurat wa-'uyunu l=masii'ili l-muhimmiit, ed. 'Abd al-Qiidir Ahmad 'Mii, Cairo 1402-1982, p. 39, no. 60.
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of building which characterized the congregational mosques, and the floors covered with carpets, called for the solemn prayers to be performed barefoot. In some areas of Arabia Jews may have continued to pray without shoes in their synagogues, but pious Muslim scholars did not object to a practice that was similar to that of some unbelievers in one place or another, provided that it was not contrary to the usages of Islam." A peculiar opinion as to the utterance enjoining the believers to pray wearing shoes in contradistinction to the practice of the Jews who pray barefoot is expressed in a book by Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, The reason for this injunction was, according to Ibn Qayyim, that the Prophet ordered the believers to deviate from the practices of the People of the Book and therefore enjoined them to pray with their shoes on. After the death of the Prophet 'Umar forbade the People of the Book to wear shoes of the kind worn by the Muslims," The difference between the injunction of the Prophet and the order of 'Umar'? is explained by Ibn Qayyim's scrutiny of the social and political situation at the time of the Prophet, and of the changes undergone by the Muslim community in the period of 'Umar, Shoes, says Ibn Qayyim, were not the wear of
90 Ahmad b. Ahmad al-Khaliji al-Shiifi'i l-Khalwati, al-Wasm [i l-washm, Cairo 1323, pp. 19-20: ... wa-amma sultanu [-'ulama'i al-Tzzu bnu 'abdi l-salam, rahimahu llahu, [a-innahu ashiira ilii raddihi fi f at awahu idh qiila: l-muradu bi-I-aajimi lladhl na nuhi nii 'ani l-tashabbuhi bihim alba'u l-akasirati [i dhalika l-zamiini, wa-yakhtassu l+nahyu bima yaf'aiimahu 'ala khilafi muqtada shar'inii; [a-amma ma fa'aluhu 'ala waf qi l-l jabi au al-nadbi au al-ibahati fi shar'ina fa-Ia yut r ak li=ajli t a'iuihim iyyahu, f a-inna l-shar'a la yanhi: 'ani l-tashabbuhi bi-ma adhina lliihu fihi ... 91 Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Al)kam, p. 748: .. , wa-nahahum 'umaru radiya liahu 'anhu an yalbasii ni'al ai-musiim in. 92 Ibn Qayyim, Al)kam, p. 755, 1.4: ... qiila: wa-f l kitiib 'umar: wa-lii yalbasicna l-nalayn, qala: [a-yumndu ahlu l-dhimma min lubsi [ami'i l-ajnasi mina l-ni'al; wa-l-na'lani huma min ziyyi I-'arabi min abadi l-dahri ila yaumina hadha ...
348
al-'ajam; they used to wear a kind of boot called ai-tamsak=
and they should be forced to return to this peculiar wear. Furthermore, so says Ibn Qayyim, shoes are the wear of scholars, honourable persons (ashraf) and distinguished men (akabir), and should consequently be reserved for their use alone. One has to admit, says Ibn Qayyim, that the Jews of Medina and its surroundings indeed wore shoes, and that the prophet did not forbid them this practice. He merely enjoined the believers to act contrary to the Jewish habit of praying barefoot, and ordered them to pray while wearing shoes. Neither the Prophet nor Abu Bakr, sayd Ibn Qayyim, obliged the People of the Book to wear the ghiyiu, the garments that were meant to differentiate them from the Muslim community, since the believers had still not overpowered the People of the Book, nor had they yet abased them or occupied their countries; the People of the Book were in control of the majority of these countries and the believers kept their status according to the agreements and peace pacts that had been concluded ( ... Ii-anna l=musli mi na lam yakitnit qad istaulau 'ala ahli l-kit ab wa-qaharishum wa-adhalluhum, wa-malakis biladahum; bal
k anat aktharu bil adihim lahum wa-hum tiha ahlu sulhin wa-hudnatinu" consequently, the only thing that could be done
at that time was to order the believers to act differently from the practices of these people. But when God granted the Muslim community victory and gave them the lands and possessions of the conquered peoples, and when the believers could impose upon them the law of Islam, 'Umar ordered the People of the Book to wear the ghiyiu; and all the Companions gave their consent to the injunctions of 'Umar." It is thus evident that
93 The word was evidently miscopied by the scribe and misread by the editor. The correct reading seems to be al-shamushak. Prayer while wearing arab shoes was preferred; prayer while wearing shamushak boots was forbidden. (See al-Tlisl, al-Nihiiya [i mujarradi l-fiqh; p. 98; al-Bahrani, al-Hadiiiq al-niidira, VII. 114-115). 94 Ibn Qayyim. Ahkiim. p. 755. info 95 Ibn Qayyim, Ahkiim. p. 756.
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'Umar's order concerning the shoes of the People of the Book was in accordance with the injunction of the Prophet, and consistent with the new circumstances of the Muslim strength and power. The shoes of the Prophet remained an object of veneration among the common people and especially among the pious believers. A single shoe of the Prophet was preserved for centuries and kept with great care and reverence. Finally it came into the possession of al-Malik al-Ashraf (Qait Bay), who built a special room for it at the side of the minbar in the madrasa al=ashrafi yya. The single shoe was placed under a copula covered with silk curtains; the room was sumptuously decorated and the visiting crowds kissed the heavily scented shoe. The shoe also had miraculous powers of healing. Pious ascetics and mystics composed verses in praise of the shoe. A special keeper was hired and was given a pay of eighty dirhams per month. He was enjoined to open the room for the visiting crowds every Monday and Thursday." The transformation of Muslim practice from the wearing of shoes at prayer to taking them off provides a fascinating example of the manner in which customs initially frowned upon as an imitation of unbelievers, were gradually adopted as the only correct form of behaviour.
96 AI-Maghribi, Fall) al-mutaal, pp. 355-359.
350
ADDENDA
ad note 1: A significant latwlz of Ibn Taymiyya touches upon the sensitive question of Jews and Christians who secretly believe in Islam, and of Muslims who outwardly show belief, but in reality are hypocrites hiding Jewish, Christian or apostatic beliefs. Some people claim that the angels remove from their graves the bodies of the Jews and Christians who secretly believed in Islam and place them in the graves of Muslims, and in contrast remove the bodies of the unbelieving Muslims from their graves and place them in the graves of Jews and Christians. Ibn Taymiyya had no knowledge of such a tradition. He states, however, that the Jews and Christians who secretly believed in Islam before the time of their agony did not declare their belief in Islam at their death will be gathered on the Day of Resurrection with the Muslims, while the unbelieving Muslims will be gathered with the unbelievers, their equals. [Ibn Taymiyya, al-Fatawii l-kubrii. Beirut, n. d. I, 369, no. 2241 ad note 6: See al-Tsami, Simt ai-nuiismi l-awlz'il wa-l-tawlzli, Cairo 1380, I, 411. lr'nwali [i anbii'i
ad note 7: See this tradition in al-Tabari, T'ahdhib al-iithar wa-t at silu l+thiibiti 'an r asiili lliihi l sallii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallaml min a l-akhbiir, ed. Mahrniid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1982, IV, 111-112, nos. 180-183. [And cf. ib. no. 184. And see the assessment of this tradition ib. pp. 112-1131 ad note 9: According to a report recorded in a l-Muttaqi I-Hindi's K anz al=lummal, VIII, 127, no. 906 the believers avoided performing prayers in churches adorned with statues. ad note 12: And see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhiat al-maudiui bi-ahkami l=mauliui, Beirut n. d., pp. 143-145.
"Do not assimilate yourselves ... "
351 X, 319, no.
ad note 18: See al-Tabarani, 10609.
at-Mu'jam
al-kabir,
ad note 19: See Ibn Abi Shayba, al=Musannai, ed. Mukhtar Ahmad al-Nadwi, Bombay 1401/1981, VIII, 443, no. 5816: ... 'an ibni 'abbiisin, qala: man sallama 'alaykum min khalqi llahi [a-ruddis 'alayhim wa-in kana yahisdiyyan au nasraniyyan au majiisiyyan; ibid. VIII, 438-440. nos. 5799-5805. [And see the reference of the editor]; Muhammad Murtada al-Zabidi, al-'Uqudu l-muniia, II, 151,info - 152. ad note 21: See al-Fasawi, at-Marita wa-t-ta'rikh, II, 491; Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannat, VIII, 442-444, nos. 5810-5819 [And see the references of the editor]; Muhammad Murada al-Zabidi, 'Uqudu l-jawahiri l-munita, II, 151. ad note 22: See al-Dhahabi, Mizlzn al-i'tidlzl, al-Zabidi, al-'Uqud al-munita, II, 151. ad note 26: See Ibn Abi Shayba, al+Musannat, 5919 [And see the note of the editor1. I, 598, no. 2262;
VIII, 468, no.
ad note 30: See Abu Ya'la, Musnad, I, 231, no. 266: ... inna rasisla llahi salta llahu 'alayhi wa-saltam kana yuhibbu an yatashabbaha bi-ahli l-kitabi [ima lam yanzil 'alayhi shay'un [a-idha unzila 'alayhi tarakahu. [And see the references of the editor]; and see Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-Musannat, VIII, 261, no. 5127: ... kana ahlu l-kitabi yasdiliina asharahum ... wa-kana rasidu llahi sal/a llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam yuhibbu muwataqata ahli l=kit abi fima lam yu'mar bihi; qala: ta-sadala rasiilu llahi lsl nasiyatan [perhaps: nasiyatahul thumma [arraqa ba'du. ad note 35: See e. g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidayat al-hayara [i ajwibati i-yahiidi wa-l-nasara, Beirut, n. d., p. 79: ... fa-inna lai za l=taurati wa-I-iniili wa=l=qur'ani wa-/-zabilri yuradu bihi l-kutubu t-mu'ayyana tiiratan, wa-yuradu bihi I-jinsu taratan; ta-yuabbaru bi-latzi l-qur'ani 'ani l-zabiir wa-bi-laf,+i l-taurati 'ani I-qur'an wa-bi-Iaf,+i l-injili 'ani l=qur'hni aydan.
352 wa-li l-hadithi l=sahihi 'ani l-nabiyyi lsl khuitita 'ala da'uda l=qur'Iinu [a-kana ma bayna an tusr aja dabbatuhu ila an y arkaboha y aqra'u l=qur'iina, t a-i=muradu bihi qur'anuhu wa-huwa l-zabiau ... ad note 37: See e. g. al-Suyfiti, inf.-464 iqi'datu I-yahudl al-Hiiwi li-I-Iatawi, I, 463
ad note 41: See Yahya b. Ma'in, al-T'a'ri kh, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Niir Sayf, Makka al-mukarrama 1979, IV, 231, no. 4102: ... kana ibnu mas'iidin yart a'u yadayhi [i l-quniui ila thady ayhi; and see op. cit. III, 464, no. 2284: ... qultu li-yahyi; ma t aqiclu [i l=t akbi r ii t-Tdayn ... qala: ar a an art a'a yadayya Ii kulli takbiratin ... [and see the comments of the editor]; and see op .cit p. 467, no. 2293 the opinion of Abii 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallarn, And see Abii Shama, al-Ba'itn 'ala inkiiri I-bida'i wa-l-hawadith; ed. 'Uthman Ahmad 'Anbar, Cairo 1398/1978, p. 87: ... la-mina I-bida'i ... wa-amma rat'u aydihim 'inda I-du'a'i [a-bi d'atun qadimatun; and see ib. inf.: 'Abd al-Malik about the bid'a of raising the hands on the minbar on Friday; Ibn Hibban al-Busti, at-Mojrishin, II, 270: ... sallaytu khalt a rasiili llahi Isl wa-abi bakrin wa-iumar a t a-kanii y ar t a'Iin a aydiyahum i i awwali l= s al at i thumma la ya'uduna. And see Ibn 'Adiyy, al-Kamil, VI, 2162: the tradition with a slightly different variant: ... la-lam yart a'ic aydiyahum ilia 'inda stittahi l-salati, And see al-Dhahabi, Mi zan al=i'ti diil, I, 208, no. 817: ... 'an muqatil 'ani l=asbagh b. nub at a 'an 'aliyyin: lamma nazalat 'Ia-salli li-rabbika wa-nhar' qala: ya iibril ma hadhihi l=nahi ra? qala: ya'muruka rabbuka idha t aharr amt a Ii-l-salati an tart a'a yadayka i dha kabbarta wa-idha rakata wa-idha raia'ta mina l-rukii ... ; and see the list of the sources of the tradition about raising the hands: a l+Suy ut i, Kit abu l=a zhari l=mut aniu hir a [i t+akhb ari l-mutawatira, MS Hebrew Univ., Coll, Yahudah Ar. 773, fo1. Sa. And see recently M. I. Fierro, "La Polemique a propos de rat' al+yadayn ti l-saliu dans al-Andalus", Studia Islamica, 1987, pp. 69-90.
"Do not assimilate yourselves .....
353 II, 70: ... umirtu
ad note 47: And see al- Nazwi, al-Musannai, bi-l-Tmama wa=l=nalayni wa-i-khatam.
ad note 55: And see al-Haythami, al-Maqsid ai-'aliyy fi zawaid abi ya'ia t-mausili yy, ed. Nayif b. Hashim al-Da'is, Judda 1402/1982. p. 370, no. 335. ad note 57: And see Ibn Khuzayma, Sahih, II, 105, no. 1010; al-Haytharni, al-Maqsid al+aliyy, p. 370. no. 336. ad note 61: And see al-Dhahabi, Mi zan al-i'tidal, I, 375, no. 1406: ... inna l=yahuda idha sallau khalai: ni'alahum, to-idha sallaytum ta-htadhu ni'alakum. ad note 71: On the permission to pray in every place: see Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Hidayatu l-hayara, pp. 77, 1. 2, 84, 91, penult.; al-Majlisi, Bihar al=an war, XVI, 313, 316. ad note bi-sharn inf.; and shoes on 72: See Murtada l-Zabidi, Ithat al+sadati l=muttaqin asrar ihya'i 'uliimi l-din, Beirut n. d. [reprint] III, 307 see op. cit. other traditions about praying with one's discussed in a lengthy chapter, op. cit. pp. 307-309.
Appendix by Menahem Kister In the preceding article tashabbahii "Do not assimilate yourselves ... "; (hereafter "LT"), numerous traditions are cited, according to which Muslims were forbidden to follow Jewish customs, so as to keep the two communities separate and their religions distinct. Other statements, worded in a manner relatively similar to those of the previous traditions, were apparently intended to censure certain customs practiced by adherents of the Muslim faith, by accusing these Muslims of following the undesirable practices of the Jews (e.g., regarding prayer). Despite the considerable similarity in formulation between these sets of statements, it appears that they are in fact different as far as Islam is concerned, they reflect two distinct trends. The first trend evidences a clear desire on the part of early Islam for self-definition, as well as a concern over the presence of Jewish influences and practices among its earliest believers. It should be recalled that Islam developed in the shadow of Judaism, among Arabs who maintained extremely close relations with Jews and their religion (especially the An$ar).l Particularly noteworthy in this connection is the Hadithi regarding Muhammad's habit of likening himself to ahl al-kitab, before he was commanded to act otherwise. The concept of film3 (knowledge) is also relevant in this connection:
La
1 On the influence of the Ansar regarding the introduction of Jewish customs into Islam, see: M.J. and Menahem Kister, "On the Jews of Arabia--Notes" [Hebrewl Tarbiz 48 (1979), pp. 240, 240 ff. 2 Cited by I. Goldziher, "Usages Juifs," REJ 28 (1894), p. 89. 3 This concept in the Qur'an was discussed by F. Rosenthal, Knowledge Triumphant, Leiden 1970, pp, 19-35. However, it seems that Rosenthal paid insufficient attention to the aspect discussed below. Thus, it would appear that the development of the concept 'ilm in the Jahiliyya and
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one of the principal factors which led the Arabs in the Jahiliyya to adopt some of the customs followed by their Jewish neighbours was their awareness of the Jews' (and Christians'?) observance of an obligatory and absolute religious praxis, which was deemed desirable by God," Only gradually did Mohammed and Islam come to regard their 'ilm as being superior to that of the Jews. Noteworthy is Sura 2, 144 (regarding the change of the qibla to Jerusalem): "If after all the knowlege ('ilm) you have been given you yield to their desires ('ahwii' ahum), then you will surely become an evildoer." We know that the An$ar used to pray facing Jerusalem even before Mohammed arrived in Medina,"
the relevant material in the Qur'iln still require extensive discussion by an expert. 4 Cf. the epithet 'aLim, i.e., "individual learned in the law", applied to Jewish sages in ancient Arabia. For the concept of 'ilm - suffice it to cite two traditions: "This tribe of the Ansar - idolators - was together with the tribe of the Jews - people of the book - and they saw that [the Jews] were superior to them in knowledge (fa4lan 'alayhim fi Film), and they followed many of [the Jews'] customs. The men of the book would only have normal sexual relations with women ... and the Ansar followed this practice of theirs" (al-Durr ai-Manthiir, Vol. 2, Cairo 1314 AH, p. 263, and his sources); "It happened that the Prophet reached the Qubii' mosque and said: Allah praised you because of your purity with regard to your mosque. What is this purity with which you purify yourselves? They said to him, 'Apostle of God, we do not know anything tnahnu La nalamu shayan), but 'we had Jewish neighbours, and they were accustomed to wash their posteriors from excrement, and we washed the way they did" (al-Haythami, Majma' at-Zawaid, I, Beirut 1967, p. 212). These two traditions (cited and discussed in the article mentioned in n. 1, pp. 237, 240) appear to be complementary; from them we may infer that the Ansar adopted numerous Jewish customs regarding everyday life and marital relations. 5 As opposed to the Ansar's feelings that "the Jews are superior to them in knowledge," and that "they know absolutely nothing." 6 See: Tabarl, Tafsir II, Ed. Mahmiid & Ahmad Shakir, Cairo n.d., p. 529, no. 1837 (1838); Muqatil, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shahata, Cairo 1969, p. 72; 'Umar b. Shabba, Ta'rikh at-Mad ina, ed. Fahim Muhammad Shaltiit, n.p., 1979, p. 51. I would like to thank my father, Prof. M.J. Kister, for providing me with these references.
356 and it is possible that the conception of the 'ilm was partially responsible for this. After Islam became an independent religion, it had to struggle in order to establish its uniqueness. The second trend manifests itself in Islam after it became an established religion, self-confident and certain of the impropriety of the Jewish customs. It was precisely this self-confidence which enabled it to censure undesirable Muslim practices as Jewish customs. For example, improper conduct in mosques, and the slightest swaying during prayer, was unquestionably not an imitation of Jewish practice, but rather a form of corruption which could be compared to the corruption of the Jews in their prayers. However, as far as the evidence of the statements cited above regarding ancient Jewish custom is concerned, both categories of statements cited in the preceding article have considerable value. I shall now comment briefly on these statements from the perspective of Jewish sources. We shall begin by discussing and surveying the development of the Jewish law thalakhah), with regard to the wearing of shoes during prayer; thereafter we shall make a number of brief comments on some of the other customs cited in the article. In the Muslim testimonia cited above, we have clear evidence of a Jewish custom (apparently followed by the Jews of Arabia) to pray barefoot in their synagogues. What is known regarding this practice from the Jewish legal sources?" According to the halakhah, the priests who served in the
7 See J. Reifmann, "Walking Barefoot" [Hebrew], Beit Talmud 1 (1871),pp. 78-80. Reifmann discusses a considerable number of the sources cited below. Likewise, a considerable number of the sources cited here have been discussed by the classical codifiers of Jewish law; however, there is still room for additional discussion of these passages as far as the approach to analyzing them is concerned. (I am indebted to Dr. David Rosenthal for drawing my attention to Reifmann's article.) On the existence of a generally positive attitude to wearing shoes, see ibid; p. 78. Cf. also Talmud Bavli, Berakhot 62b, according to MSS.: "Just as wearing shoes is respectful ... " See also R.N.N. Rabbinowicz, Diqduqe Soferim, Berakhot, Munich 1867, p. 365, note ~.
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Temple were forbidden to wear shoes. Even someone who merely entered the Temple Mount was required to remove his shoes (Mishnah Berakhot 9:5). The issue of what practices were followed in synagogues in Palestine and Babylonia is somewhat more complicated. From the Mishnah, it seems that it was customary to pray wearing shoes. Mishnah Megillah 4:8 states: "One who says: I shall not serve as a reader of the prayers [literally: "pass before the ark"] in colored clothing may not read the prayers even in white clothing; [one who says] I shall not read the prayers wearing shoes may not read the prayers even barefoot." This statement appears in the midst of a series of laws regarding heterodox prayer customs. Thus, one may infer that there were heterodox Jews who insisted on leading the congregation in prayer (and perhaps entering the synagogue in general) only while wearing white clothing and walking barefoot. It has been conjectured that these Jews sought to model the customs of the synagogue after the practices followed in the Temple," However, there is no solid evidence for this assumption. Be that as it may, according to Jewish law and custom in Palestine during the Tannaitic period, there was no obligation to remove one's shoes during prayer, and removal of shoes for prayer was in fact opposed. The same impression is conveyed by the Baraita discussing Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai's decree that "the priests are not permitted to wear their sandals while walking up to the platform [in order to recite the priestly benediction]" (Talmud Bavli Rosh Ha-Shanah 31b = Sotah 40a). From this Bar ai t a, one of the Talmudic commentators inferred? that "it is permissable to enter a synagogue wearing sandals; wearing sandals was only prohibited to [the priests] ascending their platform,'?" These are all the
8 See Mishnah with the commentary of Ch, Albeck, Jerusalem/Tel Aviv 1952, p. 504 and elsewhere. 9 Rabbenu Hananel, cited by Tosafot on Sotah, ibid., s.v. Ny')~. 10 Reifmann (above, n. 7), attempts to weaken this proof, by claiming that this Baraita refers to recitation of the priestly benediction in a place not used on a regular basis for prayer. However, this interpretation
358 extant sources regarding the Jewish laws and customs regarding the wearing of shoes during prayers in the Tannaitic period [until the end of the second century C.E.1in Palestine. It was also customary to wear shoes during prayer in the Amoraic period in Babylonia. Regarding the Mishnah cited above ("One must not enter the Temple Mount with his staff, shoes, money-belt, or the dirt on his feet, nor may [the Temple Mount] be used as a shortcut, and a minori ad mains, spitting [is prohibited there"]) it was stated by the Amora Rava (IV century C.E.): "Spitting is permissible in a synagogue, by analogy to [the law concerning] shoes: Just as shoes are prohibited on the Temple Mount and permissible in the synagogue, so too spitting is prohibited on the Temple Mount, but permissible in the synagogue" (Talmud BavJi, Berakhot 62b). From here we see that according to Rava, it was obvious that wearing shoes in the synagogue was permissible (cf, also Rava's statement in Berakhot 63a), and it would appear that the same holds true regarding Rav Pappa and the anonymous Talmudic discussion iibid.). Indeed the Talmud reports that Rav Kahana used to put on his shoes tpuzmeqe) before praying (Talmud BavJi, Shabbat LOa), As the T osafot state, "From here it may be inferred that one should not pray barefoot,'?' To the best of our knowledge, then, in Babylonia the Jews prayed wearing shoes," Very little is known about the halakhah regarding prayer
seems rather forced. 11 Tosaf ot Shabbat lOa, s.v. ')pr.)n~ ')r.)1. The meaning of the Aramaic idiom rame puzmeqe is clear from Talmud Bavli, Yoma 78a; Ketubot 65b; Ta'anit 22a. Therefore the interpretation cited briefly by R. Abraham Maimonides (Kitab Kifayat al-'Abidin, ed. N. Dana, Ramat Gan 1989, p. 103), that the meaning of these words is 'to remove one's shoes' (qila yanzauha) is probably influenced by current customs of prayer in the east. 12 J. Kafih, Halikhot Teman (Yemenite Customs) [Hebrew], Jerusalem 1978, p. 64, n. 3, cites the Talmudic statement in Mo'ed Qatan 17a regarding "that dog which ate the shoelaces of the rabbis" in connection with removing shoes before entering the synagogues. However, there is no evidence that this passage refers to synagogues.
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with shod feet during the Amoraic period in Palestine. Only one allusion to the matter is extant, and it is found in an anecdote appearing in an obscure context in the Jerusalem Talmud:" "Yehudah the son of Rabbi Hiyya [third century C.E.l entered a synagogue; he left his shoes, and they were lost," He said, Had I not gone to the synagogue, my shoes would not have been lost" (Yerushalmi Bava M etzia 2:8, Be), Prima facie, it would appear from this passage, as a number of commentators maintain," that Jews in Palestine in the Amoraic period used to remove their shoes before entering the synagogue," (the situation was definitely different in Palestine during the Tannaitic period, as we have already noted). In light of the statements cited previously in the name of Babylonian Sages, Reifmann inferred that there was a dispute between the Babylonian and Palestinian scholars regarding the laws of prayer while wearing shoes,'? Were this conclusion certain, we could deduce that the practice of the Jews (ostensibly the Jews of Arabia) mentioned in the haditb was a Palestinian custom. This practice would then join a series of instances in which we find a connection between the observances of the Jews of Arabia and Palestinian customs," However, while the interpretation of the Yerushalmi suggested above seems very plausible, it should be recalled that the Yerushalmi here presents us with an anecdote, whose point is not fully clear, rather than an explicit legal assertion regarding the laws of prayer with regard to shoes. Hence, extreme caution
13 But see Pene Moshe's commentary, ad IDe., and S. Lieberman, Yerushalmi N ezikin, ed. E.S. Rosenthal and S. Lieberman, Jerusalem 1984, p. 138, on lines 37-38. 14 Ms. Escorial (ed, Rosenthal-Lieberman [above, n. 13], p. 50) reads here: "his shoes were lost" (not: "he left his shoes and they were lost" as in Ms. Leiden), 15 See R. Ishtori Ha-Parhi, Kaf t or Va-Ferah, ch. 7, and Rabbi J.S. Nathanson, Ziyyon Yerushalayim, ad IDe. 16 Similar customs in Greek and Roman worship. See Th. Wachter, Reinheitsvorschriften im Griechischen Kult, Giessen 1910,pp. 23-24. 17 Ibid. (above, n. 7). 18 Ibid. (above, n. 1), p. 236 ff.
360 should be employed before drawing far-reaching conclusions from such material. Moreover, it is possible that different customs obtained in different communities in Babylonia and Palestine. In any case, it is noteworthy that in Palestinan halakhic literature from the Geonic period, we read the "the skins of an unclean animal may be used to make [ ... sandlals for entering synagogues,"? Thus, this source attests, en passant, that during the Geonic period the Jews of Palestine used to wear shoes in the synagogue. The internal dynamic which one expects to find in Judaism calls for equating the laws of the synagogue with those of the Temple. Likewise, it may be expected that rites indicating respect for the synagogue should parallel the practices used to demonstrate respect towards persons of high status. (Additional support for this thesis might have been provided by Ex. 3:5 and Josh. 5:15, although early rabbinic sources do not cite these passages with regard to synagogue practice). Such arguments are expressed clearly and at length in a late Palestinian prayer book: "[And if) one had a shoe or a sandal on his feet, he should remove them olutsidel, and enltler barefoot, for servants ordinarily walk barefoot before their maslters .. .J above, as was the case with Moses and Joshua. For they were told: 'Remove your Islhoelsl' (?) ... for no one enters their presence wearing sandals. And if this is the practice before (human beings, who are created from a) putrid drop, so much the more so before the King of Kings, blessed be He. And so the Sages said: One should not enter the Temple Mount with his
19 S. Assaf, Teshuvot Ha-Ge'onim :lH'lIn (5702) (Responsa of the Ge'onim) [Hebrew], Jerusalem 1942, p. 124. (I am indebted to Professor I. Ta-Sherna for drawing to my attention this reference). In his notes, Assaf cites the parallel versions of this tradition: "Any tanned leather from an unclean animal may be used for sandals"; "any leather from an unclean animal, after being tanned may be used for sandals." It would appear, then that the leather must be tanned, in accordance with the Muslim law that only tanned leather may be used, especially for prayer (see below, n. 27). See also below.
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staff and shoes. And if, because of our slinsl, we do not have the Temple Mount (in our possession), we still have a minor sanctuary lviz., the synagogue--M.K.l, and we must treat it with sanctity and reverence, as it is written, 'You shall revere my holy place.' Therefore, the ancients ordained that lavers with fresh water (should be provided) in the courtyards of all synagogues for the ablution of the hands and feet. And if one was weak or ill, and (hence) unable to remove his shoes, and he was walking cautiously, we need not trouble him to remove his shoes" iseil. to keep his shoes clean). It is quite possible that the halakhah of this passage (whose precise dating and circle of origin are uncertain) was influenced by the Muslim practice of removing shoes and washing the hands and feet; extensive Muslim influences can be detected in this prayerbook, as already noted by Wieder." It is possible that the first indications of the argument that the synagogue should be compared to the Temple may be found in the heterodox practice cited in Mishnah M egillah (above). Comparison of the synagogue to the Temple is found, inter alia, in the writings of the Karaite Anan (eighth century)." Apparently it was for this reason that Anan required worshippers to pray without wearing shoes." Similarly, the Karaite Qirqisani (second half of the tenth century), who rejects Anan's basic conception of the nature of the synagogue, also
20 Passages from this prayer book were cited by N. Wieder in his important article: "Muslim Influences on Jewish Worship" [Hebrew], M elilah 2 (1946), pp. 42, 87-91, 105, 109. Wieder associated this material with the pietistic movement of Rabbi Abraham Maimonides (but see below, n. 29a). The entire text of this prayer book was published by M. Margaliot, Hilkhot Erez Yisrael Min Ha-Genizak (Palestinian Halakhot from the Genizah) [Hebrew] Jerusalem 1974, p. 127 ff. Margaliot, in his brief introduction, rejects Wieder's assumption. 21 Anan, Seier Ha-Mizvot, ed, A.E. Harkavy, St. Petersburg 1903, pp. 33-37. 22 So it would appear from Ya'qiib al-Qirqirsani, Kit ab ai-Anwar wal-Mariiqib, III, ed. L. Nemoy, New York 1941, p. 622. It is possible that the argument from the Tent of Congregation and the service in the sanctuary cited by Qirqisani reflects Anan's argumentation.
362 rules that people must pray barefoot. From Qirqisani it would appear that this was the prevalent practice in his day (among Karaites, and perhaps not only among Karaites)." Perhaps it may be inferred from Qirqisani's remarks that this matter was the subject of a Karaite-Rabbanite polemic (see below). Qirqisani cites, inter alia, the verses regarding Moses and Joshua, who were both ordered: "Remove your shoes from your feet" before entering a holy place (Ex. 3:5; Josh. 5:15). Qirqisani states: "It is inconceivable that the shoes worn by ... these two prophets ... happened to be made from the [skins] of an unclean animal, as the Rabbanites claim. Rather, God commanded them to guard the [sanctity of the] holy places by not wearing shoes.'?" It is particularly noteworthy that the claim cited by Qi rq isani in the name of the Rabbanites is extremely widespread already in the early Muslim commentaries on the Qur'an and in hadith literature; Muslim authors used the very same tradition, about Moses wearing shoes made from the skins of unclean animals, as an argument against the Jewish practice of praying barefoot in imitation of Moses' conduct. (see LT, n. 63)! Thus, one may wonder whether the Muslim tradition
23 Ibid.: "wa-l-dalil 'ala dhalika bayyinun ziihirun min ijma'i l-khalqi mina l-ummati 'ala tahrimi I-saliui 'ala l=tamiy y lam yukhali] [i dhalika wahidun minhum, wa-innama raat at-jamdaiu l-saliita bada l-ghusli bi=l=ghadiu ... wa-mithlu dhiilika fima i'talla bihi min amri l-nali wa-l-khuff ... " 24 I bid., p. 635: "wa-yajibu an takiina l-saliuu 'ala l-ardi min ghayri an yakima bayna l-qadami wa-bayna jismi l-ardi shay'un mina l-aisami la bisiuun wa-la ma shabihahu wa-la shay'un mina l-hidhii'! wa-la khuf f un wa-la na'lun wa-la ma kana naziran lt-dhiiiika; wa-hiidha aydan yutaallamu min maudi'ayni: ahaduhuma ma amara lliihu 'azza wa- jalla bihi musa 'alayhi l-saliimu wa+yehoshua (Hcb.) min khal'i l-hidha'i fi mawadi'i l=qudsi; wa-muhal an yakima dhalika l=hidhiiu lladhi kana 'ala dhay nik a l-waliyyayni l-khayrayni t-f adila yni l-nabiyyayn ittajaqa libasuhuma [ami'an min hayawan tamiyy 'ala ma idda'a l=rabbiiniy yiin, wa-innama amarahumii lliihu. 'azza wa+jalla bi-siyanati l-aqdiis min lubsi l-hidha' ... n
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here did draw upon an ancient Jewish tradition," or did the Jews in fact draw upon this Muslim tradition. To be sure, we have no evidence in the Jewish halakhah that it was prohibited to enter a holy place wearing shoes made from the leather of unclean animals, but in light of the fact that the Palestinian halakhic passage cited above goes out of its way to affirm that this is permitted.t" it would appear that there were Jews who forbade it (or abstained from it). In Muslim religious law, this prohibition occupies a far more central position.?? However, whatever the source of this tradition may be, it is a striking example for a link between the polemical traditions of the two religions. It seems reasonable to assume that the contentions of the "Rabbanites" cited here owe their existence not merely to study of the verses in Exodus and Joshua, but rather were part of a polemic against the Karaite practice based on these verses. However, in addition to the arguments raised by the two sides,
25 Al-Qurtubi cites a different reason for rejecting the ruling concerning the removing of shoes, namely, that the words "Remove your shoes from your feet" should be interpreted allegorically: Moses must remove from his heart all thoughts about his wife and children (min 'amri l-ahl wa-l-wuld, see LT, n. 63). A similar claim is cited in the name of "some authorities" by Theodoretus (fifth century C.E.), Quaestiones, PG 80, ad loc.; Moses was told to take off his sandals "so as to dispose of his concern about sustenance (biotikas merimnas), for the leather of the sandals is dead skin." This argument reminds us of the comments found in the Zohar, whose author flourished in Spain a generation after a l+Qur tub i (see Zohar, III, 148a Cf. also: R. Bahya 6. Asher, Commentary on the Torah, ad. Ex 3:15); there, this verse is interpreted as an injuction that Moses abstain from sexual relations (and see: L. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews V, Philadelphia 1947, p. 420, n. 122). Thus, even this allegorical mid rash was not an Islamic innovation. 26 See above, n. 19. Cf. also Qirqisani, op. cit. (n, 22), p. 953. 27 Related to this is the discussion of whether Moses' shoes were made of tanned or untanned leather, because tanning (dabgh) relieves the leather of its impurity (see e.g., al-Jassas, Al;tkam ai-Qur'an, Constantinople 1338 H, III, 219-220; see also Ibn Abi Shaiba, Musanna], ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Afghani, Hyderabad, 1967, II, pp. 258-59). For these sources, too, I am indebted to my father, Professor M.J. Kister.
364 it is clearly possible that the influence of the Muslim law of removing one's shoes for prayer is manifest here, as this practice was, by that time, already accepted without any objection in Islam. Perhaps the comment of Rabbenu Hananel (Qairawan, end of the eleventh century), who notes that the Talmud implies that it is not necessary to pray barefoot," should be understood in light of the tension between the different customs, which apparently obtained even among the Rabbanites. The unique formulation of Maimonides (Egypt, twelfth century) seems to indicate acceptance of the new custom among the Jews: "One should not stand in prayer wearing his money-belt, or while barefoot, or with exposed feet, if the local custom is to appear before distinguished people only while wearing shoes.'?" This statement, which bases the halakhah on local, secular custom, attests to the existence of variant customs and to Maimonides' lack of desire to reach a clear-cut decision concerning the matter. Maimonides' formulation might also reflect an attempt to compromise between the halakhah of the Babylonian Talmud and the new custom, which was gaining increasingly wide acceptance (see also below). It is noteworthy that his son, R. A braham Maimonides does not express any preference of praying barefoot," although he was very much influenced by the Muslim ritual of prayer (see below). R. Petahya of Regensburg (end of the twelfth century) testifies that the Jews of Babylon prayed barefoot in their synagogues," (It is almost certain that, at least in Babylonia, this custom was the result of Muslim influence). During the thirteenth century, R. Jacob bar Abba Mari bar Simeon Anatoli (born in Provence, lived in Naples) observed that "in those countries where narrow shoes are worn, they are cleaned before coming [to the synagogue--M.K.l .. .in
28 29 30 31
Above, n. 9. Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Tefillah 5:5. Above, n. 11. See also op. cit; p. 110 Travels of Rabbi Petahia, ed. and tr. A. Benisch, London 1859, p. 44.
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those countries where it is customary to wear sandals and the like [= in the East--M.K.~ people remove them from their feet."32 R. Jacob associates this practice with the physical cleanliness required in a holy place and with repentence, and his interpretation is based on the verse "Remove your shoes from your feet" (see above). At the beginning of the fourteenth century, R. Ishtori Ha-Parhi, a Provencal Jew who later settled in Palestine, reports "the custom of [the inhabitants of] these countries to leave their shoes at the entrance of the synagogue, outside, unlike the custom of foreign people" [= the Europeans], and he finds support for this custom in the story found in the Yerushalmi cited above." In the fifteenth century, a most interesting piece of evidence appears regarding the development of the Jewish custom in the East, and it is especially significant with regard to the relationship between Judaism and Islam. R. Solomon ben Simeon Duran (North Africa) was asked concerning "a congregation which wished to stipulate that no one be permitted to enter a synagogue wearing shoes, because the Ishmaelites will reproach them for so doing. Furthermore, in that city itself, there is another synagogue, and the worshippers do not enter it wearing shoes. A number of individuals rose and objected,
32 Malmad Ha-Talmidim, Lyck 1866. 45a-b. R. Jacob associates this practice with repentance. and even sees fit to note in this connection: "Those nations which seek to liken themselves to us [by following] our upright laws [i.e.⢠the Christians] require penitents to avoid wearing shoes and to wear white clothing." Here we have a further example of the interrelationships between Judaism and the surrounding religions. Apparently. there were Jews in Ashkenaz who used to afflict themselves in this manner. R. Yizhak Or Zaru'a (Vienna. thirteenth century) says: "And in France I saw 'gibborim' (devoted pietists) walking barefoot on the Sabbath even (!) in the synagogue and reading the Torah barefoot. but it is not right to walk barefoot" (Or Zarila Hilkhot Sh abbat, no. 84 [12]. Zhitomir 1862. I. 20b). Perhaps it was in opposition to such practices that the Tosafot stress that one should not pray barefoot (above. n. 11). 33 Above. n. 15.
366 stating that Maimonides, of blessed memory, permitted one to enter a synagogue wearing shoes." Here, then, we have evidence of variant customs within the same city, as well as of the desire on the part of the leaders of that community to establish the Muslim custom as authoritative in the synagogue. Rabbi Duran's response is quite illuminating: "It is well known that a synagogue should be adorned and exalted ... however, respect is (defined as) whatever people consider respectful ... and in Christian countries, where it is not considered disrespectful for someone to enter even the king's presence while wearing shoes, if someone wears shoes in the synagogue, it is not considered disrespectful. But in these countries, where it is considered disrespectful to enter the presence of distinguished people, and certainly the king, in shoes, it is prohibited to enter the local synagogue wearing shoes. Even though [the synagogue] is not a true sanctuary, it is nevertheless holy ... Also ... in these countries, where people are careful to enter their own homes wearing shoes, it is prohibited to enter the synagogue in shoes. And concerning this matter, my master and father, our teacher." may he be remembered for eternal life, instituted this decree here, which is suitable for every sensible man. And the fact that such a decree was not instituted by the ancients does not prove that this is permitted ... Even if there were nothing prohibited about this, it would be proper to institute such a decree, [to prevent] the reproach to our people. And so much the more so that this is prohibited, for the reasons which I have cited/'" Rabbi Duran adopts Maimonides' basic formulation and conception and expands upon it. However, from the end of his responsum it is clear that he was not motivated solely by considerations of conventions, but principally by the desire to
34 I.e., R. Solomon ben Zernah Duran. Perhaps it is worth noting in this connection that he wrote a sharp polemic against Islam, based on verses from the Qur'an and betraying acquaintance with Arabic literature. See Magen va-Qeshet, ed. A. Berliner, Ozar Tov, Hebraische Beilage zum Magazin fur die Wissenschaft des Judentums, Berlin 1881. 35 Teshuvot Rashbash [Hebrew], Livorno 1742 section 285.
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avoid the reproach of the Muslims." Ironically enough, the circuit is thus completed: ancient Islam wished to distance itself from the Jewish custom of praying barefoot, but ultimately this practice was adopted by the Muslims, and later, in other places and periods, the Muslim practice affected Jewish custom! In fact, by now it is difficult to determine what is the result of Muslim influence and what is a continuation of ancient Jewish custom. This custom apparently continued to gain acceptance, and by the sixteenth century, Rabbi Joseph Karo (lived in Safed) remarks that "custom of all Jews in Arab lands is to pray barefoot.'?" At least in some of these countries (e.g., Yemen), this practice is followed to this very day," If the requirement that shoes be removed before prayer in the synagogue was unique to the Muslim East, the basic sensitivity to the fact that dirt might cling to a person's shoes and thereby blemish his prayer was also present in Europe. The author of the "Book of the Pious" (Seter Hasidim) notes: "When one goes to the synagogue or the house of study, he must check his feet to make sure that there is no excrement on them, for the Torah says, 'Cast off your shoes from your feet,' and similarly [the Bible states] regarding Joshua. But it does not say, 'Remove your shoes,' for what benefit is there to remove one's shoes, if they remain near him? Therefore it says, 'cast off your shoes from your feet' - i.e., from a distance of four cubits.'?"
36 The desire to prevent humiliation of the Jewish religion on the part of the Muslims (cf. S.M. Stern JThs NS 19 [1968], p. 155, n. 2) by adopting Muslim strictures is already attested during the Geonic period. See Wieder's remarks (above, n. 20), and see also S. Lieberman, Tashlum Tosefta (second ed.), Jerusalem 1970, p. 66. 37 Beit Yosef on fur, Oran Hayyim, section 91, s.v. O#:JD'i1 :In:n In the Shulhan 'Arukh, section 91, Maimonides' formulation is cited verbatim. 38 See above, n. 12. This practice is followed to this very day among the Karaites (see above on their views) and the Samaritans. 39 Seier Hasidim, ed. J. Wistinetzki and J. Freimann, Frankfurt am Main 1924, p. 127.
368 We have already seen that R. Jacob bar Abba Mari ben Simeon Anatoli associates this custom, which is motivated by a concern for cleanliness, with that followed by Eastern Jews, even though for different reasons. Later on in Germany, too, in the responsa of Maharam Mintz (15th century)," the concern about dirt is emphasized, and for this reason that scholar ruled that it is forbidden to enter the synagogue wearing boots," "for dirt clings to them . . . even before a human king it is not customary to appear wearing something dirty, and so much the more so before the King of all kings, the Holy One, blessed be He ... and for this reason there are countries in which people pray only barefoot, without shoes. Now in these areas, it is not customary or acceptable to walk barefoot, and therefore we do not remove our shoes ... " However, Maharam Mintz rules that boots, which ordinarily get extremely dirty, must be removed." Here, again, in a different society and for different reasons, we find echoes of the halakhah prevalent in the East. From our discussion of the different customs regarding the removal of shoes for prayer and the history of these customs in Judaism and Islam, we can see the complex and often contradictory relationship between these two religions in the course of their development. Several additional remarks concerning the Jewish customs mentioned in the preceding article are in order. Sitting and reclining (LT, n. 37) during Jewish prayer are well-known phenomena. It is noteworthy that Rabbi Abraham Maimonides ordained that Jews should sit during prayer the
40 Teshuvot Maharam Mintz, Saloniki 1802, 38. 41 He refers to them as "sandalim,' apparently following the (incorrect) interpretation of Rashbam, Bava Batra 58a. 42 See also R. David b. Shmuel ha-Kokhavi (Provence, 13th century), Sefer Ha-Batim, ed. M. Hershler, III, Jerusalem 1982, p. 55 and note 807, that it was prohibited to enter the synagogue with nail-studded sandals (sandal ha-mesummar), apparently for the same reason. [Compare especially: R. Abraham Maimonides above, n. 29a1
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same way the Muslims do. The comfortable, disorganized way in which the Jews sat during prayer in his days seemed unacceptable to him.43 Likewise, regarding conversation during prayer among the Jews, a corrupt practice already mentioned in the haditn (LT, n. 45), Wieder" has demonstrated that it was the Muslim view which led to the reform introduced by Maimonides in Jewish prayer. As Maimonides states: ''Thus shall be removed the profanation of God's name among the gentiles, [after they saw howl the Jews spit and expectorate (or: blow their noses) and speak during prayer.?" The Jewish practice of swaying during prayer is mentioned in medieval Jewish literature." Apparently, the
43 See N. Wieder (above, n. 20), pp. 93-103, and especially p. 101;see also ibid., pp. 117,120. 44 Ibid., pp. 55-59. 45 ..... wa-yartofi'u hillul ha-sbim (Heb.) lladhi hasala 'inda l-goyyim (He b.) bi-anna I-yahud yabsuqi: wa-yamkhutis wa-yatahaddathii fi tay yi saliuihim, Li-anna I-amra kadhii yashhadicnahu" (Teshuvot Ha-Rambam, ed. J. Blau, Jerusalem 1986, 258, p. 484; 256, p. 475: "... alladhi yazunnu bina anna l-saliita 'indana ldbun wahadhuwun".) 46 R. Abraham ben Nathan of Lunel (d. 1215),Seier Ha-M anhig, ed. Y. Raphael, Jerusalem 1978, 1, p. 85, writes: "I found in the Midrash: A person is required to sway during prayer, for it is written: 'All my bones shall proclaim Thee, 0 Lord, who is like unto you?' This is also the custom of the rabbis of France and the pious men there." The same remarks are cited by R. Zedekiah ben Abraham (Italy, thirteenth century), Shibbole ha-Leqet, ed. S.L. Mirsky, New York 1966, p. 183, from "Ma'aseh Merkavah." See also Mahzor Vitry, ed. S. Horovitz, Niirnberg 1923, section 508, p. 630, on swaying among the Jews while studying Torah (= Commentary of 'Baal Ha-Turim on the Torah ed. I.K. Reiniz, Bne-Braq 1971,p. 167 (ad Ex. 20:15), and R. Judah Ha-Levi, Kuzari, 11:79-80. On swaying during prayer see also Zohar, III, 218b (judging from the style of the last two sources, they seem to be apologetic). It is noteworthy that the explanation for swaying during the Torah reading cited in Mahzor Vitry and by 'Baal Ha-Turim' appears almost verbatim in a late Arab source cited by Goldziher, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Sprachgelehrsamkeit bei den Arabern, I, Wien 1871,p. 27. [= Gesammelte Schriften, Hildesheim 1967, p. 31]. On
370 Muslim testimony is the earliest extant source regarding this ancient practice. In the Arabic sources cited in L T, n. 39, mention is made of swaying when the Torah was opened. If this claim is accurate (and the Muslim sources are not referring to swaying while the Torah was read), perhaps the reference is to the ancient custom of bowing down as the Torah was opened: "It is obligatory upon all men and women to look at the writing [in the Torah] and bow down,"?" Perhaps this bowing appeared to the Muslims as if the Jews were swaying. The practice of closing the eyes during Jewish prayer is first mentioned in Jewish literature," to the best of my knowledge, in the Zoharr"
swaying during the qedushah prayer see: Seier ha-Manhig, p. 88 and the sources cited there; Shibbole ha-Leqet, p. 194. The explanation suggested there for swaying during recitation of the qedushah (in the name of "Rabbenu Shlomo") is based on Is. 6:4, "the foundations of the doorposts swayed." It is perhaps worthy of note that this verse is also cited as a source for swaying during prayer in order to attain mystical inspiration--in the wake of the Sufi dhikr--in Pirqe Haslaha, erroneously attributed to Maimonides, ed. D.H. Baneth and H.S. Davidowitz, Jerusalem 1939, p. 7. 47 Tractate Sof erim, ed. M. Higger, p. 261. On this custom, see the remarks of S. Lieberman, Sheki'in, Jerusalem 1970, p. 9, and add the following sources to the citation from Midrash Mishle appearing there: Tanhuma, ed. Buber, Genesis, p. 81, and n. 236; Z.M. Rabinowitz, Ginze Midrash, Tel Aviv 1977, p. 57, line 22. Cf. also the remarks of the Samaritan Marqah (fourth century): "You are the great book before which we have come to bow down" (Z. Ben-Hayyim, The Literal and Oral Tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic According to the Samaritans [Hebrew], IIII2, Jerusalem 1967, p. 247, and see also ibid., p. 256). 48 However, we do find that people covered their eyes with their hands during recitation of the Shema (according to many interpretations, so as to facilitate concentration): Berakhot 13b; see Rashi and Rosh, ibid; and Tur, Oral) Hayyim, section 61J). 49 Zohar, III, 260b: "One must cover his eyes, so as not to behold the Divine Presence ... one who opens his eyes during prayer, or who does not lower his eyes to the ground, brings the Angel of Death upon himself ... " The practice of lowering the eyes is already found in the
musaylima.pdf THE STRUGGLE AGAINST MUSAYLIMA AND THE CONQUEST OF YAMAMA
M. J. Kister
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem The study of the life of Musaylima, the "false prophet," his relations with the Prophet Muhammad and his efforts to gain Muhammad's approval for his prophetic mission are dealt with extensively in the Islamic sources. We find numerous reports about Musaylima in the Qur'anic commentaries, in the literature of hadith, in the books of adab and in the historiography of Islam. In these sources we find not only material about Musaylima's life and activities; we are also able to gain insight into the the Prophet's attitude toward Musaylima and into his tactics in the struggle against him. Furthermore, we can glean from this material information about Muhammad's efforts to spread Islam in territories adjacent to Medina and to establish Muslim communities in the eastern regions of the Arabian peninsula. It was the Prophet's policy to allow people from the various regions of the peninsula to enter Medina. Thus, the people of Yamama who were exposed to the speeches of Musaylima, could also become acquainted with the teachings of Muhammad and were given the opportunity to study the Qur'an. The missionary efforts of the Prophet and of his companions were often crowned with success: many inhabitants of Yamama embraced Islam, returned to their homeland and engaged in spreading Islam. Furthermore, the Prophet thoughtfully sent emissaries to the small Muslim communities in Yamama in order to teach the new believers the principles of Islam, to strengthen their ties with Medina and to collect the zakat. These communities later helped Abu Bakr to fight the ridda and became part and parcel of the Medina body politic. Simultaneously, the Prophet did not neglect to prepare a military force to defend these communities. Small garrisons were placed on the borders of Yamama in order to defend them in case of an attack. If a considerable part of the population of a region decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet was informed and sent to them an emissary who was competent to guide the local leader in his decisions. The new converts were granted full rights of Muslims. The Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians were given the status of dhimmis, in return for paying the jizya. The zakat of the Muslims and the jizya of the dhimmis were sent to the Medina authorities. In contradistinction to the carefully planned spread of Islam in the various regions of the Arabian peninsula, we find Musaylima's prophetic
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M. J. Kister
vision essentially confined to Yamama. He claimed to have been sent by Allah to the Banu I:Ianifa only and wanted the Prophet Mul;tammad to acquiesce in this. He wanted MulJammad to be the prophet of Mecca and Medina, on a par with him, the prophet of Yamama. He envisaged the peninsula to be divided between the two prophets who co-existed with each other and guided their respective people in Allah's path. Both territories were to be considered God's land and the income from it was to be equally divided between the two prophets. The aim of the Prophet MulJammad was totally different. He strove to extend his authority and his dzn all over the world. According to his conception, there would never exist a religion equal to Islam: there is only one God, one Prophet and one religion. Therefore, whoever pretended to have a share in MulJammad's prophethood must be considered an impostor. No compromise was possible between these two conceptions of prophetic authority.
I
Musaylima b. Thumama, or Musaylima b. I:Iablb1, was the "false prophet" who emerged in Yamama during the Prophet MulJammad's activity in the Arabian peninsula. The early historian Hisham b. MulJammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kaibi (d. 146 A.H./763 A.D.) recorded the genealogical chain of Musaylima as follows: Musaylima al-kadhdhiib b. Thumama b. Kablr b. I:Iabib b. al-I:Iarith b. 'Abd al-I:Iarith.2 Ibn I:IazIp. gives his pedigree as Musaylima b. Thumama b. Kathlr b. I:Iabib and records his kunya as Abu Thumama.3 AI-Zurqani rejects this tradition, stating that Musaylima was the nickname (laqab) of the "false prophet" and that his name was Thumama. Thus, his kunya could not have been Abu Thumama.4 Later sources record different details regarding Musaylima's name: his laqab was Musaylima and his kunya was Abu Thumama and his
1 See the different versions of his name in Mughaltay b. Qilij's al-Zahr al-basim it srrat abfl-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol. 335a. Musaylima b. Thumama is recorded in Suhayll's al-Rau4u l-unul; Ibn Isl,Iaq has his name as Musaylima b. l;IabIb. This name appears also in the compilations of al- TabarI, Abu 'Ubayda, Ibn Durayd and others. See both the traditions in Salama b. Muslim al-'AutabI al-~ul,IarI, al-Ansab, vol. 1, p. 157; cf. al-MaqrIzI, Imta'u l-asma', Mal,Imud Mul,Iammad ShakIr, ed. Cairo, 1941, vol. 1, p. 506. 2 Jamharat al-nasab, p. 543. 3 Ibn l;Iazm, Jamharat ansabi l-'arab, p. 310. Ibn al AthIr, al-MuraHa', p. 113: "Abu Thumama was the kunya of Musaylima the liar, who claimed that he was granted prophethood. Abu Thumama is the kunya of the wolf; it is the kunya of the hoopoe (hudhud) as well." 4 AI-Zurqanf, Shar~ 'ala l-mawahibi l-laduniya li-l-Qastallanr, vol. 7, p. 180.
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name was Hartin. 5 This name is recorded also by al- Khafaji. 6 Another tradition regarding his kunya is given by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr: his name was Musaylima b. Habib and his kunya was Abu Harun." Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubi records in his al- TaCrz! fi l-ansiib the name of al-Mahabba, a brother of Musaylima.f . The name Musaylima itself is a diminutive from Maslama and its meaning was in the beginning not necessarily derisive. We find in fact a verse of 'Urnara b. CAqil in which he mentions Maslama al-kadhdhiib saying that the Banu Hanifa would not gain glory until they enrage Mudar (by fighting them]." As to the nickname al-kadhdhiib, the Prophet himself "invoked the (huge -k) amounts of dust on earth to attest that Musaylima was a liar." 10
Al-Diyarbakrt, Tai rikh. al-kh amis , vol. 2, p. 157. Al-Khafaji', Nasimu l-riyiiq. jI sh arhi l-shifii li-l-qiiq.f' Iyiiq., vol. 2, p. 486. 7 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Durar /. ikhtis ar! l-maghiiz. wa-l-siyar, p. 270. 8 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Qurtubt, al- '['a'ri] [i l-ansiib , p. 114: .,. wa-min banf h anijato: musaylimatu l-k a dh dhiib uia-nkhiiliu l-rnahobbatu bnii Thumiimata bni qaysi bni kathbir (?) bni ~ablbi bni 'abdi I-~iirithi bni tha'labata bni l-diili bni ~anljata. 9 AI-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil , vol. 3, p. 26: wa-qiila 'Umiiratu bnu 'Aqilin: bal ayyuhii l-riikiln: l-miiq.f li-tiyyatihi: balligh ~anljata uia-nshur fihimu l-kh abarii a-kiina maslamatu l-k adh dh abu qiila lakum: Ian tudrikii I-majda ~attii tughq.ibii mudarii. 10' Al-Munawi, Fayq.u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 20, n. 2648; on Wabar b. Mushir al-Hanaft the transmitter of the ~adfth see, al-Bukharr, al- Ta'rikh al-kabir , vol. 8, p. 183, n. 2649; Ibn al-Athir, Us du l-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 82-83; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist"iib, vol. 4, p. 1551; al-BustT, Kit ab al-thi qiit , vol , 3, p. 329. He was a companion of Musaylirna and was sent by him to the Prophet; eventually he embraced Islam. This oath, referring to huge quantities of dust or pebbles, was used in contradistinction to an oath referring to a specific number of pebbles. The latter oath was considered a bid' a. This bid' a is recorded in the Musnad of Sa'd b. Abr Waqqa~. The author of this Musnad, Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dawraqi (d. 246 A. H.), 'Amir Hasan Sabrr, ed. Beirut 1407/1987, p. 150, no. 88. The daughter of Sa'd b. AbT Waqqa~ reports that her father entered the abode of a woman who sat in front of a heap of stone dates or of pebbles. She performed the tasb'~ counting the date stones or the pebbles; then she threw them away. The Prophet advised her to perform the tasbf~ in an easier way: "Glory be to Allah according to what he created in heaven, glory be to Allah according to what he created on earth, and glory be to Allah according to what he created between them (sub~iina Allii]: 'adada mii bayna dhiilika)." See this tradition also in al-HaythamT, Mawiirid a-~am' iin, p. 579 nos. 2330 and 2331. A similar tradition is recorded in Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad, vol. 2, p. 66-67, no. 710. Another tradition recorded in al-Hakirn al-Naysaburr, al-Mustadrak, vol, 1, p. 547. See also ibidem, p. 548 for the tradition on the authority of 'A'isha bint Sa'd, traced back to Safiyya bint Huyayy who declared that in front of her there are 4000 stone dates by which she praises God. The Prophet advised her to use a comprehensive formula. The "comprehensive formula" was the answer to the bid' as of the qUHiis who tried to introduce the tasbf~ in which they counted the praises of God uttered by the people in the mosque. The pious leaders of the people in the mosques frowned upon these practices and forbade the people to count God's praises in this way. See also Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Dauraqi, Musnad Sa'd b. Ab, Waqqii§, p. 150, no. 88; Abu Ya'Ia al-Mawsilr, Musnad , vol. 2, pp. 66-67, no. 710; and see the copious references of the editor; AI-HaythamT, Mawiirid al-~am'iin p. 579, nos. 2313
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Musaylima was born in al-Haddar, a place in Yamama. He grew up there and there he started his prophetic activity. When the Banii Hanifa heard about him, they invited him to Hajr, the chief city of the Yamama. When Khalid b. al-Walld conquered Yamama and killed Musaylima, the people of the villages (qurii) of al-Haddar were captured and expelled; in their place Khalid settled people of the al-Harith b. Ka'b of the Sa'd b. Zayd Manat of Tarnlm.l! Musaylima succeeded in gaining the support of many tribal groups in Yamama as well as the confidence of the population in many districts. He made efforts to convince the people to believe in his mission as a prophet who receives revelation directly from "God the Merciful" (al-ra~miin); the revelation is transmitted it to him through the angel Jibril. Musaylima himself came to be known as Rahman al-Yarnama. Muhammad was accused by his enemies in Mecca of learning the basis of.prophecy from a man in Yamama named al-Rahrnan. The Meccans decided to send a delegation to the Jews in Medina to ask them about the truth of Muhammad's prophethood, assuming that the Jews were knowledgeable about such matters, being schooled in the Holy Scriptures. The Jews advised the Meccans to question the Prophet on three issues: Dhu l-Qarnayn, al-rii~ and ashiib al-kahf; in addition they advised them to verify whether he was given the "Seal of Prophethood" (khiitam al-nubuwwa). The Meccans indeed verified the existence of his khiitam al-nubuunua and asked the three additional questions. The Prophet asked Jibrll and the angel answered the question about ashiib al-kahf and Dhii l-Qarnayn; but concerning al-riih, the angel merely said: al-riih min amri rabbi, lii 'ilma II bihi. The Meccans remarked sarcastically "Two sorcerers helped each other" (sii~iriini ta~iiharii), hereby referring to the Torah and to the Furqan (i.e., the Qur'an -k)Y The tradition about the Meccans' inquiry concerning the word alRahman and the position of Rahman al-Yamarna seems to be of some importance. The tradition indicates that the debate about the meaning of al-Hahrnan took place during Muhammad's stay in Mecca. This is the period of discussions between the Meccans and the Prophet and it indicates that Musaylima had already started his prophetic activity at that time. The report according to which the name Rahman al-Yamama was discussed before the hijra finds support in a passage adduced by alTha'alibi in his Thimiir al-quliib fi l-mur!iif uia-l-mansiib, "Musaylima
and no. 2330; Muhammad b. Wa<;l<;lal,al-Qurtubr, Kitab al-bida' II (Arabic text), pp. 160-70, no. 1-44. 11 On the birthplace of Musaylima see Yaqut, Mu'jam aI-buidan, vol. 5, p. 394; Lisii» aI-'Arab, s.v. al-Haddar: Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihaya if ghanoi I-I}adfth, vol. 5, p. 251. 12 Ibn al-Jauzr, aI- Wafa bi-al}wali l-must ajii, p. 58.
The Struggle Against Musaylima
5
falsely claimed prophethood while the Prophet was in Mecca before the hijra." 13 When the Prophet came to Medina, he found the people mentioning Musaylima, quoting his sayings and referring to the opinions of Banu Hanifa about him. The Prophet then delivered a speech in which he included Musaylima among the thirty liars who will arise before the coming of the false Messiah (al-dajjiil). Consequently, the Muslims started to revile Musaylima and vilify his narne.l" The name al-Rahman is often mentioned in the Qur'an. It became a subject of a heated discussion between the Muslims and the unbelievers, in connection with the meaning of the word in Qur'an 17:110, where al-Hahrnan is another name of Allah: "Say; Call upon Allah or call upon al-Rahman: by whichever name you call on Him, His are the most beautiful names." Here again the enemies of the Prophet claimed that at a certain stage the Quran enjoined to worship two different deities instead of one God, Whom it had enjoined to worship earlier. Al-Kalbi gives a lengthy explanation ofthe origin of the verse and the quotation of the word al-Hahrnan in the headings of the Suras, In the beginning of Muhammad's revelation, the word al-Rahrnan was rarely used in the Qur'an. But when many Jews embraced Islam and asked the Prophet about the numerous cases in which the word al-Rahman was recorded in the Tauriit , Qur'an 17:110 was revealed.P A far-fetched tradition states that Musaylima adopted the name of Rahman before the
'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad al- Tha'alibr, Tbimaru l-quliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibidem., p. 147. 15 Al-Samarqandr, Bahr al-'ulum (= tajsir al-Samarqandl) vol. 2, pp. 192-193; cf. Qur'an 13:30: wa-hum yakJuruna bi-l-rahrniin. qui huwa rabbi: It was 'Abdallah b. Umayya l-Makhzurnr and his friends (see on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Lsiiba , vol. 4, pp. 11-14, no. 4546; Ibn al-Athfr, Us du I-ghaba, vol. 3, pp. 118-119) who stated: "We do not know any Rahman except Musaylima the Liar." qui huwa rabbi: it was the order of God given to Muhammad. See also the comments on Qur'an 17:110, in Usd al-ghaba, vol. 2, pp. 286-87. According to al-Tabarf (on Qur'an 13:30), the order of Allah to state that al-Rahrnan is God was intended to deny the claims of the unbelievers that al-Rahman is not the name of God. In the al-Hudaybiyya agreement, the infidels of Quraysh refused to sign the document in which the expression rasulu llahi as the title of the Prophet appeared, and in which the expression bi-smi llahi I-ra~man al-rahim was used as the document heading. The Prophet gave way and his title was eliminated. He was mentioned merely as "Muhammad b. 'Abdallah" and the preamble of the document was replaced by the Jahih' formula, bi-smika lliihumm a, See al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayo.n, vol. 16, pp. 445-46, nos. 20397-98 (on Qur'an 17:110); al- Tha'labr, al-K ash] wa-I-bayan, MS. Ahmad III 76/4, fol. 51a-b. See also al- Tabari, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 15, p. 121, where Ibn 'Abbas reports that the Prophet was once overheard by an infidel when he invoked God, saying: ya ra~man, ya rahirn, The infidel in question notified his coreligionists who accused the Prophet of invoking two deities. Then Allah revealed the verse in which God stated that Allah and al-Rahman are identical. See also al-Naysaburi (Ghara'ibu 1-Qur' an wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 15, pp. 92-3), according to whom the man who overheard the Prophet invoking yo. lliih, ya ra~man was Abu Jahl. Another reason for revealing the verses identifying Allah with al-Rahman was the claim of the People of the Book that the mention of al-Rahman in the Qur'an was very rare, while he was mentioned in the
13 14
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birth of Muhammad's father, 'Abdallah.16 The very early date of this event recorded in the sources can probably be explained by the tradition that Musaylima was a man granted longevity (mu'ammar), killed in the battle of 'Aqraba' in 12 A.H. at the age of 150 (or 140).17 Musaylima's epithet Rahman al-Yamama seems to have been well known in Mecca. Umayya b. Khalaf refrained from addressing 'Abd alRahman b. 'Auf, the famous companion of the Prophet, by his name; he rather adressed him by his Jahili name, 'Abd 'Amr, which was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Hahman. Umayya b. Khalaf called him by his Jahili name in order to avoid calling him 'Abd al-Rahman, which could indicate that he was the servant of Rahman al-Yamama, "the false prophet." 18 The first person to use bismi lliihi l-rahmiini l-rahim was the Prophet. The well known muhoddith Abu 'A'ishaI9 recorded on the authority of his father the changes in the headings of the Qur'anic Suras according to the time in which they were revealed. Quraysh asked to put in the headings of their documents and letters the expression bi-smika lliihumma. The Prophet used this heading as well. Then God revealed to him Surat Hiid in which the phrase bi-smi lliihi majriihii wa-marsiiha (verse 41) appeared. The Prophet then ordered to put the heading bi-smi lliihi at the beginning of each Sura. Later Qur'an 17 was sent down, including the phrase qui: ud'ij lliiha au ud'ij l-rohmiina. The Prophet then ordered to use the heading: bi-smi lliihi l-rahmiini, Then Qur 'an 27 was revealed, with the sentence innahu min sulaymiina wa-innahu bi-smi lliihi al-rahnuini l-rahim (verse 30); the Prophet ordered to use this sentence as a heading. After some time he reconsidered his decision: the bi-smi lliihi in this verse is preceeded with the words: innahu min sulaymiina. "My brother Sulayrnan," said the Prophet, "started the verse with his name, but I shall start with the name of God." He therefore established as a headline in letters and Qur'anic Suras the formula: bi-smi lliihi 1rahmiini l-rahim . So runs the headline in all the Siiras, except Sura 9. The diir al-khiliifa also used this headline in its correspondence.I''
Tauriit frequently; therefore, the verse identifying Allah with Rahman was revealed. The story of the Prophet's invocation, overheard by Abu Jahl, appears also in alWahidt's al- WasiJ, vol. 3, p. 11, vol. 3, p. 133 (commenting on Quran 17:110). 16 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-biisim, MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 141a. 17 See al- Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120, al-Suytiti', Ta'rikt: al-khulajii", p. 76. 18 Al- Waqidr, al-Maghiizl, vol. 1,-p. 82 inf. 19 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl, Tahdhfbu I-tahdhfb, vol. 7, p. 45, no. 83. 20 See Ibn Sa'd, al- Tobaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 263-£4; al-Qashan), Ra'» miili I-nadfm, p. 146.
The Struggle Against Musaylima
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II
According to a tradition mentioned above, Musaylima started his prophetic mission before the Prophet's hijra to Medina.21 The people of Yarnarna were divided in their attitudes towards Musaylima: some of them respected him while others mocked him. He claimed that he shared the prophetic mission with Muhammad; Jibril descends to Muhammad in the same way as he descends to him. A certain al-Rahhal (or alRajjal}, a faithful supporter of Musaylima, used to confirm the veracity of Musaylima's utterances and helped him to circulate his revelations. In some of his speeches, Musaylima tried to convince his audience that he was as suitable for the prophetic mission as Muhammad, also comparing the qualities of Quraysh with those of the Banu Hanifa and the qualites of Mecca with those of'Yarnama. "What made Quraysh more deserving of prophet hood than you? They are not greater in number than you; your land is wider than theirs. Jibril descends from Heaven to me, like he descends to Muhamrnad.t'V Yamarna seems to have been a prime agricultural area. Its inhabitants boasted of the quality of their dates, which were sold for the highest prices. The people of Yamarna used to say; "We surpass the people of the Earth in East and West by five features: by the beauty of our women (innahunna durriyyiitu l-alwiin), by the high quality of our wheat (named bayq.ii'u l-yamiima), by the sweetness of our dates, by the flavor of our meats (because of the quality of the Yamami pastures) and by the freshness of our water, which cleans the chest of phlegm." 23 The fertile soil of Yamama could supply Mecca with the grain necessary for its population. Skilled workers of Yam am a used to frequent Medina searching for employment. The Prophet praised the skilled artisans of the Banu Hanifa; he employed them in the preparation of clay, when he ordered to build the mosque in Medina and his opinion of the Hanafi artisans was very favorable.f"
Al- Tha'alibt, Tliimiiru I-guliib, p. 146, no. 207. Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanl, al-Kii/f I-sha//f takhriji a~adfthi I-kashshii/, p. 56; alTha'alibi, Ttiimiiru l-quliib, pp. 146 inf.-47 sup.; and see al-Naysaburi, Ghorii'ibu I-gur'an, vol. 7, p. 161, commenting on Qur'an 6:93: ... wa-man a.,lamu ... aw qiila: ii~iya ilayya wa-Iam yii~a ilayhi shay': kana musaylima yagiilu: mu~ammadun s allii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallama rasiilu lliihi If banf gurayshin wa-anii rasiilu lliihi If banf ~anifa ... and see al-Wahidr, Asbiib al-nuziil, p. 148; Ibn Shabba, Ta'rfkh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-74; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir al-gur'iini I-'a.,fm, vol. 3, p. 65 att.--66; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, vol. 11, pp. 535--6, nos. 63557-59; al-Qurtubr, al-Jomi' li-a~kiimi l-quriiin , vol. 7, p. 39, cf. al-Tabrisr, Majma' al bayiin, vol. 7, p. 132; al-RazT, al- Tafsir al-kobir , vol. 13, pp. 83-84. 23 Ibn al-Faqih , Kitiibu l-buldiin, mukhtas ar , pp. 28-30. 24 See al-Tabaranr, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 8, p. 4021, no. 8254 (... tj.a'ii 1~anafiyya wa-I-tfna [a-inn ahu atj.batukum li-l-tini; and ibid., p. 399, no. 8242: ... Talq
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Thus, Yamarna was a region whose economy was based on agriculture. This is reflected in the poetry of Jarir who mocks its inhabitants for being peasants lacking in military prowess. "Shame on the Banu Hanifa," says Jarlr, "Bring the days of battles which cover their faces with blackness (~umam) which cannot be wiped out. On those days they do not take captives, but are led into captivity; and they are killed by their enemies if they do not pay poll-tax (khariij). They are owners of palm trees and palm groves and of sown land; their swords are from wood and they carry shovels. Digging channels for irrigation (dibiir; but there is another explanation of this word: patches of land for sowing -k) and grafting of palm trees are their customary occupations since ancient times."
In the following verse, Jarir denies that any glory pertains
to the Banii Hanifa: when their praiseworthy deeds were counted, the Banu Hanifa became aware that their presumed glory was worth nothing. Referring to the lack of horses in the habitat of the Banii 1:1anifa , Jarir scornfully says: "If you ask where the necks of the horses are, they would not know and would say about their tails: 'These are their necks.' " Jarir emphasizes the ignorance of the Banii Hanifa regarding horses by saying that they would burst into tears rather than saddle a horse even if this could save them from fatal fever. Jarir concludes his vilification recalling the defeat of the army of the Banii Hanifa: "When they saw Khalid (Ibn al- WaiId) annihilate in al-Trd, and the words of their tyrant them (to their enemy) they capitulated humiliation, and stretched (i. e., Musaylima) their forces surrendered
out their hand for peace in
when the Sword of God (i.e., Khalid] was about to exterminate them." lammii ra'at Khiilidan bi- 'l-ire! ahlakahii qatlan wa aslamahii mii qiila tiighZhii diinat wa aitat yadan li- 'l-silm ~iighiratan min bacdi mii kiida sayfu 'lliihi yufn'ihii."
25
'an abihi qiil a: banaytu ma'a rasuli llahi (~al'am) masjida l-madinnti, [a-kiin a yaqulu: makkinu I-yamiimf min a I-tfni min a~sanikum lahu mass an ... ; and see ibid., vol. 8, p. 398, no. 8239 and no. 8238; the Prophet's opinion about 'I'alq; see Ibn Sa'd, alTabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 552: inn a hiidhii I-~anafiyya la-~ii~ibu t-u«. 25 Jarrr, Dfwiin, p. 600.
The Struggle Against Musaylima
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III
The territory of Yamarna was important not only because of its own value, but also because the Muslims had to pass through it on their way to propagate Islam in the eastern part of the peninsula. The story of Thumama b. Uthal, one of the leaders of the Bami Hanifa, is therefore highly significant. Thumarna had intended to kill an emissary of the Prophet who trespassed upon the border of his region; but was prevented by his uncle from carrying out his plan.26 When the Prophet heard about the thwarting of his messengers by Thurnarna b. Uthal, he invoked God to enable him to take hold of Thumarna, when he had no letter guaranteeing his safety.27 Allah responded to the invocation of the Prophet and when the Prophet seized him he had no letter of security; the Prophet could therefore freely decide his fate. Thumama was imprisoned in the mosque of the Prophet, fastened to one of its pillars. After three days he was released. Thumarna washed in order to purify himself before embracing Islam; he uttered the shahiida and became a Muslim. He explained that he converted to Islam because the Prophet addressed him by his kunya, Abu Umama.28 This was the honorable way of addressing a free man. It is significant to note that the man who had been detained by Thurnama before his journey to Mecca (i.e., before he was caught by the emissaries of the Prophet -k) was al- 'Ala' b. al-Hadrami who was sent by the Prophet to Bahrayn and succeeded to persuade al-Mundhir b. Sawa to convert to Islam.29 It was al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni who sent the khariij of al-Bahrayn to the Prophet; the sum mentioned in the sources was 100,000 dirhams.i''' When al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni was on his way back to Medina, he was detained by Thumama b. Uthal; he was released only after Thumarna embraced Islam.i'! It was, of course, essential for the Prophet and for the nascent Muslim communities in Bahrayn to obtain a free and secure passage for the emissaries of the Prophet who passed through Yamarna to the adjacent regions. The emissaries of the Prophet tried to create kernels of Muslim communities there. The small communities of converts were instructed by the Prophet's messengers; small military formations were dispatched
26 Ibn Hajar al-f.Asqalanf, al-Lsiiba If tamyfzi i-~a~aba, vol. 3, p. 581, no. 4393, cf. al-Maqrtzr, Imtiiiu i-a.ma', vol. 14, p. 257. 27 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniii' l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 257; cf. Ibn Sa'd, ai- T'abaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 5, p. 550. 28 AI-MaqrTzT, lrniiiiu l-asmii'; vol. 14, p. 258. Cf. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. I, p. 267. 29 AI-MaqrTzT, Imta'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 258,1. 11 from bottom. 30 Al-Zurqani, Sh arl, al-m auiiihib ai-iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 300-301. The messenger of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadramr who brought the zakiit and the jizya to Medina was al-'Ala' b. Jariya I-Thaqafi; see on him Ibn Hajar , al-Isiiba, vol. 4, p. 540, no. 5645. 31 AI-MaqrTzT, Imtii's: i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 258, I. 10 from bottom.
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from Medina under the command of one of the ~a~iiba in order to provide security for the Muslims, to extend their activities and to strive for the conversion of additional tribal units. The emissaries of the Prophet assisted the tribes faithful to the Medinan authority to pay their zakiit and to establish the superiority of Islam in relation to their Jewish and Christian neighbors. The result of the Muslim efforts in Bahrayn can serve as an example: al-Mundhir b. Sawa, acting under the guidance of al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni, provided for the full application of Islamic law concerning the Jews, the Christians and the Zoroastrians. Significantly, this served as a precedent; the taxation of the Zoroastrians became the established law.32
IV
The conversion of Thumama b. Uthal to Islam initiated a new phase in the struggle against Musaylima's authority in Yamarna. It ensured the growth of a safe Muslim community in Bahrayn, facilitated the formation of a Yamarna garrison controlled by Thumarna b. Uthal, and paved the way for the final battle against Musaylima. When Thumarna b. Uthal was released by the Prophet and converted to Islam, he was advised by him to continue his journey to Mecca in order to perform his "umra. When Thumarna arrived in Mecca, he was offended by a provocative question directed at him by the Meccan unbelievers: "Have you reneged on your religion?" (a-~abauta) (referring to his conversion to Islam -k). As a result, he decided to stop the supply of wheat from Yamama to Mecca and refrain from sending even one grain unless permitted by the Prophet. He carried out his threat and the people of Mecca were afflicted by hunger. The unbelieving Meccans complained to the Prophet that they suffered the pangs of hunger and had to eat a mixture of blood and fine hair ('ilhiz) and dog meat. Moved by their sufferings, the Prophet permitted Thurnama to resume the wheat supplies to Mecca.33 Before he returned to Medina in the year of his last pilgrimage (~ajjat
32 See "al-Mundhir b. Sawa," EI2, s.v , (M. J. Kister); "Madjus ," EI2, S.v. (M. Moronyi). 33 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'ab, vol. 1, pp. 213-16; al-Maqrizr, Imta'u I-asma', vol. 14, pp. 258-59; al-Kala't, al-Iktija, vol. 2, p. 435. Many commentators of the Qur'an record the story of Thumama 's boycott against Mecca while explaining Qur''an 23:76: "We did seize them with punishment, but they humbled not themselves to their Lord." Al-Qurtubr, al-Jiimi' li-a~kami I-qur'an, vol. 12, p. 143, al-Wahidr, Asbabu 1nuztil, 210 infdJ-1; al-Naysaburr, Ghara'ibu l-qur+iir; wa-ragha'ibu l-jurqiin , vol. 18, p. 32; al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthilr, vol. 5, p. 13 inf.; al-Shaukanf, Fat~u l-qadir , vol. 3, p. 495; Abu Hayyan al-Gharnatr al-Jayyani, al-Bahru I-mu~ft, vol. 6, p. 415 inf.; al- Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, ed. Bulaq 1328 AH, vol. 18, pp. 34-35. Cf. Fred M. Donner; "Mecca's Food Supplies and Muhammad's Boycott," JESHO 20(1977): 249-66.
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al-wadii'), the Prophet appointed Thumarna b. Uthal as "governor of Yamarna.t'P" However, Thumama controlled only one part of the region, while the rest of it was under the sway of Musaylima. In order to strengthen Thumarna in his struggle against Musaylima, the Prophet decided to send Nahar al-Hahhal to Yamama after his return from his last pilgrimage.i" This turned out to be a detrimental decision, because al-Nahar - who had stayed a long time in Medina, had become a student of the Qur'an and studied it with the best scholars in Medina, publicly embraced Islam and had become a faithful Muslim - became a traitor who attested that Musaylimashared prophet hood with Muhammad and, like him, also received divine revelation. He became a close collaborator of Musaylima and even taught him Siiras of the Qur 'an, which he had learned in Medina.i" Nahar 's defection weakened 'I'humarna's position. Consequently, the Prophet decided to dispatch a special messenger to Thumama b. Uthal to discuss with him the struggle against Musaylima and the possibility of killing him. The messenger was Furat b. ijayyan.37 The scanty information which can be derived from Maqrfzi''s Imtii' al-asmii' implies that the Prophet wrote to Thumama b. Uthal advising him to seek help from Qaysi and Tamimi converts to Islam. Thumama marched out with his followers to Washm and placed the auxiliary troops of Tarnirn and Qays at his rearguard. He was helped by al-Zibriqan b. Badr.38 A volunteer who came to assist Thurnarna b. Uthal was
See al-Maqrizf, Imt a=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, I. 1; raja'a I-nabiyyu ilii I-madfna ~ajjati I-wadii' uia-i iimiluh u 'alii I-yamiima Thumiima b. Uthiil. 35 See al-Maqrtzr, 1mtii'u l-asmii", vol. 14, p. 536, Il. 1-2: ... thumma ba'atha Nahiiran ba'da mii balaghahu khuruju musaylimata mu'laman. 36 See on Rahhai (or Rajjal) b. 'Unfuwa: al-Maqrlzr, 1mtli'u I-asmii', vol. 14, pp. 229-31, 536 (the text is corrupt here); Ibn Hubaysh, al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 52; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rtkh , vol. 2, p. 85a, has the attestation of al-Rahhal that Musaylima shared in the revelation of the Prophet, with the remark of Ibn Junghul about al-Rahhal: wa-kiina hiidhii I-mal'un min akbari man adalla ahla I-yamiima ~attii ittaba'u musaylimata ... See also ibidem, fol. 85a, inf .... [a-lammii kiina zamanu I-ridda ba' athnhu abu bakrin ilii ahli I-yamiima yad'uhum ilii I/iihi ta'iilii wa-yuthabbituhun 'alii l-isliim Ja-rtadda ma'a musaylimata wa-shahida lahu bi-I-nubuwwa. Cf. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitaou I-amwiil, p. 280, no. 691. The deputation of the Banu Hanffa, including alMujja'a b. Murara, al-Rahhal b. 'Unfuwa and Muhakkim b. al- Tufayl (= Muhakkirn al-Yarnama}, embraced Islam. 37 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lsii' iib , vol. 3, p. 1258, no. 2070 and vol. I, p. 21b, no. 278: .,. wa-ba'atha rasulu lliihi (~al'am) [uriita bna ~ayyiin ilii thumiima bni uihiil JI qitiili musaylima wa-qatlihi. See also Ibn al-Athirs Usd al-ghiiba, vol. 4, p. 175 penult.; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalanf, al-Tsiiba, vol. 5, pp. 357-58, no. 6969; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', p. 317. 38 See on him Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, ol-Lsiiba, vol. 2, p. 550, no. 2784. Names of other fighters who joined Thumama do not reveal their tribal affiliation: Qays, Safwan and WakT'.
34
'iima
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M. J. Kister
'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri.P? The valuable note recorded in the Isiiba says: "He came to help Thumama b. Uthal in the fight against the people of Yamama after the death of the Prophet." This was the first military action of a Muslim force in Yamama, led by Thumama b. Uthal of the Banu Hanifa, who was aided by his Muslim allies from Tamirn and Qays. The battle took place in the territory of Yamama and ended with a remarkable victory of the Muslims. The Prophet was informed of the victory.I''
v
It is now necessary to study the different stages of the contacts between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima's demands, the Prophet's answers, the Prophet's meetings with tribal leaders, and with converts to Islam. According to reports recorded in early sources, the Prophet used to frequent the markets of Arabia in order to meet the tribal leaders, ask them to renounce their Jahili beliefs, and invite them to embrace Islam. He used to teach them the Islamic tenets and read them various Qur 'anic verses. The leaders of the tribes summoned by the Prophet to convert used to listen to the Prophet, but did not hasten to respond positively. Even if they intended to convert, they had some conditions which had to be fulfilled beforehand. An instructive case is the story of the Prophet's negotiations with the tribe of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The Prophet approached the leader of this tribe, asking him to support his effort to spread Islam and to grant him protection against his adversaries. The leader of the tribe was aware that he could extend the authority of his tribe by granting protection to "the young man of Quraysh (lata Quraysh)." But he asked the Prophet to cede his authority before his death to the head of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. The answer of the Prophet was unequivocal. He quoted Qur'an 7:128: "Verily the earth is Allah's. He gives it as heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing," implying that it is not within Muhammad's power to cede Allah's earth to anyone. The reaction of the tribal leader was formulated in the form of a question: "Are we going to expose our chests (to the spears of the Arabs -k) for your cause, and if Allah grants you victory - the authority would be granted by you to somebody else? We do not need to struggle for your cause." (ta ~ajata lana fi amrika).41 Some twenty years later (i.e., a year before the death of the Prophet -k),
39 Maqrlzf (Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 536, ll. 7-8 from bottom) has 'Amr b. Hazn AnmairT. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Lsiiba ; vol. 4, p. 621, no. 5815 has the correct 'Amr b. Hazn al-Namiri. 40 AI-M~qrTzT, Irniii=u I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 537,1. 4 from bottom. 41 Al-Suhayli, al-Raudu l-unu] , vol. 4, p. 38 inf.-39.
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13
another leader of the c.Amirb. Sa'sa'a, c.Amirb. al-Tufayl, came to the Prophet and stated that he would be prepared to embrace Islam if he would be granted prophet hood after Muhammad's death, given the right to collect the mirbii' (i.e., the fourth part of the spoils -k) and granted the authority to rule the Bedouin population, while the Prophet would be given authority over the sedentary population. One of the believers present said to him "(Even) if you ask the Prophet (only for) an unripe date (sayiiba) of the dates of Medina, the Prophet would refuse your request."42 The leaders of the Banu Hanifa met the Prophet at the beginning of his prophetic mission. The Prophet summoned them to convert to Islam, but their answer was the harshest he received from any Arab tribe.43 The Prophet's opinion of the Banii Hanifa was similarly harsh: "The most detestable tribal group in the opinion of the Prophet are the Banii ~anlfa."44 The Prophet considered Musaylima as one of the three false prophets whom he mentioned by name as those expected to appear before the Day of Judgement (the other two being al-Aswad aI-cAns! and al-Mukhtar). He is also reported to have said: "The worst tribes are the Banii Hanifa, the Banii Umayya and the Thaq!f.,,45 It may be stressed here that Musaylima never denied Muhammad's prophet hood but merely claimed that he was granted a share (ushriktu) in prophethood. Sometimes he announced that the revelation was brought to him directly from Heaven by the angel Jibril. Muslim tradition states that the ridda of Musaylima and of al-Aswad aI-cAns! was different from the ridda of the Arab idolaters who had converted to Islam, but later apostatized and returned to polytheism. Musaylima and al-Aswad aI-cAns! remained believers in one God, but made false claims concerning their prophetic mission.t'' In the exchange of letters between Musaylima and the Prophet, Musaylima addresses the Prophet: rasiilu
42 Ahmad b. 'All al-Qashanf ibn Babah, Ra's miil al-nadfm, p. 147; and see a comprehensive description of this event in Diyarbakris' Ta'n"kh al-khamts , vol. 2, pp. 192-94; Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, pp. 109-16. 43 Al-Suhayli, al-Rau du l-unuj , vol. 4, p. 38: Ka'b b. Malik: inna rasiila lliihi (~) atii banf I}anfjata ff maniizilihim fa-da'iihum ilii /liihi wa-i arad a 'alayhim n ajsahu, fa-lam yakun ah adun min al-'arabi aqbal}a 'alayhi raddan minhum. 44 Al-Bukhart, Ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. no. 1004: abgharju I-al}yii'i ilii I-nabiyyi, ~al'am, banii I}anffa. 45 Al-Hakirn al-Naysaburi, al-Must adrak , vol. 4, pp. 480-81; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'ilu l-rasiil , p , 457. 46 Ibn al-Athtr, al-Nihiiya ff ghanai I-I}adfth, vol. 4, p. 187: ... wa-if I}adfthi 1ridda: wa-kafara man kafara mina I-'arab. a~l}iibu I-ridda kiinii ~infayni: ~infun irtaddii 'ani I-dfni wa-kiinii (ii'ifatayni: il}diihumii a~l}iibu musaylimata wa-I-aswadi I-'ansf lladhfna iimanii bi-nubuwwatihimii uia-l-ukhrii tii'ifatun irtaddii 'ani l-isliimi wa-' iidii ilii mii kiinii. 'alayhi if I-jiihiliyyati, wa-ha'ulii'i ittafaqat al-~al}iibatu 'alii qitiilihim wa-sabyihim ... thumma lam yanqarirj 'a~ru I-~al}iibati I}attii ajma'ii 'alii anna I-murtadda Iii yusbii.
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lliihi, The Prophet addresses Musaylima: musaylima al-kadhdhiib.47 The phrases in the letter of Musaylima which form a clear declaration that the earth (i.e., by which term the territories of Yamama and the Muslim territory with the capital city of Medina are meant -k) forms an entity, half of which was allotted to Quraysh, while the other half was given to the Banii 1:£nifa , "but Quraysh are a people who exceed a their bounds." (fa-inna lana ni~fu l-ordi wa-li-qurayshin ni~fuha walakinnahum ya'tadiina). The Prophet vehemently rejected the idea of dividing the territories in question with Musaylima: by quoting Qur 'an 7:128 again (see above, note 42), he made it clear that any agreement with Musaylima was out of the question. Some sources date the exchange of the letters to a very late period of the life of the Prophet. According to the report of al- Ya'qiibi, Musaylima embraced Islam but changed his attitude and started his prophetic career claiming that he was Muhammad's partner in prophethood. At that time he wrote to the Prophet the letter quoted above and received the Prophet's response. It is evident that this report recorded by al-Ya'qubi and others is unreliable. Also misleading is al- Ya'qtibi's report saying that Musaylima was killed at the age of 150 years.48 A prelude to the Prophet's negotiations with Musaylima was the exchange of letters between the Prophet and Hawdha b. 'All, the leader of the Arab tribes in Yamama. The Prophet's efforts to convince Hawdha to embrace Islam were unsuccessful. The influential and respected leader was appointed by the Persian emperor in order to secure the passage of
47 See al-Khaz.in, Lubiiln: l-ta'wll, vol. 2, p. 53: min musaylimata rasiili ust« ilii mu~ammadin rasiili lloh», The answer of the Prophet: min mu~ammadin rasuli Uahi ilii musaylimata l-kcdh dhiib«, And see al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-t anzil, on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'w.l, for the same address and the same answers. The letter of Musaylima in Ibn Kathlr 's al-Sira al-nabawiyya vol. 4, p. 98 sup. reads: min musaylimata rasuli Uahi ila mu~ammadin rasuli /lahi, salamun 'alayna; amma bat du ja-innf qad ushrikiu if l-amri ma'aka, ja-inna lana nis]« l-amri wa-li-qurayshin nida l-amri wa-lakinna qurayshan qaumun ya'taduna. The text recorded in alTha'alibr's Thimiiru l-quliib, p. 148 differs in one phrase: wa-inna lana ni~ja l-argi wa-li-qurayshin nisjah a, See also Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-BayhaqI, al-Ma~asin wa-l-masawf, vol. 1, p. 49; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad al-ma'ad, vol. 3, p. 31 inf.; Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajr, Nasfmu l-riyag, vol. 3, p. 170, vol. 2, p. 486; Ibn Kathtr, Sh anui'llu l-rasiil ; p. 387 inf.; Ibn KathIr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51, vol. 6, p. 341; al-Ansari, al-Mi~ba~ al-mugf, vol. 2, pp. 290-92; al-Maqrfzr, Imiiivu l-asma', vol. 1, pp. 508-09 ed. Shakir; al-Maqdisr, Kitab al-bad'i uia-l-ta'rikh , vol. 5, p. 161; 'Llmar b. Shabba al-Numayri, Ta'rikh al-madfna al-nunawwara, vol. 2, p. 572; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'ilu l-nubuunua ; vol. 5, p. 330; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, Mu~agarat al-udabii", vol. 4, p. 431,1. 3 from bottom; al-Saliht, Subulu l-huda uia-l-rashiid , vol. 6, p. 497; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 54b inf.-55a sup.; Ibn Sa'd , al-T'abaqat alkubrii , vol. 1, p. 273 (the messenger of the Prophet was 'Arnr b. Vmayya al-Damrt); al-Halabr, Insanu l-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253 inf.; al-Ya'qubr, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. 48 Al-Ya'qubt, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. 120. It is likely that the letter was written in 9 A. H., according to the report by the early scholar 'Abd Allah b. AbI Zayd alQayrawanl. See his ai-Jami': p. 295.
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Persian caravans from Yarnarna to Najran. He was respected by the tribes to such an extent that it was enough to put the name "Hawdha" on the flags of the caravans in order to ensure their safe passage. Our sources indicate that Hawdha possessed the qualities necessary for a tribal leader in the Arabian peninsula: he was described as being the poet of his people, their orator and an awe-inspiring person (anii shiiiiru qaumi wa khaiibuhum wa-l-'arabu iahiibu maqiiml).49 Hawdha was given by the Persian ruler a cap (qalansuwa) worn under the turban (' imiima) as a reward for his faithful service to the Persian sovereign; the cap embedded with jewels was worth 30,000 dirharns.P? Nevertheless, to call him "the king of the Arabs" was an exaggeration. 51 The Prophet sent his emmisary Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha, who entertained him in a friendly manner and granted him valuable gifts before his departure. Hawdha's answer to the Prophet's letter was kind: he praised the gentle words of the Prophet, and remarked that if the Prophet granted him a part of his authority before his death, he (i.e., Hawdha) would embrace Islam and would come to his aid. The Prophet considered his answer unsatisfactory; he rejected his stipulation of inheriting his authority and invoked God to free him from Hawdha. Hawdha died a short time after the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet.V Al- Waqidi mentions a conversation between Hawdha and a chief (urkiin) from Damascus. The urkiin blamed Hawdha for not answering a letter from the Prophet; the Prophet is mentioned in the Injil and is described in this book as "the prophet of the Arabs." Hawdha's conversion to Islam could have strengthened his position as governor of Yamama.53 Some reports say that the Prophet sent Salit b. 'Amr to Hawdha and to Thumama b. Uthal, "the two heads of Yamarna" (ra'fsii l-yamiima). He sent him on this mission in the year 6 or 7 A.H.54
Ibn Sa'd, al=Tnbaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, p. 262. See al-Kalbi, Nasab ma'add, vol. 1, p. 63; idem, Jamharat al-nasab, p. 539; Ibn Durayd, al-Ishtiqiiq, p. 348 sup.; Lisiin al-t arab, s.v. hwdh. 51 See the critical observations of al-Hilli in his al-Maniiqibu 'I-mazyadiyya, pp. 53-5: .. , innamii kiinat kh araziitun lahu ta'ammama 'alayhii [a-mudih a bi-dhiilika 'alii madhhabi l-sh ut arii' /ll-tawassu'i if l-qauli wa-tajawwuzihim if I-mad~i wa-I-~iiati wa-Ihijii'i uia-l-t ashbihi .... See also M. J. Kister, "The Crowns of This Community," JSAI 24(2000): 217-45. 52 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyunu I-athar, vol. 2, pp. 269-70; al-Baladhurr, Futiih u 1buldiin, pp. 118-19. 53 Ibid.; and see about the letter of the Prophet to Hawdha: Ibn Sa'Id al-AndalusT, Nashwat al-Iarab, vol. 2, p. 631; al-MaqrTzT, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 1, p. 309. 54 Ibn Hajar al-fAsqalanf, al-Lsiiba, vol. 3, p. 162, no. 3424; al-Mawsilt, al- Wasfla, vol. 4, p. 2, 115; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istl'iib, vol. 2, p. 645, no. 1040; al-'AwtabT, al-Ansiib, vol. 1, p. 157; and see Muhammad b. 'AIT b. Ahmad bv Hudayda al-Ansarf, al-Mi~bii~ al-mur;Iiyy, vol. 1, p. 214.
49 50
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M. 1. Kister
According to Watt, Hawdha was apparently a Christian. He began negotiations with Muhammad, but had not become a Muslim by the time of his death in 630 A.D.55 According to a report recorded by Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Himyari, Hawdha died as a Christian in 8 A.H.56
VI
The Prophet's meetings with Musaylima took place in Medina. One of the earliest meetings took place in a grove of palm trees. According to an early tradition transmitted on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas, Musaylima arrived in Medina with a great military force (qadima fi jayshin 'a~lm) and alighted in a plantation of palm trees belonging to the daughter of al-Harith (nazala fi nakhli ibnati l-~arith).57 When the Prophet heard the news about the arrival of Musaylima with his convoy and his alighting in the "court of the daughter of alHarith" 58 he went out with Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas't? to meet him. It should be stressed that the Prophet went out to meet Musaylima because he was eager to convince him and his people to embrace Islam.P" When Musaylima asked the Prophet to grant him a share in prophethood, the Prophet flatly refused. Musaylima's attempt to thwart the prophetic mission of Muhammad was referred to in a dream seen by Muhammad. Thabit b. Qays b. Shammas was left with Musaylima in order to explain to him the content of the dream and its meaning: the Prophet only remarked that one of the persons whom he saw in the dream was Musaylima. Thabit b. Qays explained to Musaylima that the Prophet saw in his dream two golden bracelets pressing on his arms. Allah revealed to him that the two golden bracelets symbolised the efforts of the two false prophets, al-Aswad al'AnsI and Musaylima, to curb his activities. The Prophet was ordered
See E12, s.v. Hanifa b. Ludjaym (W. Montgomery Watt). Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-HimyarI, Kitab al-rauidi I-mi'tar jf khabari I-aqtar, p. 412. 57 In some sources this text is corrupt and reads nazala /f nakhli abfhi al-Hiiriin», See al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, Juz", fol. 5a, penult.: ... anna musaylimata qadima /f jayshin 'a,..min ~atta nazala /f nakhli abfhi I-~arithi bi-na~iyati I-mad.nati ... ; and so in the printed edition of Jus' al-Mu'ammil b. Ihab, p. 1251. 3, no. 38. This reading is erroneous: the name of Musaylima's father was not al-Harith; his father had no plantations of palm trees in Medina, nor had Musaylima any plantations there. 58 See Ibn Shabba, Ta'rikh al-madlna al-munawwara, vol. 2, p. 527, notes 4-5. The grove belonged to a woman of the Ansar, See the correction of this error by the editors of al-Sira al-nabawiyya li-bni hisham, vol. 3, p. 251, note 2; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, ⢠Uyiinu 1-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. 59 See on him al-Maqdisl, al-Lstibsiir , pp. 117-19. 60 See e.g., al-Zurqanr, Shar~ al-mawahib al-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, p. 22 inf.; ... [aaqbala ~alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam ta'il/an lahu wa-li-qaumihi raja'a islamihim wali-yublighahu ma unzila ilayhi.
55 56
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to destroy the two bracelets; when he destroyed them, he was no longer under their pressure. Before his death, the Prophet told his daughter Fatima about this dream and its interpretation.P! The next meeting of the Prophet with Musaylima took place in connection with the arrival of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa in Medina. The delegation came with Musaylima, who was veiled, clad in clothes which concealed him and entered the room of the Prophet. This kind of attire indicates the respect in which Musaylima was held: spiritual leaders of a tribe (kahins), soothsayers and "holy persons" 62 were clothed in this fashion. 'All b. Burhan aI-DIn al-Halabi, the author of the Sira ~alabiyya, assumes that Musaylima came to Medina twice to meet the Prophet. When he came for the first time, he was accompanied by a large number of men who came with him to protect him, because he was a "follower" (tabi'), in need of protection. But when he came the second time, he was in a position of leadership (kana matbu'an). His people covered him with clothes as a status symbol (... uia-hiidhii, ay satruhu bi-l-thiuiibi, huuia l-muniisibu li-kaunihi matbu'an).63 The difference between these two meetings is stressed by al- 'Aynl in his' Umdat al-qiiri', 64 Musaylima took care of the luggage of the delegation of the Banii Hanifa and, out of pride and insolence, refused to enter the room in which the Prophet entertained its members. The Prophet acted with magnanimity: he stated that Musaylima, the luggage keeper of the delegation was not the worst of them, and ordered to grant him five ounces of silver, the same gift given to other members of the delegation.P These actions of the
610n this dream, see Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. fol. 54b, sup.; Ibn Shabba, Ta'n"kh al-madfna al-munawwara, vol. 2, pp. 572-3, 575; al-Suyutr, al-Khafa'i~u 1kubra, vol. 2, p. 147; al-Zurqanr, Sharl}u I-mawahibi I-Iaduniyya, vol. 4, pp. 22-3, vol. 7, p. 179 inf.-181; Ibn Kathtr, Shama'ilu l-rasiil, p. 387; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 246; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanf, Fatl} al-biiri, vol. 8, p. 72 inf.; alTabart, Jiimi' al-bayan, Shakir, ed., vol. 11, pp. 535~; Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu'ta~ar, vol, 1, pp. 224-25; al-Diyarbakrf, To'rikb. al-khomis , vol. 2, p. 157; al-Bukharr, $al}fl}, vol. 5, p. 216; Burhan al-Din al-Halabr, al-Stra al-I}alabiyya, vol. 3, p. 253; al- Tha'alibi, Thimiiru l-quliib, pp. 147-148; Ibn l;Iubaysh, Ghazawat, vol. 1, p. 51; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafa bi-al}wali I-mu~tafii, p. 764; Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiYlla, vol. 4, p. 93 inf.-95; al-Khazin, Lubabu I-ta'wil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-Baghawf, Ma'alimu I-tanzil, vol. 2, p. 132; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 24; Ibn al-Athir alJazarf, Jiimi' al-usiil, vol. 12, p. 375, no. 9480. al-Maqrfzf, Imta'u l-asmii'; vol. 14, pp. 229, 524-5, 532-3; Isma'Il b. Muhammed al-Isfahanr, Kiiiib dala'ili I-nubuwwati, pp. 97-98, no. 93. 62 See, e.g., U. Rubin, "The Shrouded Messenger. On the interpretation of almuzzammil and al-muddaththir," JSAI 16{1993}: 96-107. 63 Al-Halabl, Insiir: al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 253. 64 Al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-gari', vol. 18, p. 231. 5 from bottom. 65al-l;IalabT, Insan al-'uyun, vol. 3, p. 252, inf.: al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-garf', vol. 18, p. 23; cf. Ibn Kathtr , al-Sira al-nabawiyya, vol. 4, p. 99 inf.; al-Diyarbakrr, Ta'rikh. al-khnmis , vol. 2, p. 194;
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Prophet enabled Musaylima to deduce falsely that Muhammad declared that he considered him as his partner in prophet hood ("he is not the worst among you"). According to another version, the Prophet did speak with the "veiled" Musaylima and heard his requests; the Prophet stated that even if he asked only for a splinter of the palm tree branch which he held in his hand, he would refuse his request.P" The delegation of the Banu Hanifa reverted to the faith of Musaylima.P" It may be mentioned that the Prophet used to meet the emissaries of Musaylima who came to Medina in the presence of his Companions. When these emissaries declared both Muhammad and Musaylima prophets sent by God to their respective peoples, the Muslim believers tried to attack them. The Prophet restrained the believers, stating that messengers are to be protected against any act of violence.P" Some commentators of the Qur'an state that this statement of the Prophet is based on Qur'an 9:6: "... and if anyone of the idolaters ask protection of thee, grant him protection so that he may hear the word of Allah; then convey him to his place of security. That is because they are a people who have no knowledge.l'P''
'Uyiinu l-athar, vol. 2, p. 235. Shar~ al-mawahibi I-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24, inf.: ... wa-~arra~a bi-~a4rati qaumihi annahu lau sa'alahu I-qit'ata mina l-jarfdi ma a'tahu ... wayu~tamalu an yakiina musaylimatu qadima marratayni, al-iila kana tabi'an wakana ra'sa banI ~anlfata ghayruhu wa-li-hadha aqiima jI ~if:?i ri~alihim wa-marratan matbii'an wa-ffha khiit abah u I-nabiyyu ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam. However, alZurqani doubts whether this description of Musaylima's visits to Medina and about his status (al-tabi' and al-matbii') is sound. Wa-hadha ba'fdun jiddan, says alZurqanl: fa-qad qiila huwa, a'nf I-~afi?a, wa-hadha ya'nf ~adftha bni is~aqa ma' a shudhiidhihi 4a'fju I-sanadi li-inqita'ihi; wa-amru musaylimata kana 'inda qaumihi akbara min dhiilika fa-qad kana yuqalu ltihu ra~manu I-yamiima li-'i?ami qadrihi ffhim. fa-man yakiinu maqamuhu 'inda qaumihi akbara min da'wii I-nubuwwati yab'udu kulla I-bu'di an yakiina tabi'an; [a-l-nuilii qauluhu "aw al-qis s atu wii~idatun" Ii-annahu l-aslu. "wa-kiinat iqiimatuhu ff ri~iilihim bi- 'khtiyiirihi anafatan minhu wa'stikbiiran an ya~4ura majlisa I-nabiyyi ~allii lIahu 'alayhi wa-sallama wa-'amalahu 'alayhi l-s aliitu um-l-s aliirrui mu'amalata I-karami 'alii 'iidatihi ff l-isti'liifi, [a-qiila li-qaumihi, laysa bi-sharrikum ay makanan li-kaunihi kiina yaMa?u ri~iilahum waariida isti'lafahu bi-I-i~siini bi-I-qauli (I-madkhiiri) wa-l-fi'li, [iaythu a'tiihu mithla ma alta qaumahu, fa-Iammii lam yufid fl musaylimata tawajjaha bi-nafsihi ilayhi
67 See al-Zurqarn,
68 See, e. g., Ibn al-Athtr, Jami'u I-u~iil, vol. 12, p. 377, no. 4981: when the Prophet read the letter of Musaylima handed to him by his two messengers, he stated, "By God, were it not that the messengers should not be killed, I would strike your necks" (ama wa-llahi lau anna I-rusula Iii tuqtalu la-4arabtu a'niiqakuma). 69 See Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, pp. 366-7. The Prophet uttered this statement in connection with the emissaries of Quraysh who came to the Prophet to arrange the pact of Hudaybiyya, which Quraysh are said to have violated after a short time. The Prophet uttered this statement again when the messengers of Musaylima arrived in Medina. One of them, Ibn al-Nawwaha, attested in the Prophet's presence that Musaylima was a Messenger of Allah. The Prophet did not punish him, but when
66 Ibn Sayyid al-Nas,
The Struggle Against Musaylima
19
The story about the sectarian group of Ibn al-Nawwaha, the former emissary of Musaylima, who refused to acknowledge the exclusive prophethood of Muhammad and insisted that Musaylima was also a prophet is a test case for the Muslim attitude towards the emissaries of unbelievers. When Ibn al-Nawwaha and Ibn Uthal, the messengers of Musaylima, were asked by the Prophet whether they attest to his prophethood, they asked him in turn whether he attested to the prophet hood of Musaylima. The Prophet released the two messengers of Musaylima because of their immunity.I? 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud asked Ibn al-Nawwaha: "Is there a book added to the Book of God and a messenger after the Messenger of God?" 71 The execution of Ibn al-Nawwaha, while other adherents of Musaylima were pardoned and later accepted into the Muslim community, is explained by al-Jassas as follows: most believers of Musaylima repented and became faithful Muslims, while Ibn al-Nawwaha admitted that he merely feigned belief in order to save his life (... ayna ma kunia tuzhiru mina l-isliimi? qiila: kuntu atiaqikum bihi). Scholars who assume that the repentance of a zindiq has to be rejected, quote the case of Ibn alNawwaha, who kept his unbelief secret and pretended to be a believer, by way of taqiyya. Ibn Nawwaha's execution took place in the presence of some of the Prophet's Companions. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud informed the Caliph 'Uthman about the capture of Musaylima's followers; the Caliph ordered him to call them to Islam and to pronounce the shahiida, Those who fulfilled the order were to be pardoned; those who remained loyal to
Ibn al-Nawwaha persisted in his disbelief after the death of the Prophet, circulating the tenets of Musaylima's faith, he was caught in Kiifa by Ibn Mas'ud who did not hesitate to decapitate him. Cf. Abu l-Mahasin, al-Mu't as ar mina l-mukhias ar, vol. 1, p. 225 inf.-225 sup.; and see Ibn KathIr, al-Bidiiya wa-I-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 52; al-BayhaqI, Dalii'ilu I-nubuwwa, vol. 5, p. 332 (see ibid. the remark of 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: [a-mad at sunnatun anna l-rusula lii-tuqtalu); al-Tabart, Jiimi' al-bayiin vol. 14, pp. 138-40; al-~ali\:lI, Subul al-hudii, vol. 6, p. 497; al-Tabaranr, alMu'jam al-k abir , vol. 9, pp, 218-20, nos. 8956~0: a mosque in which the followers of Musaylirna used to perform their prayers was destroyed in Kufa during 'Abdallah b. Mas'ucl's governorship of the city. The followers of Musaylima praying in this mosque were heard to read verses included in Musaylima's Qur'an: al-tii~iniiti tabnan, al-'iijiniiti 'ajnan, al-khiibiziiti khubean, al-liiqimiiti laqman .... Ibn Mas'nd ordered to decapitate Ibn al-Nawwaha in the market of Kufa. The rest of the congregation of Musaylirna (some seventy persons) were sent to Syria in the hope that they would repent or perish in a plague. In one of the reports, Ibn Mas'ud ordered to throw the head of Ibn Nawwaha into the bosom of his mother (no. 8960); cf. this report in al-Shashr, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 181, no. 746; al-Haythamf, Majma' al-zawii'id, vol. 6, pp. 262~2. 70 See al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, p. 182, no. 748; and see the report in al- Ta\:lawI, Shar~ ma'iinf l-iitliiir , vol. 3, p. 213; Cf. al-Tahawi, Mushkil al-iithiir , Hyderabad 1333, repr. Beirut, vol , 4, pp. 61-62; al-Bayhaqf, al-Sunan al-kubrii , vol. 8, p. 206. 71 Al-Shashi, al-Musnad, vol. 2, pp, 181-2, no. 747. [The question a-kitiibun ba'da kitiibi lliihi? is often asked in connection with some compendia of ~adfth.l
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the tenets of Musaylima were to be executed.P 'Uthmau's letter is preserved in 'Abdallah b. Wahb's Juz", excerpted from his MuwaHa': "Some of the people accepted the terms and renounced belief in Musaylima, while others persevered in it, and were executed."13 The Prophet adhered to the sunna established by him as an interpretation of Qur'an 9:6. Medina became a center for persons eager to understand the tenets of the new religion and to join the Muslim community. Some of them returned to Yamama, remained there as cryptoMuslims, clandestinely disseminating Islamic beliefs. Among these proselytes were some former adherents of Musaylima sent to Medina in order to deepen their knowledge of the Qur'an. They were then expected to return to Musaylima, informing him about divine revelations and the sunan which the Prophet practiced. Thus Musaylima got trustworthy information about the utterances of the Prophet concerning Musaylima's prophethood and his claims of sharing prophet hood with Muhammad. Muhammad honored his obligation not to harm the messengers of the unbelievers, in spite of the fact that Musaylima ordered to kill some of the Prophet's messengers.I" In some instances, this policy caused him bitter disappointment. Such was the case of al-Rabhal (or al-Rajjal -k) b. 'Unfuwa. He came to Medina as a member of the delegation of the Banu Hanifa. This delegation also included Mujja'a b. Murara, and Muhakkim b. al-Tufayl.I'' Al-Rahhal became a keen student of the Qur'an. After some time, the Prophet saw him in the company of some veteran Companions, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan. He said: "A molar tooth of one of you in Hell will be as big as the mountain of Uhud." Abu Hurayra became sad; he was concerned about the identity of the person referred to in this utterance. Later, al-Hahhal disappeared from Medina. When the news about his apostasy and his activity in support of Musaylima and about his attestation that the Prophet granted Musaylima a part (ashrakabu) of prophet hood came to be known, Abu Hurayra sighed with relief. He realized that the tradition referred to alRahhal, Abu Hurayra and Furat b. Hayyan were thus free from the fear
AQkamu I-qur'an, vol. 2, pp. 287-288. b. Wahb, al-MuwaHa', Juz", MS. Chester Beatty 3497, fol, 56b. 74 See e.g., on Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im: KhalTfa b. Khayya~, Ta'n'kh, p. 63 (the text reads Khabib b. Zayd). See a report recorded by WathTma in his Kitab al-ridda: Habib b. 'Abdallah al-Ansarf was sent by Abu Bah to Musaylima and to the Banu Hantfa summoning them to return to Islam; he read the letter of Abu Bah and admonished them in an eloquent (balfgh) way and was killed by Musaylima. See the report in Ibn Hajar's al-Lsiiba , vol. 2, p. 21, no. 1590, but the author assumes that the report may refer to Habib b. Zayd b. 'A~im, as recorded ibid., p. 19, no. 1586. Cf. alMaqdisT, al-Lstibsor , pp. 81-82, where Habib b. Zayd is mentioned as the messenger killed by Musaylima. 75 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 5, p. 51; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a.tnr s», pp. 551-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, vol. 2, pp. 539-40, no. 2763.
73 'Abdallah 72 AI-Ja~~~,
The Struggle Against Musaylima
21
ofhelI.16 Al-Hahhal not only stated that the Prophet granted Musaylima a share in prophethood, but also transmitted to him those parts of the Qur'an which he kept in memory. Musaylima memorized the passages, claimed falsely that they were revealed to him and recited them as a part of his own revelation.?"
VII
During the last years before the Prophet's death, Musaylima made great efforts to establish a socio-religious order, based on the cooperation of the different groups of the people of Yamama with tribes who immigrated to Yamarna and settled there. Musaylima decided to build a haram in which certain settlements of these immigrants were included. They were settled in small rural communities, named "hamlets of the allies" (qurii al-a~iilif). These hamlets were populated by the Banii Usayyid, a small branch of Tamim. Small units of the Banu Usayyid were incorporated in the haram (!a-waqa'a fi dhiilika l-harami qurd l-a~iilz/, afkhiidh min bani usayyid kiinat dtiruhum bi-l-yamiima, [a-sara makiinu diirihim fi l-~arami) .78 The newly established haram of Yamarna cannot be compared with the haram of Mecca. The tribes chosen by Quraysh as keepers and guardians of the Meccan haram were selected in order to choose the best of them for intermarriage with the population of Mecca, the Quraysh. The independent tribal formations (laqii~) did not serve the kings of the Arabian peninsula. The merchants of Mecca who traded in Syria used to conduct transactions with the heads of the tribal leaders on their way, granting them a certain share in their profits. Furthermore, Mecca ceded the right to provide certain services during the ~ajj to the traditional leaders of the tribal divisions. The nobles of Mecca meted out justice to the pilgrims of the city and to merchants who came to Mecca to ply their trade. Theft of gifts brought for the Ka'ba was rare and was severely punished. Injustice and fraud towards pilgrims and merchants were publiclg denounced in Mecca. According to Muslim descriptions, the haram of Musaylima did not fulfill its desired goal of eradicating iniquity and extending help to the weak and the oppressed. "Musaylima tried to gain the sympathy of all his followers, agreed with their views and did not care if someone noticed
76 Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jr akhbiiri l-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, pp. 149-225, esp. pp. 195-225; p. 197, no. 48 and p. 198 no. 50. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 85a; and Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, pp. 52-3, where the verses of Ibn 'Umayr al-Yashkurr about al-Rahhal and Muhakkim b. Tufayl are quoted. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, al-T'abaqiit al-kubrii , vol. 1, pp. 316-17. 77 Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, vol. 5, p. 51. 78 Tabarr, Ta'n"kh, vol. 3, p. 288.
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any of his vices.,,79 The Meccans did their best to curb the transgressors, the thiefs and those who cheated pilgrims and merchants; they acted according to the injunctions of the dar al-nadwa elders. In contradistinction, the people of Yamama were helpless in their complaints against the guardians of the haram, the Banu Usayyid, who used to plunder the peasants' crops and then would find refuge in the haram, Sometimes the farmers were warned and tried to apprehend the culprits, but they managed to escape into the horam; where they could remain in safety. The people complained to Musaylima who promised "to get an answer from Heaven" concerning their case. Musaylima indeed received an answer and read it loudly, probably as a verse of his Qur'an: "I swear by the darkness of the night and by the black wolf, the Usayyid did not violate (the sanctity of -k) the harem:" The people complained again and Musaylima again asked for a heavenly ruling. The verdict was read loudly once more by Musaylima: "I swear by the dark night, by the wolf who treads softly the ground, Usayyid did not cut neither fresh nor dry."so The people wronged by the attack of the Usayyid on their palm trees could only remark with bitterness: "The Usayyid did cut the fresh fruit of the palms and broke down the dry fences." Musaylima answered harshly: "Go away and come back, you are not right."s1 A verse of Musaylima's Qur'an, read before the people of Yamama, is indicative of his views: "Go! The Banu Tamim are a pure and independent people (laqa/;l), no affliction should meet them, nor should they be put under taxation; we shall live in their neighborhood, acting with kindness, we shall defend them against every person; at our death their fate (amruhum) will be determined by God."s2 This declaration of Musaylima reflects of his attitude towards the Usayyid, the Tamimi keepers of the Yarnama horam, It also serves as an attempt to establish friendly relations with the tribal groups of Tamirn, who dwelled near Yamama.
VIII
The death of the Prophet in 632 A.D. raised many hopes in the community of Musaylima who now considered himself the sole prophet receiving
79 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: wa-kiina musaylimatu yu~iini' kulla a~adin mimman ittaba'ahu, wa-yutiibi'uhu 'alii ra'yihi wa-lii yubiil, an yaHali'a 1niisu minhu 'alii qabi~in. 80 AI-NuwayrT, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, pp. 86-87; al-Baqillant, I'jiizu l-qur'iin, pp, 156-157. 81 AI-NuwayrT, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 87; cf. Tabarr, Ta'n1:h, vol. 3', p. 287. 82 Tabarr, Ta'rikb. vol. 3, pp. 283-284. . .. wa-kana Jlma yaqra'u lahum Jlhim: inna banI tamlmin qawmun tuhrun laqii~un Iii makriiha 'alayhim wa-lii itawatun, nujawiruhum ma ~ay,na bi-i~san, namna'uhum min kulli insan Ja-idha mutnii [aamruhum ilii I-ra~man.
The Struggle Against Musaylima divine revelation. to have said:
23
is reported
In a verse attributed
to him, Musaylima
o you,
take the tambourine of this prophet.
and play, and proclaim the merits and rose up
Passed away the prophet of the Banu Hashim, the prophet of the Banii Ya'rub. khudhi l-duffa, yii hiidhihi, wa-l'abl uia-buththi mahiisina hiidhii l-nabi tawallii nabiyyu bani hiishimin wa-qiima nabiyyu bani ya'rub!.83
Musaylima's adherents increased and his prestige and authority grew.84 The quiet situation in Yamama after the Prophet's death, Musaylima's claim to prophet hood which now became exclusive, his ambitious plan to set up a huge haratti defended by special guards of the laqii~ (which indeed succeeded for a short period) - all this inspired a feeling of selfconfidence and security and generated hopes of long-lasting tranquility and peace. However, Musaylima's confidence was shaken by the information that Abu Bakr was preparing to attack Yamarna and sent a Muslim force under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl to support Thurnama b. Uthal, Musaylima's enemy. Another dangerous event, unexpected by Musaylima, was the activity of Sajah bint Aus b. Hiqq b. Usama.85 Sajah was a former soothsayer, who claimed to have received revelation from Heaven as a prophetess of the Banu Yarbii' who were part of Tamirn. She and her family dwelt in Mesopotamia (al-jazlra); her father was a Tarnimi, and her mother belonged to the Christian tribe of Taghlib. Sajah is said to have been well-versed in the tenets of Christianity. Presenting her words as a divine revelation, she addressed her adherents saying: "0 you Godfearing believers, half of the Earth belongs to us. The other half belongs to Quraysh, but Quraysh are transgressors.v'" The reader will recall that Musaylima claimed to have received a revelation containing the idea of dividing territory between Banu Hanifa and Quraysh, but the
83 See Ibn Kathir, al-Bidau« wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, p. 341 inf. Musaylima claimed that the verses were revealed to him from Heaven. 84 See al-Nuwayri, Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 86: ... wa-qubi4a rasulu lliihi (~al'am) wa-I-amru 'ala dhiilika, fa-qawiyat sh aukatu musaylimata wa-'shtadda amruhu wa-kathurat [umiii uhu, 85 So recorded in Ibn al-Kalbr's Jamharat al-nasab, p. 221; al-MaqrizT, Imta'u 1nsma', vol. 14, p. 241: Sajal:J bint al-Harith b. Suwayd b. 'Uqfan: Abu 'Ubayd ul-Qasim b. Sallam , Kitab al-nasab, p. 236: Sajal:J bint Aus. AI-Tha'alibi, Thimiiru /.qu/ub, p. 315, no. 474: Sajah bint 'Uqfan, 86 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanr, Kitiib al-aqhiini; vol. 18, pp, 166, ll. 1-2.
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Prophet had firmly rejected any such offer. In his negotiations with Sajah, Musaylima made a similar offer: half of the Earth belongs to the Banii Hanifa; the other half would have belonged to Quraysh, if they had acted justly; now God granted to Sajah that half of the Earth which Quraysh had to return because of their unjust behavior (... [a-qiila musaylimatu lanii ni~fu l-ardi, uia-kiina li-qurayshin ni~fuhii lau 'adalat, wa-qad radda lliihu 'alayki l-nisja lladhZ raddat quraysh.).87 In order to strengthen her position, Sajal; stated that God never bestowed prophecy on Habi'a (i.e., the Banii Hanifa -k), but only on MU9ar88 to which she belonged.P" It is therefore plausible that God granted her revelation and entrusted her with a prophetic mission. Her first step was to ask Malik b. Nuwayra, whom the Prophet nominated as head ('amid) of the Banii Yarbii' (a subsection of Tamim] to establish peaceful relations with her. Malik b. Nuwayra agreed and asked her to refrain from raiding tribal groups of Tamim, Sajah's raids on other tribal groups in the Arabian peninsula continued unabated. On this occasion, Sajah clearly defined her position as a woman (and probably also as a prophetess -k): "I am merely a woman from the Banii Yarbu"; if there will be authority (and possessions -k), it will be your authority and possession (fa-innl innama anii 'mra'atun min bani yarbu' wa-in kiina mulk [a-l-mulku mulkukum).9o Several leaders of Tarnimi tribal sections joined her and assisted her in her plans. The famous leader of Tamim, Qays b. 'A~im, the sagacious Tamiml chief al-Ahnaf b. Qays and the Ghudani fighter Haritha b. Badr"! were her followers; Shabath b. Rib'i92 was her mu'adhdhin. The force of SajaJ:t, strengthened by new supporters, was ordered to attack certain tribal groups linked with Tamimi sections, but was defeated. Following this failure, she decided to march against Yarnama. Her decision was accompanied by the rousing battle cry: 'alaykum bi-I-yamiima, ruifii [ilayhii) rafifa l-hamiima, fa-innahii ghazwatun ~ariima, Iii ialhaqukum ba'dahii maliima" 93
See al-Maqrlzf, Imtii'u I-a&mii', vol. 14, p. 241inf. Abu I-Faraj al-Isfahani, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 ll. 5-6: ... inn a lltih« lam yaj'al hiidhii I-amra jf rabi' ata, innamii ja'alahu Jf mudar . 89 The tribe of Tarnlm to which Sajal:t belonged is part of MUI;\ar. 90 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahant, al-Aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166 inf; al-Tabart, Ta'n"kh vol. 3, p. p. 269. 91 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba; vol. 2, p. 161, no. 1939. 92 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiib«, vol. 3, p. 376, no. 3959. 93 For other versions of the "call of Sajal:t," see Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib alAghiinf vol. 18, p. 166: yii ma'shara tamfmin: iq~idil I-yamiima, Ja-4ribii jfhii kulla hiima, ~atta tatruktihii saudii'a ka-I-~amiima. Cf. the faulty text in al-MaqrizI's Imtii'u I-asmii' vol. 14, p. 241 inf. See also Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a,
87 88
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25
During the speedy advance of her forces in the direction of Yamama, Sajah received the surprising news of Musaylima's offer to give her a share in the "God's Earth" and to recognize her prophethood. On the face of it, the offer was exceedingly generous and it can be understood only if we take Musaylima's military situation at that time into consideration. His situation is well described by Ibn Junghul. When Musaylima heard the news about the march of Sajah's force, he feared for his country because he was busy fighting Thumama b. Uthal whose force was supported by a detachment of Muslim soldiers under the command of 'Ikrima b. Abi Jah!. His garrison was in the territority of Thumarna. The Muslim soldiers commanded by 'Ikrima expected the arrival of the huge force commanded by Khalid b. al-WalId.94 Even in this situation, Musaylima fostered the hope that the united forces of Hanifa and Tamim would jointly be able to "devour" the Arab tribes.95 Having learned about Musaylima's offer, Sajal; hastened to meet him. When she arrived, they entered a tent prepared for them (and probably for a group of their supporters -k). Musaylima delivered a sermon in which he invoked God "to hear (the prayers) of those who obey (Him) and to enable those who strive to attain their (lofty -k) aspirations and ., . May your Lord watch you and bless you and free you from gloom. On the Day of Resurrection, may He save you and resurrect you. We must perform the prayers of the righteous, not of the wretched and not of the wrongdoers, (but of those who) are awake during the nights and fast during the days for the sake of their great God, the God of the clouds and of the rain.,,96 The pact concluded between Musaylima and Saja}:l during their meeting gave Sajah the crops of Yamarna for one year. But she could get only half of the crops immediately; the other part had to be sent to her later by her representatives in Yarnama.P"
n.
10-12. See Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83a: ... [a-lammii sami'a bi-sayriha ilayhi khafaha 'ala biliidihi, wa-dhiilika annahu mashghulun bi-qitali thumama b. uthiil, wa-qad sa'adahu 'ikrima b. abi jahl bi-junudi l-muslimlna wa-hum naziluna bi-ba't/i biladihi yanta?iruna qudiima khiilid, See al-Sharfshf, Shar~ maqamat al-Eariri , vol. 4, p. 36, 22-15-16: ... wa-balagha musaylimata kh abaruhii biha wa khafa in huuia shughila biha ghalabahu thumamatu bnu uthiilin wa-shura~bilu 'ala ~ajri l-yamamati idh humii min qibali abi bakrin (rat/iya lliih u 'anhu) [a-arsala ilayha yasta'minuha 'alii nafsihi .... 95 Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahanf, Kitiib al-aghiinf, vol. 18, p. 166: ., .fa-man 'arafa l-lyaqqa tabi' ahu, wa- 'jtama'na [a-akalnii 1-'araba aklan bi-qaumf wa-qaumiki, [a-bo' athat ilayhi: af i alu, 96 Al- Tabarr, Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 272; al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyatu I-arab, vol. 19, p. 78; Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidaua uia-l-nihiiua, vol. 6, p. 320; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, fol. 83a, inf. 97 See, e.g., al-NuwayrI, Nihiiyat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 80, ll. 8-10.
94
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The solemn speech of Musaylima while concluding the agreement with Sajah is followed by a short saj' passage in which Musaylima praised the virtues of his community, emphasizing that they do not engage in sexual relations, nor do they drink wine. They fast one day and are burdened (with practicing religious duties -k) on the other. "Glory be to God; when resurrection comes, how will you live and how will you go up to the kingdom of Heaven? On every grain of mustard, there will be a witness who knows the secrets of the hearts. Indeed, most people will perish."98 The rigid prescriptions concerning the tenets of the religion of Musaylima seem to have been observed by his supporters. It is thus of some interest that certain pious supporters of Musaylima complained of his opportunism in his relations with the Bedouins who embraced his belief. According to a report recorded in al-Qashani'a Ra:» mal altuulim, the Bedouins haughtily rejected the bending and prostration during prayers.P'' Musaylima, says a report in al-Tabarf's Ta'rikh, used to tempt anyone and to bribe him in order to gain his sympathy (wa-kana musaylimatu yu~ani'u kulla a~adin), not paying any attention to the fact that people may censure this behavior as improper and reproachable. 100 The commentator of Qa~fdat Nasliuiiin b. Sa'fd al-,lfimyarfmentions that Musaylima used to say when leading Bedouins in prayer, "What is the will of Allah by raising your buttocks and by your prostation on your foreheads? Pray standing upright, in a noble posture. Allah is great."
101
Some medieval Muslim scholars attributed the censure of prostration and bending to Tulayha b. Khuwaylid, also considered a false prophet by Muslim tradition. Tulayha is reported to have said: "What is it to God that you make your cheeks dusty and that you spread your buttocks? Pronounce God's name in a modest posture, standing upright. Allah is great." (ma ya!, alu Allah bi-ta'firi khudiidikum wa-fat~i adbarikum? udhkurii Allah a'iffatan qiyaman). AI-Harlinl who records this speech of Tulayha mentions some Qur'anic expressions borrowed by Tulayha in this speech.102 An additional injunction of Musaylima refers to the marital life of his believers: the husband was instructed to have sexual relations with his wife only until a male child was born; once this happened, he was obliged to desist from any sexual activity. Only in the case of the male child's
vol. 3, p. 272 infra. al-'arabu ta'nafu min al-ruku'i wa-tusammfhi al-ta~niya. 100 Tabarr, Ta'rikh, vol. 3, p. 282, in£. 101 Nashwan b. Sa'Id al-Himyarf, Muluk ~imyar wa-aqyiilu I-yaman, wa shar~uhii, Khulii~atu I-~urati I-jiimi'a li-'ajii'ibi akhbiiri I-mulilki I-tabiibi'a, eds., 'All b. Isma'Il al-Mu'ayyad and Isma'Tl b. Ahmad al-Jarafi, Cairo 1378 A. H., p. 176. 102 Al-Harunt, Ithbiit nubuwwati I-nabf, pp, 39-40. And see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun jf akhbiiri I-ridda li-mu'allifin majhul, p. 167, no. 15. See also "Tulayha b. Khuwaylid," EI2, s. v. (Ella Landau- Tasseron).
99 P. 147,1. 17: wa-kiinat 98 Al- Tabarr,
Ta'rikh,
The Struggle Against Musaylima
27
death, the father was allowed to resume his conjugal activity until the birth of a new male child.103 In contradistinction to the injunctions of the Prophet who forbade celibacy (rahbiiniyya) and ordered the Muslims to lead full marital lives.U'f Musaylima encouraged extreme asceticism. The reports about the behavior of his followers, the ascetic trends in their society, the rigorous injunctions concerning marital life, the stories about people who refrained from drinking wine, the stories about people who fasted frequently - all these accounts seem to be reliable. On the other hand, the obscene verses attributed to Musaylima and enthusiastically received by Sajah, the vulgar anecdotes about Sajah - these seem to have been forged by the enemies of Musaylima and Sajal,t with the intention of slandering them. Some Muslim sources refrained from quoting this material. 105
IX
The idea of Islamic expansion started to mature when the Prophet migrated to Medina. The principle of the superiority ofIslam over any other belief and the superiority ofIslamic authority became cardinal principles of the new faith. The existence of any belief or practice in Islam is said to have been accepted only on condition of the Prophet's approval. The Prophet gradually became the fully acknowledged and revered leader of the nascent Muslim community. The Muslim community grew and the borders of the Muslim state gradually expanded. Mecca and Medina became cities in which only Muslims were allowed to dwell. Idolaters
Al-Tabart, Tarikh , vol. 3, p. 272 ult. See, e. g., al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fii'vq ff gharibi l-hadith , vol. 2, p. 122: ... Iii zimiima wa-lii khiziima wa-lii rahbiiniyyata uia-lii tabaHula uia-lii siyii!}ata ff I-isliimi. See also the b adith. of the Prophet (ibid .), in which he censures the conduct of an unmarried man: ... a-laka 'mra'atun? qiila: Iii. qiila: fa-anta idhan min ikhwiini I-shayiilfn; in kunia min ruhbiini I-na~iirii fa- 'I!}aq bihim, wa-in kunta minnii fa-min sunnatinii I-nikii!}. See al-Munawr, Fay4u l-qadir , vol. 6, p. 302, no. 9320: nahii rasiilu l/iihi [s al=am] 'ani I-ikhti~ii', "The Prophet prohibited the (self-) castration of the believers" in order to free themselves from sexual lust. 105 Al-Maqdisi, Kitiib al-bad' uia-l-t a'rikh , vol. 5, p. 164 (her kunya was Umm Sadir, her husband was Abu Kuhayla, the kiihin of the Yamama; she was a false prophetess). The obscene phrase of Musaylima's Qur'an is recorded and his sexual proposal is quoted. A revelation received by Saja~ (ibid., p. 165) allowed a woman to marry two husbands. This was unheard of in the Jahiliyya, See also the story of Sajah's meeting with Musaylima and the remark of Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 57, ll. 1-2: ... fa-qiilat sajii!}: qad ansajt a, fa- 'dhkur. wa-ba'da hiidhii min qawlihi wa-fi'lihii mii a' ra4na 'an dhikrihi. The obscene verses also appear in al-NuwayrT's Nihayat ai-arab, vol. 19, p. 76; al-Sharishi, Sharry maqiimiii al-bartrt, vol. 4, pp. 35-u; Ibn Junghul, Ta'rikh , vol. 2, p. fol. 83b; al-Maydani, Majma' al-amthiil, vol. 1, pp. 326-7, no. 1758 (under the heading: azna min saja!}); Hamza al-Isfahani, al-Durra al-jiikhsra , vol. 1, p. 214, no. 290 (under the heading: azna min saja/}) and vol. I, p. 325, no. 515 (under the heading: aghlam min saja!}).
103 104
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(mushrikiin) were forbidden to enter Medina; Jews and Christians were granted the concession to enter the city for three days only in order to sell their merchandise.I'" In Islam there is only one God, one Prophet and one community of believers. This community is chosen by Allah, and only this community may dwell in the holy places of Islam: "Two religious beliefs (dfniini) will not exist in the Arabian peninsula" (or in the l:Iijaz) .107 Islam spread in the peninsula in numerous ways. Delegations of various tribes reached Medina, were influenced by the Prophet and impressed by Muslim tenets and teachings. Some embraced Islam and when they returned to their homes, they enthusiastically transmitted the Call of the Prophet. They established small Muslim communities among their idolatrous neighbors. These small communities had close contacts with the Medinan body-politic and were under the control and guidance of Medina during the last years of the Prophet's life. They were active in spreading Islam and made a substantial contribution to the conquest of the Arabian peninsula. A case of such a community was the nucleus of believers set up in Juwatha in Bahrayn. The community started its activity very early: all the sources relate that the first Friday prayer (after the Friday prayer performed in Medina -k) was the Friday prayer performed in Juwatha.108 This was the first time that a small Muslim community in a foreign territory, besieged by unbelievers who endangered their lives, appealed to the community in Medina, asking for help. Help was sent and the beleaguered Muslims were saved. The military unit sent by Abu Bakr was headed by al-'Ala' b. al-Hadrami, It is noteworthy that when the military unit sent by Abu Bakr reached the borders of Bahrayn, it was joined by a large gathering of people led by Thurnama b. Uthal, appointed by the Prophet to govern a certain region of Yamama, Furthermore, the chiefs (umarii') of this region joined the unit of al-'Ala' and defeated their enerny.I'" The utterance of the Prophet who instructed the Muslims to live close to each other if they dwell in a non-Muslim environment may belong to this early period. "I renounce responsibility (ana bari"un) for any
See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu§annaf, vol. 6, pp. 51-2, nos. 9977,9970. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mus annaj , vol. 6, p. 54, no. 9985 (only Jews and Christians are mentioned); and no. 9990: ... la yajtami'u bi-ar4i l-'arabi dfnani, au qala: bi-ar4i l-~ijazi dfnani. 108 See Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakrt, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam vol. 2, pp. 401-2; Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, p. 174; al-Hirnyari, al-Rau4u l-mi'tar, p. 181; and see Shakir al-Fahham, Qit'atun ff akhbari l-ridda li-mu'allifin majMI, p. 162, 1. 2 from bottom: lamma qubi4a rastilu Ilahi §alla Ilahu 'alayhi 'rtadda I-nasu 'ani I-islami ilia thalathata rnasiiji d: ahlu I-madfna wa-ahlu makkata, wa-ahlu juwatha. The word masjid is used here to denote the center of a Muslim town. 109 See Ibn Kathrr, al-Bidaya wa-I-nihaya, vol. 6, pp. 327-29.
106 107
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believer who dwells among unbelievers," said the Prophet. When asked about the reason for this, he answered that the believer living among unbelievers is not able to watch the fires of his believing companions." 110 The believers must live close to each other and not mix with their nonMuslim neighbors. The idea of the war against the ridda was extended and contained the obligation of the believers to take up arms against people who refused to pay the taxes (zakiit) prescribed by the Prophet. This was formulated by Abu Bakr who is reported to have said: "If they refused to give me (even) a ewe which they used to give to the Prophet ... , I would fight them because of their refusal" (wa-lliihi lau manaciinz C aniiqan kiinii yu' addiinahii ilii rasiili lliihi sallii lliihu calayhi wa-sallam la-qiitaltuhum calii manCihii). It was especially stressed that the "believers in the prophetic mission of Musaylima, the people of Yarnama," are included in the category of unbelievers (kuffiir) who have to be fought until they repent and embrace Islam.1ll Abu Bakr strove to place the nascent Muslim communities established throughout the peninsula under the sway of the Muslim polity in Medina. Muslim law and Muslim ritual had to be introduced in all these communitites. The Arab idolaters had to be crushed with the help of the Muslim forces of Medina. A letter of Abu Bakr to 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl may give us an insight into the activities planned by the caliph to protect the communities recently established in the eastern region of the peninsula. When Abu Bakr sent military units (sariiyii) against the tribes who rebelled against the authority of Medina, 'Ikrima b. Abi Jahl and Shurahbil b. Hasana were sent against Musaylima with a military force (fiCaskarin). 'Ikrima acted in haste and started the attacks against the Banii Hanifa, but was defeated and informed Abu Bakr of his defeat. Abu Bakr's answer indicates that the goal of 'Ikrima's mission was to support the nascent Muslim communities in Yamama, Abu Bakr wrote: "Do not return (to Medina), as you will weaken the spirits of the people. I do not want to see you nor do I want you to see me. But go out to Hudhayfa and 'Arfaja and fight the people of 'Uman and Mahra. Then march out with your military force until you meet Muhajir b. Abl Umayya in Yemen and Hadramawt." Abu Bakr also instructed Shurahbil to stay in Yamama until Khalid arrived with his army. "When they will finish the battle with Musaylima,join 'Amr b. al-'A.!? in order to help him to fight Quqa'a.,,1l2 This material indicates that the Prophet showed great concern for the
110 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Kafi al-shii] fi takhriji al}adfthi l-koshsh a], p. 55, sup., no. 457, and see its explanation in al-Zamakhshari, al-Fa'iq, vol. 2, p. 21; cf. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, s.v. ra'a. 111 See e.g., al-Qastallanr, Irsh ad ai-sari, vol. 3, pp. 6-7; on the followers of Musaylima see p. 6, ll. 7-8. 112 Al-Maqrizt, lrniiiru l-asma', vol. 14, p. 528.
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Muslim communities outside Medina and made sustained efforts to expand the Muslim territory. The sources contain impressive descriptions of the Prophet's efforts to help the newly founded Muslim settlements, his efficient reactions to cases of apostasy in distant districts and his judicious decisions to resolve disputes between Muslims and their adversaries. Exhortation was not always sufficient to achieve the desired expansion. For instance, Sayf b. 'Umar says that the letters of the Prophet to al-Aswad al-'Ansl and Musaylimadid not convince them and the emissary of the Prophet tried in vain to persuade them to embrace Islam. The Prophet decided to write to the ethnic Persians living in Yemen (al-abna') 113 asking them to try to "do away" with al-Aswad al- 'Ansi (an tu~awiliJ. l-aswada) and asked them to engage men from Himyar and Hamadhan to achieve this purpose. He also wrote to Thumama b. Uthal and his followers asking them to try to "do away" with Musaylima. He made a similar request to some men from Tamim and they acted accordingly. "The ways of the muriadda became indeed blocked," says the report .114 Many changes in the formation of tribal units and the conclusion of tribal alliances were connected with the division of the tribal territorial possessions. The case of the partition of the vast territory of Dahna' is instructive 11 5 The report about the partition of Dahna' is transmitted by Sayf b. 'Umar on the authority of al-Harith b. Hassan al- 'Amirl (in some sources: al-Bakri+k}, who came to visit the Prophet in connection with a dispute between his tribe (Bakr -k) and the Banii Tamirn. The dispute was about an event which happened in Bahrayn and in which the chiefs of Bakr raised their objections against al-'Alii' b. al-Hadrami, in whose home the discussion was held. At that time a man from the Banu Tarnim sent to the Prophet a message (khabar), informing him that the tribe of Rabi'a (including Bakr -k) reverted to unbelief (qad kafarat) and prevented (by force -k) the collection of zokiit . The information about this incident and about the khabar reached Rabi'a and they sent al-Harith b. Hassan al-'Amirl (or al-Bakri -k) in order to inform the Prophet that they (i.e., Rabi'a -k) remain obedient to him. On his way to the Prophet, he met in Habadhal l" a poor woman, Qayla bint Makrama al-'Anbariyya (of the tribe of Tamirn -k) and agreed to take her to the Prophet.J!" It was al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakri who repreSee on them EI2, vol. 1, p. 102, s.v. "Abna"', Section II. (K.V. Zet.tersteen}, Al-Maqrtzr, lrntiiiu l-asma', vol. 14, p. 525. 115 See the description of Dahria' in Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 2, pp. 493-4. 116 So in Maqrtzr, Imta'u l-asma', vol. 14, p. 312, 1. 3; al-Tabaranf, al-Mu'jam al-kabfr, vol. 3, p. 254, no. 3325, I. 10. 117 See the lengthy description of the journey of Qayla and the story of the protection granted her by al-Harith b. Hassan al-Bakrr, when he journeyed with her from Rabadha to Medina to meet the Prophet in al- Tabarani, al-Mu 'jam al-kabir , vol. 25, pp. 7-12; Ibn Hajar al-f Asqalant, al-Lsiiba , vol. 8, pp. 83-87, no. 11654; Ibn al-Athtr,
113 114
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31
sented Bakr b. Wa'il (of RabI'a).11s The representative of the Tamirnl tribal groups in Bahrayn who sent the message about the apostasy of Rabi'a (or Bakr -k) reached the Prophet before the arrival of the Bakrl al-Harith b. Hassan, and brought the story of al-'Ala (b. al-Hadrami}; then the Prophet ordered 'Amr b. al-'.A~ to march out and entrusted him with a flag. The Prophet went up to the minbar and urged the believers to join the raid against Habi'a in Bahrayn.l!? He informed the Muslims that al-'Ala (b. al-Hadramt) and al-Mundhir (b. Sawa) reported to him that Rabi'a apostatized (kafamt) and refused to pay the zakiit.120 The Prophet then asked: "Who will volunteer (to march out) with 'Amr b. al_'A.~?"121 At this fateful moment, al-Harith b. Hassan proclaimed loudly the allegiance of Rabi'a to the Prophet; he himself gave the oath of allegiance to Islam and converted,t22 Further, al-Harith b. Hassan asked the Prophet to affirm in a letter that Dahna" belongs to Habi'a and to set up the border line between Habi'a and Tamirn in that district. The Prophet called Bilal and ordered him to bring a piece of parchment and an inkpot (dawiit) .123 But when the scribe started to write the document in which the Prophet intended to affirm the right of Habi'a on the territory of Dahna", Qayla, the poor Tamirni woman, began to shout asserting that the territory between Dahna' and Bahrayn had belonged ill the period of the Jahiliyya to Tamim and on that basis Tamirn converted to Islam. The Prophet immediately changed the letter, affirming that Dahna' belonged to Tamlm.124 The Prophet's decision was significant. The borders of the territory granted to Tarnim in Dahna' enabled them to launch a successful raid against the Bakr b. Wa'i] (i.e., Rabi'a -k). The information about Nibaj, where the battle took place, enables us to assume that the march of the forces led by the leader of Sa'd (Tamim -k), Qays b. 'A.~im was a long and exhausting one. When Qays b. 'A.sim reached Nibaj and Thaytal (two neighboring localities) and watered the riding beasts (khayl), he cut the water bags open and let the water flow out. He then summoned the warriors to fight, saying: "The desert is behind you, death is in front of you." The Tamimi troops fought valiantly and defeated the forces of
ll s d al-ghiiba, vol. 5, pp. 535-36. 118 See about the subdivisions of Bakr b. Wa'il and their mutual relations in Yamarna in "Bakr b. Wa'il," EI2, s.v, (W. Caskel). II 9 The text has sliiil , which is a mistake. 120 The text has wada'at al-sakiit; read correctly mana'at al-zakiit. 121 MaqrTzT, Imtiii u i-asmii', vol. 14, p. 312. 122 Cf. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Isiiba, vol. 8, p. 86, 1. 10. 12:1 The text has idiiwat, which is a mistake. 124 AI-MaqrTzT, Irniii's: I-asmii', vol. 14, p. 313: inna mii bayna l-tiahnii' wa-ib(J~lrayni ii-banI tamlmin II i-jiihihiiiyyati, wa-asiamii 'aiayhii, la-ayna tagfqu, yamu~ammadu, 'alii mu d arika'!
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the Bakr b. Wa'il, the Lahazim.125 Some details about Nibaj deserve to be mentioned: there are two places called Nibaj: the one is Nibaj Ibn 'A.mir (in the neighborhood of Basra); the other is Nibaj near Thaytal, adjacent to al-Bahrayn.P'' The information recorded by Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakn indicates the reasons for Qays b. 'A.!?im's raids: at that time he embraced Islam and it was meritorious for him to march out against the non-Muslim Bakr b. Wa'il. AI-'Ala' b. al-Hadrarni and al-Mundhir b. Sawa stated clearly that Bakr b. Wa'il apostatized. A proper military action of the allies of the Muslim body politic in Medina against Bakr b. Wa'il was badly needed. Qays b. 'A.!?im was successful in his raid against the Bakr b. Wa'il apostates. Qays b. 'A.!?im is highly praised in connection with his raids in Nibaj and Thayta1. But one of the verses mentions a third locality in which Qays b. 'A.!?im excelled in a military raid: it was Juwatha in Bahrayn. Qays b. 'A.!?im attacked Juwatha, which was under the control of the tribe of 'Abd al-Qays, and took considerable booty.127 The Muslim warriors who defeated their enemies and forced them to convert to Islam gained great merit: the Prophet saw these captives led in his dream into Paradise in shackles.P" It is noteworthy that some of these warriors were relatives of inveterate enemies of the Prophet. The two relatives of Abu Jahl - his son 'Ikrima and his brother al-Harith b. Hisham - are cases in point. 'Ikrima became a devout Muslim and was killed during the wars of conquest. 129
125 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 1, pp. 351-52; and see the verse of Qurra b. Qays b. 'A~im: "I am the son of the man who cut the water bags when he saw the troops of the Lahazim ready to fight (ana 'bnu /ladhi' shaqqa I-mazada wa-qad ra'a / bi-thaytala a~ya' a '/lahazimi ~u44arii)." 126 AI-BakrT, Mu'jam ma 'sta'jam, vol. 4, p. 1292, I. 2: wa-I-nibaj nibiijanf: nibaj thaytal wa-nibaj 'bni 'amirin bi-I-ba~ra. wa-qala I-a~ma'f: al-nibiij wa-thaytal ma'ani Ii-banI sa'di bni zaydi manatin, mimma yalf I-ba~rayni. Yaqut provides additional details about the two Nibajs: the one is on the way of Basra and is called" Nibaj banf 'A mir" and faces Fayd; the other Niba] is the Nibaj of the Bani Sa'd. Another definition says that the Nibaj between Mecca and Basra belongs to the Banu Kurayz, the other Nibaj is located between Basra and Yarnama. See Yaqut , Mu'jam al-buldan, vol. 5, pp. 255-56. 127 â¢â¢. wa-aghiira qaysu bnu 'ii~im bi-banf sa'din 'alii 'abdi I-qays bi-juwatha Ja-a~abu ma aradu [imii yaz'umu banu minqar. [a-qiila sawwiir b. ~ayyiin: wa-ma laka min ayyami ~idqin ta'udduha: ka-yaumi juwathii wa-I-nibaji wa-thaytala. See al-Baladhurt's Ansab al-ashriiJ, part 7, vol. 1, RamzT Ba'labakkT, ed., p. 45 (Beirut, 1417/1997). 128 See Lisiin al-'Arab, s.v., s-l-s-l: 'ajiba rabbuna min qaumin yuqiidilna ilii I-jannati if-I-salasil; and see al-Munawi, Fay4u I-qadfr, vol. 4, p. 302, no. 5383. 129 Ibn Hajar al-f Asqa.lan]', ol-Lsaba , vol. 4, pp. 538-9, no. 5642; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab, vol. 3, p. 1082, no. 1838. See also the tradition about the march of 'Ikrima b. AbT Jahl with 500 fighters against the Prophet in order to prevent him from the entrance to Mecca; his attacks were thrice thwarted by a force of Khalid b. al- WalTd who orotected the Prophet and his Companions. See Ibn Kathlr, Tajsiru I-qur' ani
The Struggle Against Musaylima Al-Harith b. Hisham also embraced Islam, took part Yamarna and died in the plague of'Amwas.130
III
33
the battle of
x
The struggle against Musaylima was an important part of the ridda wars. Abu Bakr was aware of the strength of Musaylima's forces. He understood that sending small units of Muslims against the well organized force of Musaylima was doomed to fail. Yamama had to be conquered in order to pave the way for the establishment of additional Islamic communities in the area of Bahrayn, 'Uman, and in Yamarna itself. A strong army was necessary for the conquest of Yamama. Khalid b. al-Walid, the famous hero nicknamed "the sword of Islam" (say! al-isliim), was chosen to lead the expedition. He was at that time the head of a military force sent against various tribal formations who decided to remain faithful to Islam, but refused to pay zakiit. The rebellious tribes who refused to pay zakiit were branded apostates (ahl al-ridda). They were ruthlessly subdued: some were captured, some were executed; some hastened to pay the zakiii , repented and were forgiven. Having completed the suppression of some big tribal formations who participated in the ridda, Khalid b. al-Walid was ready to embark on another important mission. Leading a huge army, he set out in the direction of Yarnarna, Abu Bakr wrote Khalid a letter in which he stressed the stalwart strength of the forces of the Banii Hanifa: "You have never met a people (qaum) like the Banii Hanifa: they will fight against you all together" (kulluhum 'alayka).l3l Abu Bakr also advised Khalid how to delegate authority to the tribal leaders and section commanders and how to solicit the opinion of the Muhajirun and the Ansar taking part in the expedition. The last part of the letter is of special interest: Abu Bakr recommends to prepare scrupulously the details of the first clash with the enemy: "A spear against a spear, an arrow against an arrow, a sword against a sword. And when you reach the phase of the battle in which the fight is of swords against swords, you reach the time when mothers become bereft of their sons. And if Allah grants you the victory," continues Abu Bakr, "and you get hold of the enemy warriors, beware of being merciful towards them: give the coup de grace to their wounded, pursue their retreating fighters, kill their captive warriors by the sword, frighten them by killing and burn them by fire. Beware of
1-'a?lm, at that 130 See p.69. 131 Ibn vol. 6, p. 344. Ibn KathTr objects the veracity of this tradition, arguing that time Khalid b. al- Waljd was an unbeliever. Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanT, al-Tsiiba, vol. 1, pp. 605..,'!, no. 1506; WaqidT, Ridda, Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf.
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disobeying my orders. Peace be upon you." 132 Muslim tradition ascribed considerable importance to the campaign against Musaylima. This can be gauged from the fact that some early traditionists and commentators considered Qur'an 48:16 ("Say to the Bedouins who were left behind: 'You shall be called against a people possessed of great might, to fight them, or they surrender."') a reference to this campain.133 Bakr b. NaHa4, a poet who descended from the defeated Banu I:Ianlfa,134 wrote in the ninth century A. D. verses praising the bravery of his tribe, which was - according to his understanding - mentioned in the Qur 'an: And we were described in the revealed Book, unlike any (other) tribe, as possessing great courage.P" uia-noluiu wu~ifnii duna kulli qabilaiin bi-shiddati ba'sin fi l-kitiibi l-munazzali
XI
During the years of the Prophet's activity in the Arabian peninsula and his contacts with the Arab tribes, he was often asked by the tribal leaders about the ownership of land. The Prophet's policy on this issue is relevant to the ways in which the Muslims expanded their land holdings throughout the Arabian peninsula, including Yamama, When asked about these matters, the Prophet used to quote Qur'an 7:127: "Verily the Earth is Allah's; He gives it as a heritage to whomsoever He pleases of His servants and the end is for the God-fearing." Indeed, when the Prophet arrived in Medina after the hijra, he was given every patch of uncultivated land, not irrigated by water; it was placed under his exclusive authority.136 The injunctions of the Prophet concerning the uncultivated land became obligatory and continued to be in force during the time of the righteous Caliphs, and even later. There was only one
132 Ibn Hubaysh, Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59 inf-60; and see the letter of Abu Bakr to Khalid b. al- WalTd in al- Waqidt's /( itiib al-ridda, pp. 62-3, no. 86. 133 Al- Wal)idT, al- Wasf! fl tafslri l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 138. However, one must keep in mind that other commentators considered this verse as a reference to other military expeditions, such as those against Persia, Byzantium, the Hawasin, the ThaqTf, and the Ghatafan , These views are beyond the scope of this study. 134 See on him Brockelmann, GAS, vol. 2, p. 628 inf. 135 AI-I:lu~rTal-Qayrawanr, Zahr al-iidiib, vol. 2, p. 966. 136 See Humayd b. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu l-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1035: ... ' ani l-kalb; 'ani bni ~iililfin, 'ani bni 'abbiisin anna rasiila lliihi, ~allii lliih u 'alayhi wasal/ama, lammii qadima I-madfna ja'alii lahu kulla ar¢in Iii yablughuhii l-mii'u ya§na'u bihii mii shii'a. See also ibid., note 4, and Abu 'Ubayd, /(itiib al-amwiil,
non __ aa"l
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stipulation concerning grants of land given by the Prophet (iqtii'): the obligation to ameliorate the plot by digging a well or irrigating it by means of a canal. If the development of the uncultivated plot could not be performed in due time (i.e., three years -k), the plot had to be sold to a Muslim, who would be granted the permission of the Muslim authority to purchase the plot; without such permission the purchase had to be considered null and void. A patch of uncultivated land granted by the Prophet was sold in the time of 'Umar for a sum of 8000 dinars, because the grantees were not able to perform their duty to improve the land. The sum received by the people who sold the plot was deposited with 'All b. AbI T'alib. They were surprised that the sum returned to them was less than that which they deposited. 'All b. AbI Talib's answer was that he had paid the zakiit on the deposit.137 According to the Muslim tradition, it was the Prophet himself who granted plots of uncultivated land in Medina to Abu Bakr and 'Umar. A plot of land was granted by the Prophet to some Bedouins of Muzayna and Juhayna (as iqW), but they did not improve it; a group of other people took hold of the plot and succeeded to ameliorate it. The Bedouins from whom the plot was taken came to 'Umar b. al-Khattab and complained that they had been driven out of the territory granted to them. 'Umar refused to return them to the land, arguing that the qaWa was granted to them under certain conditions: "Whoever got land and failed to ameliorate it during three years, while others improved that soil, the people who neglected to improve the soil do not deserve to own it." 138 The land put at the Prophet's disposal is defined in the ~adzth in the following way: "The ancient land from the time of 'Ad139 belongs to Allah and to His prophet, then (it will pass -k) to you." ('iidiyyu l-ardi li-lliihi uia-rasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum) .140 When asked about the meaning of "Then it will belong to you," the Prophet answered: "You will assign it (i.e., the land -k) to the people." A similar version reads: "The uncultivated land belongs to Allah and to His messenger, and then, from me to you, 0 Muslims" (mawatiinu l-ardi li-lliihi warasiilihi, thumma hiya lakum minnii ayyuhii l-muslimiin) .141 Thus, the ownership of an iqiii' bequeathed by the Prophet to his community requires the approval of the imiim or the ruling authority (sultiin).
Abu Yusuf', K itiib u l-khariij, p. 61 inf. Abu Yusuf, K itiibu l-khariij, p. 61. 139 See on 'Ad: E[2, vol. 1, p. 169 (F. Buhl); and see the exhaustive explanation of 'adiyy in connection with iqtii: in Abu Ubayd's al-Amwiil, p. 278, no. 690; see also the explanation of the saying of 'Umar: lanii riqiibu l-ardi, 140 Abu 'Ubayd, Kiiiib u l-amuuil , p. 272, no. 674; Yahya b. Adam, Kit abu l-kh ariij , p. 85, no. 269; p. 88, no. 277. 141 See this version recorded by the editor of the Kitiibu l-amwiil of Abu 'Ubayd, p. 272, on the margin, no. 2.
137 1.18
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Every effort carried out by a Muslim on a plot of uncultivated land, like a well dug in a qaii' a, or a tree planted there, has to be considered null and void if not approved by the ruling authority (sultan). This is binding because Allah is said to have bestowed upon the Prophet all uncultivated land. Therefore, the qaWa has to be improved by irrigation and construction. The imam may assign it to a Muslim for this purpose, even without the consent of the former owner who failed to perform this duty. It is, thus, the prevalent view of the Muslim tradition that all uncultivated land was granted to the Prophet by Allah; only the imams, the just and righteous people forming the Islamic authority, are allowed to approve the building up of a qaWa. They are granted the Prophet's privilege to allot the uncultivated land to the Muslims.l V It is possible that the Prophet himself formulated his opinion concering the division of the mawat land. In a ~adfth which seems to reflect this early period, the Prophet defined his mission modestly: "I am merely bringing the news of Allah's revelation, but Allah is guiding onto the right path; I am merely dividing (among you -k), but Allah grants (what He pleases to grant -k)" (innama ana muballighun uia-lliilu: yahdf, uia-innamii ana qiisiinun uia-Iliihu yu'tf) .143 The last action of the Prophet in the field of division of land (or granting of land -k) was the bestowal of land on some noble people of Yarnama who came to the Prophet announcing their desire to embrace Islam. The Prophet bestowed on this delegation some plots of uncultivated land after they embraced Islam (ja-aqta'ahum min mawilt ar~ihim ba'da an aslamu). The document of the iqta' was written on the name of Mujja'a b. Murara.144 According to a report recorded by al-Baladhuri, the delegation came after the Prophet sent a letter to the people of Yamama (and to Hawdha) and asked them to embrace Islam (in 6 A.H.). It was Mujja'a who asked the Prophet to grant him mawatland in Yamarna and the Prophet granted his request.l '! A shrewd remark of Abu 'Ubayd in which he outlined the difference between the iqta' granted to Furat b. Hayyan al- 'Ijll146 and the land granted to Mujja'a deserves to be mentioned. In contradistinction to the same grants of land in territories not yet conquered by Is142 See the advice of Abu Yusuf in his /(itiibu l-kh arii] pp. 63-{)4 defining the prerogatives of the imiims in this matter. 143 Al-Munawi, Fay4u l-o adir , vol. 2, p. 571, no. 2582. 144 Abu 'Ubayd , i(itiibu I-amwiil, pp, 279-81, nos. 691-92. Hurnayd b. Zanjawayhi , i(itiibu 'I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, no. 1034. 145 See al-Baladhurr, Futiiii u l-buldiin , pp. 118inf-119: ... fa-aqta'ahu (i.e., Mujja'a -k) arden mawiitan sa'alahu iyyiihii; and cf. Humayd h. Zanjawayhi, /(itiibu I-amwiil, vol. 2, p. 629, 1. 3. 146 On Furat h. Hayyan al-'IjlT; see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, ol-Lsiibo , vol. 5, pp. 357-8, no. 6969.
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lam, the grants of land in Yarnarna were given when a small Muslim community had already been in existence there. When the members of the Yamama delegation decided to embrace Islam, the Prophet granted them the mawat-Iand of Yamarna.l+" It is evident that by this grant the Prophet indicated that Yamarna was put under the sway of Islam, although the number of Yamamis who embraced Islam was very small. The guiding principle applied in Yarnama was that the conversion to Islam of even a small group under its leader was binding on the whole population of the district. The Muslim settlements in the different regions acted according to the instructions of the Medinan body politic. What the Medinan center demanded was the right of passage through the different regions in order to gain direct contact with the isolated Muslim communities. These small communities were decisive in the establishment of Muslim authority over the whole population; hence, the direct contacts of the Medinan center with these settlements became the conquest of the whole province in which these tiny Muslim communities existed. The conquest of Yamama by Islam was in fact the key to the conquest of the adjacent territories in the Arabian peninsula.
XII
The few passages of Musaylima's "Qur 'an," recorded in adab literature, in some Quranic commentaries, in historical compendia and in biographies of the Prophet, were harshly criticized by Muslim scholars. AIJahia's opinion on these saj' passages is negative: he maintains that Musaylima lacked the gifts of a poet, an orator, a soothsayer (kiihin) or a geneaologist.l t'' AI-Jal,1i~ gives some details about the beginnings of Musaylima's career as the "false prophet" of Yamama, He used to frequent the markets in Arab and Persian territories; he visited the markets of Ubulla, Baqqa, al-Anbar and al-Hira. He learned in these places the tricks of the sorcerers and of the idol temples guardians. He indeed succeeded to insert an egg steeped in acid into a glass bottle with a very narrow opening, claiming this was the miracle which he carried out with the help of Allah. A similar trick was carried out by Musaylima before all audience in which a Bedouin chief and his family were present; the chief was al-Mujja'a (b. Murara -k) al-Hanafi. Musaylima showed those present his miracle: the pigeons with their wings cut off (al-~amiimu 1-1I!aqiis'i~)were able to fly in a dark night. Like in the former case, he
117 See Abu 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, pp. 280-81: wa-amma iq!a'uhu [uriita bna ~ayyanin l'I.Jliyya arden bi-I-yamama Ja-ghayru hadha; uia-dhiilika anna I-yamamata qad kana 1,,/111 islamun 'ala 'ahdi l-nabiyyi s allii lliih u 'alayhi wa-sallam .... p. 281: .,. qiila abii '"/,,,yd: [a-k adhiilika iq!a'uhu [uriiia bna ~ayyiinin; wa-hii'ulii'i ashriiJu l-yamiima, [u II'1!a'ahum mawiita ardihim yata'allaJuhum bi-dhiilika. 14K AI-Jal,1i,? (d. 255 A. H.), al-Bayan wa-l-tabyfn, vol. 1, p. 359.
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claimed that he was helped by Allah and forbade on that occasion to keep the pigeons at home by cutting their wings. Mujja'a was fascinated by the two miracles and embraced the faith of Musaylima.l'i'' Al-Jahiz stressed the blind belief of the Bedouins in miracles and their ignorance of the frauds and impostures of jugglers and sorcerers. Muslim scholars, examining the utterances of Musaylima and analyzing the verses of his "Quran," stated that their composition is odd and ludicrous, formulated in poor saj'. The short utterance of Abu Bakr concerning passages of Musaylima's "Qur'an" was often quoted and widely circulated. Abu Bakr said it when the people of the Banii Hanifa came to Medina after the defeat of 'Aqraba' and the killing of Musaylima; they used to quote some of his revelations and his injunctions. Their assessment of the material was: "These utterances are devoid of any virtuous idea" (inna hiidhi: l-kaliima lam yakun min illin).150 Muslim scholars emphasize the differences between the queer utterances of Musaylima, composed in odd sa)', and the clear utterances of Allah revealed in the Qur 'an. The scholars stress that Musaylima borrowed a great deal of his utterances from the Qur'an, using some expressions for quite different situations. In the words of Ibn Kathir: "People of insight will find the deep difference between the feeble words of Musaylima, between his unworthy deeds, between his "Qur'an" - with which he will remain in the fire of Hell until the Day of (his) Distress and Shame - and between the Revelation of Allah;" "there is a great difference between the words of Allah - may He be exalted: Allah, there is no god except Allah, the Living, the Everlasting, slumber seizes Him not, nor sleep" and the "revelation" of Musaylima, may God disfigure him and curse him: "0 frog, the daughter of two frogs, croak as you may croak, you will not turn the water turbid, nor will you bar the drinking person (from drinking)." 151 Ibn Kathir continues to quote "the feeble verses from Musaylima's "Qur'an," accompanying every sentence with
149 AI-Jal:Ii~, Kiuiou l-~ayawiin, vol. 4, pp. 369-71; and see the mention of these miracles in the Kit aou l-~ayawiin vol. 6, p. 206. 150 In some sources, ill is rendered by alliih: if this is correct, the meaning would be: "These utterances are not from Allah." See al-Baqillanl, I'jiizu l-Qur'iin, p. 158: lam yakhruj 'an illin, ay 'an rububiyyatin, wa-man kiina lahu 'aqlun lam yushtabah 'alayhi sakhfu hiidhii l-k aliim, See the explanation of ill in 'Ikrima's readings in the phrase wa-lii yarqubiina jI mu'minin i/lan; it is derived from II, i.e., allah, which appears in the names of the angels: Jibril and MTkarl. In Tha'alibr's al-Kash] wal-bautin , vol. 3, p. 76/2, fol. 133a inf.-133b ill is rendered by al-mithiiq, al-'ahd, ol-hil], See also the quotation of Abu Bakr's saying in al- Tha'alibT, Tbimaru l-ouliib ; p. 174 inf; Lisiin al-'arab, s.v. all; Ibn Kathtr, Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 368,491; Mujahid, Tafsfr, vol. 1, p. 273, note 3; al-Tabart, .l iimi" al-bayan, vol. 14, pp. 145-50, (on Qur 'an 9:8). III is rendered by alliih (compared with jibrll, mfkii'lI, isriifll), by ties of relationship. According to the interpretation of the Basrans, ill is identical to 'ahd, mithiu; or yamIn. 151 Ibn Kath'ir , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 490.
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a curse on Musaylima. Such was the utterance of Musaylima about the pregnant woman who brought forth a living being between the navel and the bowels." 152 Another utterance of Musaylima, scornfully assessed by Ibn Kathir , reads: "The Elephant, what is the elephant? And who shall tell you what is the elephant? He has a poor tail and a long trunk and is a trifling part of the creations of God." 153 Ibn Kathir classifies the utterances of Musaylima as utterances of nonsense and dotage (min al-khuriifiit wa-l-hadhayiiniit) which even youngsters abstain from telling except in the way of scoffing and sneering.154 A new and interesting approach concerning the "Qur'an" of Musaylima is found in the book of the Zaydi imiim al-Hariini, Ithbiii nubuwwati l-nabiyyi. Al-Hariini states that no composition opposing Islam was prevented from circulation in the Muslim community. Yazld b. Mu'awiya could freely circulate his verses in which he threatened that he would take revenge on the prophet Ahmad (i.e., Muhammad) because of his deeds; he expressed this threat when the head of Husayn b. 'An was brought to him.155 The verses of al- Wand b. Yazid b. 'Abd ai-Malik b. Marwan who spoke insolently about the threats of Allah against opressors (jabbiiriin) and tore the Quran to pieces in answer to these threats, says addressing the Qur 'an: "When you come to your Lord on the Day of Resurrection, tell Him: '0 my God, al-Walid tore me (to pieces)." 156 Al-Haruni insists that no "Quran" had been produced which could rival the Quran sent down to the Prophet Muhammad. "We needed not to publish the nonsensical and feeble passages of Musaylima in this book," says al-Haruni. "'We recorded these passages merely to make the astonished man wonder and to convince him that had there been a book really competing with the Qur'an, it would have been transmitted (lau kiinat li-l-qur'iini mu'iirodatur: fi l-haqiqati la-nuqilat)." Al-Haruni continues his argument concerning the impossibility that Musaylima could have intended to imitate (yu'iirilju) the Qur'an. "Though Musaylima was a liar and an insolent person, he was an Arab and (even) his ignorance would not have caused him to claim that he imitated the Qur'an.
152Ibn Kathrr , Tajsir , vol. 3, p. 491; and see al-Haruni, Ithbiit nubuwwati l-nabiyyi p. 39; R. Serjeant, Early Arabic Prose (chapter 3) in The Cambridge History oj Arabic Literature to the End oj Umayyad Period, edited by A.F.L. Beeston et alii, Cambridge 1983, pp. 114 ff., 128 sup. 153The translation is by R. A. Nicholson, A Literary History oj the Arabs, Cambridge 1956, p. 183. 154Ibn Kat hlr , Tajsfr vol. 3, p. 491; and see there the story of Abu Bakr who asked the Muslims (from Yamarna -k) to tell him the utterances of Musaylima. They were unwilling, but later agreed and reported his utterances. Abu Bakr then asked: "How did he confuse you and led your minds astray: by God, that (i.e., the utterance of Musaylima -k) did not come out from a righteous source." 155 Al-Harunr, lthbiit , p. 36; and see ibid. the verses of Yastd b. Mu'awiya. 156 Al-Har-unr, lthbiit , p. 36 inf.
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Had he acted in this way, he would have been shamed among his people (lau fa'ala dluilika kana yafta4i~u bayna qaumihi). Musaylima did not claim that he imitated the Qur'an; he merely stated that the passages which he uttered (innama kana yiiriduha) were sent to him from Heaven. However, not everything which is said to have been sent by Allah is an imitation of the Qur 'an. This is so because we do not say that the inimitability (i'jaz) of the Qur'an is caused only by the fact it was sent down from Heaven. We say that for the i'jaz of a revealed book additional attributes are needed. Nobody doubts that the Torah, the Gospels and the Psalms were sent down by Allah, but no inimitability had been established for these three books.P" In fact, nobody can imitate the Qur 'an. But poets, writers and scholars did embellish their writings with some of its words or phrases. A verse adorned with such a word turns into a brilliant spot in the poem. That is a special feature of the Qur'an and an indication that the words of the Qur'an differ from human speech.158 Musaylima was aware of the role of Qur'anic words embedded in a speech or in a saj' passage uttered by a religious leader. Al-Haruni's observations concerning the ways of quoting Qur'anic words in passages included in Musaylima's "Qur'an" deserve to be mentioned. Musaylima quotes some words from the Qur'an in which the Prophet referred to certain phenomena or to some occurences and uses them for a different context. Thus, the phrase: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-a~~abi l-fil ("Has thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the people of the elephant?") of Qur 'an 105 - was placed in Musaylima's Siirat al-hubl«: a-lam tara kayfa fa'ala rabbuka bi-l-hublii, "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the pregnant woman." Another Qur 'anic phrase used by Musaylima was: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l-mu'minina (Qur'an 3:164). This was put in the passage about the pregnant woman: la-qad manna lliihu 'ala l_~ubla.159 Al-Haruni states with satisfaction that due to Qur'anic expressions embedded in Musaylima's passages, these became an ornament covered with gems. It is quite plausible that the Qur'anic phrases were included in Musaylima's saj' utterances. This seems to have been the reason why some people were impressed by Musaylima's "Qur'an" and embraced his faith. The governor of 'Iraq succeeded, however, to convince some of these people to embrace Islam.160 The Qur'an was keenly studied by the emissaries of Musaylimain Medina who returned to Yamama; Musaylima learned it by heart and quoted it in his speeches as if they were part of his "Quran."
157 158
AI-HarunI, Ithbiit ; pp. 38-9. AI-HarunI, Ithbiit, p. 39 inf. 159 Al-Harunr, Ithbiit , p. 39. 160 Al-Tha'alibr, Thimiiru l-ouliib , p. 147.
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A glance at the descriptions of the sunrise, the morning, the evening and the night in the passages of M usaylima's "Qur'an" may lead us to some conclusions regarding the influence of the Qur'an on the ideas of Musaylima and on his political views. We read in Qur'an 9:1-2: "By the night when it covers up! And by the day when it brightens up ... " In Qur 'an 9:1-4, we read: "By the sun and its growing brightness. And by the moon when it follows it (the sun). And by the day when it reveals its glory. And by the night when it draws a veil over it ... ;, Qur'an 89:1-4 reads: "By the Dawn, And the Ten Nights, And the Even and the Odd, And the Night when it moves on (to its end.) ... ;, Impressive is the description of sunrise in Quran, 78:14-15: "And We appointed a blazing lamp, and have sent down out of the rain clouds water cascading that we may bring forth thereby grain and plants and gardens luxuriant." These quotations from the Qur'an are comparable to some fragments of Musaylima. It is evident that in the descriptions of the dark night covering the light of the day, Musaylima's text bears similarity to the Quran. In spite of the climate of Mecca in which the Prophet dwelt, in spite of the barren soil of that city, the Prophet recorded in his revelation the graces granted the believers. We read in Qur'an 6:99-100: "And it is He who sends down water from the cloud; and we bring forth therewith every kind of growth; then we bring forth with that green foliage wherefrom we produce clustered grain. And from the date palm, out of its sheath (come forth) bunches hanging low. And we produce therewith gardens of grapes and olive and the pomegranate - similar and dissimilar. Look of the fruit thereof when it bears fruit and the ripening thereof. Surely in this are signs for a people who believe." A short passage of Musaylima's "Qur'an" mentioning Allah's graces reads: "Remember the grace of Allah and thank Him, as He turned for you the sun into a shining lamp and turned the rain falling very thick (thajjaj); He brought forth for you the ram and the ewe and granted you silver and glass, gold and silk clothes (dzbiij). And it is from His grace that he brought out from the earth pomegranates, grapes, royal basilicum (myf}an), and bitter plants (zu'wan).161 The two descriptions of God's grace have the same tendency: to enumerate the bounty of the fruits, grapes, olive trees and palms granted by Allah. It is evident that the short passage discloses the intention of Musaylima to show the superiority of Yarnama over other areas; especially Mecca and Medina. The mention of the silver and gold of Yarnama refers to an important detail regarding the riches of Yarnarna: there were indeed several mines of silver and gold.162 Al-Tabarl163 and
161 162 163
Al-Tha'alibi, Tlumiiru l-quliib, p. 147. Al-Harnadani, [(itiib al-Jauharatayn, index (s.v. Yarnarna]. Al-Tabarr, Ta'rtkh , vol. 3, p. 284.
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f{ ister
al-BaqillanI164 record an additional passage containing the virtues of Yarnama: it is an injunction to defend the land of Yamama, to oppose its opressors and to help the humble and the poor. Al-Haruni follows this passage with sharp criticism: "These passages of Musaylima are too feeble-minded and poor to deserve inclusion in this book." 165 Musaylima's verse and speeches bear substantial similarity with the Qur 'an.
XIII
Serious rivalry ensued between the Prophet and Musaylima concerning one ofthe "proofs of prophet hood," (dalii'ilu l-nubuwwa): the miraculous healing of the sick. Well known is the miracle when the Prophet healed 'AlI of an inflammation of the eye. The Prophet sent a messenger to 'AlI asking him to come to his court and head a raid against the enemy. When 'AlI appeared with inflamed eyes, the Prophet spat into his eyes and blessed him. He gave him a banner; 'AlI went out with the troops and was victorious in the raid.166 Many reports concerning cases in which the Prophet cured madness, toothache, bellyache, dumbness, or forgetfulness are recorded in the Sire: as could be expected, the sources present the treatment of the Prophet as successful, while the treatment of Musaylima is always shown to be harmful. When the Prophet arrived in Medina, the people suffered from a plague of fever. The Prophet invoked God and the epidemic fever was removed from Medina to al-JuJ:!fa.167 A special treatment was given by the Prophet to a madman who was brought to the Prophet. The Prophet rubbed his back and invoked God to cure him. The madman recovered immediately and returned sane to his tribe.168 Another treatment was used by the Prophet on a boy from the tribe of Khath'am. When the Prophet was on a journey with one of his Companions, he met a Khathami woman sitting with a boy. She addressed the Prophet imploring him to help her in her distress: the boy was plagued everyday by many fits of madness. The Prophet then asked to pass him the child. He spat into the child's mouth three times. He said: "In the name of Allah, I am the servant of Allah, go away, 0 enemy of Allah!" Then the Prophet passed the child to his mother and asked her to meet him after a year in the same place. When the Prophet met the woman after a year, he asked her about the activity of Satan (al-khabzth). She told
AI-Baqillanf, l'jiizu I-Qur'iin, p. 157. Al-Haruni, Iihbiit ; p. 38. 166 Al-Dauraqr, Musnad Sa'd b. Abf Waqqii~, p. 51, no. 19; al-Maqrfzr, asmii', vol. 11, pp. 284-5; 167 Al-Maqrizr, Imtii'u I-asmii', vol. 11, pp. 295-303; 168 Al-Halabr, [nsiin al-'uyiin, vol. 3, p. 252.
164 165
lmtiii u 1-
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him that the Satan stopped his activity and they had not yet heard from him. The woman offered the Prophet three sheep. But the Prophet took only one sheep and returned the other two.t69 Another case was reported about 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. alKhatt ab. Abu Lubaba b. 'Abd al-Mundhir, the grandfather of the child from the mother's side brought the child to the Prophet; the child was born unusually small. The Prophet affirmed that he had not seen a child smaller than 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. Zayd. He took the child and performed the treatment of tahnik: he rubbed his palate with the pulp of a date, he stroked the head of the child with his hand and blessed him. After this treatment the child grew up and became a very tall person and a perfect man. 170 Another case of treating a Khath'ami child brought by his mother to the Prophet is recorded in al-Nuwayrr's Nihiiyat ol-arab fi [uniini l-adab. The mother complained that the child does not speak and asked for help. The Prophet ordered to bring him water; he gargled his throat with the water, he washed his hands with it and gave the water to the woman. He ordered her to give the water to the child to drink and to rub it into his body. The child was healed and grew up superior in intelligence. 171 It is not surprising that in contradistinction to the miraculous successes of the healing of Muhammad, the Muslim sources record the fatal results of Musaylima's treatments. Musaylima tried to imitate the Prophet in his miraculous healing. When he heard that the Prophet used to perform the tohnik , spreading pulp of dates on his finger and rubbing it on a child's palate, he did the same, but the boy in question became mute.172 He heard that the Prophet used to stroke children on their heads; he used the same method, stroked the head of a boy brought to him, but the boy became bald.173 When Musaylima heard that the Prophet used to spit into a well and turned its salty water sweet, he tried to imitate him and spat into a well blessing the water, but its sweet water turned salty.174 A case of Musaylima's invocation which caused a tragedy is reported by Ibn Hubaysh, A man came to Musaylima and told him about the sorrow of his family: "I am a wealthy man, but no child born to me lived more than two years, except a boy who is with us; he is more than ten years old. Yesterday," continued the father, "a
Imtii'u. l-asrnii", vol. 11, pp. 320-21. AI-MaqrIzI, Imtiii u l-asmii", 312. 171 Al-Nuwayrr, Nihiiyat al-arab, vol. 18, p. 331; and cf. al-Maqrfzr, Imtii=u l-asmii", vol. 11, p. 319. 172 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Ishriif , p. 329. 173 Ibn AbI Dunya, al-Lshrii] , p. 329; 'All al-QarI, Sh arb: al-Shifii, on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiir/. of al-Khafaji, vol. 2, p. 486, 1. 3 from bottom): see also Ibn Hubaysh, Kitiib al-qh aeauuit , vol. 1, p. 55 inf., (with an addition: every child born to him was born bald). 174 Ibn Hubaysh , Kitiib al-ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 56.
170
169 Al-Maqrizr,
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M. J. Kister
child was born to me, and I beg you to bless him and to invoke Allah to prolong his life." Musaylima promised to do it, so that the newborn child would be granted forty years of life. The man returned to his house delighted, but found his elder son dead, after he fell into a well and drowned. The newborn child was lying down suffering the pangs of death; both children died in the evening. The mother of the children said sadly: "Abu Thumama has not been granted the position by Allah like that which was given to Muharnmad.l "
XIV
After the death of the Prophet and the election of Abu Bakr, the main goal of the body-politic in Medina was to quell the vigorous opposition of the Arab tribes against the injunction to pay zakiit from their herds. Abu Bakr began to prepare his army against the rebellious Bedouin tribes (including the Banu Hanifa]. According to the tradition recorded in Ibn Hubaysh's Ghazawiit as transmitted from Ibn Ishaq's slm, Abu Bakr planned to send an army against Yamarna and summoned Zayd b. alKhattab to appoint him the commander of the army. Zayd b. al-Khattab refused the offer because of his resolve to become a matyr (shahld) - an aspiration upon which the head of an expedition is not allowed to act. Then Abu Bakr wanted to appoint Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a (the brother of Hind bint 'Utba, the wife of Abu Sufyan] as commander of the force, but Abu Hudhayfa refused on the same grounds as Zayd.176 Afterwards, Abu Bakr summoned Khalid b. al-Walld [al-Makhzurni] and ordered him to march out with the Muslim force against the Bedouin tribes in order to subdue them. Khalid b. al-Walid marched out against the Asad, Ghatafan, Tayy and Hawazin; using merciless methods of punishment, he succeeded to defeat them totally. After this victory in Buzakha, Khalid decided to turn in the direction of al-Bitah, pursuing the famous Tarnlmi leader Malik b. Nuwayra. But the Ansar, who took part in the march, refused to follow Khalid's orders, arguing that they were waiting for a special letter from Abu Bakr and his clear orders concerning the continuation of their march, as they had been promised by him; Khalid's answer was that he had received a different command from Abu Bakr and he had to continue the march. As Khalid was the amlr, there was no need to wait for the orders of the Caliph because everything had to be decided by him. "But I am not going to act against
175 'All al-Qart, Shar~ al-shifit (on the margin of Nasfm al-riyiig from bottom: kiin ai iiyiituhu mankiisatan: [a-inn ahu kamii yuqiilu min sa'aliihu dhiilika t abarruk an, [a-moluh a mii'uhii. See also Ibn Nashwat al-t arab , vol. 2, p. 630 (with some variants). 176 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit vol. 1, p. 63: ... inna I-amlra shahiida.
vol. 2, p. 486,1. 3 tafila If bi'ri qauSa'td al-Andalusr, Iii yaqdiru 'alii 1-
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you by force," concluded Khalid, and set out with the Muhajirun, The Ansar were perplexed and started to discuss the situation stating: "If the people (headed by Khalid -k) gain booty (khayr), we shall be deprived of it; if a disaster afflicts them, the people will shun us." So the Ansar decided to join Khalid. They sent a messenger to him and asked to be permitted to join the army. Khalid magnanimously agreed.177 Modern historians of Islam have not paid enough attention to the opposition of the Ansar and their withdrawal from the army of Khalid at a decisive stage. Khalid intended to attack a strong section of Tarnim, who claimed that they embraced Islam and were only accused that they refused to pay the zakiit imposed by Abu Bakr. The withdrawal of the Ansar seems to indicate that there was a real split in the Muslim army in connection with the unfaithfulness of the Bedouins. After the victory of Khalid b. al-Walid in Buzakha, some of the Bedouins came to Abu Bakr asking to grant them letters of safety and to enable them to convert to Islam. Abu Bakr refused and advised them to join the army of Khalid; those about whom Khalid would report that they had stayed with him (in his army -k) in Yamama would be granted safety. That was Abu Bakr's decision and the Bedouins were asked not to bother him anymore. An instructive report of al- Waqidi (quoted on the authority of Abu 'Abdallah b. Abi l-Jahm) says that the Bedouins who joined Khalid b. al-Walid caused the defeat of the Muslim force on the Day of Yam am a three times and were a disaster for the Muslims. As a result of this, the Ansar demanded to wage battle alone.178 During the campaign against the Bedouin tribal formations Khalid disarmed the Bedouin troops and handed over their weapons to the Muslim units. The weapons were registered and returned after the battles; Khalid handed over the returned weapons to Abu Bakr .179 In contradistinction to the sharp criticism of the actions of the Bedouins during the battles, the reports of the Muslim sources abound in impressive descriptions of the heroic deeds of the Companions for the cause of Islam in obedience to the Prophet's orders. The veterans of the sahiiba were admired for their resolve; 'Umar b. al-Khattab was highly praised because he killed every unbeliever captured in the battle. Among those killed was al-'A~ b. Hisham, his uncle on his mother's side (al-khiil). It was 'Urnar b. al-Khattab who suggested killing the captured non-Muslims, or to extradite them to their relatives in order that they
AI-TabarI, tv-o«, vol. 3, pp. 276-77. Ibn Hubaysh, al- Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 59; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili 1nubuwwati, vol. 2, p. 587: ... [a-qiilu: qad 'awwadanii I-a'riibu l-firiir, mii hii-kadhii kunnii nuqiitilu mae a l-nabiyy; s alla lliiliu 'alayhi wa-sallam. uia-qiilii li-khiilidi bni l-uialidi, wa-huwa amfruhum: "akhli~nii bi-'aduwwinii," [a-okhlas ahum, 179 Ibn Hubaysh , al-Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 46.
177 178
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kill them .180
M. J. Kister
It is noteworthy that the religious fervour pervading the faithful Muslims caused them to engage in duels even with their unbelieving fathers in order to kill them. Such was the case of Abu Hudhayfa b. 'Utba b. Rabi'a who was prevented by the Prophet from fighting his father with the intention of killing him. The sarcastic poetry of his sister Hind bint 'Utba b. Habi'a, the mother of Mu'awiya, did not convince her brother to change his decision. She reminded him that the father was kind to him, brought him up until he became a young man and granted him a proper education, blaming him as a squinting, inauspicious and faithless person.I''! However, Abu Hudhayfa was convinced by the Prophet to refrain from killing his father: "Leave him," said the Prophet, "and let somebody else kill him." And, indeed, Abu Hudhayfa's father, his uncles, his brother, his nephew (ibn akhZhi) and other relatives were killed by the Muslims. Abu Hudhayfa was glad and thanked Allah for these fatal events in his family.182 The situation in Abu Bakr's family was not less complicated. One day Abu Bakr heard his father, AbU Quh afa , reviling the Prophet. Abu Bakr violently slapped his father so that he fell upon his face. He told the Prophet about the event; the Prophet asked him not to do it again. Abu Bakr nevertheless said: "Had I had a sword at hand, I would have killed him." 183 Additionally, Abu Bakr summoned one of his non-Muslim sons to a duel on the day of Badr .184 The first clash between the force of Khalid b. al-Walid and the warriors of Musaylima ended with a defeat of the force of Khalid. In the following two clashes the force of Musaylima was also victorious. The Muslim fighters felt that they were threatened by strong warriors with superior arms and swords.185 The forces led by Khalid b. al-Walid against the rebellious tribes and later against the Banu Hanifa are reported in some sources to be enormous. These reports seem to be exaggerated. A concise tradition transmitted by Rafi' b. Khadij, a warrior in Khalid's force,186 gives us some details about the number of warriors: "We went out of Medina about
180 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 584, inf.; for 'Umar's advice on this, see al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-ta'wil, vol. 3, p. 41. 181 See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Lstit iii», p.1631, no. 2914; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr remarks with sharp criticism: "He was the best man in his belief, but she was - writing these two lines of poetry - the worst person in belief." See also Ibn Sa'd, al- Tabaqiit al-kubrii, vol. 3, pp. 84-5. 182 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa, vol. 2, p. 585. 183 Al-Mawardi, Tajsir (al-Nukat wa-I-'uyiin), vol. 4, p. 205. 184 Al-Khaz in , Lubiib al-i a'suil, vol. 7, p. 46. 185 See Tabarl , Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 289; about the hinduwiiniyya swords, see Friedrich Wilhelm Schwarzlose, Die WafJen der alten Amber (Leipzig, 1886), pp. 127-8. 186 See Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 72.
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4000 men, the people from the Ansar were about 400-500 men," and "the Banu Hanifa counted about the same number (4000 men)." 187 Ibn
Khadij continues his report saying that the Muslim force was defeated three times because of the Bedouins in their lines, who used to flee at every enemy attack, drawing with them people of conviction and sincerity (Ja-yastakhiffii ahla l-basii'iri wa-l-niyyiiti). Then Thabit b. Qays called Khalid to give the Ansar and Muhajiriin the exclusive prerogative to act against the enemy (akhli~nii li-'aduwwinii). Khalid consented: "It is up to you (dhiilika ilayka)," was his answer. Thabit b. Qays took the banner, cried "yii la-l-onsiiri" and gathered his men. Then Khalid cried: "yii-la-l-muhiijirzn!" and the Muhajinin came and surrounded him. The Bedouins were stationed far behind the fighters.188 After the failure of the Muslim force to achieve victory in three assaults against the Banii Hanifa, the Muslims decided to march out against them a fourth time. The Muslim force marched vigorously and put a part of the Banii Hanifa to flight. In this attack, the Muslims succeeded in killing one of the commanders of the Hanafi force; it was 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Bakr who killed him. Shocked by the killing of their commander, the Barril Hanifa retreated to a large garden which came to be known as the Garden of Death. It was a place with a high wall closed by a gate. The Banu Hanifa who retreated to this place considered it suitable for their last stand. The pursuing Muslim force reached the closed gate of the Garden, but did not fight the Banii Hanifa. In their peculiar situation, al-Bara'a b. Malik, the hero of the attacking force, decided to perform a dangerous mission: he asked a group of Muslim fighters to throw him from above the fence into the Garden where the fighters of the Banu Hanifa had the upper hand in the struggle. The Muslim fighters threw al-Bara'a b. Malik over the wall into the Garden and he succeeded to open the gate. The Muslim warriors poured through the open gate into the Garden and began to kill their enemies. Nearly everyone who was in the Garden was killed or wounded. Musaylima was killed along with many of his followers. Many famous Muslims vied with each other claiming that they participated, together with a black slave named Wahshi, in Musaylima's death. The Banii 'A.mir claimed that Khidash b. Bashir together with Wahshi killed Musaylima. After the killing of Musaylima, a woman looked from the window of her house in the Garden and saw Musaylima lying on the ground and shouted: "Alas, let us grieve for the commander of the faithful! He was killed by a black slave," (wii-amzm l-mu'minin, qaialahu al-'abd al-aswal/)! 189
187 188 189
See Ibn Hubaysh , Gh azauuit ; vol. 1, p. 72 and seq. See Ibn Hajar , al-Lsiiba , vol. 3, p. 16 no. 3054. See Baladhurr, Fuiiil; al-buldiin , p. 121 where Wahshr
says that he killed both
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M. 1. Kister
This exclamation reflects the feelings of Musaylima's supporters: they considered him as the head of their religious community while alive.190 Many Muslims were introduced into the fictitious lists of men who were credited with killing Musaylima. The most surprising tradition is that Muawiya claimed to have killed Musaylima, although we have no evidence that he participated in the battle at all.191 Baladhuri mentions a report according to which Musaylima was killed by 'Abdallah b. Zayd b. 'A~im of the Banii Najjar of the Ansari clanJ92 Some other people are also mentioned as taking part in the killing of MusaylimaJ93 After the end of the bloody battle of al-fAqraba", Khalid b. Wand sent al-Mujja'a b. al-Murara to evaluate the situation of the Banii Hanifa in their nearby town and to assess their feelings and plans after their defeat. Mujja'a returned to Khalid and informed him that their dwellings were full of warriors and that they were ready to renew the war against the Muslims. Mujja'a advised the Banu Hanifa to clad the women and the youths in military clothing and to appear in this manner in the windows of their dwelings. Mujja'a spoke about the weariness of the Muslim warriors and suggested to agree to a ceasefire. Khalid agreed, although Abu Bakr ordered him to be harsh towards the Banu Hanifa, to kill the wounded, to apprehend those who were in retreat, and to kill the prisoners.v'" The fatigue of the Muslim army forced Khalid to be more considerate towards the Banu Hanifa, The treaty stated that the Banu Hanifa would convert to Islam and surrender their gold or silver, their weapons and coats of mail. Abu Bakr was enraged by this; nevertheless he decided to ratify the treaty. However, he did not forgive Khalid his concessions. He publicly expressed his fears that the Banu Hanifa would remain faithful in their belief to Musaylima until the Day of Resurrection. 195
"the best man," meaning Harnza (the Prophet's uncle) and "the worst man," meaning Musaylima. 190 Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Liim al-nubalii', vol. 1, p. 132; al-Zurqani, Shar~ al-mawahib al-laduniyya, vol. 4, p. 24 sup. 191 See al-Baladhurr, Futiil; al-buldiin , p. 121. 192 See Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdis'i, al-Lstibeiir . pp. 81-2; al-DhahabI: Siyiir a'liim alnubulii', vol. 1, p. 132. 193 The names mentioned are Abu Dujana, Wal]shI and 'Abdallah b. Zayd. See alDhahabi, Siyar a'Liirri al-nubalii", vol. 1, p. 130,132, vol. 2, p. 204,271; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiri!, p. 371. Many others who claimed to have taken part in the killing are mentioned in compendia of Srra and Hadit h. 194 The Muslims' hatred towards the people of the ridda is reflected in the extremely cruel treatment of the prisoners of war in the battle against Sulaym. Khalid b. alWalrd gathered a group of captives in enclosures and burned them. See Dhahabi, Siyar a'liim al-riubalii", vol. 1, p. 268. After the battle against the ridda of 'Uman, Asad and Ghatafan , the Muslims burned the bodies of their fallen enemies. See 'Abd al-Jabbar, Taihbt: dalii'il al-nubuwwa, vol. 2, pp. 588 ult.-589 11. 1-2. 195 Ibn Hubaysh , Ghazawiit, vol. 1, p. 96.
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***
The conquest of Yarnama was one of the most important events in the history of early Islam. Though the defeat of the Banii Hanifa took place during the reign of Abu Bakr, the negotiations with Bedouins who eventually became allied with Islam had been successfully completed while the Prophet was still alive. Before his death, he is said to have sent letters to the tribal leaders who embraced Islam and demanded that they act against Musaylima, in support of the secessionist leaders of Yarnama, These secessionists were Musaylima's opponents, backed by the body politic of Medina. The conquest of Yarnama paved the way for Muslim expansion into other regions of the Arabian peninsula. It also revealed some serious problems plaguing the nascent Muslim state. For the first time, some of the Ansari' warriors refused to obey their commander Khalid b. alWalId and agreed to return to the army only after they became convinced that this course of action would safeguard their interests. Furthermore, the conflict with the Bedouin tribes became evident and was publicly expressed. The idea that only the Ansar and the Muhajirfin should fight the enemy matured in an atmosphere of intense mistrust toward the Bedouins. In contradistinction to the attitude of the Bedouins whose sole aim was to get a share of the booty without endangering their lives, the Muslim tradition extols the bravery and enthusiasm of the Muhajinin and the Ansar who were more than willing to enlist in the fighting force under Khalid's comrnand.U" They are described as being ready to sacrifice their lives for the sake of Islam. In the bloody battles of the ridda, the idea of martyrdom for the sake of Islam (shahiida) came into being. The martyrs were promised eternal bliss in Paradise and the idea of martyrdom became at least as important as the military victory itself. This can be exemplified by a conversation between 'Urnar b. al-Khattab and his son 'Abd Allah who survived a battle in which his brother Zayd b. al-Khattab was killed. 'Umar said to his surviving son: "You have returned home safe and sound while your brother is dead. Why were you not slain before him? I wish I had not seen your face!" 'Abd Allah replied: "Father, Zayd asked for martyrdom and God granted his wish. I strove for the same, but it was not given to me." 197 The Muslim sources extol those who were killed in battle. The tradition recounting the heroic deeds of the Muslims formed an essential part of the history of the [utiil; and the maghiizf literature.
196 197
'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'ili l-nubuwwa See Tabar), Ta'rikh , vol. 3, p. 292.
vol. 2, p. 584-589.
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Bibliography
'Abd al-Razzaq b. Harnmam al-San'ani. Kitiibu l-musanncj . Habibu l-Rahman al-A'sami, ed. Beirut, 1392/1972. Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani. Kitiib al-aqhiini, Beirut, repr. 1390/1970. Abu l-Mahasin, Yiisuf b. Musa. Al-Mu'ta~ar min al-mukhtasar min mushkili l-iithiir, Haydarabad, 1362 A. H. Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitiibu l-amwiil. Muhammad Hamid al-FiqqI, ed. Cairo, 1353 A. H. ____ . Kitiib al-nasab. Mariam Muhammad al-Dir', ed. Damascus, 1409/1989. Abu Ya'Ia al-Mausili, Ahmad b. 'All. Musnad. Husayn Salim Asad, ed. Damascus-Beirut, 1404/1984. Abu Yiisuf, Ya'qub b. Ibrahim. Kitiibu l-khariij. Cairo, 1352 A. H. 'All al-Qarl. Shari, al-shifii (on the margin of Nasitnu l-riyii4). See al-Khafaji, Athir al-Din, Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yiisuf al-Andalusi al-Gharnatl al-J ayyani. Tafsir al-bahr al-muhii (al- Tafsir al-kobir]. Cairo, 1328 A. H. AI-'AutabI, Salama b. Muslim. Al-Ansiib. 'Uman, 1412/1992. Al- 'Ayni, Mahrnud b. Ahmad. 'Umdat al-qiiri, shari, ~a~i~i l-bukhiiri, Cairo, 1348 A. H. Al-Baghawi, Abu Muhammad al-Husayn al-Farra', Ma'iilim ol-tanzil (on the margin of Lubiibu l-ta'wil.) Cairo, 1381 A. H. Al-Bakri, Abu 'Ubayd. Mu'jam mii ista'jam. Mustafa al-Saqqa', ed. Cairo, 1364/1945. Al-Baladhuri, Ahmad b. Yahya. Fuiiihu l-buldiin, Abdallah Anis alTabba' and 'Umar Anis al-Tabba", eds. Beirut, 1377/1958. ____ . Ansiibu l-ashriif , MS. 'A.shir Ef. And see the printed edition of Rarnzr Ba'Iabakki, part 7, vol. I. Beirut, 1417/1997. Al-Baqillani, Abu Bakr, Muhammad b. al-Tayyib. I'jiizu l-qur'iin. Ahmad Saqr, ed. Cairo, 1963. Al-Bayhaqi, Ahmad b. al-Husayn. Al-Sunan al-kubrii. Haydarabad, 1354 A. H. ____ . Dalii'il al-nubuunua. 'Abd al-Mu'ti Qal'aji, ed. Beirut, 1405/1985. Al-Bayhaqi, Ibrahim b. Muhammad. Al-Mohiisin iua-l-masiiuii. Muhamrnad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, ed. Cairo, n.d. Al-Bukhari, Muhammad b. Isma'Il. Al-$a~i~. Cairo, 1311 A. H. ____ . Al-Ta'rikh al-kabir . Haydarabad, 1380 A. H. Al-Busti, Muhammad b. Hibban. Kitiib al-thiqiit. Haydarabad, 1393/ 1973. Al-Dauraqi, Abu 'Abdallah Ahmad b. Ibrahim. Musnad Sa'd b. Ab'i
social_religious.pdf SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS OF AUTHORITY IN ISLAM
In memory of my brother Aharon Kister.
The commonwealth set up by the prophet Muhammad in Medina, including various tribal groups and factions, united by the superimposed ideas of the new religion of Islam, formed the umma, the community of Islam. This unprecedented body politic in the north of the Arabian peninsula originated and developed in its first stages due to the undisputed authority of the Prophet, who served as the sole guide, leader, judge, and legislator of the community; he derived his authority from the continuous revelation granted to him by God. The character of the Prophet was moulded according to the Qur'an, as formulated in a concise utterance of 'A'isha.I In Muslim tradition the Prophet is depicted as a symbol of righteousness and justice than whom nobody could be more just.2 He acted equitably
See, e.g., Abu l-Shaykh, Akhlaq al·nabi, pp. 19, 29: ...qalat: kana khuluqu rasuli Il1Jhi (~) al-qur'ana ... ; al-SuyutI, al·Durr, 6, 251; Ibn Kathlr, Ta/sir, 7, 80-81; Ibn Kathlr, Shamti'i/, pp. 57-58; Ibn AbI l·ijadld, SharI} nahj, 6, 340; al·Mubarrad, al·Ft14i/, p. 16; and see al-SulamI, Adab al·~ul}ba, p. 23, n. 4 [the references of the editor]; al-Munawi, Fay4, 5, 170, no. 6831. See, e.g., the story about the meeting of Ohu I·Khuway~ira with the Prophet (and the story of OM I-Thudayya): Ibn Hisham, al-Sira, 4, 139 [..ja-qala: lam araka 'adalfa; (qala): /a-ghat/iba I-nabiyyu (~), thumma qtila: waylJaka, idllli lam yakuni 1'adlu 'indi /a- 'indo man yakunu ... ];al-ijumaydI, al-Musnad, 2, 55, no. 1271; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al·Mu¥Jnna/, 10, 146, no. 18649 [...i'dil ya rasula Ilt1hi,/a-qtila: waylaka, wa·manya'dilu idha lam a'dil...]; Mul;lammad Mu~tafa l-A'?amI, Diriisatji l'I}adithi I'nabawiyyi, Juz' Abi l-Yamtin al·!fakam b. Na/i', p. 157; al·ZurqiinI, SharI} al· mawtihib, 7, 227-28; al-WaqidI,al-MagJuizi, p. 948; al-Wal;lidi, Asbdbal·nuzul, p. 167; al-Suyuti, Lubtibu l·nuqul, p. 118; al-Suyu~I,]am' al·jawami', 2, 530; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta)rikh (tahdhib), 6, 239; al-Oamlri, !fayat al'I}ayawtin, 1, 233; Ibn al·Athlr, al·MurflWl', p. 162; Ibn ijazm, al-Fi¥Jl, 4, 53; Ibn ijajar, aH~ba, 2, 411, no. 2452; Ibn Tawus, al-Mal4l1im wa-lfilan, p. 88; Ibn al·Athlr, Usd al·gllli·
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Concepts of authority in Islam
and kindly towards people, and allowed a man who was hit by him unintentionally to avenge himself.' A similar feature of the human nature of the Prophet, his lenience and his kindness, is revealed in a story recorded on the authority of 'A>isha.When the auxiliary forces of the Bedouin (amdiid al-iarabv» grew in number and the Prophet was (once) mobbed by the gathering crowd, the Muhajirun enabled him to come out of the crowd and reach the chamber of 'A)isha. He threw off his garment at the door, jumped into the room and started to make invocations against the crowd: "0 God, curse them." imma min Quraysh, ed. $aIaQ. al-Dln al-Munajjid, Beirut 1377/1958. See, e.g., Ibn Abi (A~im, Kitab al-sunna, p. 527, no. 1109: ...al-khiliifa fi quraysh ilii qiyami l-sa:«; p. 528, no. 1112: ...hiidhii l·amru fi qurayshin ...; p. 530, no. 1118: ...inna hiidha l-amra fikum wa-antum wuliituhu ...: p. 533, no. 1126: ...Iiiyazdlu wiilin min quraysh ...:p. 533, no. 1127: ...nalJnu wuliitu hiidha l-amri l}attli nadfa(ahu ilii (isii bni maryama ...;and see p, 642, no. 1547; al-Munawt, Fay4, 6, 450, no. 9969: ...Iii yazdlu hqdha l-amru fi qurayshin mti baqiya mina l-ntisi ithndni...; d. the significant utterance of al-Harith b. Hisham al-Makhzumt onthe Day of the Saqlfa [Ibn Hajar, al-I¢ba,l, 608 sup.] ...wa-lliihi lau-Iii qaulu rasuli lliihi "al-a>immatu min qurayshin" mti ab(adnd minha l-an¢ra wa-la-kiinu laha ahlan, wa·lakinnahu qaulun Iii shakka fihi; fa-wa-lliihi lau lam yabqa min qurayshin kulliha rajulun wiiIJidun la-¥lyyara lliihu hiidhd l-amra fihi. Al-Khallal, al-Musnad min masii>il alJmad, MS fol. 6a; Ibn Abi (A~im, Kitab al-sunna, p. 527, nos. 1109-10. Al-$aIiQ.i, Subul al-hudii wa·l-rashiid = al-Sira al-Shamiyya, 1, 333: ...li-annahu yaqta4i an yakuna abu bakrin wa-(umaru laysd min qurayshin, wa-idha lam yakund min qurayshin fa-imtiratuhumti btlfilatun. Al-Khallal, al·Musnad min masii>il alJmad, MS, fol. 5b.
37
uu
38 39
40
98
The utterances about the exclusive authority of Quraysh were apparently current as early as the first century of the hijra, when Qurashi rule was established and needed firm legitimization from the orthodox religious authorities. Many utterances in praise of Quraysh ascribed to the Prophet are recorded in the early collections of lJ,adith from the second century of the hijra. "The spine of men are Quraysh," the Prophet is said to have stated. "Can a man walk without a spine?" he added. "People are followers of Quraysh in this affair" (ft hfldhfl l-sha>n), said the Prophet ("affair" is glossed as "authority"). "Muslims," continued the Prophet, "are followers of Muslims of Quraysh, unbelievers follow unbelievers of Quraysh." A man of Thaqif was killed in the battle of Uhud. The Prophet said: "May God curse him, for he hated Quraysh." "God will despise the man who despises Quraysh," the Prophet said. These utterances, quoted from Ma'rnar b. Rashid's Jflmi<,4I reflect the trend of the first-century traditions, which aimed at supporting Qurashi claims to sole authority over the community. The Umayyads were eager to emphasize the outstanding position of the caliph, his prestige and infallibility. One of the Umayyad caliphs claimed that the sins of the caliphs would not be counted and their faults would not be recorded." God creates the person destined for the caliphate in a special way: He strokes the forelock of that person with His hand, says a tradition." Obedience and respect for the rulers is incumbent on believers. The Qur>anic verse IV, 59, "0 ye who believe! Obey Allah and obey the messenger and those of you who are in authority ..." was interpreted as referring to obedience to God and subsequently to His Book (i.e., the Qur>fln).Obedience to the Prophet was interpreted
41 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-M~annaf, 11, 54-58, nos. 19893-905. 42 Al-Naysaburt, Gharii)ib al-qu'>iin wa-raghii>ibal-furqa«, 23, 88. 43 Al-Munawi, Fayi/, 1,266, no. 403; 2, 207, no. 1677 [with an additional phrase.jeIa taqa'u ir) is better than unlawful civil strife (jitna); neither of them is good (wa-kullun la khayra fih,), but one is better than the other." "It is necessary to have either a righteous or a libertine ruler" (la budda li-l-nasi min amirin barrin au !iijirin) is an utterance transmitted by several prominent personalities. When an.64 The high position of the ruler and his officials is indicated in an utterance of the Prophet: God has guards in heaven and on earth; God's guards
60 61 62 63 64
Ibn Saan,].
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in heaven are the angels; His guards on earth are those who get their salaries (arziiq) and guard the people." The virtue of Muslim rulers in guarding the population and in developing the territories over which they ruled was sometimes extended to unbelievers. The Prophet is said to have forbidden cursing the Persians (al·, 1,333, no. 1074. Nur al-Din al-HaythamI, Majma', 5, 218-19. Ibid., 5, 218. Ibn Tawus, al-Malt1l}im toa-l-fitan, Najaf 1383/1963, p. 138.
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he be."90 The danger of the amirs who might get the recognition is emphasized in the famous speech on the Day of the Hall attributed to Abu Bakr: the Muslims are not permitted to have two amirs. If this happens dissension will arise among them as to authority and law, their community will split and they will dispute among themselves. In this situation the sunna will be abandoned, bad innovations will appear itasharu l-bid'a), civil war (riots) will erupt (ta'~umu l-fitna), nobody will then follow the right path." Ibn 'Umar transmitted the utterance of the Prophet saying that violation of the oath of allegiance given to the ruler is treason." Revolt against the oppressing rulers is forbidden by the Prophet even in a case where the ruler appropriates to himself the share of the revenues (fay» decreed by the law for the believer." Abu Mas'ud al-Ansari prefers being humiliated to revolting and being punished in Hell in. the next world." On the basis of this injunction, Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab refused to give the oath of allegiance to two rulers, and quoted the tradition stating that the second claimant must be killed.t'"
90
91 92 93 94 100
'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaf,l1, 344, no. 30714; see al-Shaukani, Nayl, 8,183, no. 5; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-i'Iidal, 2,128, no. 3142 [idJui buyi'a li·khalifataynifa·qtulu I· alJdatha]; Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir I, 126 [some scholars were, however, of the opinion that the rule of two or more caliphs is permitted if they rule in distant territories; and see the discussion about the status of 'Ali and Mu'a· wiya as legal rulers]; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, 4, 199 inf.; al-Bayhaql , al-Sunan al·kubrd, 8, 144; Ahmad b. J:Ianbal, Musnad led. Shakir], 10, 3·4, no. 6501, 6, no. 6502 [and see the comments and references of the editor]. AI-BayhaqI. al-Sunan al·kubrd, 8, 145. Ibn al'isha,and her role in the conflict (i.e., between Talha and al-Zubayr and later on 'Ali K.) Abu Bakra characterized her as a "weak woman" and quoted the utterance of the Prophet that a people ruled by a woman will not be successful in its undertakings.!'" An utterance attributed to the Prophet says that the worst man killed in this world is the one killed (in the battlefield . K.) between two kings striving for (the goods of - K.) this world."! Abu Barza al-Aslami-'! applied the same terms in his assessment of the wars between the pretenders to the caliphate. Both of them (Marwan in Syria and Ibn al-Zubayr in Mecca) fought merely for [the goods of] this world (al·dunyii). Those called al-qurra' also fought for the gains of this world. Asked by his son what his injunction was in this situation, he said that one should join those who cleave "empty bellied [and devoid] of every possession" to the ground, not having on their backs (the sin of shedding· K.) any blood.!" As both parties involved in fighting were characterized as fighting for the cause of this world, the only solution was to stay away from both. The Companion Hudhayfa b. al-Yaman warned the people of the two parties struggling to achieve the benefits of this world: They both would be driven to Hell."! Ibn 'Umar was asked by a man whether to join al-Hajja] or Ibn Zubayr. He replied that no
>
114 Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 43b sup. 115 'Abd ai-Malik b . .I;Iabib, Kitab al-ioara', MS Madrid 5146b, fol. 18b: ...sharru qatilin qutila fi l-dunYii man qutila bayna malikayni yuridiini l-dunYii; and see a similar tradition: al-Munawt, Faye!, 4, 160, no. 4880: sharru qatflin bayna I-~affayni alJaduhumii yatlubu l-mulka. 116 See on him, e.g., Ibn .I;Iajar, Tahdntb al-tahdhib, 10, 446, no. 815. 117 See Nu'ayrn b . .l;lammad,al-Fitan, fol. 35b[andd. fol. 43a, 43b]; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil, fol. 72a; al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak [repr. Riyal;! n.d.], 4, 470/"1. 118 Nu'aym b . Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 33b.
112 matter whom he joined in fighting, he would be sent to Hell.'!" In a harsh utterance Ibn 'Umar gave his assurance that al-Hajjaj, Ibn al-Zubayr, and the Khariji Najda would fall into Hell like flies falling into soup. He nevertheless hastened to prayer when he heard the mu'adhdhir: (scil. of one of the fighting parties· K.) call for prayer.!" Many traditions enjoin staying away from both rulers and insurgents.'!' The usual call of the insurgents was the appeal for the revival of the sunna of the Prophet. A well-known case is the message of Ibn al-Zubayr and the impressive reply of his mother: When Ibn al-Zubayr informed his mother that his adherents had defeated and deserted him while the Syrians offered him safety (aman), she told him: If you went out fighting for the revival of God's Book and the Prophet's sunna then die for your true faith, but if you went out for the cause of this world, then there is nothing good in you, no matter whether you are alive or dead.!" The Umayyad officials and commanders believed in their mission. Muslim b. 'Uqba considered his deed in Medina the most virtuous one: he kept allegiance to the legal caliph, defeated his enemies, and killed many of them. In his prayer before his death Muslim emphasizes that he "did not draw his hand away" from allegiance to the caliph, and there is no deed more righteous that could help him draw nearer to God than his action in Medina. "Therefore grant me Thy mercy," concluded Muslim his prayer.!" The case of the battle of the Harra became
119 AJ.I;lakim, al-Mustadrak, 4, 471; Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 4Ob. 120 Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 44a; cf. lAbd al-Iabbar al-Khaulant, Talrikh diirayyii, ed. Sa'Id al-Mghani, Damascus 1369/1950, pp. 78 inf.-79. 121 See, e.g., Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fols. 35a-48b. 122 See, e.g., Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 43b. 123 Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Mamiqil, MS, fol. 81a; Ibn al-Jauzi, Risala Ii jawiiz, MS, fol. 22b. Cf. the story of al-Mansur and his comment on the will of al-Hajja]. AI-~ajjaj records the shahiida and expresses his full loyalty to al·Walid b. (Abd al-Malik (...wa-annahu Iii ya(ri!u ilia ta'ata I-walidi bni 'abdi I-malik. 'alayha yalfyii wa'lln readers used it as a ladder (to gain their ends - K.).149It was the hypocritical Qur>llnreaders, serving the rulers, against whom Sufyan directed his sharp words of criticism. "If you see a Qur>lln reader sheltering himself inside the gates of the ruler, know that he is a brigand (li~~); if he shelters himself under the doors of the rich, then know that he is a hypocrite.?"? A vivid picture of such a group of Qur>llnreaders looking for favours from the governor is recorded by al-Zajjaji. Al-Hasan al-Basri passed by a group of Qurrll> at the gate of 'Umar b. Hubayra, the governor appointed by 'Abd al-Malik, and said: "Why do you sit here with trimmed moustaches, shaved heads, sleeves cut short, and broadened shoes (mufalfaJ:za)? By God," said al-Hasan, "had you considered kings' possessions to be of little value they would have longed for what you possess; but you longed for what they have, and therefore they belittled what you have. You brought shame upon the (true - K.) Qurra', may God bring shame upon yoU."151 Sufyan was outspoken about any contacts with the rulers. "Dealing with Jews and Christians is more attractive to me (aJ:zabbu ilayya) than dealing with these leaders (umarii».152 To look into the
146 147 148 149 150
Ahmad b. l;IanbaI, al- Wara<' p. 57. Ibn Abi Hatim, Taqdima, pp. 105, 114; 'Abd aI-Malik b.Habtb, al- Wara<' fol. 17a. 'Abd aI·Malik b.l;Iabib, al·Wara" fol. 17b. Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 6, 376. Ibid., 6, 387; AI:tmad b. Hanbal, al- Wara', p. 114; and see al-Zandawaysitl , Raudat al-ayta l-a fain abgha4u il4lliihi min 'tilimin yazuru
an and scholars of Muslim jurisprudence would be misled by Satan, who would induce them to visit the rulers and gain favours and profits, promising them that they would remain firm in their belief. "Alas, this will not happen," said Ibn a I-qur>ana wa-tafaqqahali /-dini, thumma atii ~ilI}ibasultan in (ama'an Ii-mali yadayhi (aba' MS Heb. Univ., fol. l00a: ... mak1}ul al-shami: al-qur>anu wa-I-fiqhu rifatun Ii l-dini, fa-man ta'allama I-qur>ana wa-I-fiqha wa-faqiha Ii l-dini thumma atii Mba I-sultani tamalluqan ilayhi wa·(ama is
168 Al-Mu'afa b. 'Imran, Kitab al-Zuhd, MS ?:ahiriyya, fol. 241a. 169 Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Wara'. p. 60; Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 8, 242; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta)rikh, 6, 154; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, 7, 115. 170 in),I16 Another version links the utterance about the , the wicked amirs, and the authority in contradistinction to the Qur>fm. "The millstone of Islam (ralja I· isliim)," says the Prophet, "will revolve; therefore move with the Book (i.e., Qur>fm)as the Book turns. Alas, the Book and the Authority, sultan, will part; therefore do not leave the Book. Alas, you will be ruled by amirs who will decree for themselves what they will not decree for you; if you obey them they will lead you astray, if you disobey them they will kill you." People asked: "How have we to act?" The Prophet answered: "Do as the companions of Jesus did: they were sawn by saws, they were borne on wood (i.e., tree trunks; they were crucified - K.). Death in obedience to God is better than life in disobedience to Him."!" The gloomy predictions about unjust and oppressive rulers, and forebodings about wicked Qur>flnreaders looking for favours at the doors of the governors, strengthened the tendency of the pious scholars to detach themselves from the rulers and their officials. There were, however, a few scholars who cherished some hopes of influence through edification and persuasion through visits to the courts of the rulers. They frequented the palaces of the governors and exhorted them, summoning them to repent and to act justly and equitably.':" Sufyan al-Thauri never reviled people of authority and even invoked the righteousness of the rulers; he nevertheless used to mention their defects and vices.P''Hudhayfa assumed that the call for
176 'Abd ai-Malik b.l;Iabib, al- Wara<, fol. 18b. 177 Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 5, 165-66; 'Abd ai-Malik b.Hablb, al-Wara', fol.l6a; d. al-Tabarani , al-Mu'jam al-Â¥Jghfr, 1,264; see another version: al-Suyiitl, al-Du"2, 300
penult.-301 sup.: ,..yUshiku l-sultanu wa-l-qu'>anu an yaqtatil4 wa-yatajarraqa ...
178 See, e.g., ~mad b.Hanbal, Musnad, 1, 17 no. 16. 179 Ibn Abi l;Iatim, Taqdimat al-ma(rifa, p. 97.
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justice and the disapproval of wicked actions were laudable deeds. He further added that it is not permissible according to the sunna to draw weapons against the ruler.!" The Prophet enjoined obeying the rulers as long as they carried out their obligations in connection with prayer and its prescribed times.!" The current tradition enjoined the believers to pray behind the caliph or behind his deputy, which served in fact as recognition of his religious authority.!" Ibn 'Umar assumed that Ibn al-Zubayr, Najda, and al-Hajjaj would fall into Hell like flies, but he hurried to pray behind them when he heard the call of the mu>adhdhin.I83 Al-Hasan and al-Husayn prayed behind Marwan, although they used to revile him.!" If the ruler delayed the prayers, or if he was heedless in his performance of prayer, the believer was advised to pray at home, then to join the prayer of the congregation led by the ruler or his deputy in the mosque.!" The absence of the believer from common prayer led by the caliph or his deputy was a sign of denial of the ruler's authority. Such was the case with the Kiifans, who refrained from praying behind the appointed governor, al-Nu'rnan b. Bashir, did not join him during the prayers of the feasts, and wrote to al-Husayn to come to them as their imam. 186 Another obligation incumbent on believers was the jihad under the banner of their amirs, regardless of whether they were just or wicked. This view was defined by Ibn counted by al-Muhasibi as people who are used to visit the rulers and accept their gifts.!" Ibrahim al-Nakha'I in fact had close relations with the rulers: he used to fatten geese and give them as a gift to the rulers.!" Visiting them, he even asked for gifts.!" He used to sit in the mosque, and police guards and appointed tribal chiefs «urata» used to join him and talk with him. When reproached about it he said: "Would you like me to separate myself from people? They talk about what they like and we talk about what we like."!" Al-A'rnash was reproached for entering the abodes of the rulers; he responded that he considered them to be like a lavatory: he entered for his needs and then left.!" < Ikrima, the maulil of Ibn an readers who assume that a garment unlawfully gained and worn during the prayer makes the prayer null and void. Of this kind was the argument of the Khawarij that a dowry attained unlawfully annuls the marriage. Al-Muhasibi argues that the dowry, if unlawful, has to be replaced
194 195 196 197 198 199 200
A1-MuQiisibI, A (mal al·qulub, p. 220. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma(rifa wa·Ua>rikh, MS, fol. 189a. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, 6, 279. Al-Fasawi, al·Ma(rija, fol. 188b; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 6, 273. AbU Nu'aym, /filya, 5, 49. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 1,29. A1-MuQiisibI, A'mal al·qulub, p. 221.
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by a lawful one, but that the marriage itself remains sound and becomes valid by the declaration of marriage.>" Somegroups regarded any cooperation with the rulers as assistance for them in their acts of oppression. Others prohibited aiding the authorities only in deeds directly connected with iniquity and oppression, and allowed cooperations in other fields. Some eminent and pious scholars had quite extreme opinions as to selling weapons and horses; they considered it serious disobedience (ma<#ya). Even in other fields they considered "it preferable not to cooperate with the rulers. To these groups of the pious belonged many famous ascetics; it is enough to mention , and to carry out other duties of authority. The pious, orthodox believers, acting in the spirit of the injunctions of the traditions of the Prophet, considered any revolt against the rulers a forbidden deed; they gladly practiced perseverance under the rule of unjust rulers and stuck to the community of the believers, attempting to avoid any contact with the authorities.r" A marginal group of ascetics who kept away from trade and industry and were reluctant to take part in military actions (scil. under the command of the amirs) is severely criticized by Muhasibi: commerce, industry, and other occupations were always practiced in Islam.f" In contradistinction to the dark picture of the evil ruler, Abii Yiisuf draws an impressive picture of the righteous ruler in his Kitiib alkhariij, which he dedicated to Haran al-Rashid, God by His grace and mercy established the rulers (wuliit al-amr) as His deputies on earth and granted them light; this enabled them to elucidate some obscure matters and explicate the duties incumbent upon them. The luminous light of the rulers is reflected in the revival of the sunan of the
201 Ibid., pp. 222-23. 202 Ibid., pp. 205·08. 203 Ibid., pp. 209-12.
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righteous, the carrying out of the prescriptions of the Law of God, and the granting to the people of their rights. The evil of the shepherd spells doom for the subjects; if he is not aided by the virtuous and right, people are in danger of perdition.t" Traditions quoted by Abu Yiisuf emphasize the high position of the just ruler and his distinguished place on the Day of Resurrection; the most hated and chastised on the Day of Resurrection would be the wicked ruler.205The kind ruler, caring for the needs of his subjects, would be gently treated by God on the day when he spoke to God about his needs; the ruler who hindered the people from approaching him to ask that their needs be met would be prevented from gaining God's help for his needs.?" A great many traditions enjoin being faithful to the ruler, carrying out his orders, cleaving to the community, and honouring the authorities.>" The famous tradition granting Quraysh the sole position of rulers of the Muslim community is in some versions coupled with a proviso concerning the implementation of the rules of ⢠justice, the precepts of the Qur>an, and the sunna of the Prophet. In certain traditions the good tidings about the duration of Qurashi rule are coupled with a threat that Quraysh would lose their authority if the rulers acted unjustly or violated the precepts of Islam; sometimes the solemn promise of Qurashi rule is followed by a curse for a ruler who acts iniquitously.r" All the traditions enjoin obedience and subordination to the rulers, even if the believer is treated with iniquity or is punished or harmed unjustly. Only in the event that he is faced with the choice between Islam and death must he prefer death.?"
204 205 206 207 208
Ibid., p. 5. Abu Yusuf, Kitab al-kharaj, p, 9. Ibid., pp, 9·10. See, e.g., ibid. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 8,143-44; al-Haythami, Majma< al-zawa)id, 5,192 inf.-193; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib, 4, 222-23; Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, al-$awa'iq, p, 187; 'Abd al-Iabbar, TatMit dalii)i/ al-nubuwwa, 1,253; al-Munawi, Fay4, 3, 189, no. 3108. 209 See, e.g., Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, al-$awiiiq, p, 187 ult.-I88 sup.; al-Tabaranl, al-Mujam al-~aghir, 1, 152; al-Munawi, Fay4, 1, 498, no. 996; al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa)id, 5, 192 sup.
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Only one traditionenjoins rebellion in the case of an iniquitous ruler; the Prophet is said to have instructed the people as follows: Be loyal to Quraysh as long as they act justly towards you. If they do not act righteously put your swords on your shoulders and cut off their roots. If you do not do it, then be miserable like peasants living by their toilYo This tradition is included in Khallal's al-Musnad min masa'il ahmad. It is of interest that Ibn Hanbal, when asked about this tradition, denied its soundness, stating that the Prophet's utterances in this matter are contradictory; he quoted the wellknown traditions enjoining full and unconditioned obedience to the Qurashi rulers."! When asked about it another time, Ibn Hanbal stated that the true version as transmitted to him by Wak!' was confined to the first phrase: "Be loyal to Quraysh as long as they act justly towards you" (istaqimu li-qurayshin rna staqamu lakum).lI2 On another occasion Ahmad b. Hanbal marked the extended tradition of Thauban, quoted above, as munkar+" It is in fact not surprising that Ibn Qutayba recorded this utterance as one of the ideological arguments of the Khawarij.214
210 Shahridar b. Shirawayh, Firdaus al·akhbar, MS Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 35b; al-Haythami, Majma( al'ZIlwd'id, 5, 195, 22 8; Bahshal, Ta'rikh wasit, pp. 70· 71. [The tradition was misunderstood by the editor. The correct reading is: ala wa·/j (alaykum I}aqqun ... (p. 70, line 5 from bottom); and p. 71, line 1 read: fa-in lam ya/alil; p. 71, line 2 read wa·illa (instead of wa·lt1);fa·kilnil (instead of lakilnil); I}arrathfn (instead of kharrabfn»); al-Suyutt, lame al·jawdmi<, I, 107 sup.; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat al-suna», 1,67; al-Muttaqt l-Hindi, Kanz, 6, 35, no. 303; Ibn al-Athir, al-NiJulya, 4, 125 (s.v. qwm); al-Dhahabl Mfz4n al-i(tidal, 2, 272, no. 211 212 213 214 3697. Al-Khallal, al-Musnad min masd'il, MS, fol. 9b. Al-Khallal., al-Musnad min masd'il, MS, fol. 9b. Ibid., fol. 9b, inf.-10a. Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wfl mukhlalif al-l}adfth, p. 3.
