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"God will Never Disgrace thee":The Interpretation of an Early Ḥadīth

God will never disgrace thee.pdf GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE (THE INTERPRETATION OF AN EARLY h a d i t h By M. J. KISTER THE WELL KNOWN TRADITION in al-bukhari, told on the authority of a l z u h r i u r w a a aisha , aisha the conversation between the Prophet and Khadija after he received his first revelation1 contains at the end a phrase variously interpreted by Muslim scholars and translated in modern times in various manners. The contents of the hadith are as follows: After the Prophet had heard the call to prophecy, he came to Khadija with a trembling heart, asking her to cover him. He informed her about his experience and told her of his anxiety for himself. Khadlja encouraged him and assured him, that God would not disgrace him because of his good qualities. N a y by G o d she said, G o d will never disgrace you; you do good unto the kindred, bear the burden of the infirm, bestow alms on the poor, entertain the g u e s t The last phrase of this hadith is: wtuinua l a nananawaibi-haqqin attempt is here made to elucidate the meaning of this obscure phrase, and the problem of the originality of the hadith is briefly discussed. I To start with, there are two interesting variants of this phrase. Al-Maqrizi's version is: wa tuinu a , 2 tuinu hala agnawaibi the l dahrirtunes of time, whereas Ibn Kathir quotes a version nawaibul khairi and interprets it: I f a misfortune befalls some body in a righteous case (idha waqaatnaibatun li ahadin fi khairin), you extend your help and aid him till he finds means of living or sustenance." a l - q a s t a l l a n i i does not quote the version tuinu ala nawaibi l-khairi but interprets the saying in a corresponding manner by giving to the word haqq a meaning similar to that of khair: n n a w a i b means vicissitudes h a w a d i t h she (i.e. Khadija) sainawaibuu l-haqqi because vicissitudes affect the righteous and unrighteous (/i-annahd takimu fi l-haqqi w a l - b a t i l i Labld said: nawaibu min khairin wa-sharrin kilkilahumaa l a '1-khairu mmamdudunn al-qastallanithus contrasts haqq with bdtil; the phrase according to him would mean: you help in vicissitudes. of a righteous case (as opposed to batil an unrighteous one). The verse of Labld, quoted as shahid, does not, however, confirm this interpretation. Labid wanted to say: Vicissitudes of good and evil both (exist), the good is not prolonged, nor the evil lasting-and not vicissitudes in a good or an evil c a u s e La bid's verse can be compared with the one by al-Niibigha al-dhubyani. 5 Wa-ld yabsabiina '1-khaira la sharra badahu: Wa-/d yahsabuna'l·sharra darbata lazibi wa la '1-sharru l a z i b u u 1 Al-Bukhilri: sahih Bab kaifa kana bad'u 1-wabyi, I, 3 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1286); Muslim: sahih I, 97 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1334); comp.: Ibn s a d tabaqat I, 195 (ed. Beirut, 1960); al-bakadhuri: ansabbal-ashraf I, 106 (ed. M. h a m i b u l l a h Abil nuaim: d a l a i l al-nubuwwa, p. 68 (ed. Hyderabad A.H. 1320); ai-Slra al-halabiyya, I, 277 (ed. Cairo, A.H. 1351). i m i aal-asma I, 13, inf. (ed. Cairo, 1941). • al-bidaya wa l nihaya III, 7 (ed. Cairo, 1932); and see W. sakakini ummahat al-mmuminin p. 16 (Cairo, n.d.). ' /rshad al-sarl, I, 65 (ed. bulaq A.H. 1323). Dlwiin, p. 12 (ed. m u h Jamal, Beirut, 1929). 28 "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" which conveys the same idea of changes in the conditions of the tribe. The idea of haqq and batil cannot be traced in the verses of either Labid or al-NAbigha. Al- qastallani's interpretation was copied by al-zurqani1 ; al-sira al halabiyya only comments on the word nawaib rendering it hawadith A quite different interpretation of the phrase is given by al kashmiriin his f a i d a l b a r i r i a r i r i i Tu'tuinu alanawaibii-bl haqqi a comprehensive expression for (qualities) mentioned (in this hadith and not mentioned. The banubHhasimgained fame by these features of character. aswaf a n u II Let us turn to the translators: h o u d a s m a r c a i s translate ... "et tu secours les victimes des vicissitues du droit": the words victims of the vicissitudes of right are not, however, found in the text: nawd'ibu '1-baqqi. Sprenger translates 5 : u n d unterstiitzest Leute in unverdientem ungluck," which again can hardly be deduced from the text. Mirza Bashir al-Oin mahmud ahmad's translation reads': a n d you. help those who are in distress," which corresponds to the version of al maqrizi mentioned above. 7 a n unusual rendering is given by W. M. Watt 8 : y o u succour the agents of the t r u t h This translation (although followed by a question mark) is erroneous and was probably caused by confusing nuwwdb with nawd'ib. R. V. C. Bodley's translation': "Hast thou not been loving to thy kinsfolk ... faithful to thy word and ever a defender of the truth" ... merely glosses over the difficulty. III For the elucidation of the phrase under discussion early poetry and prose have to be consulted. A remarkable verse of u r w a b. at-Ward runs as f o l l o w s atahazau minnii an saminta wa-qad tara Bi-jismiya massa11 l-haqqi wa l haqqujahidu The verse is rendered by n o l d e k e "Spottest Du iiber mich dass Du fett geworden. Wlihrend Du an meinen Leibe den Eindruck der pflicht (welche Andern zuerst Nahrung giebt und mir nichts llisst) siehst? Denn die Pfticht greift an." noldeke's rendering is based on the commentary on the words: "Duty is exhausting"; "this means that duties (obligations) come upon him (yatruquhu) and he prefers the fulfilment of duties to his own interest yuthiruh a l a naftihi) and to the interest of his family; he is enduring hunger and drinks cold water. The haqq mentioned means doing good to kindred, bestowing upon the beggar and the kinsman; everybody who practices it is exhausted by it." This meaning of haqq as a social obligation of the noble member of a tribe towards 1 1 sharh al mawahib I, 212-13 (ed. Cairo, A.B. 1325). Op. cit., ib. I, 28-29 (ed. Cairo, 1938). e l b o k h a r i l e straditions islamiques, 3 Die uhn desmohammad I, 333 (Berltn, 1869). Introduction to the Study of the Holy Quran, p. 144 (London, 1949). ' Vide above;; n. 2, p. 27. muhammad at M e c c a (Oxford, 1953). The Messenger, p. 52 (Lahore, 1954). Th. n o l d e k e Die Ge,dichte des 'Urwa b. ai-Ward, p. 41 (Gottingcn, 1863). In h a m a s a shuhuba l haqqi (Freytag, p. 723). Op. cit., p. 78. "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" 29 the poor, the needy and e ~ kinsfolk in the Jdhiliyya is further elucidated by the response of Qays b. Zuhayr, quoted by al-bakri l a tashtumanni ya bna wardinfa-ininnan it a u d ala malil huququ '1-'awd'idu Fa-man yuthiri l haqqa l n n a u b a a takun bihi k h u s a s a t u ujismin wa-hwa tayyanumajidu d o not revile me, o son of Ward for o b l i g a t i o n s which come up again and again are turning upon my property; and whoever prefers to fulfil the recurring obligation, his body will turn hollow shaped; he is hungry b u t n o b l e We have here the expression al haqqual naubu t h e recurring obligation" which explains the phrase of the hadith The same expression is found in a verse of muawiya b. m a l i k the m u a w w i d u l h u k a m a he gained his sobriquet by this verse3 : U'awwidu mithlahd l hukamaaa ba'di: Idhd md '1-baqqufl '1-ashyd'i naba accustom the wise men after me to do the like Whenever obligations come upon the tribal groups" a l a n b a r i gives a pertinent explanation of the word haqq as understood by the Beduins, in which obligations like paying the bloodwit for men, who have no means to pay it, and entertaining guests are included. The translation of haqqby Lyall as "just claims" seems not to be justified. A similar explanation of haqq by al-Anbiiri is found in this commentary on the verse mufaddaliyyat IV, 9, where a herd is described which has been diminished by changes of time and fulfilment of social obligations. muawiya b. malik mentions the idea of recurring obligations in another verse': qala qalatybatu qad ghawaita /i-an r a a t /faqqan yundwibu mdlana wa mufudu "Zunayba said: you err, as she saw that obligations keep recurring upon our property, and deputations (asking our help)" An anonymous verse 5 conveys the same idea of the obligations of a noble man: Wa-ld arbau '1-md/a min bubbihi, wa-ld li-1-fikhdri wa-ld li-1bakhal Wa-ldkin li haqqin idhd nabani, wa-ikramidayfin idhd m a nazal i do not care for property for the love of it or for the sake of boasting, or because of avarice; but only for fulfilling obligations when they come upon me, and to honour a guest should he alight." simt a l l a a l i p. 822 (ed. ai-Maimani). a l q a l i a m a l i II, 204: al naduba (ed. a l m a i m a n i mufaddaliyyat CV, IS (ed. Lyall); ai-Bakri: s i m t 190 (ldhiJ mudilu l hadathani n a b a Ibn h a b i b alqabu '1-shu'arlJ, NawlJdlr al-makhtutlJt, VII, 313 (ed. 'Abd al salam h a r u n a b u Zaid: NawlJdlr, p. 148 (ed. al shartuni Beirut, 1894). 1 I, 68-T. 'A. "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" An Umayyad poet, Shabib b. al barsa uses the expression in a reverse order1 : wa ahbisu fi l haqqi '1-karimata, innama yaqumu bihaqqi'1-nd'ibdti saburuha "And I reserve for obligations the valuable (property); for it is only he who endures that can fulfil the duty of recurring obligations" The same poet mentions this idea in another v e r s e wa li l haqqi min mtili idhd huwa dafani nasibun wa-li-1-nafsi '1-sha'd'i nasibu wa la khayra fiman lti yuwattinu naftahu a l a naibati'1-dahri hina tamibu "A share of my property is for an obligation should it come to me; and a share for the unsettled soul. And no good is in a man who cannot train himself to bear the misfortunes of time when they come (upon him)" The word haqq is joined by another verb (alamma) in a verse the mukhadram poet 'Amr b. al-Ahtam8 : Wa-1-badhlu min. mu'dimiha in alamma bihd haqqun wa-ld yashtakinaman yanadiha "And its poor (of the tribe) give freely when an obligation draws near, and he who calls on them (for help) does not complain of them." In another poem by 'Amr' obligations are mentioned together with misfortunes6 : Wa-inni karimun dhu 'iydlin tuhimmuni Nawa'ibu yaghshti ruz'uhd wa haququ "I am a noble man, with a: household to look after; I take care of misfortunes (entailing) losses, and of obligations." The translation by Lyall of huquq as: "calls for brotherly help" seems to be inaccurate. Poets sometimes boast that the noble men of their tribe fulfil their social obligations towards the poor and the needy, holding lightly their property in their generosity. Rabl'a b. Maqriim, one of the warriors and poets of Qabba, says•: Yuhiniina fi l haqqi amwalahum idha '1-lazibdtu iltahayna '1-musima "They hold lightly their property in fulfilment of their obligations; when barren years wear away the (herds) of the owner of the cattle." Lyall translates: "claims on them." The commentary of al-Anbiiri repeats the explanation of h a q q quoted above as including 1 • mufaddaliyyat Comp. op. cit., aghani (3rd ed.), 12, 275. AI-Amidi: al-Mu'ta/1/, p. 68 (ed. Krenkow). Ibn al-Shajarl, hamasa p. SO (ed. Krenkow). 9, mentioned above. 6. mufaddaliyyat 26; T. 'A., I, comp. the verse of Miskin a l d a r i m i wa in haqqun araniahantuha al-'Askarf: DlwiJn al maani I, 29 (ed. A.H. 1352). "GOD WILL NEVER DISGRACE THEE" 31 the expenditure in order to help in cases of bloodwit, bestowing camels, and entertaining guests. The Umayyad Ibn Rumma says1 : Wa-innd lakhushnrm fi '1-liqd'i a'izzatun wa fi l haqqi waddahuna bidun qalamisu "We are harsh and mighty in battle, and in fulfilling obligations bright, shining and generous." In all these cases haqq means obligation, duty. The verbs attached s u c has 'ard, alamma, taraqa, a d a d a f a n a z a l a denote the appearing of the obligation, and are synonymous with n a b a mentioned in the hadith of 'A'isha. It is clear, then, that the phrase Nawd'ibu l haqq like 'awdi'du l haqq means cases of obligations coming upon the tribe, or the community. The expression t u i n u a l a nawd'ibi l h a q q i is a Jdhiliyya term used in praise of tribe and its leaders and was adopted in Islam. It can now be seen that the commentators and translators did not grasp its correct meaning. It may be· remarked, that the qualities enumerated by Khadija in the tradition discussed here are not attributed to the Prophet alone; we find a similar tradition also about Abu Bakr. When the leader of the a h a b i s h Ibn al-Dughunna met Abii Bakr, who was intending to leave Mecca, he laid stress on his behaviour in his clan and mentioned his qualities. He said3 : "You are tlie splendour of your people, you help them (to overcome) the misfortunes (tu'Inu a l a '1-nawii'ibi), you act righteously, you bestow upon the poor. Return ... etc." There is however another version of this story; and it is striking to find that the text is almost identical to the hadith of 'A'isha discussed here. This version is recorded by al bukhari on the authority of alzuhrii-'urwa-'Aaisha Ibn al-Dughunna says addressing Abu Bakr: ."A man like you should not be driven out. You bestow on the poor, you do good to your kindred, you bear the burden (of the poor, forlorn or needy), you entertain the guest, you help in the fulfilment of obligations (tu'lnu a l a nawii'ibi l h a q q i I am your protector. Return etc The similarity of the hadith about the conversation between Khadija and the Prophet, and the story of the conversation between Ibn al-Dughunna and Abii Bakr in the version of al-Bukhari, suggests that this kind of address was a coined formula of praise, current at that period. We find for instance a description of h a s h i m written in a similar style. Many other descriptions of noble men of the Jdhiliyya emphasize exactly these qualities. In later times, even a mawla could be addressed in the same way. When Jarir came with a group of yarbuites asking the help of Fayriiz h u s a y n (a mawla of Tamim) because the people were driven away by drought, he said: "you are the splendour of the people, you help (to overcome) the misfortune (tu'inu 'aid '1-nd'ibati), you bear the burden (of the Ibn ai-Shajari: h a m a s a p. S4. Comp. al baladhuri a n s a b MS. 102Sa: wa./iJ yadfa'u l haqqa idhiJ nazala bihi. Ibn h i s h a m s i r a II, 12; and see Suhaili: al raud ai-Unuf. I, 231 (ed. Cairo, 1917). $ablb, II, 268; and see: Al-Dhahabi: Ta'rlkh, I, 190; Ibn Kathir: ai-BidiJya, III, 173. It is obvious, that the mention of these qualities is more relevant in the case of Abil Bakr; here his social activity is rightly stressed. 1 wa kana yahmilubna '1-sablll wa-yuaddl'l-haqaiqa . .. al zurqani sharh ai-Mmawahib l, 73. 1 32 "GOD WILL NBVE& DISGRACE THBB" needy and the poor)." 1 fayruz handed over 1,000 dirhems to Jarir. Here the praise used in honour of the Prophet and Abu Bakr is applied to a mawla In conclusion it may be said, that the phrase tu'inu a l a nawaibi l h a q q i is closely connected with the jahiliyya social ideal about the fulfilment of duties towards the poor and the needy and it tallies well in the hadith about the Prophet with the other qualities mentioned in it. The phrase has to be translated: "and thou helpest in cases of recurring obligations." The hadith on the conversation between the Prophet and Khadija shows a striking similarity to the tradition about the conversation between AbU Bakr and Ibn ai-Dughunna; this seems to suggest that we· have here a current panegyrical formula. Al-Baliidhurl: a n s a b MS. 1012b.

On Strangers and Allies in Mecca

strangers&allies.pdf ON STRANGERS AND ALLIES IN MECCA To the memory of my student Yehiel Amsallim The role of Quraysh in the commercial activities of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya is well known and has been the subject of comprehensive research. There were, however, some non-Qurashi individuals or groups in Mecca, whose role in the social and political life of that city has not been sufficiently assessed. It seems desirable to put together the available data about the vicissitudes of these strangers, their relations with the Meccan clans and their absorption into the Meccan community. It is also important to examine the reports about the struggles among the various factions of Quraysh and the changes which occurred as a result of this strife. This examination of the traditions and the stories may give us a better insight into the history of Mecca in the period of the Jiihiliyya I A case of successful absorption of immigrants into the Meccan community can be seen in the story about Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah b. Diirim al- Tamimi. According to the report recorded by Ibn I:Iajar, 'Aziz the father of Abu Ihab came to Mecca, joined the Banu Naufal b. 'Abd Maniif as an ally (/:tallf) and married Fakhita bint 'Amr b. Naufal; she bore him their son Abu Ihiib.1 There are some differences between this report and the one transmitted on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. According to the latter it was not 'Aziz who came to Mecca, but an ancestor of 'Aziz, Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah who sought shelter in Mecca and joined the Banu 1 Ibn I:Iajar al-'Asqaliini, al-/ saba fi tamyizi l-sa/;aba, ed. 'Ali MulJammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1392/1972, VII, 24, no. 9551 114 Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally. He sought refuge in Mecca because he had killed Malik, the son of al-Mundhir, the king of al-Hira, Malik was entrusted as a child by the king to Zunira b. 'Udus, When he grew up he happened to pass by a camel belonging to Suwayd; he ordered it to be slaughtered and ate its meat with his companions. When he returned from hunting, Suwayd was told of Malik's deed. He attacked the youth and wounded him, .and the youth died shortly afterwards from his wounds. Suwayd escaped and found shelter in Mecca.' For the elucidation of the events it is necessary to provide some details about the background and circumstances of the incident: Suwayd was the son-in-law of Zurara, the powerful leader of Tamim, Zurara was one of the iarrarim: he succeeded in rallying Tamim and other tribes and was their leader on the "Day of Shuwayhit",' He is said to have frequented the court of kisra and was granted a slave girl who bore him children.' He used to visit the court of the king of al-Hira, fought on his side and advised him on matters of peace and war regarding the tribes of the Arab peninsula.' According to a tradition it was Zurara who mediated between the Kindi king al-Harith and the Lakhmi al-Mundhir and thus succeeded in bringing to an end the war between them.6 Zurara's fame survived in Islam. An anecdote says that a Tamimi woman, listening to the call of the muadhdhin; wondered why 2 See e.g. the versions of the story: al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrh], ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Diiri, Beirut l398/1978,IlL 305; Jarir and Farazdaq, al-Naqiiid, ed A. Bevan. Leiden 1905. pp. 652 ult, - 654 (the name of the king: 'Arnr b. al-Mundhir; the name of the entrusted child: As'ad); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], MS. 'Ashir ar, foL 968b. 3 Muhammad b. Habib. ai-Muhabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, . 247. p 4 Al-Baliidhuri. Ansiib. MS. foL 969a. 5 See e.g, Jarir-Farazdaq, al-Naqdid, p.653. 6 See the commentary of the verse of al-Farazdaq; minna lladhi [amaa t-muliika wa-baynahum: harbun yushabbu sa'iruha bi-dirami, Naqa'i4. p. 266 inf.(L); according to other reports the mediator was the Tamimi Sufyiin b. Mujishi' (see: Naqa'i4. p. 267; Abu l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya II akhbari l-muliiki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus. Add 23296. fol. 26a). On strangers and allies in Mecca 115 Zuriira was not mentioned in the shahada together with the Prophet,' One of the features of the close association of Tamim with the kings of al-Hira was the practice of entrusting the children of kings of al-Hira to some noble families of Darim, Hajib b. Zuriira boasted of the fact that his people brought up the children of the kings until their moustaches and beards came out," AI-'Askari records that people reproached Hajib saying: "We never saw a man boasting of his shame except Hajib; a governess is just a servant iai-zi'ru khadimatuni and service is degrading, not uplifting"," It is evident that this opinion is congruent with the views of a later period. Another report may be mentioned: the kings of al-Iraq (i.e, the kings of al-I:Iira) used to fight the kings of Syria; when they intended to march out to Syria they used to leave their families under the protection of the strongest of the Arabs (a'azzu 1-'arab).10 These reports expose clearly the web of mutual relations between the Darim and the rulers of al-Hira, The murder of Malik shattered these relations and brought about the cruel retaliation of the king of al-Hira; the children of Suwayd were brought by Zurara to the court of al-Hira and were executed in his presence; a hundred Tamimis from the branch of Darim were killed or burnt on the order 7 8 Al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, al-ln{lS [i 'ilmi l-ansab, ed. Hamad ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Ahmad al-Jasir, al-Riyad, 1400/1980, p.210. Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabaqiu al-shuara, Farraj, Cairo 1375/1956, p. 199: rabbayna boo mili l-muzni wo-bnay muharriqin: 9 ila an bOOaJminhum lihan wa-shawarib: Al-Askari, J amharat ai-amJhiU, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd ai-MaJId Qatamish, Cairo 1384/1964, L 261 10 Jarir-Farazdaq, op. cit, p. 267 inf: ajarna boo mili l-muzni wa-boo muharriqin: jamian wa-sharru l-qauli mil huwa kiidhibu thaliuhatu amliikin thawau [i buyUiinii: ila an badat minhum titian wa-shawaribu: The two verses attributed here to Miskin al-Darirni are in fact the verses (with variants) attributed to Hajib b. Zurara A collection of Miskin's poetry edited by Khalil Ibrahim al-'A~iyyah and 'Abdallah al-Jubiiri, Baghdad 1389/1970 records only the verse (p, 25): thaliuhatu amlakin rubii [i bujurina: kadhibu: fa-hal qa'ilun haqqan ka-man huwa 116 of the king of al-Hira, The event is well known as yaum uwiira.H The daughter of Abu Ihab, Umm YalJ.ya. intended to marry 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir al-Naufali; but was prevented from carrying out the plan, because a black slave-maid attested that she had suckled both of them12 Abu Ihab had friendly relations with al-Harith b. 'Amir who was his half-brother from the mother's side," Abu Ihab seems to have been a well-to-do person, with a taste for ease and luxury, fond of wine and singing girls. This can be deduced from the story relating the theft from the Ka'ba of the golden statue of the gazelle. This was stolen by a group of drunkards who attended a drinking party in the tavern of Miqyas b. 'Abd Qays al-Sabmi." The list of the felons and profligate persons who frequented the place includes several quite prominent men of Quraysh: Abu Lahab, al-Hakam b. Abi l-'As. al-Fakih b. al-Mughira, Mulayh b. al-Harith b. al-Sabbaq, al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal, Abu 1Mb and others. On a certain day, when the drunkards failed to provide money for the wine and the supply of wine ran short, they decided to steal the gazelle of the Ka'ba and buy wine from a caravan which arrived in Mecca from Syria. The group which carried out the plan included Abii Lahab, Abii Musafi' and al-Harith b. 'Amir. They sold the statue, bought the wine and drank it at their leisure. When, after a 11 See e.g. al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, at-lnas, pp. 208-210; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 290-293. 12 Ibn l;Iajar, al-/ $aba, VII, 24, no. 9551, VIII, 324, DO. 12298; Ibn al-Athir, Usd aJ-ghllba fi mdriiai 1-$aJ;iiba. Cairo 1280, VI, 627; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, aJ-Istiah fi mdrijaii 1-ll$I)iJb, 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijlwi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1072, no. ed. 1822 13 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, al-Slra aJ-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, III, 180, ult. (and see ibid. 181, 1. 1); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; ed. Ml1$tafii 'Abd al-Wiil.lid. Cairo 1385/1965, III. 128; Ibn I;Iajar, aJ-/$iIba, II, 263, and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 142 14 But see Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, Hadhf min nasab quraysh; ed. SaliilJ al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo 1960, p. 84: qaysu bnu 'adiyyi bni sa'di bni sahm kana min ru'asa'i quraysh [i l-jahiliyya, wa-huwa $Qhibul-qiyani lladhi kiina shabQ.bu qurayshin yajtamtima ilayhi [a-amarahum bi-akhdhi ghazlUinmina l-ka'bati, fa-fa'aJu. fa-qtasamahu qiyllnuhu wa-kllna l-ghazlUumin dhahabin. On strangers and allies in Mecca 117 considerable time, the culprits were discovered, the affair stirred unrest and division between the two alliances of the Qurashi clans: the mutayyabin and the ahla]. Some of the culprits were severely punished, others escaped chastisement. Al-Harith b. 'Amir and Abii Ihab were compelled to leave Mecca and they returned only after some ten years. On the eve of the battle of Badr they asked of Quraysh the permission to join the force which was about to march out to fight the Prophet. They got the permission, joined the force and fought at Badr. Al-Harith b. 'Amir was killed in the battlefield by Khubayb; Abii Ihab managed to escape," The cordial relations between Abii Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir are reflected in the verses written by Abii Ihab in which al-Harith's generosity in spending on good wine and beautiful women is praised," Al-Harith had friendly relations withAbii Lahab - he married Abii Lahab's daughter Durra!? He shared Abii Lahab's hatred for the Prophet: both are included in the list of the Prophet's enemies" He was the representative of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf in the consultation of Quraysh against the Prophet in the dar aJ-nadWa.19 But at some point al-Harith seems to have met the Prophet, had talks with him and was impressed by his words; Quraysh even suspected him to have embraced Islam." On the eve of the battle of Badr he tried to 15 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwtm, eel. Walid N. Arafiit, London 1971, II, 115-127; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([, 54-57. pp. 16 See a1-BaJadhuri, Ansiib III, 304; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([,62: P. abligh qusayyan idhiJ jftilhii. - fa-ayya fatan waJladat nau.faJu idhiJ shariba l-khamra aghJa bihil - wa-in jahadat laumahu I-'udhdhalu da'ilJul ita l-shanfi, shanfi l-ghazQ - li hubbun li-khamsiuuuin 'ayraJi li-'athmata hina tarda: lahu : wa-asmda 'a#latin ajmoli. 17 Ibn l:Iabib, al-Muhabbar, p. 65, according to Ibn a1-KaIbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol 116b, Il 4-5. Durra married Abu lhiib. 18 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Imta' al-asmd bimii li-rasUli lliihi min aJ-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiada wa-l-maid, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 194}. L 23, l3 from bottom, 24 ult, 19 Ibn Hishiim op. cit. II, 125. 20 Hassan, b. Thiibit, Diwiln, IL 125, llS persuade Quraysh not to march out against the Prophet," Nevertheless, he joined the Qurashi force and was one of the wealthy Qurashites who took care of food supplies for the forces.22 The Prophet is said to have forbidden the Muslim fighters to kill al-Harith and ordered them to "leave him for the orphans of the Banii Naufal": for he was a generous man and spent on the weak and needy (q,u'afa bani nau.fal).23 He was killed, as mentioned above, in the battle of Badr by Khubayb b. IsM, who did not know him, or, according to another report, by the pious Companion Khubayb b. 'Adiyy.24 The solidarity of the families of Abu Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir is seen in the story of the execution of Khubayb: Hujayr b. Abi Ihab bought Khubayb b. 'Adiyy for the husband of his sister, 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir in order that he may kill him, avenging the death of his father al-Harith b. Amir, Hujayr and 'Uqba took part in the execution of Khubayb." 'Uqba b. 21 Al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 68, (wa-mii kana ahadun minhum akraha li-l-khurii]! mina 1-1;.iirithi 'iimirin); al-Wilqidi, al-MaghiJzi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, bni 36-37; al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 292 22 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 320; al-Maqrizi, Im/ri, I, 69; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 128, 144. 23 AI-Baliidhuri, Ansah, I, 154 (the report mentions that he helped to annul the document of Quraysh to boycott the Prophet and his family); al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 91; l;Iassiin b. Thiibit, op. cit. I, 269. 24 See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib, I, 297; al-Maqrizi, I mta', I, 90, l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. II, 442 (wa-kana khubayb qad qataia abiihu yauma badr); Ibn Hajar, al-I ~aba, II, 262; and see Hassan, op. cit. I, 370, note 1 (the comment of the editor); 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din al-Halabi, Insan al-'uyim Ii sirtui l-amini l-mdmiin (=al-Sira aJ-J.lalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, III, 189, II. 10-11 (and see 114: wa-lau lam yaqtul khubaybu bnu 'adiyyini Hriiritha bna 'iimirin ma kana li-ttiniii iiii l-l;iuith bi-shirdihi wa-qatlihi mdnan) 25 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Im/rl, I, 176, ll, 1-2 (and see ib. p. 175 penult); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira; III, 128; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. III, 180 info - 181 sup; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba; 11,263; al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin Ii ta'rikhi l-boladi l-amin; ed. Fu'iid Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, VI, '!JJ7; al-Waqidi, op. cit. p. 357; and see E[2, s.v, Khubayb (Wensinck), On strangers and allies in Mecca 119 al-Harith embraced Islam and died in the time of Abii Bakr," Abii Ihab planned to kill the Prophet; Tulayb b. 'Umayr met him, beat him and wounded him."? He later embraced Islam and was the first Muslim after whose death a prayer was said in the mosque of the harami": Hujayr b. Abi Ihab, a respected member of the Quraysh nobility, came with a group of noble Qurashites to Abu Sufyiin and requested that profits from the sales of merchandise transacted by the Qurashi caravan be spent on equipping a Qurashi force against the Prophet and the Muslims for the purpose of avenging the defeat of Badr," He was obviously a wealthy man and was an owner of a court (dar) in Mecca,'? He later embraced Islam" and is included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet." The story of Abii 1Mb gives us some insight into the social and economic conditions prevailing at Mecca in the Jahiliyya period, on the eve of Islam. Al-Harith b. 'Amir, though a hedonist, had a sharp and acute understanding of the economic and political situation of the Meccan body politic. Tradition says that verse 58 in Sicrat al-qasas (siira XXVIII): 'They say: Should we follow the guidance with thee we shall be snatched from our land", (in nattabi' l-huda maaka nutakhauat min ardind) was revealed in connection with a discussion between the Prophet and al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal. Al-Harith conceded that the faith of the Prophet was true tinni: ndlamu anna qauJaka haqqun); but he argued that this faith (the huda; 26 Ibn I:Iajar. aI-lsaba. IV, 578, no. 5596. 27 Ibn I:Iajar. al-Isiiba; III. 541. n i-z, al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, MS. fol 968b (wa-kana abu ihabin dussa li-I-fatki bi-l-nabiyyi (s) [a-laqiyahu tulayb b. 'umayr [a-darabahu bi-IaI}yi jamalin fa-shajjahu); and cf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisl, op. cit. p. 59. 28 Ibn Hajar, al-Lshba; VII, 24 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh makkata; MS. Leiden Or. 463, fol 442a. 29 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 199. 30 Al-Fakihl, op. cit. MS. fol. 46la, L 9 : _ wa-kanai lahum diiru-l-hujayri bni obi i.hiJbibni 'azizin aI-tamimiyyi halifi l-mutimi bni 'adiyyin: 31 Ibn Hajar, aI-Isaba. II, 40-41, no. 1638. 32 Ibn l:Iibbiinal-Busti, Kitiib aI-thiqat, Hyderabad 1397/1977.I1I,94; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 387; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 333, no. 489; Ibn Hajar aI-I saba, II, 40 (quoting Ibn Abi I:Iatim that he was a Companion). 120 the right guidance - K) was unacceptable because the Bedouins (al-'arab) would rise against Mecca and "snatch away" the Meccans, putting an end to the Meccan body politic," Al-Harith gladly accepted the family of Abu Ihab, and the marriages between the two families helped to remove the barriers between them: Abu Ihiib became firmly rooted in the Meccan community, Satirical verses composed by Hassan brought to memory the fact that Abu Ihab was a refugee expelled by 'Udus (i.e, by his own family - K).34 Indeed Abu Ihab had the courage to state that he was a haii], an ally; but he demanded to be treated on a par with the members of the family which he had joined," He could dauntlessly answer the influential 'Abdallah b. Jud'an who urged the leaders of Quraysh to punish the thieves of the gazelle, accusing him that his court harboured prostitutes," It is instructive to observe to what extent Meccan society was open to outsiders, enabling an ally to build his home in Mecca and contribute to its economic development One tribal group which attained a high position in Mecca was the group of the Tamimi Usayyid The small group was influential and controlled several divisions of Mudar.'? A report by Ibn al-Kalbi says that Ghuwayy b. Jurwa of the Usayyid used to levy taxes from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; after his death his son Salama b. Ghuwayy did the same," Satirical verses by Tufayl al-Ghanawi (or by al-Ashall b. Riya}:t) directed against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a describe the submissiveness of the 33 See e.g. al-WiiQidi, Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 34 35 36 37 38 1388/1968, p. 228 inf; al-Qurtubi, ai-Jam!" li-ahkiimi I-qur'an (= tafsir al-Qurtubn, Cairo 1387/1967, XIII, 300; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathia, Cairo 1314, V, 135; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cu. p. 43 (al-hlzrithu bnu 'amiri bni naufali bni 'obdi manafin kana 'azlma l-qadri wa-huwa lIadhi qQJa: in naltabt ...;wa-kana [i lladhina saraqis ghaziila I-ka'bar. : in some sources the name is erroneously given: aI-1.riJTithu bnu 'iahmana: See I:Iassiin. op. cu. I, 227, II, 170-171 Hassan h Thii bit, op. cu. II, 121-122 Hassan b. Thiibit, op. cit. II, 121 O. J ESHO VIII (1965) 144-145. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 94a (the tax was paid in cheese [aqit] and melted butter). On strangers and allies in Mecca 121 'Amir and their baseness," Ghuzayy b. Buzayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was killed by Dhii l-'ubra Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. Ka'b of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, "Ubrd' is explained as "kharzd', a kind of crown worn by the kings," Al-Baladhuri reports about the Tamimi, who levied the taxes (itawa) of the Hawazin, that "he made himself a king over them" (yatamallaku 'alayha).41 Al-Khims b. Rabi' b. Hilal succeeded the Tamimi in collecting the taxes of Hawazin.42 It was thus a conspicuous group who controlled the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and the Hawazin, It is interesting to note that these tax collectors tried to gain power (yatamaJlaku) and to rule large tribal divisions. To this group belonged a tax collector with the enigmatic name DhU 1-a'wiidY Mughultay records the explanation of the word given by Abii 'Ubayda in his Kitab al-tai: DhU t-dwad is 'Adiyy b. Salama al-Usayyidi, who levied the taxes imposed on Mudar; they used to pay 39 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., CoL94a: bani 'lunirin la tadhkuru l-fakhra innakum: mata tadhkurUhu fi l-mdashiri tukdhabu fa-nal)nu mandnakum tamiman wa-antumii sawOltu ilia tuhsinU I-sola tul/rabu AI-Baliidhuri 1177b-1178a): records additional verses (al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. Col. bani 'lunirin la tukhbiru l-nasa [akhrakum: mata tanshurUhu [i l-kirluni tukdhabu [a-innakumii la tansibiina khatlbakum: wa-li: tulimUna l-zilda haua tu'annabu fa-ya'dhira [ ] qabla qad [ ] wa-asbalat: lakum khaylunil mil lam takUnU [ ] wa-nahnu mandndkum tamiman wa-antumu: sawaltu [ ] wa-nohnu IJobasniJkum hifa;an 'alaykumu: wo-kunium unilsan qad rahabtum [ ] fa-lammii khashinil an tasiru li-ghayrinil: nafaynil (-a'1u1i an tul/amil wa-tul)rabu 40 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara MS. Br. Mus. foL 187a. 41 Al-Baladburi, Ansiib, MS. CoL1177b, inf. falayhii refers to Hawazin), 42 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., CoL187a. 43 See the explanation in L.'A s.v. 'awd. 122 them every year. 'Adiyy grew old so that he had to be carried in a litter passing by the Bedouins at their water-springs while collecting the taxes.44 AI-Fayruzabadi mentioned different members of the Usayyid to whom the name dhit 1-a'wQ.d may refer: a. Ghuwayy b. Salama, b. Rabi'a b. Mukhashin, c. Salama, b. Ghuwayy who had the right to levy the tax from' MUQar, d. it refers to the grandfather of Aktham b. Sayfi (here Faynizabadi gives an account of his virtues);" Abu 'Ubayda's report from the Kitiib al-tiii is recorded by Ibn Abi l-I:ladid.46 This group of Tamim included the clan of al-Nabbash b. Zurara in Mecca. The mother of Baghid b. 'Amir b. Hashim, of the 'Abd Manaf b. 'Abd al-Dar, who wrote the document of the boycott against the Bami Hashim, 47 was a daughter of the Tamimi al-Nabbash b. Zurara of the Usayyid; he was an ally of the 'Abd al-Diir.48 The plot of land which belonged to the clan of Murtafi' (iii al-murtati') was owned before that by the clan of Nabbash (lzl aI-nabbiish b. zurara).49 The mountain of Shayba also belonged to al-Nabbash b. Zurllra.50 A Meccan transmitter, Sulaym al-Makki reports that people in the period of the Jahiliyya used to say: "You are more powerful than the clan of al-Nabbash" tla-anta a'azzu min iili l-nabbash); he pointed with his hand to the houses around the mosque (of the haram - K) and said: 'These were their dwellings" (hi.uihihi kana: ribiluJuun).51 44 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bOsim [i sirat abi-I-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol46a (; kana lahu kharajun 'alii mudara yu'addUnahu kulla 'iunin ...);and see other explanations ibid. fol 45b, info - 46a. 45 AI-Fayriizlioodi, aI-QiimUs aI-mu/:lir, I, 330, sv, 'awd. 46 Ibn Abi l-Hadld, Sharh. nahj aI-boJiigha, ed. Muhammad 47 48 49 50 Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1962, XV,132 See the comment of the editors: Ibn Hisham op. cit. II, 16, note 2; and see MU$'ab, Nasab quraysh; ed. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 254. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir,lamharat nasab quraysh; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, fol 88b; Mus'ab Nasab, p. 254. Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol. 456a, l 2; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar makka; ed. F. WiistenfeId, Gottingen 1275/1858, 465, l 3 from bottom. AI-Azraqi,op. cit. p. 490. 51 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol 4S6a, sup. On strangers and allies in Mecca 123 One of the members of this clan was Abii IIDa, the husband of Khadija, There is no unanimity in the tradition as to his name, the name of his child (or children) born by Khadija or the problem whether he was Khadija's first or second husband Ibn al-Kalbi records his name as Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zuriira b. Waqdiin b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa," The exact pedigree of the Tamimi husband of Khadija is indeed important he was a descendant of the powerful Usayyidi who succeeded in controlling the Mudari tribes which yielded to his authority and paid taxes to him According to Ibn al-Kalbi Khadija bore him a son, Hind; this son had in tum a son whom he named Hind; he was thus called Hind b. Hind b. Hind Hind b. Hind attended the battle of Badr ("others say: uhud'); Hind b. Hind b. Hind fought on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr and was killed in battle. According to Ibn al-Kalbi Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala married Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab. It is noteworthy that the phrase is: wa-ghtarabat durra bini 'utba b. abi lahab 'inda hind _ Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala was still considered a gharib, a stranger," The descendants of Abii Hala passed away, leaving no progeny/" Important details about the marriage of Khadija are supplied by Ibn Sa'd; Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal; but the plan of the marriage was cancelled and she married Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash, His father was of noble lineage: 55 He alighted in Mecca and joined the 'Abd 52 53 54 55 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf. - 94a sup. al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS. Br. Mus., fol 11Sa ult,- 11Sb.1 1 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf - 94a sup. Sa'd, al-Tabaqiu al-kubra; Beirut 137711958, VIIL 14; wa-ki:ma abiihu dhi:l sharafin [i qaumihi. (In text abiiha is an error). The report is on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn 124 al-Dar b. Qusayy as ally. Ibn Sa'd adds a short comment "Quraysh used to intermarry with their .allies" iwa-kima; qurayshun tuzawwi ju halifahumr; this comment is indeed an important clue for the understanding of the position of the allies in Mecca. Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: Hind and Hala, After Abu Hala, she married 'Atiq b. Abid b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim, She bore him a daughter, Hind. who married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi and gave birth to a son named Muhammad; the sons of Muhammad were called "the sons of the pure woman", which, of course, referred to Khadija," This family passed away without progeny. Khadija concluded her third marriage with the Prophet, Muhammad b. 'Abdallah and bore him al-Qasim, 'Abdallah (= al-Tahir), al-Tayyib; the female children were: Zaynab, Ruqayya, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima-57 There are divergent, even contradictory, traditions concerning the name of Khadija's Tamimi husband and the names and fate of their children," 56 Ibn Sa'd, op. cu; VIII, 15 sup; and see about Muhammad b. Sayfi b. Umayya; al-Zubayr b. Bakw, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, fol. 149b iwa-qad inqarada wuldu l'fUIlJammadibni $ayfiyyin). 57 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; vm. 16. 58 See e.g. al-BaIadhuri, Ansilb, I, 406 info (her first husband was Abu Hala, the second: 'Atiq b. 'Abid; 'Atiq divorced her; then she married Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, the Prophet); Ibn Habib, al-MuJ;abbar, pp. 78 inf. - 79 sup.; Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 21-23;Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cu; XV, 131-132 (the Prophet adopted the young boy Uabanniihu), the son of Abu Hiila); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,132-133(her first husband 'Atlq, the second Abu Hala; he died in the period of the Jahiliyya; Abu HiiIa's son, Hind, was brought up by the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, al-l shtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hliriin, Cairo 1378/1958,p. 142 (al-Nabbash), 208 (Zuriira b. al-Nabbash); he died in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya; Hind b. Hind died in Basra; some say that he left progeny; Ibn Hajar, al-/ saba. VI, 557-558, no. 9013 (see the different versions; see the version that his name was Malik b. al-Nabbash); Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawiiid, Beirut 1967, VIII, 275 info(al-Nabbash and Malik b. Zurara); al-Diyarbakrf, Ta'rikh ol-khamis; Cairo 1283,I, 263-264 (the first husband 'Atiq; he died and she married Abu Hala; she bore him a male On strangers and allies in Mecca 125 A peculiar tradition says that Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: al-Harith and Hind," Al-Harith was killed in Mecca during the first period of the Prophet's activity: when the Prophet started to preach openly in the mosque (scil. of the haram - K) at Mecca exhorting his listeners to believe in the one true God and was attacked by the unbelievers. Alarmed, Al-Harith hurried to the mosque and was killed in a scuffle with the unbelievers at the Ka'ba'" There is a tradition mentioning another son of Abu Hala named al-Zubayr; but there is no explicit statement that his mother was Khadija," Ibn Hajar records the name of a transmitter of hadith who was a descendant of Abu Hala; Yazid b. 'Amr Abu 'Abdallah al- Tamimi62 59 60 61 62 offspring and a female one; some traditions say that the first husband was Abu Hala, the second 'Atiq); Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 51; Ibn al- Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-a/:lwali l-mustafa; ed. MU$tafa 'Abd al-Wal.tid, Cairo 1386/1966,p. 145 (the marriage of Khadija with Waraqa was cancelled. She married Abu Hala (Hind) (or Malik) and bore him two sons: Hind and Hala, She married afterwards 'Atiq b. 'A'idh and bore him a girl named Hind. Then she married the Prophet and bore him all his children, except Ibrahim}, 'Ali Khiin ai-Madani al-Shirazi al-Husayni, al-Darajiu al-rafia fi (abaqati l-shia, ed. Muhammad Siidiq Bahr al-uliim, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. 407, 411ult, (the name of Abu Hala; Nammiish,or Nabbash, or Malik b. Zurara b. Nabbiish, or Zurara b. al-Nabbiish or Nabbiish b. Zurara); al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahibi Haduniyya; Cairo 1325,I, 199(Abu Hala's name: Malik b. Zuriira, or Hind, or al-Nabbiish; Khadija bore him two male children: Hind and HiiIa. After the death of Abu Hala, Khadija married 'Atiq b. Abid and bore him a daughter, Hind; some say: she bore him a son, Hind}, al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasdi! ita mdriiasi l-awa'it, MS., Cambridge Qq 33(10)fol 37a, inf. - 37b sup. Al-Baladhuri, AnsQb, MS. foll069b. Mughultay, op. cu. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol 142b, ult; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; I. 605; al-Fiisi, al-Tqd oi-thamin; I, 228 penult; al-Ma~li, Ghiiyat oi-wasdil, MS. fol 23a, info Ibn I:Iajar, al-/saba. IL 558,no. 2792. Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1327,XII, 148,no. 705 L min wuldi abi hiiJata l-nabbashi bni zurarata). 126 To the clan of the Banii Nabbash belonged the poet al-A'sM b. al-Nabbash, who eulogized the unbelievers killed at Badr. He was, like his relatives, an ally of the Banii Naufal of the 'Abd al-D.ir.63 and an influential person in Mecca involved in its internal struggles. The story of the Usayyidi group in Mecca is a convincing example of the skillful policy of the leaders of the Meccan body politic; the Usayyidi newcomers were received in a friendly manner, and due to their experience and energy they managed to acquire property, settle in the centre of Mecca and grow wealthy and influential Their marriages with their allies in Mecca contributed to a considerable degree to their feeling of identity with their new relatives, and with the interests of Mecca and to their loyalty to their Meccan allies. The story of Khabbab b. al-Aratt is not in fact that of an ally; the circumstances of his life and career, and his attitude to the family to which he was attached, resemble however to a great extent the situation of the hulafii', the allies in Mecca. Khabab was a man of obscure origin. His father was sold in Mecca as a slave to a Khuzi'i family who, themselves, were allies of the Banii Zuhra. Khabbab's profession and that of his mother were base and contemptible: she was a professional circumciser, he was a blacksmith. According to a tradition the mother of Khabbab married a Khuza'i, an ally of Zuhra and bore him Sibii'; Khabbab was thus a half-brother of Sibii', whose client he was. This may have granted him a special status in the family of his master and he could persuade them to join the Zuhri family of 'Auf b. 'Abd Auf as allies.64 Khabbab was one of the earliest converts to Islam and as one of the 4u'afii' was exposed to persecution and torture at the hands of the unbelievers; the Prophet used to visit him 63 See on him e.g. Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 403-404; al-Zubayr b, Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 185b; al-Tayalisi, Kitiib al-mukiuhara 'inda l-mudhakara; ed. al-Tanji, Ankara 1956, pp. 22-24; al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farra], Cairo ·1381/1961, p. 21; ai-A'sha wa-i-ashaun ai-akharun, ai-Subh. al-munir [i sm·r abi basir, ed. R. Geyer, London 1928, pp. 272-274 (and see "Anmerkungen", pp. 268-270}' Ibn Durayd, op. cit. pp.142-141 64 See e.g. Ibn Habib, al-Munarnmaq, pp. 294-295. On strangers and allies in Mecca 127 in the midst of his troubles and showed him sympathy/" In Islam he is highly respected and was one of the eminent Companions, taking part in all the battles against the unbelievers. 'Uthman granted him land in Iraq and he became a wealthy man.. He, nevertheless, joined 'Ali and fought in the battle of Siffin on the side of 'Ali. Some Shu sources claim that he signed the document of arbitration at Siffin, He died in 37 AH and 'Ali is said to have prayed over his graVe.66 The story of Khabbab is highly instructive, being the case of an individual of low class origins who gradually rose from the position of a slave to that of a client tmaulii), subsequently becoming an ally (I)alif). He was presumably able to attain this position because his mother was married to one of her masters. But Khabbab also endured hardship and suffering for the openness and courage with which he expressed his genuine opinions and beliefs. Islam granted him full rights in the community and a position of equal footing with all the believers. An eminent person in Mecca in the period of the Prophet was al-Akhnas b. Shariq al-Thaqafi, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. His pedigree is given by Ibn al-Kalbi as follows: Ubayy b. Shariq b. 'Amr b. Wahb b. 'Ilaj, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. He was nicknamed "al-Akhnas" because he diverted the Banii Zuhra from fighting on the Day of Badr,"? Al-Akhnas was a rich man: his clan owned a court (dar, dar al-akhnasi in the lane of the perfumers (zuqaq al-iauarin); they possessed as well a patch of land (lJmiq) in the "night market" (sUq al-layl), which they bought from the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," In the old days, says al-Fakihi, Abyssinians stayed in the mountain where the gorge of the clan of al-Akhnas was located." The mountain al-Hira (where the 65 Al-Fasi, aI-'f qd ol-thamin; IV, 30L 66 See El2, s.v. Khabbiib b. al-Aratt; and see al-Shibli, MaQ1JSin al-wasdil ila mdrifaii al-awa'il. MS. British Library, Or. 1530, fols. 108b-l09a; Muqatil b. Sulaymiin, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shabiitah, Cairo 1969, I, 105inf; Abu I-'Arab, Kitab al-mihan, MS. Cambridge Qq 235(8), foIs. 39b-40b (dhikru qatli 'abdi 111lhibni khabOObi bni i-araai wa-l-I:liuithi bni murrah). 67 Ibn al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS, Br. Mus.,foL 1553. 68 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit; MS, foL 457a 128 Prophet received his revelation - K) is located by this gorge. Through this gorge the Prophet entered Mecca on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca. Najda, the Kharijite alighted in this gorge." Al-Akhnas' relations with Quraysh were very close: his mother was Rayta bint 'Abdallah b. Abi Qays al-Qurashi, from the Banii 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," Al-Akhnas married Khalida, the daughter of the noble Abu l-'~i 72 His son, Sa'id, married Sakhra, the daughter of Abu Sufyiin.73 His sister, Thurayya, was the wife of Abu Dhi'b Hisham b. Shu'ba of the Abu Qays b. 'Abd Wudd of Quraysh." Descendants of al-Akhnas continued to intermarry with Quraysh," Al-Akhnas was an implacable opponent of the Prophet. Some patently tendentious traditions state that he did not embrace Islam at alP6 Other traditions report that he embraced Islam and was one of the muallaia quliibuhum; i. e. those whose sympathy for Islam was gained by gifts granted them by the Prophet," A harmonizing report assumes that he embraced Islam and participated in the battle of Hunayn, He probably apostatized later and then converted again to Islam," We have, in fact, some information about the activities of al-Akhnas against the Prophet. A report recorded by al-Baladhuri says that al-Akhnas was a member of the Qurashi delegation which came 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Al~Fiikihi, op. cit; MS. fol 5OOb. Al-Azraqi, op. cu; p. 492. See Muqiitil. Tafsir, I. 102. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101;al-Baladhurl, Ansah, ed. M Schloessinger, IV A., 169. Ibn 1;Iabib, al~Mul)abbar, p. 105; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; VIII, 240. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 421 See e.g. Ibn a1~Kalbi, Jomnara; MS. Br. Mus. fol117a Al-Baladburf, Ansah, MS. fol. 1226a; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, (= al-Jam," li-ai)kami l-qur'iin), Cairo 1387/1967, HI, 15, II 77 Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 48. 78 Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, I, 38-39. On strangers and allies in Mecca 129 to Abii Talib asking him to halt the Prophet's missionary activity; al-Akhnas was the speaker of the delegation." Al-Akhnas was involved in another incident: he watched, in the company of unbelievers, how a group of believers went out to the gorge of Abii Dubb in Mecca in order to perform there the ritual ablution (wuq.u1 and prayer (evidently in the first period of Islam, when believers had to conceal their ritual practices - K). The unbelievers attacked and beat them. Ibn Sa'd, one of the believers, seized a camel's jaw and beat them with it until he wounded one of the unbelievers, who were routed tinkasara l-mushrikiin) and left the place.80 The relations in this early period preceding the hijra of the Prophet were probably not explicitly hostile: when the Prophet returned from his journey to al- Ta'if he sent to al-Akhnas asking for his protection (jiwar) in order to enter Mecca; al-Akhnas, however, could not respond; he argued that being himself an ally (l)aIif) he was not authorized to grant protection," The inferior status of the ally (balif) is mentioned only twice: in the case of Abii Ihab with the gazelle and here in the case of the protection withheld from the Prophet It is noteworthy that, according to a tradition, al-Akhnas granted protection to Abii Sabra b. Abi Ruhm'" . A decision made by al-Akhnas on the eve of the Day of Badr happened to be a turning point in the history of the Muslim community: it was a main contributing factor to the Muslim victory on the Day of Badr. Al-Akhnas headed a troop of 300 Zuhri warriors. In the consultations of the Qurashi leaders al-Akhnas opposed the activist 79 Al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, L 23L 80 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 116;on Shi'b Abi Dubb see l-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam. ed. M~tafii l-Saqqa, Cairo 1364/1945,p. 540. 81 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 20; al-Tabarsi, l'liim ai-wara bi-dlam ai-Juu:ia, ed. 'Ali Akbar al-Ghaffiiri, Tehran 1379,p.65; Ibn Junghul, Tarlkh; MS. British Library, Or. 5912, I, 203a: the messenger of the Prophet to al-Akhnas was 'Abdallah b. Urayqit, 82 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, L 228. 130 attitude of some leaders (like Abu Jahl), proposed to refrain from any military action against the Prophet and his forces and to return to Mecca. He explained to the Zuhri warriors that Muhammad was their nephew (ibn ukht), and that if he was a prophet they should not kill him; if, on the other hand, he was an impostor, they, of all people, should definitely refrain from fighting him," According to another tradition al-Akhnas argued that, as the caravan had already reached its destination safely, the Meccan force should return to Mecca," The Zuhri troop obeyed al-Akhnas and returned to Mecca.85 The Qurashi force was thus reduced from 1000 to 700 and its striking force was seriously impaired. The retreat of the Zuhri troop was an important event, if not the decisive factor, in the victory of the Muslim forces and the defeat of Quraysh," The victory at Badr heralded the triumph of Islam After the battle of Badr, al-Akhnas is said to have visited the court of the Prophet in Medina, engaged him in conversation, feigning willingness to embrace Islam. He assured the Prophet of his love for him and expressed his allegiance to the new faith.. Unaware of the real nature of his thoughts and feelings, the Prophet used to honour him and let him sit in council close to him. It was in connection with this that the verses of Sura II were revealed tal-baqara) 204-205: wa-min at-nasi man yu'jibuka qauluhu _ "and some men there are whose saying upon the present world pleases thee and such a one calls on God to witness what is in his heart, yet he is most stubborn in altercation" (translation: Arberry)," Al-Akhnas afterwards went out, 83 Muqatil, Tatsir, 1, 103. 84 Al-Baladhuri, Ansilb. I, 291; and see Abii l-Faraj, AghQni. Beirut, 1390/1970. IV. 22 reprint; al-Waqidi. op. cit, pp. 44-45. 85 See e.g. al-Azraqi, op. cit, p. 492; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit, II. 271; al-Tabarsi, l'tiim ol-wara; p. 85; Ibn J:lajar. ai-/$iiba, I. 38-39; al-BaIiidhuri. Ansilb. MS. fo11226a; Ibn-Athlr, I. 48; Muqati~ Taisir, MS. 1, fol 146a-b and I, 161 (printed edition). 86 The Zuhra and the 'Adiyy were the only Qurashi divisions which did not pin the Qurashi force; see al-Waqidi. op. cit, p. 45. 87 See e.g. Muqdtll, Tafsir, I, 102; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, II. 14 inf.; al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Mabmiid and Ahmad Shakir. Cairo n.d. IV, 229-230. no. 3961 us« On strangers and allies in Mecca 131 burnt some crops and killed some donkeys," Four verses of Sura LXVIII (Surat al-qalam) 10-13: wa-lii tuti' kulla hallatin mahin, hammazin mashshii'in bi-namim _ "and obey thou not every man swearer, backbiter, going about with slander, hinderer of good. guilty agressor _" are also said to refer to al-Akhnas," Some commentators record traditions saying that the words humaza lumaza in Sura Clv, 1 (Surat al-humazas; "backbiter, slanderer" refer to al-Akhnas," That these interpretations seem to have been widely circulated can be inferred from the following anecdote: al-Kalbi was asked in Mecca about the interpretation of Siira II. 204 (quoted above) and replied that the person intended in the verse was al-Akhnas. One of those present in the council tmailis), a descendant of al-Akhnas, requested al-Kalbi to desist from circulating these interpretations in Mecca," Al-Akhnas' son Abu l-Hakam fought in the battles against the Prophet. He (or his father) is said to have killed Unays b. Qatada at Uhud." Another tradition relates that Abu l-Hakam b. al-Akhnas killed 'Abdallah b. Jahsh'" 88 See e.g, al-WaI)idi. Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 1388/1968, p. 39; al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 229; al-Suyiiti, ai-Durr al-manthiir. I. 238; Ibn Kathfr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966. I. 436. 89 See Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 84 inf; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XVIII. 235; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, VI. 251 info 252 (According to other traditions the verses referred to al-Hakam, the father of Marwan, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith); Ibn Hisharn, op. cu; I. 386; al-Naysibiiri, Gharllib al-qur'iin wa-raghiiib ai-tUTqan, Cairo 1390/1970, XXIX. 21 1.4 from bottom; al-Tabarsi, Majma' ai-bayan ti tafsiri l-quran, Beirut 1380/1961. XXIX. 27 (referred to al-Walid b. al-Mughira, or to al-Akhnas b. Shariq, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith), 90 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan; XXX, 230 info (refers to al-Akhnas, or to al-Walid b. al-Mughira); al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, MS. Chester Beatty 3668, II, 344b. ll. 1-3 (al-Akhnas or al-Walid b. al-Mughira) ; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Xx. 83 sup; al-Suyiiti. al-Durr. VI. 392 91 Al-Suyiiti. aI-DUTroI. 238. 92 Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdisi, ai-Istibsar [i nasabi l-sohaba min ol-ansiir, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhid, Beirut 1391/1971. p. 294, It 1-2; aI-Waqidi, op. cit; p. 301 (killed by Abii l-Hakam); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cii; p. 113,no. 91 (killed by al-Akhnas), 93 Anonymous, ai-Ta'rikh al-muhkam [i man intasaba ila i-nabiyyi salia ll~ 'aiayhi wa-sallam; MS. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fol. 214a; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isaba; IV. 37, no. 4586. 132 For years al-Akhnas remained hostile to the Prophet. He attended the execution of Khubayb in Mecca'" and demanded that the Prophet extradite Abii Basir al-Thaqafi, who was a maula of Banii Zuhra," Al-Akhnas died, as a Muslim of course, during the caliphate of 'Uthman," The son of al-Akhnas, al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, was a sincere and loyal adherent of 'Uthman- and lost his life defending 'Uthman from the attacks of his enemies. The killer, at the time unaware of his victim's identity, on being informed that it was al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, recalled a dream in which he had seen vessels with boiling water prepared for the man who would kill al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas," After al-Mughira's death, a man of the Banii Zuhra reported to Talha b. 'Ubaydullah: "Al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas has been killed". Talha b. 'Ubaydullah remarked: ''The sayyid of the allies of Quraysh has been killed".98 One of the grandsons of al-Mughira, al-Mughira b. Asad b. Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq married 'A'isha bint 'Abdallah b. 94 Ibn Hisham, op. cit. Ill, 188;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. P. 361;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, I, 238. 95 Ibn Hazm, J awaml ol-sira; ed. Ibsan 'Abbas, Nli$ir al-Din al-Asad, Cairo n.d.,p. 210; Ibn Hisham, op. cit. III, 337;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. p. 624; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 211;on Abii Basir see Ibn I:Iajar, ol-lsaba; IV, 433,no. 5401 % Ibn al-Athir, Usd,l, 48. 97 See e.g. Anonymous, al-Tdrikn al-muhkam; fol. 62a-b; AbU l-'Arab, Kitiib al mihan; MS. fol. 18a-b; Muhammad b. Yabyli l-Maliqi, aJ-Tamhid wa-i-bayiin [i maqtali l-shahidi 'whmim, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zliyid, Beirut 1%4, pp. 134,135 (and see index; the report on p. 133 is transmitted by the grandson of al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas); and see on him Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, I, 403, III, 66; Ibn al- Athir, Usd, IV, 405-406; al-Fasl, ai-'/ qd al-thamin; VIII, 252-253, no. 2498 (another version of the dream); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, V, 76, 79 (ed, s.D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936); Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, VI, 1%-197. 98 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444. On strangers and allies in Mecca 133 'Umar," His grandson, Ya'qiib b. 'Utba b. al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq was a trustworthy muhaddith; he was honest and noble, and governors used to send him as tax-collector'?" There-is no need here to comment at length on the story of al-Akhnas b. Shariq. Suffice it to say that it reveals another aspect of Meccan policy towards strangers desirous of joining one of the Meccan clans: newcomers were allowed freedom of action, and opportunities were given them to attain the highest position of leadership. So it came about that an ally made a decision that was to prove momentous to the subsequent history of the Islamic community: it was the Thaqafi hali] al-Akhnas b. Shariq who issued the order of retreat to the Zuhri troop and made the Muslim victory at Badr possible. The list of the arbiters of Quraysh includes the name of a Thaqafite ally of the Banii Zuhra: al-'Alli' b. Jariya (or Haritha) b. Sumayr b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Salama b. 'Abd al-'Uzza b. Ghiyara al-Thaqafi, hall] (ally) of the Banii Zuhra'?' It was, of course, unusual for a halit to gain the position of an arbiter on behalf of a tribal divison. He must have been a very respected member of the Meccan community. It is indicative of the Prophet's skill in management that he included al-'Alli in the group of the muallata quJ.Ubuhum, eminent unbelievers whose sympathy for Islam was won by gifts.102 99 Mus'ab, Nasab, p.357. 100 Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al tahdhib, XI, 392, no. 755; al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh ol-kpbir, VIII, 389,no. 3434. 101 Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-Mul}abbar,p. ill. 102 Ibn Hazm, Jawamt al-sira; p. 246; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 946; Ibn Qutayba, ai-Ma'arif, p. 342; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. II, 153,l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, p. 1085,no. 1840; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Pad! Ibrahim, III, 90; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 7; Ibn I:Iajar, al-Isaba; V, 279, no. 6807; aI-BaIiidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 1226b;Ibn Hishiim,op. cit. IV, 136;Muqiitil, Tafsir, MS. I, 155a; al-Fiisi, Shifa' aJ-gliarllm,II, 1~ 134 A peculiar case of tribal collaboration between Quraysh and Sulaym is seen in the story of Abii I-A'war al-Sulami, the ally of Abii Sufyan, His family had a close relationship with Quraysb: his mother and his grandmother were from Quraysh (the mother from Sahm, the grandmother from 'Abel Shams).I03His father, Sufyan b. 'Abel Shams, had been an ally of Harb b. Umayya and fought with Quraysh against the Prophet. It was he who killed the father of Djibir b. 'Abdallah and 'Abbas b. 'Ubada on the Day of Ubud.104 In the battle of the Ditch Sufyiin b. 'Abd Shams headed a troop of 700 warriors of Sulaym fighting on the side of Quraysh against the force of the Prophet-" It is noteworthy that the Sulami troop which joined the Prophet in the conquest of Mecca also numbered 700 (or 1000) warriors. It was probably this same group of warriors that went over to their former enemy.l06 The son, Abii l-A'war, 'Amr b. Sufyiin, was a leading figure in Mecca. He took part in a delegation of distinguished Meccans who came to Medina in order to persuade the Prophet that he should acknowledge the power of the idols,"? He seems to have remained hostile towards the Prophet for a very long time; thus the biographical compilations of the Companions state that he cannot be counted among the Companionsl'" However, he played an important role in the reign of Mu'awiyal"? and the latter's plan to appoint him as governor of Egypt only failed on account of a stratagem employed by 'Amr b. al-'As.no 103 See Ibn Hajar, aJ-/sQba,N, 641, no. 5855. 104 See al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 331,333; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit; pp. 258, 266, 302, 306. 105 AI-Wiiqidi,op. cit; p. 441 106 See Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. N, 63; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. 812 inf.- 811 107 See e.g. al-Nasafi, Tat sir aJ-qur'luI,Cairo n..d.,III, 292; and see J ESHO, XXIV, 258-259, ad notes 76-77. 1~ See e.g. EP, s.v. al-A'war (Lammens); and see Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; 641, no. 5855; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V. 138. 109 See e.g. Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiirlin, Cairo 1383, index. 110 See 'Ali b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Hudhayl, 'Ayn al-adab wa-l-siyasa wa-zayn al-hasab wa-I-riyasa, Cairo 138811969,pp. 149-150. On strangers and allies in Mecca 135 Some of the allies were among the earliest converts to Islam. One of them was a Tamimi, Said b. 'Amr, an ally of the Banii Sahm of Quraysh; his half-brother on his mother's side was Tamim b. al-Harith al-Sahmi, who was among the first believers, and is listed among the distinguished group of Muslims who emigrated to Abyssinia (kana min muhajirati l-habashati l-hijrata l-thlmiya); he is said to have been killed in the battle of al-Ajiadayn'" The career of another halit, the Yarbii'i Tamimite Waqid b. 'Abdallah, is also noteworthy. He was sold as a slave to Khattab b. Nufayl of the 'Adiyy, who adopted him. He was called Waqid b. al-Khattab and became an ally of the Banii 'Adiyy. Later he changed his name to Waqid b. 'Abdallah according to the injunction of Siira XXXIII, 6: UtlUhum li-llbllihim, huwa aqsaiu 'inda lliihi ... "Call them by the names of their fathers. That is more equitable in the sight of God". In the first fraternization (mu'akhllt makka) he was paired with Bishr b. al-Bara'J'? He migrated to Medina and was sent by the Prophet to Nakhla with a group of warriors. In the attack of the Muslim group on the caravan of Quraysh, Waqid killed 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, 'Umar b. al-Khattab composed two verses about this event. It has been pointed out that Waqid was the first believer to kill an unbeliever, and was a highly respected person; 'Abdallah b. 'Umar named one of his sons Waqid after Waqid b. 'Abdallah al-Tamimi'" 'Umar included him in the pay-roll (jaraaa.lahu) of his family-'" Waqid died during the caliphate of 'UmarYs 111 Ibn cis; l12 Ibn 113 Ibn 114 Ibn 115 Al- cit. Sa'd, op. cu; IV, 197; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 401, II. 11-13; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, op. p. 626, no. 990; Ibn Hajar, aJ-I $Qba, Ill, 114,no. 328L l:Iabib, aJ-Muhobbar, P. 73 inf. Hajar, aJ-I$Qba, VI, 595 info Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 314. BaIadhuri, Ansiib, MS. fol. l000a; and see about him Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. XV, 130; Ibn Sa'd, TabaqQJ, II, 10, IV, 159. 136 The biography of the Tamimi Ya'lii b. Umayya (or: Ya'la b. Munya) is the story of the meteoric rise to eminence of an ally in Mecca. He was an ally of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf he converted to Islam. emigrated to Medina and fought in the battles of Hunayn, al- Ta'if and Tabiik. His sister, Nafisa bint Munya, who was the matchmaker between Khadija and the Prophet, converted early to Islam'" Ya'la's brother, Salama b. Umayya, fought on the Prophet's side in the expedition of Tabiik"? After the death of the Prophet he was appointed by Abii Bakr governor of Hulwan. 'Umar appointed him governor of some districts of the Yemen, but deposed him when he appropriated to himself land property (1)amii li-natsihi himan). He was, nevertheless, highly regarded by 'Uthman, and, on hearing of the latter's assassination, he hurried to Medina and urged that the murder of 'Uthman be avenged. Promising to equip any warrior willing to go out and avenge the murder, he actually equipped 70 warriors of Quraysh and bought the camel 'Askar for 'A'isha. He granted al-Zubayr 400,000 (dirhams - K) to implement the necessary preparations for the expedition. He married two distinguished Qurashi women: the daughter of al-Zubayr and the daughter of Abii Lahab. He died as a respected and wealthy man, a Meccan owning a piece of land (khiua) in Mecea'" Two men of the Usayyidi group of Tamim deserve to be mentioned here. Though there is no indication that they ever came to Mecca, they were certainly converts from the early Medinan period. Hanzala b. al-Rabi' al-Katib and his brother Rabah b. al-Rabi' rose speedily to a high position in the Muslim community and played an important role in the events of that period. Hanzala is said to have Ansab, I, 98; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; VIII, 143, no. 11816 (Nafisa bint Umayya), 117 AI-Fasawi, ai-Ma'rifa wa-l-tdrikh; L 337. 118 See e.g. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit; pp. 1585-1587, no. 2815; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 128-129; al-I;>hahabi, Siyar a'llun ai-nubaia', ed. As'ad Talas, III. 66-67 no. 245; Ibn Hajar, lsaba, VI, 685, no. 9365; Idem, Tahdhib ai-tahdhib, XI, 399, no. 77l:, al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin, VII, 478-480, no. 2753; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibriihim, index; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 99O-991a 116 See e.g. aI-BaIiidhuri, On strangers and allies in Mecca 137 been the secretary of the Prophet, wrote the revelation and was entrusted with the Prophet'sseal iwa-kima mdahu khiaam al-nabiyyi). The Prophet sen. him as a spy to al- Tli.'ifand recommended him highly for his qualities of leadership. ii'tammic bi-mithli hii:dhii: wa-ashbii:hihi). According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Tamim, Asad Ghatafan and Hawazin fought under his banner on the Day of al-Qadisiyya'" He married a woman from a very noble family: a daughter of Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib.'t? He took part in the battles of the Conquest of Islam and settled in Kiifa; but as 'Uthman was generally spoken of in abusive terms there, Hanzala left the city and settled in Qarqisiyya..He used to visit the court of Mu'iiwiya.who had a high opinion of him. He died during the latter's reign.Tamim claim that the jinn bewailed his death. Al-Baladhuri, who records this information, however, notes that some people believed him to be of obscure provenance (kana da'iyyan).121 His brother RaMI;l(or Riyah) suggested to the Prophet to fix a special day in the week for the Muslim community; they would have their day like the 'Jews and the Christians.The siira: ai-iumua was then revealed and Friday was established as the Day of the Muslim community'> II Some additional details about the alliances in Mecca and the circumstances in which they were concluded may widen our understanding of general conditions in Mecca and the relations existing between allies and the clans which accepted them. In some cases 119 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., foL 93b. 120 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., foL USa. 121 See about him: aI-Bahidhuri, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit, p. 379, no. 548; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; 11,134-135, nos. 1861-1862; Idem, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, 60, no. 109; Ibn al-Athir, U sd, II, 58; Khalifa b. Khayyat, al-Tabaqiu. ed. Akram I;>iya' I-'Umari, Baghdad 1387/1967,pp. 43, 129; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tdrikh; ed.. 'Abd aI-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 139911979,V, 13-15. 122 Al-Baladhurl, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn al-Athir, al-Barr, op. cit. p. 486, no. 744. Usd, II, 160-161; Ibn 'Abd 138 Quraysh welcomed newcomers who applied for allied status. Such was the case of Jahsh b. Ri'ab of the Asad b. Khuzayma In consequence of a blood feud between Asad and Khuza'a a division of Asad requested the aid of Kinana; when these refused, they turned to the Ghatafan, Their request seems, however, to have been rejected.. Ri'ab b. Ya'mur, the father of Jahsh, came to Mecca and applied for allied status with Quraysh. He was invited by Qurashi Asad b. 'Abel al-Uzza to join them as ally and he gladly joined them as hali]. Later, however, people remarked that the Asad b. 'Abel al-'Um were a wretched branch of Quraysh; Ri'ab consequently cancelled the alliance and concluded one with the 'Abd Manaf. When the Banii Jahsh made their hijra to Medina, Abii Sufyan sold their houses and appropriated for himself the proceeds of the transaction. One of the sons of Jahsh complained of this iniquity, stressing that "others" (ie, other branches of Quraysh - K) wanted to affiliate them as allies, but the Banii Jahsh preferred an alliance with Abii Sufyan, 'Abel al-Malik inquired who it was who had offered the Banii Jahsh the alliance and 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr said that his clan had done so, but that Banii Jahsh had preferred to conclude an alliance with Abii Sufylin.123 The verses indicating the purpose of the alliance are significant wa-la-qad da'ani ghayrukum Ia-abaytulur. wa-khabdtukum li-nawliibi l-dahri. The place and time in which the alliance was concluded are also given: wo-aqadtu habli [i hilXdikum: 'inda l-jimiJri 'ashiyyata lrnahri. The attitude towards the Umayyads is expressed in warm words: a-bani umayyata kayla uslamu fikumu: wa-anii bnukum wa-holilukum [i 1-'usri.124 123 Ibn Habib, al-M/.UIIJmITIiUl, 286-288. p. 124 See the story and the verses in al-Fiikihi, Tarikh; fol. 452a-b (with many variants). On strangers and allies in Mecca 139 The close ties existing between the Qurashites and their allies are evident from the circumstance that Jabsh b. Ri'iib married the daughter of 'Abd al-Muttalib/ She bore him three sons and two daughters: Zaynab bint .Jahsh married the Prophet (before that she had been the wife of Zayd b. Haritha); Hamna bint Jahsh married Talha b/Ubaydullah.P! Zaynab (her former name was Barra) was distinguished by special verses revealed about her in the Qur'iinl26 The esteem in which these Asadi companions of the Prophet were held is reflected by the fact that their names were added to the list of the Qurashi Companiona"? A vivid description of the atmosphere in which an alliance was concluded is given in the story of Khalid b. al-Harith of Kiniinii, the father of Qariz, The poet Khalid, a congenial and eloquent person, came to Mecca. Every clan desired to have him as an ally and many people offered him hospitality (an yunzilahu) and the hands of their daughters in marriage. Khiilid asked to be given some time, went up to Hira' in order to worship God (yata'abbadu) and to pray for guidance in making his decision. After 3 days he came down and decided to conclude an alliance with the first person he met, who turned out to be 'Auf b. 'Abd al-Harith of Zuhra b. Kilab, He tied his garment to that of 'Auf, took his hand, and, both of them approached the haram; they stood by the House and affirmed their alliance.'" 125 Al-Baliidhuri, AnsQh,I, 88; Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 19,IL3-10. 126 See e.g. Muhibb al-Din Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Tabari, al-Sinq al-thamin [i manaqib ummahilli l-muminin; Cairo n.d., pp.87-92; Ibn Habib, al-Muf)abbar, pp. 85-88. 127 See Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam; MS. Br.Mus. 8653, foL 213a:hadha akhiru ma aradnahu. min nasabi a$/:labi rasidi /lahi (s) wa-akhbarihim; wa-adhkuru mdahum akhhara I-$al}ii.batimin bani asadi bni khuzaymata li-anna minhum bani [ahshin, bani 'ammati i-nabiyyi ts) we-hum mina l-siibiqina l-auwolina wa-l-muhaiirina I-hijratayn, we-hum hu/afa' bani 'abd shams _ ; and see the list ibid. fols. 2l3a-222a; and see the list of the Asadi Companions in Albert Dietrich, 'Abdalmu'rnin b. Xalaf ad-Dimyatinin bir Muhiicirin Listesi, $arkiyat Mecmuasi, Ill, 1959,pp. 136-137. 128 Ibn I:Iabib,al-Munammaq, p. 288. 140 The aim of the alliance of al-Ghaydaq b. 'Abd al-Muttalib with the Sulami Shayban was quite different When al-Ghaydaq was denied his share in his father's heritage, 'Abd al-Muttalib, by his brothers and was not able to secure the aid of his half-brother, 'Auf b. 'Abd 'Auf of the Zuhra, he applied for help to Shayban of Sulaym, who had married Umm Hakim, the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, Al-Ghaydaq's half-brother helped to conclude the alliance. By means of this alliance al-Ghaydaq succeeded in compelling his brothers to grant him his lawful share of the heritage.129 The friendly relations obtaining between the sons of Shayban and the family of 'Abd al-Muttalib seem to have continued: Arwa. the daughter of Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib married 'Abood b. Shayban.130She bore him two daughters (in the period of Islam); one of these daughters married Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Abi TaIib and bore him a son, Ibrahim. Arwa's mother was Umm al-Hakam (not Umm Hakim as in Munammaq) the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'" In some cases an alliance was concluded with two persons; such was the case of Mirdas al-Sulami, who concluded the alliance with both Harb b. Umayya and Abu l-'As b. Umayya; it later broke down.132 In others the effects of the alliance came to fruition after many years: 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan was the ally of the 'Abd Manaf. Mu'awiya ordered his governor in Medina, Marwan, to refrain from punishing 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan for drinking an intoxicating beverage made of raisins (or dates).133 In some cases alliances were merely fictitious. Such was the case of a Persian slave who was set free in Mecca and established his abode there. He was a successful carpenter, sired pretty daughters and 129 See Ibn Habib, ai-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289; on al-Ghaydaq n 11-12;al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, I, 71, 90. 130 See Ibn Habib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289, ult, l31 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS, Br. Mus. fol116b, inf. see Mus'ab, Nasab, p.l8, 132 Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 330. 133 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IVA, pp. 81, 112-114; Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 305. On strangers and allies in Mecca 141 gifted sons, and joined Harb b. Umayya as ally.134Ibn Habib rightly remarks that it was in fact not an alliance at all: (wa-qad dakhala ti ahlati qurayshin man laysa lahum bi-haiitin minhum al-hadarima ->.135 That the economic factor had played a decisive role in acceptance of the new ally by Ibn Umayya emerges quite clearly from the outline of al-Hadrami's career: wa-nazala makkata wa-kathura maluhu wa-walada nisdan hisanan wa-rijalan ta-aniabahum, [a-tazawwaja baniihu haythu ahabbii; wa-hum yadddiina hilta harbi bni umayyata, wa-laysa lahum hiliun min ahadin min qurayshini" Al-Hadrami married Umm Talha, the daughter' of Umm Hakim bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, Their son, 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, was killed on the Day of Nakhla,"? Ibn Habib records many cases of alliances which were in fact never formally concluded, but subsequently acquired outward recognition when the daughters of Meccan noblemen married newcomers, who were usually of inferior status. An apparent case of this kind is that of the Byzantine slave Salama b. al-Azraq, His son, Salama "entered" into an alliance with the 'Abd Shams, marrying Amina, the sister of 'Uthman b. 'Affan..138 The clan of 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri was considered an ally of the Banii Umayya because 'Amr b. Umayya" married Sukhayla bint 'Ubayda b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'v' Ibn Habib's opinions about fictitious alliances of this kind are instructive: ... [a-dakhalii [i bani 'abdi l-dari bi-l-sihri, wa-laysa lahum hilt _141 sami'tu man yuhaqqiqu hiltahum wa-sami'tu man ... 134 135 136 137 138 l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, pp.320-322 Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 319 ult, Habib, ol-Munammaq, p. 321; and see ibid, p. 322, 15. Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 18, 1113-17; al-Baladhuri, Ansah, L 88, 297. Habib, al-Munammaq, p. 302, 11.6-7; but according to Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101, II. 8-9 she married a man from Madhhij 139 See on him J ESHO, vol. XXIV, 251, notes 40-41; and see ibid, pp. 262-263 and notes 84-85. 140 Ibn l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, p. 302 141 Ibn l;Iabib, oi-Munammaq; p. 306, I. 8. Ibn Ibn Ibn See Ibn 142 yuwahhinuhu wa-yaqidu: innama dakhaJit bi-arhamihim wa-asharihim [i=bani zuhrar'? In some cases Ibn Habib admits that he does not know the reason for the affiliation of an adopted ally to his clan: ._wa-huwa ya'ia b. umayya; wa-ia dritu sOOOOa dukhidihim fi bani 'abdi l-darit" The allies who attached themselves to the Meccan clans took part in the political events and war activities of Mecca.. This is stated in the report about the fourth war of the Fijir; ''Nobody of the Tamim attended it except (the clans, or groups of Tamim - K) because of the alliance with Quraysh: the clan of Zurara, the clan of Abii Ihab and the clan of Abii Yalta b. Munya".144 III The alliances of Quraysh with great tribal divisions differed in many respects from the alliances of individuals or of small groups with individuals and clans in Mecca. The strangers and small groups accepted into the body politic of Mecca became usually tied by marriage to the Meccan clans, and integrated themselves into Meccan society. They preserved their nisba; which kept the memory of their tribal origin, but were loyal to Meccan interests and Meccan policy. Great tribal divisions could endanger the balance of power between the various tribal units in Mecca and even bring about a situation in which one or more of these foreign elements would, on conclusion of the alliance, secure for themselves predominant positions. These considerations emerge with clarity from the story of the alliance planned between a division of the Aus of Medina with Quraysh. The Aus proposed alliance with Quraysh; Quraysh consented and the alliance between them was signed. It was, however, cancelled when Walid b. al-Mughira (from Makhziim - K) convinced the Meccans that such an alliance may endanger the existence of the 142 Ibn l:fabTh, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. '!JJ7. 143 Ibn l:fabib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 306. 144 Ibn Habib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 199. On strangers and allies in Mecca 143 Qurashi community in Mecca. Certain expressions in the story may reflect the considerations and reasons for the cancellation of the document: the Aus went out from Yathrib as a jaliya; a group of emigrants (i,e, a group which did not leave their abode of their own free will - K) and alighted in Mecca in the dwellings of Quraysh tnazalat 'ala qurayshr; it was with this group that the Meccans signed the alliance. Al-Walid b. al-Mughira's warning to Quraysh reads as follows: "Never did a people alight in the abode of another people, without depriving them of their honor and inheriting their abodes" (ma nazala qaumun qattu 'ala qaumin ilia akhadhii sharaiahum wa-warithii di yarahum), As a pretext for the cancellation of the document al-Walid proposed to explain to the Aus that the Meccans tend to behave in a licentious manner with women; this may be detrimental for the Aus (sci I. if they decide to live in Mecca - K). The Aus were impressed by the argument and cancelled the alliance.v" The other account of the event (that of Abu 'Ubayda) is similar in outline but contains additional details. These merely record the names of clans who had left Yathrib and came to Mecca: 'Abd al-Ashhal, Zafar, Mu'awiya and people from Riiti~146they went out clandestinely under the pretext of an 'umra. They came to Mecca, alighted in the city, concluded the alliance and stayed there for some days. Then Abu Jahl returned from a journey and was reported about the alliance which had been concluded. It was he who warned the Meccans of the danger that they might be overpowered by the Aus. He proposed to use the aforementioned pretext, which, in the event, proved convincing, and the Aus annulled the document. In the words of Abu 'Ubayda: " .. wa-qad raddadna ilaykum IJilfakum".147 Within the leading group in Mecca there was, however, a tendency to extend their socio-economic activity so as to include within it Medina and al- Ta'if, An important report about the relations 145 Ibn l:Iabib. al-Munammaq, p. 326. 146 Riitij is a locality in Medina (ie, in Yathrib); see Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buJdan, s.v. Riitij. 147 Ibn l:Iabib. ol-Munammaq, pp. 327-330. 144 between Mecca and al- Ta'if is recorded by Ibn Habib; When Quraysh increased in number (sci I. in the period of the Jahiliyya - K) they coveted the valley of Wajj ( ... anna qurayshan hina kathurat raghibat Ii wajiin); they suggested to Thaqif (the inhabitants of al- Ta'if) that they should share the haram of Mecca and Wajj on equal terms. Thaqif refused, arguing that Wajj had been built by their ancestors (thus claiming exclusive right of control over the land and the city - K), whilst the haram of Mecca was established by Abraham (and was thus a place open to all - K). Quraysh then threatened to deny Thaqif access to Mecca. Thaqif, fearing war with Quraysh and their allies from Khuzi'a and Bakr b. 'Abd Maruit, were compelled to concede, and entered into alliance with Quraysh. They even persuaded the Daus to sign a treaty of alliance with Quraysh on the same terms'" The stipulation of al-sharika Ii l-dar made by Quraysh was made into an alliance agreed upon by all the parties interested. Thaqif were granted entrance into the Qurashi controlled Hums and intermarried with Quraysh. Quraysh were able to purchase land property in Wajj.149 The two cases of alliances of Mecca with large and cohesive divisions seem to exemplify the socio-economic views held by Quraysh concerning this type of alliance. IV In Mecca itself the tribal factions struggled among themselves for influence and power. Sometimes conflicts led to bloody encounters. Tradition reports such a clash between the Banu Jumah and the Banii Muharib b. Fihr. The date of the event (or even the period) is not given; the report says that the number of Jurnahis killed and heaped on the battlefield was so great that the place was called radm bani juma/:l.150 Conflicts between the various factions brought about 148 Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 280-281 149 Comp. JSAI I (1979) 8-10. 150 Al-Bakri, Mu'jarn rna sta'jam, p. 649 (sv, al-radm); ol-basim; MS. fo1183b. Mughultay, al-Zahr On strangers and allies in Mecca 145 alliances of the different groups. The division of the Meccan society into the mutayyabisn and ahla] is quite well known, and so is the story of the hilt al-tu4itl.151 Another tribal grouping, including the Zuhra and the Ghayatil, 152 was called the "alliance of righteousness" (hilt al-salah). The Qurashi tribes gave their consent to it, but did not join the alliance. The Muslims acted according to its tenets in the period of Islam."? 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adiyy b. al-Khiyar of the Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf sat on a council imailis) at which the noble and the people of knowledge would meet. Mu'awiya inquired what happened at this council, which was called "majlis al-qilada', "the council of the necklace'T" Quarrels between families and clans brought about the establishment of temporary or relatively stable tribal alliances in which the weak sought the help of the strong. Such cases are seen in the reports about the Banii Zuhra. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, says one report, was attacked and beaten because he used to pass by a Zuhri house and peep at the women. The Banii 'Abd Manaf became enraged at the deed of the Zuhra and demanded that they leave Mecca. The Zuhra started to prepare for departure; they were, however, urged to stay with one of their relatives of Sahm. He came with a band of fighting men in order to defend the Zuhra. The Banu 'Abd Manaf recoiled from a confrontation with the Sahmi group and consented to leave the Zuhra in their dwellings.P? Of a similar kind was the alliance between the Sahm and the Banii 'Adiyy, The 'Adiyy clashed with the 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf. In the fights between them the 'Abd Shams usually had the upper hand. Both parties suffered losses; but when 'Adiyy realized 151 See e.g. E P, s.v. Muhammad nur (E. Tyan), nnr al-Fuc;liil (Ch. Pellat); M. Watt, at Mecca, index, s.v. Mutayyabiin, Al:Iliif,al-Fudiil: and see 152 153 154 155 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, foll74b; al-Sinjirl, Manij'il) al-karam bi-akhbari makka wa-l-haram; MS. Leiden, Or. 7018,fol 46a-b, 60b-61b, 148b-149b; al-Mu'iifii b. Zakariyii, al-J ails al-salih; MS. Topkapi Saray III Ahmet, no. 2321,fol170b; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foll44a See about them Caske\, Die Gomnara;II, 274, s.v.Gayatil, AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. foll06b inf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit; p.42 Ibn Habib, al-MUlIlJ1rIfTUU/, pp.40-42 146 that they were no match for their foes, they decided to conclude an alliance with the Sahm. The 'Adiyy (almost all of them) sold their houses (which were between the Safa and the Ka'ba - K) and moved to the dwellings of Sahm, where they were assigned plots of land (for their houses - K). Al-Khattab (the father of 'Umar) praised the Sahm and thanked them.!" The contest between the Sahm and the 'Abd Shams is referred to in the commentaries of the Qur'an; (Sura ClI, al-Takiuhur): "Gross rivalry diverts you, even till you visit the tombs,"? Traditions report about the help extended to some members of the 'Adiyy in critical situations: al-Khattab, the father of 'Umar, detained a number of women of the Banii Ka'b, who were riding donkeys in the market of Mecca, in order to secure repayment of a debt owed to him by a man of the Ka'b. A group of the 'Abd Maruif hurried to the court of al-Khattab in order to free the women. AI-'As b. Wa'il (the father of 'Amr b. al-'A~) came with haste, chased away the 'Abd Manaf, chided al-Khattab and ordered the women's release. 158 It was al-As b. Wa'il who defended 'Umar, when he was attacked by a group of unbelievers of Quraysh enraged by his public announcement of his conversion to Is1am.159 Some reports talk of bloody clashes between the Banii Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf of the Taym b. Murra and the Banii l-Sabbiiq of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar; it is said to have been the first act of violence and outrage (baghy) in Mecca. They fought each other so violently that they virtually annihilated each other, and only a few of them remained alive. Some of the Banii Sabbiiq left Mecca and joined the 'Akk.160 In another report about the clashes between Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf (called 156 Al-Azraqi, op. cit. pp. 472-473; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 460a-b. 157 AI-Wiibidi, Asbiib al-nuzid, p. 305; Muqiitil, Taf sir, MS. II, fol. 249a; al-Qurtubi, Taisir, 169; al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 507a, IL 7-10. xx. 158 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, foL 18Th. 159 AI-Zubayr, b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. fo1.l87a; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 409, L 4; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 87. 160 Al-Zubayr, b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. foL 89b. On strangers and allies in Mecca 147 al-Mashrafiyy) and the Banii l-Sabbaq, al-Zubayr records the verses of Khalid's mother, al-Subay'a, and of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin..161 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri gives a concise assessment of the role of Sahm in relation to other divisions of Quraysh: Qays b. 'Adiyy (of the Sahm) was the man who protected the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b and the Zuhra b. Kilab against the 'Abd Maniif, and also protected the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b against the Jumah, Mus'ab remarks that the Banii Sahm grew in number in Mecca tkathurti) so that they almost equalled the 'Abd Maniif; however, at the time of the Prophet's advent, their numbers were substantially reduced by a plague. 162 A report recorded by al-Fakihi provides important information about a peculiar Sahmi fighting group - the Sahm were the most numerous and the most vigorous group of people in Mecca. They owned a rock at the mountain called Muslim..163 (This is the mountain overlooking the narrow pass of the Humran in Dhii Tuwii).164When they were about to undertake an important matter (idhii arQdu amran) their herald would cry out yo sabal)ilh, and they would reply: asbib layl. Then Quraysh would ask: "What's up with these inauspicious people?", for Quraysh considered them to be inauspicious. From among them was a group named banii ghaytalal'" distinguished by their intemperance (saraf) and violence (baghy).166 161 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 126a-b; comp. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 293; and see al-Mausili, Ghayat al-wasa'il, MS. fol. 57b (two reports about the violence in Mecca; the violence of the Aqayis mentioned); Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus, fol 3Oa;and see al-Zubayrb. Bakkar, op. cit. fol89b. 162 Mus'ab, Nasab, pp.400 ull-401 163 The mountain Muslim is mentioned by al-Azraqi iop. cit. p. 501); but there is no mention of the Banii Sahm in this place. 164 See al-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam, p. 896, s.v. Dhii Tuwan, 165 See above, note 152;and see Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 401, II. 6-7; and see al-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 506b ull-507a sup; Ghaytala married 'Adiyy b. Sahm and bore him al-Harith and Hudhafa; they were numerous (kana [ihimu l-'adadu) and violent (baghy). 166 See al-Fakihl, Of). cit. MS. fol 506b-507a 148 It is noteworthy that when he decided to help the Zuhra, Qays b. 'Adiyy uttered the cry asbih. layl, ordering the Zuhra to stay and commanding his group to be alert and ready for battle,"? The violence of which Sahm was accused refers, probably, to a special section of Sahm staying in the close vicinity of Mecca. This fighting group was savagely violent and terrified the inhabitants of Mecca. which explains why the expression baghy is used in the sources. v A distinctive feature of Meccan society in the period of the Jahiliyya was the diversity of its inhabitants. Members of different tribes frequented Mecca in order to carry out the obligations pertaining to the pilgrimage and the ritual practices at the Ka'ba, Merchants with their wares flocked to the market in the neighbourhood of Mecca and were engaged in selling and buying transactions. Meccan caravans passed the tribal territories with safety due to the pacts concluded with the Arab tribes and the letters of security of the neighbouring countries-" For a very short period the believers debated whether they were allowed to conduct trade during the hajj; Sura II, 198: laysa 'alaykum iunahun an tabtaghii [adlan min rabbikum; "It is no sin for you that you seek the bounty of your Lord" was interpreted as 167 Ibn Babib, aI-MU/IllIrIInlUl,p. 41,L 3. 168 See U. Rubin, "The IIaf of Quraysh," Arabica XXXI, 165-188; and see: Mahmood Ibrahim, Social and Economic Conditions in Pre-Islamic Mecca, Jl MES, 14(1982),343-358;Harnza al-Isfah3ni, al-Durra aI-faJchira fi l-amthiJIi l-sliira, ed. 'Abd al-Majld Qatamish, Cairo 1972,II, 335,no. 557;'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghddl, Khiziinat al-adab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Hariin, Cairo 1397/1977, VI, 15-16; IV, 469-473; al-Qazwini, Athiir al-biliid wa-akhbar aI-'ibad, Beirut 1389/1969, p. 84 penult,-85 sup; al-Azraqi, op. cit, pp. 131-132; MJ. Kister, Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam, Variorum, London 1980, L 117-121 and Addenda. About the markets see al-Fasl, Tuhfat al-kiram [i akhbari l-baladi l-hariim; MS. Leiden, Or. 2654, fols. 18Oa-181a; nd see Abu a 'Ubayd, Gharib aI-h.atiith, Hyderabad, 1384/1964,IV, 102-103,s.v. habl, On strangers and allies in Mecca 149 allowing commercial activities during the pilgrimager" the markets then turned again into places of lively commercial activity. Sudden changes in the economy of Mecca during the period of the Jahiliyya, which brought about depression and loss of capital for the merchants led to the establishment of the i'tiiiu: (or ihiitad): the merchants in their hopeless situation would leave for the desert, where they pitched their tents and patiently expected their death. Professor Serjeant informs me that the custom of the i'tifad endured in Arhab until recent times. The reform introduced by Hashim according to which the poor of Mecca had to be attached to the rich in their commercial journeys and thus their share in the profits apparently brought about a favourable change in the social situation in Mecca'?" It is noteworthy that the Qur'an explicitly allowed the "nihd", a kind of collective sharing of common expenses of a group on a journey,'?' It is evident that the verse of Siira: ai-Nur, 61: " ... laysa 'alaykum iunahun an ta'kulu ;anu...• au ashtiuan _ " gave sanction to a an practice which was deeply rooted in the Jahiliyya period. Somewhat separated from the Meccan community lived the zan; ("the black"). 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr had a court (dar) in Qu'ayqi'an in which he placed the zanji slaves iraqiqu zan;in).172The mountain Thabir was called jabal al-zanj; the zan; of Mecca used to pick up firewood and "play" there/" In the place where we nowadays have the dar al-'abbas there used to be in "the old days" the market 169 See e.g. al-Wai)idi, Asbab, p.38: _ kana dlW l-majiu wa-'uka+maijara niisin fi l-jahiliyya, [a-lamma ja'a l-isliimu ka-annahum karihi: dhalika lJaua nazalat : laysa 'alaykum junii/;u.ul [i mawiisimi 1-/,uJjji_ 'an ibm 'abbiisin: _ kanu yauaqiina l-buyu'a wa-l-tiiiirata [i 1-/,uJjji.yaqiditna : ayyiimu dhikri lliihi. fa-anzala lliihu ta'iila:laysa 'olaykum junillJ- . 170 See al-Siilii)i, Subul al-huda wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (=al-Sira al-shamiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wai)id, Cairo 1392/1972. I, 317-318; al-Muttawwi'i, Man sahara zafira; MS. Cambridge Or. 1473(10),fol 22a; and see MJ. Kister, op. cit; L 122,Addendum 171 See al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XIL 317-318; uqatil, Tajsir, MS, IL foL 4la M 172 Al-Azraqi, op. cis; p. 464. 173 Al-Fakihi, op. cit; MS. foL 497a; al-Azraqi, op. cii; p. 486. 150 where slaves were sold, says al-Fakihil?" In the dar al-'ulit;, which belonged to the Makhziim, dwelt the Abyssinians. Some reports say that 'Ati b. Abi Rabah was born in this courtl" One can get some idea of the social status enjoyed by the Abyssinians at this time and of the Muslim community's opinion concerning their morality from the hadith recorded by al-Fakihi. The Prophet was informed that the 'ulis] of the Banii Mughira (ie, the Abyssinians owned by the Banii Makhziim - K) refrained from coming to his court, because they were afraid that the Prophet would drive them away (an taruddahum). The Prophet then said "The Abyssinians are no good: if they are hungry they steal; if they are sated they drink. They do indeed have two good qualities: they feed (the needy -K) and they are brave in wat'.176The alleged haditb reflects indeed the views of some circles with an outspoken hostility towards the Abyssinians (and the Black - K) in the period of Islam, but it is possible to assume that some circles in Mecca entertained similar views about them during the Jahiliyya, Thus they seem to have been ostracized from the community. There was probably also a Christian enclave in Mecca, but no explicit information to this effect occurs in the sources. The existence of a Christian cemetery is, however, mentioned in Dhii Tuwa.177 In the Qurashi population of Mecca there were two divisions: the quraysh a/-+awahir and quraysb a/ birQ.J:z. According to a tradition the quraysh al-zawahir were driven out by their brethren the quraysb ai-bi{alJ, and lived outside Mecca." Small and weak groups of the Qurashi tribes tried to form alliances in order to ensure their own 174 175 176 177 178 Al-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. 448a, lL 5-6. AI-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 458a.. AI-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. foL 458a; al-Suyiiti, aI-JlPru"aI-leahir, Cairo 1978, I, 90. AI-Azraqi, op. cit. p. 50; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 506a, L 5 from bottom. Al-Baladhurl, Ansab, I, 51: thumma inna bani kdb b. lu'ayy lammii kathuru akhrajii bU(unan min qurayshin ila ?awahiri makkata, [a-summi: quraysha hawahir. On strangers and allies in Mecca lSI survivat'" The expelled Qurashi clans affiliated themselves to different tribes outside Mecca, but returned at the beginning of Islam and requested that they be reattached to Quraysh.180 An alliance of different Qurashi tribal groups set up against another Qurashi tribal unit is seen in the alliance of Naufal b. 'Abel Manaf with 'Abel Shams b. 'Abel Maruif against Hashim b. 'Abel Maruif and al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Manaf.181 Contests between the factions of Quraysh brought about a search for helpers and allies outside Mecca. Such a case was that of 'Abd al-Muttalib, Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf seized the land property iai-arkiih) owned by 'Abel al-Muttalib, As 'Abel al-Muttalib's people failed to help him, he summoned his relatives in Medina, the Banii Najjar, and they hastened to Mecca threatening the Banii Naufal The Banii Naufal perceived the danger and returned the land property.'v The relationship between 'Abel al-Muttalib and the Banii Najjar was not one of hilt. they, however, behaved faithfully towards each other as one would according to the stipulations of a hilt. The Khuza'a were deeply impressed by the action of the Khazraj and asked 'Abd al-Muttalib and his clan to conclude an alliance with them. He responded favourably, and the document was written down, signed and hung in the Ka'ba.183 When the Khuza'a appealed to the Prophet for help against the unbelievers in Mecca they based their pledge on this very alliance of 'Abel al-Muttalib with their ancestors, stressing that it was still valid184 179 See e.g. MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if," ISAl, I (1979) p.14 note 59 and p. 15 note 65. 180 See al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 42-47 (Noteworthy are the expressions: p. 44: .., [a-lamma kimat khilafatu 'uthmana alhaqahum bi-quraysh _ ; p. 45: fa-lam yarjtu haua qama 'uthmanu tr) fa-ataului. fa-athbatahum [i quraysh; fa-kanu [i l-badiyati mda bani shayoona, wa-kitiibatuhum [i quraysh _ ); and see about sarna b. Lu'ayy MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if", ISAI, I (1979)15-16,note 66. 181 Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p.41 182 See e.g. al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 69-70. 183 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 70-72 184 See EP, Khuza'a (English edition V, 78 inf.), 152 The allegiance to an alliance manifested itself in loyalty to the people one was allied with and in affection for the symbols of the alliance. The banner of Quraysh, which was handed over by QU$aYY to 'Abd al-Dar, remained in their possession for generations. In the battle of Badr this banner was borne by the unbelievers of the 'Abd al-Dar, In the battle of Uhud the Prophet handed over to the commanders of the Muslim army three banners: one of the Aus, one of the Khazraj and one of the Muhajiriin.185The unbelievers went under three banners: one borne by Sufyan b. 'Uwayf; the other was the banner of the Ahabish, borne by one of them; the third was the banner inherited from Qusayy and borne by Talha ibn Abi Talba.186The description of the bearers of the banner of Qusayy, who followed each other to death, is one of the most moving descriptions of loyalty and allegiance. They held the banner with their right hand; when their right hand was cut off, they transferred it to the left; when this was cut off as well, they held it with their arms, When the last bearer of the banners, a maula; could only lift the banner with his arms (as his hands were cut off) he looked at the 'Abd al-Dar and asked them: "Did I do all I could do?~87 When the 'Abd al-Dar converted to Islam they asked for their banner to be given back to them The Prophet refused arguing: "Islam is broader than that" tal-islamu ausa' min dhalikd). The meaning appears to be: there is no room for the banner of a particular group. The banner belongs to the whole Muslim community. There were, of course, special banners adopted by specific groups and divisions; but they distinguished only units which competed among themselves in the battles fought for the cause of Islam This marked a new era in which tribal alliances were forbidden'" 185 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 215. 186 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 201 187 AI-Wiiqidi, op. cii; 226-227, al-Baladhuri, Ansab I, 54-55. According to the report of aI-BaIiidhuri the last who lifted the banner of the 'Abd al-Dar in this battle was a woman: 'Umra bint al-Harith b. 'Alqama of the 'Abd al-Dar, 188 Cf. aI-Suyiiti, al-Jiuru" al-kabir i, 905, L 4 from bottom; L GoIdziher, Muslim Studies, transL c.R Barber, s.M Stern, London 1967, I, 70, notes 2, 4. On strangers and allies in Mecca 153 It is noteworthy that on the day of Uhud Quraysh were still fighting under the banners of the M14ayyabUn and the Al}1at.I89 There were two separate cemeteries in Mecca (in the period of the Jahiliyya); one of the M14ayyabUn and one of the Ah/at.l90 Due to the marriages of the Meccans with the different tribes, Southern and Northern ones alike, there grew up a Mecean community in which the characteristic features of the various tribal groups survived. The memory of these ancestors remained vivid in the minds of the Meccans; the Prophet prided himself on the fact that "he was born" of twelve ancestresses named 'Atika. The sources record, in fact, twelve ancestresses with this name: two Qurashi, three Sulami, two 'Adwani, one Kinani, one Asadi, one Hudhali, one Qu<;la'i,and one Azdi."! The peculiar blend of Meccan society helped to establish friendly relations with the Arab tribes, who recognized the superiority of Mecca and its leading role. The institution of the halit contributed in large measure to this development The role of Mecca had already been transformed in the early period of Islam: its leadership becoming distinctly spiritual in character. Only some jurists claimed that the position of the Meccans was that of fuJaqa', "the freed" or "manumitted", pointing to the assumption that the population of Mecca was hostile to the Prophet and that Mecca had been conquered by force. 'Umar, according to one tradition, refrained from paying 'afa' to the Meccans and from levying fighting men for military expeditions from among them, on the grounds that the Meccans were fuJaqa'.l92 189 Zubayr b. Bakkir, Jamnara; MS. foL 86b. 190 AI-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 480a: ... wa-klmat makkata wa-maqbaratu l-aNali bi-asiali maqbaraiu l-miuayyabina bi-dla makkata ., ; and see additional details about the alliances in Mecca: MJ. Kister, ''Some Reports Concerning Mecca",JESHO, XV (1972)81-84. 191 See e.g. L'A, S.v. 'a t k; and see Ibn Hablb, Ummahiu al-nabiyyi ,salla llahu 'aJayhi wa-QJihi wa-saJlam, ed. Husayn 'Ali Mabf~ Baghdad 1372 192 Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 417a 154 Quraysh were however the people chosen by God, and in his utterances the Prophet enjoined love and respect them193 In the course of thecenturies, there evolved a large literature of fa4liil makkata and of fa4liil quraysh; extolling the city and its inhabitants, and predicting that on the Day of Resurrection the city and its inhabitants will be saved. The allies of Quraysh will be in their company, for, according to the tradition: 'The ally is a member of the people'?" 193 See e.g. al-Hasan b. 'Arata, Juz', Chester Beatty 4433, fol. 142b: ahibbu qurayshan [a-innahu man ahabbahum ahabbahu llahu _; and see this tradition: Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawa'id wo-manbd ai-fawa'id, Beirut 1967,X, 27 inf.; and see Niir al-Din ai-Haythami, op. cit. X, 27 sup; man ahana qurayshan ahimahu Iliihu (and see this tradition: 'Abd al-Razziiq, ai-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-A'zami, Beirut 1392,XI, 58 no. 19905; and see this tradition: al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, I, 401; and see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit. X, 26: _ inna qurayshan ahlu amiuJatin fa-man baghahumu i-'awathira akabbahu lliihu ii-mankharayhi... (and see this tradition: Ibrahim Muhammad ai-l;Iusayni al-Dimashqi, ai-Bayan wo-l-tdrif [i asbilbi wurUdi i-hmiithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1980, II, 63, no. 639);and see e.g. al-Muniiwi, FaYQ al-qadlr, shari: aI-jam!' i-,faghir, Beirut 1391/1971, IV, 516, no. 6123: qurayshun wuiatu i-nasi [i l-khayri wa-l-sharri iia yaumi i-qiyiuna _ 194 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannai, XI, 56, no. 19897: (the Prophet ordered 'Umar to convoke Quraysh; among them were their nephews, their allies and their mawali) the Prophet said: ibn ukhtina minna wa-huiafa'una minna wa-mawaiina minna ...; and see al-Dariml; Sunan; Dar Ibya' al-sunna I-nabawiyya, n.d., n.p. II, 244, l 1:maula l-qaumi minhum, wa-halifu l-qaumi minhum wa-bnu ukhti l-qaumi minhum:

Social and Religious Concepts of Authority in Islam

social_religious.pdf SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS OF AUTHORITY IN ISLAM In memory of my brother Aharon Kister. The commonwealth set up by the prophet Muhammad in Medina, including various tribal groups and factions, united by the superimposed ideas of the new religion of Islam, formed the umma, the community of Islam. This unprecedented body politic in the north of the Arabian peninsula originated and developed in its first stages due to the undisputed authority of the Prophet, who served as the sole guide, leader, judge, and legislator of the community; he derived his authority from the continuous revelation granted to him by God. The character of the Prophet was moulded according to the Qur'an, as formulated in a concise utterance of 'A'isha.I In Muslim tradition the Prophet is depicted as a symbol of righteousness and justice than whom nobody could be more just.2 He acted equitably See, e.g., Abu l-Shaykh, Akhlaq al·nabi, pp. 19, 29: ...qalat: kana khuluqu rasuli Il1Jhi (~) al-qur'ana ... ; al-SuyutI, al·Durr, 6, 251; Ibn Kathlr, Ta/sir, 7, 80-81; Ibn Kathlr, Shamti'i/, pp. 57-58; Ibn AbI l·ijadld, SharI} nahj, 6, 340; al·Mubarrad, al·Ft14i/, p. 16; and see al-SulamI, Adab al·~ul}ba, p. 23, n. 4 [the references of the editor]; al-Munawi, Fay4, 5, 170, no. 6831. See, e.g., the story about the meeting of Ohu I·Khuway~ira with the Prophet (and the story of OM I-Thudayya): Ibn Hisham, al-Sira, 4, 139 [..ja-qala: lam araka 'adalfa; (qala): /a-ghat/iba I-nabiyyu (~), thumma qtila: waylJaka, idllli lam yakuni 1'adlu 'indi /a- 'indo man yakunu ... ];al-ijumaydI, al-Musnad, 2, 55, no. 1271; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al·Mu¥Jnna/, 10, 146, no. 18649 [...i'dil ya rasula Ilt1hi,/a-qtila: waylaka, wa·manya'dilu idha lam a'dil...]; Mul;lammad Mu~tafa l-A'?amI, Diriisatji l'I}adithi I'nabawiyyi, Juz' Abi l-Yamtin al·!fakam b. Na/i', p. 157; al·ZurqiinI, SharI} al· mawtihib, 7, 227-28; al-WaqidI,al-MagJuizi, p. 948; al-Wal;lidi, Asbdbal·nuzul, p. 167; al-Suyuti, Lubtibu l·nuqul, p. 118; al-Suyu~I,]am' al·jawami', 2, 530; Ibn 'Asiikir, Ta)rikh (tahdhib), 6, 239; al-Oamlri, !fayat al'I}ayawtin, 1, 233; Ibn al·Athlr, al·MurflWl', p. 162; Ibn ijazm, al-Fi¥Jl, 4, 53; Ibn ijajar, aH~ba, 2, 411, no. 2452; Ibn Tawus, al-Mal4l1im wa-lfilan, p. 88; Ibn al·Athlr, Usd al·gllli· 2 85 Concepts of authority in Islam and kindly towards people, and allowed a man who was hit by him unintentionally to avenge himself.' A similar feature of the human nature of the Prophet, his lenience and his kindness, is revealed in a story recorded on the authority of 'A>isha.When the auxiliary forces of the Bedouin (amdiid al-iarabv» grew in number and the Prophet was (once) mobbed by the gathering crowd, the Muhajirun enabled him to come out of the crowd and reach the chamber of 'A)isha. He threw off his garment at the door, jumped into the room and started to make invocations against the crowd: "0 God, curse them." imma min Quraysh, ed. $aIaQ. al-Dln al-Munajjid, Beirut 1377/1958. See, e.g., Ibn Abi (A~im, Kitab al-sunna, p. 527, no. 1109: ...al-khiliifa fi quraysh ilii qiyami l-sa:«; p. 528, no. 1112: ...hiidhii l·amru fi qurayshin ...; p. 530, no. 1118: ...inna hiidha l-amra fikum wa-antum wuliituhu ...: p. 533, no. 1126: ...Iiiyazdlu wiilin min quraysh ...:p. 533, no. 1127: ...nalJnu wuliitu hiidha l-amri l}attli nadfa(ahu ilii (isii bni maryama ...;and see p, 642, no. 1547; al-Munawt, Fay4, 6, 450, no. 9969: ...Iii yazdlu hqdha l-amru fi qurayshin mti baqiya mina l-ntisi ithndni...; d. the significant utterance of al-Harith b. Hisham al-Makhzumt onthe Day of the Saqlfa [Ibn Hajar, al-I¢ba,l, 608 sup.] ...wa-lliihi lau-Iii qaulu rasuli lliihi "al-a>immatu min qurayshin" mti ab(adnd minha l-an¢ra wa-la-kiinu laha ahlan, wa·lakinnahu qaulun Iii shakka fihi; fa-wa-lliihi lau lam yabqa min qurayshin kulliha rajulun wiiIJidun la-¥lyyara lliihu hiidhd l-amra fihi. Al-Khallal, al-Musnad min masii>il alJmad, MS fol. 6a; Ibn Abi (A~im, Kitab al-sunna, p. 527, nos. 1109-10. Al-$aIiQ.i, Subul al-hudii wa·l-rashiid = al-Sira al-Shamiyya, 1, 333: ...li-annahu yaqta4i an yakuna abu bakrin wa-(umaru laysd min qurayshin, wa-idha lam yakund min qurayshin fa-imtiratuhumti btlfilatun. Al-Khallal, al·Musnad min masii>il alJmad, MS, fol. 5b. 37 uu 38 39 40 98 The utterances about the exclusive authority of Quraysh were apparently current as early as the first century of the hijra, when Qurashi rule was established and needed firm legitimization from the orthodox religious authorities. Many utterances in praise of Quraysh ascribed to the Prophet are recorded in the early collections of lJ,adith from the second century of the hijra. "The spine of men are Quraysh," the Prophet is said to have stated. "Can a man walk without a spine?" he added. "People are followers of Quraysh in this affair" (ft hfldhfl l-sha>n), said the Prophet ("affair" is glossed as "authority"). "Muslims," continued the Prophet, "are followers of Muslims of Quraysh, unbelievers follow unbelievers of Quraysh." A man of Thaqif was killed in the battle of Uhud. The Prophet said: "May God curse him, for he hated Quraysh." "God will despise the man who despises Quraysh," the Prophet said. These utterances, quoted from Ma'rnar b. Rashid's Jflmi<,4I reflect the trend of the first-century traditions, which aimed at supporting Qurashi claims to sole authority over the community. The Umayyads were eager to emphasize the outstanding position of the caliph, his prestige and infallibility. One of the Umayyad caliphs claimed that the sins of the caliphs would not be counted and their faults would not be recorded." God creates the person destined for the caliphate in a special way: He strokes the forelock of that person with His hand, says a tradition." Obedience and respect for the rulers is incumbent on believers. The Qur>anic verse IV, 59, "0 ye who believe! Obey Allah and obey the messenger and those of you who are in authority ..." was interpreted as referring to obedience to God and subsequently to His Book (i.e., the Qur>fln).Obedience to the Prophet was interpreted 41 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-M~annaf, 11, 54-58, nos. 19893-905. 42 Al-Naysaburt, Gharii)ib al-qu'>iin wa-raghii>ibal-furqa«, 23, 88. 43 Al-Munawi, Fayi/, 1,266, no. 403; 2, 207, no. 1677 [with an additional phrase.jeIa taqa'u ir) is better than unlawful civil strife (jitna); neither of them is good (wa-kullun la khayra fih,), but one is better than the other." "It is necessary to have either a righteous or a libertine ruler" (la budda li-l-nasi min amirin barrin au !iijirin) is an utterance transmitted by several prominent personalities. When an.64 The high position of the ruler and his officials is indicated in an utterance of the Prophet: God has guards in heaven and on earth; God's guards 60 61 62 63 64 Ibn Saan,]. 103 Concepts of authority in Islam in heaven are the angels; His guards on earth are those who get their salaries (arziiq) and guard the people." The virtue of Muslim rulers in guarding the population and in developing the territories over which they ruled was sometimes extended to unbelievers. The Prophet is said to have forbidden cursing the Persians (al·, 1,333, no. 1074. Nur al-Din al-HaythamI, Majma', 5, 218-19. Ibid., 5, 218. Ibn Tawus, al-Malt1l}im toa-l-fitan, Najaf 1383/1963, p. 138. 107 Conceptsof authority in Islam he be."90 The danger of the amirs who might get the recognition is emphasized in the famous speech on the Day of the Hall attributed to Abu Bakr: the Muslims are not permitted to have two amirs. If this happens dissension will arise among them as to authority and law, their community will split and they will dispute among themselves. In this situation the sunna will be abandoned, bad innovations will appear itasharu l-bid'a), civil war (riots) will erupt (ta'~umu l-fitna), nobody will then follow the right path." Ibn 'Umar transmitted the utterance of the Prophet saying that violation of the oath of allegiance given to the ruler is treason." Revolt against the oppressing rulers is forbidden by the Prophet even in a case where the ruler appropriates to himself the share of the revenues (fay» decreed by the law for the believer." Abu Mas'ud al-Ansari prefers being humiliated to revolting and being punished in Hell in. the next world." On the basis of this injunction, Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab refused to give the oath of allegiance to two rulers, and quoted the tradition stating that the second claimant must be killed.t'" 90 91 92 93 94 100 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaf,l1, 344, no. 30714; see al-Shaukani, Nayl, 8,183, no. 5; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-i'Iidal, 2,128, no. 3142 [idJui buyi'a li·khalifataynifa·qtulu I· alJdatha]; Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir I, 126 [some scholars were, however, of the opinion that the rule of two or more caliphs is permitted if they rule in distant territories; and see the discussion about the status of 'Ali and Mu'a· wiya as legal rulers]; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, 4, 199 inf.; al-Bayhaql , al-Sunan al·kubrd, 8, 144; Ahmad b. J:Ianbal, Musnad led. Shakir], 10, 3·4, no. 6501, 6, no. 6502 [and see the comments and references of the editor]. AI-BayhaqI. al-Sunan al·kubrd, 8, 145. Ibn al'isha,and her role in the conflict (i.e., between Talha and al-Zubayr and later on 'Ali K.) Abu Bakra characterized her as a "weak woman" and quoted the utterance of the Prophet that a people ruled by a woman will not be successful in its undertakings.!'" An utterance attributed to the Prophet says that the worst man killed in this world is the one killed (in the battlefield . K.) between two kings striving for (the goods of - K.) this world."! Abu Barza al-Aslami-'! applied the same terms in his assessment of the wars between the pretenders to the caliphate. Both of them (Marwan in Syria and Ibn al-Zubayr in Mecca) fought merely for [the goods of] this world (al·dunyii). Those called al-qurra' also fought for the gains of this world. Asked by his son what his injunction was in this situation, he said that one should join those who cleave "empty bellied [and devoid] of every possession" to the ground, not having on their backs (the sin of shedding· K.) any blood.!" As both parties involved in fighting were characterized as fighting for the cause of this world, the only solution was to stay away from both. The Companion Hudhayfa b. al-Yaman warned the people of the two parties struggling to achieve the benefits of this world: They both would be driven to Hell."! Ibn 'Umar was asked by a man whether to join al-Hajja] or Ibn Zubayr. He replied that no > 114 Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 43b sup. 115 'Abd ai-Malik b . .I;Iabib, Kitab al-ioara', MS Madrid 5146b, fol. 18b: ...sharru qatilin qutila fi l-dunYii man qutila bayna malikayni yuridiini l-dunYii; and see a similar tradition: al-Munawt, Faye!, 4, 160, no. 4880: sharru qatflin bayna I-~affayni alJaduhumii yatlubu l-mulka. 116 See on him, e.g., Ibn .I;Iajar, Tahdntb al-tahdhib, 10, 446, no. 815. 117 See Nu'ayrn b . .l;lammad,al-Fitan, fol. 35b[andd. fol. 43a, 43b]; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil, fol. 72a; al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak [repr. Riyal;! n.d.], 4, 470/"1. 118 Nu'aym b . Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 33b. 112 matter whom he joined in fighting, he would be sent to Hell.'!" In a harsh utterance Ibn 'Umar gave his assurance that al-Hajjaj, Ibn al-Zubayr, and the Khariji Najda would fall into Hell like flies falling into soup. He nevertheless hastened to prayer when he heard the mu'adhdhir: (scil. of one of the fighting parties· K.) call for prayer.!" Many traditions enjoin staying away from both rulers and insurgents.'!' The usual call of the insurgents was the appeal for the revival of the sunna of the Prophet. A well-known case is the message of Ibn al-Zubayr and the impressive reply of his mother: When Ibn al-Zubayr informed his mother that his adherents had defeated and deserted him while the Syrians offered him safety (aman), she told him: If you went out fighting for the revival of God's Book and the Prophet's sunna then die for your true faith, but if you went out for the cause of this world, then there is nothing good in you, no matter whether you are alive or dead.!" The Umayyad officials and commanders believed in their mission. Muslim b. 'Uqba considered his deed in Medina the most virtuous one: he kept allegiance to the legal caliph, defeated his enemies, and killed many of them. In his prayer before his death Muslim emphasizes that he "did not draw his hand away" from allegiance to the caliph, and there is no deed more righteous that could help him draw nearer to God than his action in Medina. "Therefore grant me Thy mercy," concluded Muslim his prayer.!" The case of the battle of the Harra became 119 AJ.I;lakim, al-Mustadrak, 4, 471; Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 4Ob. 120 Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 44a; cf. lAbd al-Iabbar al-Khaulant, Talrikh diirayyii, ed. Sa'Id al-Mghani, Damascus 1369/1950, pp. 78 inf.-79. 121 See, e.g., Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fols. 35a-48b. 122 See, e.g., Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, fol. 43b. 123 Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Mamiqil, MS, fol. 81a; Ibn al-Jauzi, Risala Ii jawiiz, MS, fol. 22b. Cf. the story of al-Mansur and his comment on the will of al-Hajja]. AI-~ajjaj records the shahiida and expresses his full loyalty to al·Walid b. (Abd al-Malik (...wa-annahu Iii ya(ri!u ilia ta'ata I-walidi bni 'abdi I-malik. 'alayha yalfyii wa'lln readers used it as a ladder (to gain their ends - K.).149It was the hypocritical Qur>llnreaders, serving the rulers, against whom Sufyan directed his sharp words of criticism. "If you see a Qur>lln reader sheltering himself inside the gates of the ruler, know that he is a brigand (li~~); if he shelters himself under the doors of the rich, then know that he is a hypocrite.?"? A vivid picture of such a group of Qur>llnreaders looking for favours from the governor is recorded by al-Zajjaji. Al-Hasan al-Basri passed by a group of Qurrll> at the gate of 'Umar b. Hubayra, the governor appointed by 'Abd al-Malik, and said: "Why do you sit here with trimmed moustaches, shaved heads, sleeves cut short, and broadened shoes (mufalfaJ:za)? By God," said al-Hasan, "had you considered kings' possessions to be of little value they would have longed for what you possess; but you longed for what they have, and therefore they belittled what you have. You brought shame upon the (true - K.) Qurra', may God bring shame upon yoU."151 Sufyan was outspoken about any contacts with the rulers. "Dealing with Jews and Christians is more attractive to me (aJ:zabbu ilayya) than dealing with these leaders (umarii».152 To look into the 146 147 148 149 150 Ahmad b. l;IanbaI, al- Wara<' p. 57. Ibn Abi Hatim, Taqdima, pp. 105, 114; 'Abd aI-Malik b.Habtb, al- Wara<' fol. 17a. 'Abd aI·Malik b.l;Iabib, al·Wara" fol. 17b. Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 6, 376. Ibid., 6, 387; AI:tmad b. Hanbal, al- Wara', p. 114; and see al-Zandawaysitl , Raudat al-ayta l-a fain abgha4u il4lliihi min 'tilimin yazuru an and scholars of Muslim jurisprudence would be misled by Satan, who would induce them to visit the rulers and gain favours and profits, promising them that they would remain firm in their belief. "Alas, this will not happen," said Ibn a I-qur>ana wa-tafaqqahali /-dini, thumma atii ~ilI}ibasultan in (ama'an Ii-mali yadayhi (aba' MS Heb. Univ., fol. l00a: ... mak1}ul al-shami: al-qur>anu wa-I-fiqhu rifatun Ii l-dini, fa-man ta'allama I-qur>ana wa-I-fiqha wa-faqiha Ii l-dini thumma atii Mba I-sultani tamalluqan ilayhi wa·(ama is 168 Al-Mu'afa b. 'Imran, Kitab al-Zuhd, MS ?:ahiriyya, fol. 241a. 169 Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Wara'. p. 60; Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 8, 242; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta)rikh, 6, 154; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, 7, 115. 170 in),I16 Another version links the utterance about the , the wicked amirs, and the authority in contradistinction to the Qur>fm. "The millstone of Islam (ralja I· isliim)," says the Prophet, "will revolve; therefore move with the Book (i.e., Qur>fm)as the Book turns. Alas, the Book and the Authority, sultan, will part; therefore do not leave the Book. Alas, you will be ruled by amirs who will decree for themselves what they will not decree for you; if you obey them they will lead you astray, if you disobey them they will kill you." People asked: "How have we to act?" The Prophet answered: "Do as the companions of Jesus did: they were sawn by saws, they were borne on wood (i.e., tree trunks; they were crucified - K.). Death in obedience to God is better than life in disobedience to Him."!" The gloomy predictions about unjust and oppressive rulers, and forebodings about wicked Qur>flnreaders looking for favours at the doors of the governors, strengthened the tendency of the pious scholars to detach themselves from the rulers and their officials. There were, however, a few scholars who cherished some hopes of influence through edification and persuasion through visits to the courts of the rulers. They frequented the palaces of the governors and exhorted them, summoning them to repent and to act justly and equitably.':" Sufyan al-Thauri never reviled people of authority and even invoked the righteousness of the rulers; he nevertheless used to mention their defects and vices.P''Hudhayfa assumed that the call for 176 'Abd ai-Malik b.l;Iabib, al- Wara<, fol. 18b. 177 Abu Nu'aym, /filya, 5, 165-66; 'Abd ai-Malik b.Hablb, al-Wara', fol.l6a; d. al-Tabarani , al-Mu'jam al-¥Jghfr, 1,264; see another version: al-Suyiitl, al-Du"2, 300 penult.-301 sup.: ,..yUshiku l-sultanu wa-l-qu'>anu an yaqtatil4 wa-yatajarraqa ... 178 See, e.g., ~mad b.Hanbal, Musnad, 1, 17 no. 16. 179 Ibn Abi l;Iatim, Taqdimat al-ma(rifa, p. 97. 122 justice and the disapproval of wicked actions were laudable deeds. He further added that it is not permissible according to the sunna to draw weapons against the ruler.!" The Prophet enjoined obeying the rulers as long as they carried out their obligations in connection with prayer and its prescribed times.!" The current tradition enjoined the believers to pray behind the caliph or behind his deputy, which served in fact as recognition of his religious authority.!" Ibn 'Umar assumed that Ibn al-Zubayr, Najda, and al-Hajjaj would fall into Hell like flies, but he hurried to pray behind them when he heard the call of the mu>adhdhin.I83 Al-Hasan and al-Husayn prayed behind Marwan, although they used to revile him.!" If the ruler delayed the prayers, or if he was heedless in his performance of prayer, the believer was advised to pray at home, then to join the prayer of the congregation led by the ruler or his deputy in the mosque.!" The absence of the believer from common prayer led by the caliph or his deputy was a sign of denial of the ruler's authority. Such was the case with the Kiifans, who refrained from praying behind the appointed governor, al-Nu'rnan b. Bashir, did not join him during the prayers of the feasts, and wrote to al-Husayn to come to them as their imam. 186 Another obligation incumbent on believers was the jihad under the banner of their amirs, regardless of whether they were just or wicked. This view was defined by Ibn counted by al-Muhasibi as people who are used to visit the rulers and accept their gifts.!" Ibrahim al-Nakha'I in fact had close relations with the rulers: he used to fatten geese and give them as a gift to the rulers.!" Visiting them, he even asked for gifts.!" He used to sit in the mosque, and police guards and appointed tribal chiefs «urata» used to join him and talk with him. When reproached about it he said: "Would you like me to separate myself from people? They talk about what they like and we talk about what we like."!" Al-A'rnash was reproached for entering the abodes of the rulers; he responded that he considered them to be like a lavatory: he entered for his needs and then left.!" < Ikrima, the maulil of Ibn an readers who assume that a garment unlawfully gained and worn during the prayer makes the prayer null and void. Of this kind was the argument of the Khawarij that a dowry attained unlawfully annuls the marriage. Al-Muhasibi argues that the dowry, if unlawful, has to be replaced 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 A1-MuQiisibI, A (mal al·qulub, p. 220. Al-Fasawt, al-Ma(rifa wa·Ua>rikh, MS, fol. 189a. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, 6, 279. Al-Fasawi, al·Ma(rija, fol. 188b; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 6, 273. AbU Nu'aym, /filya, 5, 49. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 1,29. A1-MuQiisibI, A'mal al·qulub, p. 221. 125 Concepts of authority in Islam by a lawful one, but that the marriage itself remains sound and becomes valid by the declaration of marriage.>" Somegroups regarded any cooperation with the rulers as assistance for them in their acts of oppression. Others prohibited aiding the authorities only in deeds directly connected with iniquity and oppression, and allowed cooperations in other fields. Some eminent and pious scholars had quite extreme opinions as to selling weapons and horses; they considered it serious disobedience (ma<#ya). Even in other fields they considered "it preferable not to cooperate with the rulers. To these groups of the pious belonged many famous ascetics; it is enough to mention , and to carry out other duties of authority. The pious, orthodox believers, acting in the spirit of the injunctions of the traditions of the Prophet, considered any revolt against the rulers a forbidden deed; they gladly practiced perseverance under the rule of unjust rulers and stuck to the community of the believers, attempting to avoid any contact with the authorities.r" A marginal group of ascetics who kept away from trade and industry and were reluctant to take part in military actions (scil. under the command of the amirs) is severely criticized by Muhasibi: commerce, industry, and other occupations were always practiced in Islam.f" In contradistinction to the dark picture of the evil ruler, Abii Yiisuf draws an impressive picture of the righteous ruler in his Kitiib alkhariij, which he dedicated to Haran al-Rashid, God by His grace and mercy established the rulers (wuliit al-amr) as His deputies on earth and granted them light; this enabled them to elucidate some obscure matters and explicate the duties incumbent upon them. The luminous light of the rulers is reflected in the revival of the sunan of the 201 Ibid., pp. 222-23. 202 Ibid., pp. 205·08. 203 Ibid., pp. 209-12. 126 righteous, the carrying out of the prescriptions of the Law of God, and the granting to the people of their rights. The evil of the shepherd spells doom for the subjects; if he is not aided by the virtuous and right, people are in danger of perdition.t" Traditions quoted by Abu Yiisuf emphasize the high position of the just ruler and his distinguished place on the Day of Resurrection; the most hated and chastised on the Day of Resurrection would be the wicked ruler.205The kind ruler, caring for the needs of his subjects, would be gently treated by God on the day when he spoke to God about his needs; the ruler who hindered the people from approaching him to ask that their needs be met would be prevented from gaining God's help for his needs.?" A great many traditions enjoin being faithful to the ruler, carrying out his orders, cleaving to the community, and honouring the authorities.>" The famous tradition granting Quraysh the sole position of rulers of the Muslim community is in some versions coupled with a proviso concerning the implementation of the rules of • justice, the precepts of the Qur>an, and the sunna of the Prophet. In certain traditions the good tidings about the duration of Qurashi rule are coupled with a threat that Quraysh would lose their authority if the rulers acted unjustly or violated the precepts of Islam; sometimes the solemn promise of Qurashi rule is followed by a curse for a ruler who acts iniquitously.r" All the traditions enjoin obedience and subordination to the rulers, even if the believer is treated with iniquity or is punished or harmed unjustly. Only in the event that he is faced with the choice between Islam and death must he prefer death.?" 204 205 206 207 208 Ibid., p. 5. Abu Yusuf, Kitab al-kharaj, p, 9. Ibid., pp, 9·10. See, e.g., ibid. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 8,143-44; al-Haythami, Majma< al-zawa)id, 5,192 inf.-193; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib, 4, 222-23; Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, al-$awa'iq, p, 187; 'Abd al-Iabbar, TatMit dalii)i/ al-nubuwwa, 1,253; al-Munawi, Fay4, 3, 189, no. 3108. 209 See, e.g., Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, al-$awiiiq, p, 187 ult.-I88 sup.; al-Tabaranl, al-Mujam al-~aghir, 1, 152; al-Munawi, Fay4, 1, 498, no. 996; al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa)id, 5, 192 sup. 127 Conceptsof authority in Islam Only one traditionenjoins rebellion in the case of an iniquitous ruler; the Prophet is said to have instructed the people as follows: Be loyal to Quraysh as long as they act justly towards you. If they do not act righteously put your swords on your shoulders and cut off their roots. If you do not do it, then be miserable like peasants living by their toilYo This tradition is included in Khallal's al-Musnad min masa'il ahmad. It is of interest that Ibn Hanbal, when asked about this tradition, denied its soundness, stating that the Prophet's utterances in this matter are contradictory; he quoted the wellknown traditions enjoining full and unconditioned obedience to the Qurashi rulers."! When asked about it another time, Ibn Hanbal stated that the true version as transmitted to him by Wak!' was confined to the first phrase: "Be loyal to Quraysh as long as they act justly towards you" (istaqimu li-qurayshin rna staqamu lakum).lI2 On another occasion Ahmad b. Hanbal marked the extended tradition of Thauban, quoted above, as munkar+" It is in fact not surprising that Ibn Qutayba recorded this utterance as one of the ideological arguments of the Khawarij.214 210 Shahridar b. Shirawayh, Firdaus al·akhbar, MS Chester Beatty 4139, fol. 35b; al-Haythami, Majma( al'ZIlwd'id, 5, 195, 22 8; Bahshal, Ta'rikh wasit, pp. 70· 71. [The tradition was misunderstood by the editor. The correct reading is: ala wa·/j (alaykum I}aqqun ... (p. 70, line 5 from bottom); and p. 71, line 1 read: fa-in lam ya/alil; p. 71, line 2 read wa·illa (instead of wa·lt1);fa·kilnil (instead of lakilnil); I}arrathfn (instead of kharrabfn»); al-Suyutt, lame al·jawdmi<, I, 107 sup.; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat al-suna», 1,67; al-Muttaqt l-Hindi, Kanz, 6, 35, no. 303; Ibn al-Athir, al-NiJulya, 4, 125 (s.v. qwm); al-Dhahabl Mfz4n al-i(tidal, 2, 272, no. 211 212 213 214 3697. Al-Khallal, al-Musnad min masd'il, MS, fol. 9b. Al-Khallal., al-Musnad min masd'il, MS, fol. 9b. Ibid., fol. 9b, inf.-10a. Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wfl mukhlalif al-l}adfth, p. 3.

The Sīrah Literature

sirah.pdf THE SIRAH LITERATURE Sirah literature (biography of the Prophet), inspired as it was by the imposing personality of the Prophet and bearing the marks of the stormy political events of the conquests, of the social changes in the Muslim community and of the struggle of the different factions, came into being in the period following the death of the Prophet. It developed in the first half of the first century of the hijrah, and by the end of that century the first full-length literary compilations were produced. The development of Sirah literature is closely linked with the transmission of the Hadith and should be viewed in connection with it. Most of the reports about utterances and orders of the Prophet were, during his lifetime, transmitted orally, and few of them seem to have been written down. Although some accounts about the recording of the utterances, deeds and orders dictated by the Prophet to his Companions are dubious and debatablel and should be examined with caution (and ultimately rejected), some of them seem to deserve trust. The pacts which the Prophet concluded with the different groupings in Medina after his arrival in that city were apparently written down so as to serve as the legal basis for their communal life. His letters to rulers, governors and chiefs of tribes are recorded in some of the compilations of the Sirah. The Sirah also contains accounts of pacts concluded between the Prophet and conquered tribes or localities and of grants bestowed upon tribal leaders. Information about tax-collectors appointed by the Prophet was conveyed to the tribal units to which they were dispatched. The news about the victories of the Prophet and his conquests were widely circulated in the vast areas of the Arabian Peninsula. All this material came to form an essential part of the Sirah. In addition to this, the affection of the Companions of the Prophet and 1 E.g., on the sahifah of' Ali, cf. Ahmad b. 1:1anbal,Musnad, II, nos 1306, 1307, 1297. The Prophet did not single out the' Alids by anything not granted to others; the only thing hy which they were singled out was the sahifah attached to the scabbard of' Ali's sword (or in other sources that of the Prophet or that of 'Umar). It contained some short utterances about taxes imposed on camels (or, according to some, sheep), about the sanctity of Medina, the obligation to give protection to the People of the Book, etc. 352 THE SIRAH LITERATURE 353 their loyalty, respect and awe for him, in contrast to the attitudes, customs and practices of other communities towards their rulers, leaders and chiefs, constituted a favourite topic of conversation at the gatherings of his Companions as well as of his enemies, and were embodied into the compilations of the STrah. The daily contacts of the Prophet with his family and relatives, his adherents and adversaries, formed the subject matter recorded by the transmitters. The STrah aimed at giving information about the men who aided the Prophet loyally and faithfully, about stubborn opponents and enemies who persecuted him and those who later fought him, about hypocrites who concealed unbelief and hatred in their souls and about Companions who suffered and fought for him. Consequently the STrah became a record of the life of contemporary society, reflecting as it did the mutual relations between tht> Prophet and this society. Every member of this society is therefore assessed as to his virtues, views and actions and is placed on a graded scale according to his rank as believer, fighter, adherent and supporter, or as enemy or hypocrite. It is thus plausible that, in the early compilations of the STrah, people eagerly compiled lists of the first men who embraced Islam, the first who suffered for the cause of Islam, the first who emigrated to Abyssinia, the first Medinans who gave the oath of allegiance, the men who opposed the Prophet in Mecca, etc. Later special treatises dedicated to such subjects, the awa'il, were compiled.2 The careful evaluation of the deeds and actions of the Companions of the Prophet gave rise to the compilation of biographies of the ~a4abah. Furthermore, certain passages in the Qur'an, pointing to some events in the life of the community, required explanation and elucidation. It was necessary to specify to what people or events certain expressions or phrases referred. For an interpretation to be reliable in the opinion of the Muslim community it had to be based on an utterance ascribed to the Prophet or to one of his Companions. These utterances, stories or reports expounded the background and the circumstances of the verses of the Qur'an, establishing to whom they referred and providing details of the event recorded. These groups of Traditions, forming an essential part of the Sirah, developed into an independent branch of Quranic exegesis, the asbab al-nuziil (" the reasons for the revelations "). The lengthy passages from the early Tafsir of al-KalbI recorded by Ibn Tawiis,3 the bulk of Traditions transmitted on this subject of the asbab al-nuziil by many scholars in their commentaries bear evidence to the richness of this material and its role in the interpretation of the Qur'an. On the other hand the Sirah compilations recorded verses of the Qur'an, providing corresponding 2 For the aw;li/literature, cf. Sezgin, GAS, I, 176, 196, l zz. 3 Sa'd, 20 9-20. 354 THE SiRAH LITERATURE material of the circumstances of the revelation. The development of Sirah literature thus ran on parallel lines with that of the Tafsir, intertwining and overlapping, corroborating and sometimes contradicting it. EARLY COMPILATIONS A subject of considerable importance in the formation of Sirah literature, comprehensively dealt with also in some commentaries on the Qur'an, was the stock of stories about the creation of the world, as well as about the messengers and prophets mentioned in the Qur'an, who were sent by God to different peoples. These stories were extended and supplemented by additional material derived from Jewish, Christian and Zoroastrian sources, transmitted by converts from these religions to Islam. It is evident that these" biblical stories" had to get the approval of the orthodox circles. This could only be achieved, as is usual in Islam, by an utterance transmitted on the authority of the Prophet. The utterance used in this case (" Narrate [traditions] concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable [in that]") legitimized the flood of the "biblical" legends and stories which poured into the domain of Islam. The first compilation of this kind seems to have been the book of Hamrnad b. Salamah (d. 167/783), a contemporary of Ibn Ishaq, entitled Akhbtir Bani Isrii'il. The process of elaborating and enlarging upon the stories of the Qur'an widened the scope of the Muslim conception of history. The biography of Muhammad and the formation of his community were decreed by God before the creation of Adam. Muhammad was destined to be a prophet long before the creation of Adam. Were it not for Muhammad, God would not have created Adam. Nine thousand years before things were created, says a Tradition, God created the Light of Muhammad, This Light turned around the Power (qudrah) and praised Him. From this Light God created a jewel; from this jewel He created sweet water and granted it His blessing. For a thousand years the water raged and could not come to rest. Then, from this Light God created ten things: the Throne, the Pen, the Tablet, the Moon, the Sun, the Stars, the Angels, the Light of the Believers, the Chair and Muhammad, The Light of Muhammad, which resided in the pure ancestors of the Prophet, was transmitted in the line of descendants until it reached the Prophet. God granted Adam the ku,!)ah (honorific name) Abu Muhammad, The name of Muhammad is written on the Throne of God; Adam saw this inscription when he was created. When he committed his sin, he begged God to forgive him by referring to the name of Muhammad, EARLY COMPILATIONS 355 The contact between the Muslim conquerors and the population of the conquered territories, bearers of ancient cultural and religious traditions with a rich lore of prophetical beliefs and stories, brought about the appearance of literature concerning the miracles of the Prophet. Stories about miracles, either performed by the Prophet himself or wrought for him by God, were widely current and were later collected; compilations of stories about his miracles were Amarii! al-nubuwwah, A'Iam al-nubuwwah, Dala'il al-nubuwwah. The miraculous power granted the Prophet by God, and his extraordinary feats, are often compared in these books with the miracles performed by the preceding prophets.! Tradition emphasizes that the Prophet was superior to other prophets in the graces granted to him and the miracles performed by him. God enjoined the prophets to tell their peoples of the appearance of Muhammad and to bid them embrace his faith. The assumption that this genre of the dala'il grew up under the impact of the contact with other faiths is confirmed by the account of a letter sent by Hartin al-Rashld to the Byzantine emperor in which he recorded the "proofs of the prophethood" (a'Iam al-nubuwwah) of Muhammad. The letter was compiled by Abii 'l-Rabi' Muhammad b. al-Layth al-Qurashi after a detailed perusal of the" books of the foreigners". 5 Al-Ma'miin, the son of Harun, is credited with a book entitled A'Iam al-nubuwwah; this seems to be the earliest compilation on this subject. It was followed by a treatise of al-j ahiz (d. 256/870), entitled Dala'il al-nubuwwah,6 and by al-j uzajani's (d. 259/873) Amaral al-nubuwwah. Later Ibn Qutaybah (d. 276/889) compiled his A'Iam al-nubuwwah. Books of dala"'il al-nubuwwah were compiled in the same period by Ibn Abi 'l-Dunya (d. 281/894) and Ibrahim al-Harbl, Other dala"'il books were compiled by al-Firyabi (d. 301/914), Ibrahim b. Harnmad b. Isbaq (d. 323/935), Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Naqqash (d. 351/962), Abii 'l-Shaykh al-Isfahanl (d. 369/979), Muhammad b. 'Ali al-Shashi (d. 365/975) and Abii Hafs 'Umar b. Shahin (d. 386/996). A comprehensive book of dala"'iI, entitled Sharaf al-Mu~(afa, was compiled by 'Abd ai-Malik b. Muhammad al-Khargiishi (d. 407/1016). The" proofs of prophethood " form a considerable part of this compilation; however, it contains extremely rich material about the life of the Prophet. The author touches upon the pedigree of the Prophet, his virtues, his battles, his proverbs, his dreams, virtues of his family, virtues of Medina and of the Mosque of the Prophet, virtues of his Companions, virtues of Mecca and stories foretelling the appearance of the Prophet. AlKhargushi's book was widely circulated and it is often quoted by both • See e.g. al-Mawardl, A'liim, 68-70. 5 'Abd al-Jabbiir, Tathbit, I, 77-8. • Cf. al-Sandiibi, Rasa~iI, 1'7-14; Ift9aj al-nlihli/ll/llah. THE SiRAH LITERATURE Sunni and Shl'i authors. The famous Mu'tazili scholar 'Abd al-jabbar al-Hamadhani (d. 415/1024) discusses in his Tathbit dala'il al-nubuwwah the miracles of the Prophet against a wide background of historical situation, having recourse to comparisons with other religions and entering into polemics with the unorthodox sects of Islam. The compilations of the first half of the fifth century, the Dala'il of Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Bayhaql (d. 458/1066) and the Dala'il of Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani (d. 430/1038), became very popular. Another book of dald'i! was written in the same period by Abu Dharr al-Harawi (d. 435/1043). Often quoted in later compilations of the Sirah literature is the compilation of the great scholar al-Mawardi (d. 450/1058), A'lam al-nubuwwah. In the same period, the Dala"'il of al-Mustaghfiri (d. 432/1040) was compiled. Among the many compilations of this genre the famous book of Qadl 'I ya<;l. al-Yahsubl (d. 544/ 1149), al-Shifa"' fi ta'rif I;uqiiq al-Mu{tafa, deserves special mention; it became one of the most popular and most admired books in some Muslim countries. The glorification of the person of the Prophet, as expounded in these compilations of the" proofs of prophethood ", was indeed a continuation of a very early trend which, as mentioned above, began shortly after the death of the Prophet. The miracles wrought by the Prophet, or for him, form an essential part of the Sirah of Ibn Ishaq ; in the Jami' of Ma'mar b. Rashid, a special chapter is devoted to this subject. Miraculous elements were included in the Sirah of Miisa b. 'Uqbah? and in the Sirah traditions reported by al-Zuhri.8 The earliest Sirah compilation, the Sirah of Wahb b. Munabbih (d. 110/728 or 114/732), contains an unusual amount of miraculous stories as attested by the fragments of the papyri." Flick was right in his conjecture, made before he read the fragments of the papyri, that the Sirah of Wahb was a work in which truth and legend about the life of the Prophet were interwoven, turning it into an entertaining story. 10 Indeed, the fragments of the papyri of Wahb contain the same kind of miraculous elements as can be found in later compilations. The role of the Devil in the council of the Meccans, convened to get rid of Muhammad, corresponds to what we have in later biographies of the Prophet. The setting of the story of the hijrah in the papyrus is similar to the accounts in later compilations: it contains, for instance, the miraculous story of Umm Ma'bad, recorded, with few variants, in almost every later Sirah; the story of Suraqah ; the story of the dove and the spider at the entrance of the cave and the dust thrown at the heads of the watching Qurashi guard , Cf. e.g. Sachau, "Berliner Fragment", 469 (the story of Suraqah}; 470 (the Prophet sees in his dream Jesus performing the circumambulation of the Ka'bah). 8 Duri, "al-Zuhri", the story of Suraqah. • Khoury, Wahb b. Mllnabbih, 1I8-7j. 10 Fuck, Mllqammad, 4. EARLY COMPILATIONS 357 besieging the house. All these stories are essential elements of the later biographies. Some passages of the papyrus of Wahb cannot, however, be traced in later compilations; they were apparently discarded. Such are the cases of al-Tufayl b. al-Harith's letter to Ja'far b. Abl Talib in Abyssinia and the story of Abu Bakr's meeting with the Devil; neither could be traced in other stories. A part of the papyrus contains a record of an expedition of 'All against Khath'am. This story fully attests the impact of the Shl'l trend on the development of early Sirah literature. A number of scholars have analysed with insight the various stages of the early compilations. The fragments of Wahb's Sirah corroborate the conjectures of these scholars about the popular and entertaining character of the early Sirah stories, a blend of miraculous narratives, edifying anecdotes and records of battles in which sometimes ideological and political tendencies can be discerned. These stories were widely circulated among the believers; pious men used to narrate the Sirah in mosques and to discuss the maghazi at their meetings. It was considered less binding as a duty to narrate the maghazi than to transmit utterances of the Prophet. Scholars refrained from recording Hadith utterances transmitted by unreliable scholars while they did not hesitate to relate maghazi material on their authority. It was only later, in the first half of the second century, that Haditb scholars reacted strongly against the popular Sirah literature and made attempts to discard dubious folk-stories by applying strict rules of Hadith criticism. They did not, however, succeed; the Sirah literature absorbed these narratives and they continued to be transmitted there. The fragment of Wahb's papyrus reflects the very early stage of the formation of the legendary type of Sirah; the Sirah of Ibn ISQaq is in fact a selective collection of this material. Late compilations such as al-Sirah al-If.alabryyah, al-Sirah al-Shamryyah, al-Zurqanl's Shar4 al-Mawahib and Mughultay's al-Zahr al-bdsim contain references to early popular Traditions not incorporated in the generally approved Sirah compilations. POETRY IN THE SiRAH A characteristic feature of early Sirah literature is the numerous poetical insertions.P The heroes of the stories narrated often improvise verses referring to the events recorded; in these poetical passages opponents blame others in verse, fighters expound their virtues and extol the virtues of their clans or their leaders, poets or relatives bewail the warriors killed in battle. These poetical compositions are generally of rather poor quality. The poetical passages attached to the maghazi stories closely resemble the 11 Cf. below cap. 18, "The poetry of the Siroh literature". THE SIRAH LITERATURE poetry of the ~yam (days of battle). A part of this poetry is false, and some of these forgeries were convincingly shown to be so by 'Arafat;12 a certain portion seems, however, to be authentic. But even the fake poems, reflecting as they do the internal struggles in the Muslim community, are of some importance: the historical allusions in .these verses may help to gain an insight into the event referred to; the activity of the forgers had its inception in the first decades of the first century, and the forgers were closely acquainted with the details of the event. Of interest are popular verses in the Sirah literature. Some are attributed to unseen persons, who recited them to the jinn, to idols, to the Devil or to his progeny. Such specimens of popular poetry can be found in the fragments of Wahb's Sirah, in the compilations of Ibn ISQaq,al-Tabari, Abu Nu'aym, al-Bayhaql and in the later biographies of the Prophet. This trend is well represented in the Sirah compilations of Abu 'l-Hasan al-Bakrl, Poems in praise of the Prophet preserve elements of the laudatory poems addressed to tribal leaders. The contents of the eulogies of the Prophet differ, however, in some respects; they specially stress his prophetic mission, emphasize his spiritual qualities, praise the new religion and point out personal or tribal allegiance to the Prophet and Islam. They breathe a spirit of the new faith and stress the moral values of Islam, often coupling them with the old ideas of tribal pride and boasting. Some observations on the change of attitude towards poetry in the early period of Islam may help us to gain a better insight for evaluating the poetry of the Sirah. The attitude towards poets and poetry in the Qur'an was clearly and explicitly unfavourable.P Some pious circles persisted in their negative attitude towards profane poetry, further supporting their argument by the famous utterance attributed to the Prophet: "It is better for a man that his body be full of pus than that he be full of poems."14 It is in accordance with this view that 'A'ishah vigorously denies, in a Tradition attributed to her, the claim that Abu Bakr ever recited poetry. In a speech ascribed to Mu'dwiyah poetry is counted among the seven things forbidden by the Prophet. A version of the Prophet's saying contains the following addition, which demonstrates the tendency to restrict its scope: "than that he be full of poems by which I was satirized" .15According to this enlarged version the transmission of poetry which does not contain satirical verses against the Prophet is permitted. 12 'Ararat, "Aspect", 31-3; 'Ararat, "Early critics", 4l3-63. 13 Qur'an, xxvi.ZZI-8. 1. Goldziher, Mlls/im S tudies, II, 16. 16 AI-SubkI, Tabaqdt, I, zz6-8. POETRY IN THE SiRAH 359 The same trend of concession and compromise is reflected in another Tradition attributed to the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have stated that some poetry is wisdom. A considerable part of poetry containing aphorism, exhortation, edification or moralizing clearly won the approval of orthodox circles. Another utterance attributed to the Prophet permits poetry if its aim is to gain justice from oppression, to gain means of deliverance from poverty and expression of gratitude for a favour received. It was pointed out that the reason why the transmission of poetry was forbidden was the fact that it served to excite inter-tribal discussions and disunity. The libellous and defamatory verses which might threaten the peaceful relations in Islamic society were dangerous and harmful. Such poetry was censured and rejected. But poetry supporting the Prophet and his struggle against the Unbelievers and verses written for the cause of Islam were, of course, praiseworthy. The exceptive phrase in Qur'an xxvi.zzS was explained as referring to the poets of the Prophet, who were commended. They were described as striking the Unbelievers with their verses. Consequently Sirah literature and adab compilations record stories that the Prophet encouraged poets who composed poems in praise of God, and liked to listen to good and beautiful poetry recited by poets. Abu Bakr, a Tradition says, came to the Prophet and, in his presence, met a poet who recited a poem. Abu Bakr asked: "How is that? Qur'an and poetry?" "Sometimes Qur'an and sometimes poetry," answered the Prophet.P There was thus good poetry, which was permitted and which the Prophet even sometimes recited, and bad poetry, which was forbidden. 'A'ishah formulated it as follows: "There is good and bad poetry: take the good and leave the bad."17 A similar Tradition is attributed to the Prophet: "Poetry is like speech; good poetry is like good speech, bad poetry is like bad speech.Yl" According to this utterance the ban on poetry is almost entirely lifted; the listener had to distinguish between good and bad poetry and choose the good, just as he ought to distinguish between good and bad speech and choose the good. The pious Ibn 'Umar indeed acted in this way: he listened to a recitation of a poet; when the poet began to recite unseemly verses he stopped him. A further step in the development of the favourable attitude towards poetry was the legitimization of Jahiliyyah verse. A Tradition, attributed to the Prophet on the authority of Abu Hurayrah, states that the Prophet gave licence for the transmission of Jahiliyyah poetry with the exception 16 17 18 Al-Isfahanl, Muqa4arat, r, 79. AI-JIlini, Fadl, II, 314, no. 866. Qurtubl, Jam,', XIII, r 50. THE SIRAH LITERATURE of two poems (one of Vmayyah b. AbI 'I-Salt, the other of al-A'sha). The same idea is reflected in Traditions that the Prophet used to sit with his Companions and listen to their recitation of pre-Islamic poetry, smiling (that is, with approval). Among the pieces recited in the presence of the Prophet are verses of praise, of contemplation on life and death, of belief and piety; there are also some erotic verses, verses recited by women at a wedding celebration, and even a complaint of a poet deserted by his wife.l" The favourable attitude towards poetry is represented in Traditions stating that the four Orthodox Caliphs were poets, that they either quoted verses or listened to recitations of poems. 'A'ishah is said to have had a good know lege of poetry; she recited verses of JihilI poets and encouraged people to study poetry. Ibn Mas'fid used to recite poetry of the cryyam (battles of the pre-Islamic Arabs). Abu Dharr (d. 604/ I 2°7) quotes an opinion of a Muslim scholar, that the ban on the transmission of poetry was imposed when there were conflicts between Muslims and unbelievers. But once people had embraced Islam and animosities between believers had disappeared there was no objection to transmitting poetry. This view is in fact based on the actual situation in Muslim society of the first century. Poetry was widely transmitted; poems were recited at private meetings, in the markets and even in the mosques. The great scholar al-Sha'bI (d. 103/721) recited poetry in the mosque of Kufa. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayr was surprised to find a group of people reciting poetry in the court of the mosque of Mecca; they argued that it was not the kind of poetry which was forbidden. When 'Vmar reproached Hassan for reciting poetry in the mosque of Medina, he said: "I recited poetry in this mosque in the presence of a man who was better than you." Hassan was referring, of course, to the Prophet. 'Vmar left him and permitted poetry to be recited in the mosque. Muhammad b. Slrln was asked, when in the mosque, whether it was permitted to recite poetry during the month of Ramadan (some people even went so far as to claim that recitation of poetry nullified the ritual ablution). He immediately recited a verse which was far from being chaste, and stood up straightaway to lead the prayer. It was Ibn SIrIn who, when rebuked for reciting a J ahilI verse, said: "What is disliked is poetry composed in Islam; poetry composed in the period of the Jahiliyyah has already been condoned." It is possible to guess at the identity of those who persisted consistently in stubborn opposition to the transmission of poetry from a significant remark by Sa'Id b. al-Musayyab. Having been told that some people in Iraq disliked poetry, he said: "They became ascetics in a non-Arab fashion." 19 See al-A'sha, Dfwiin, 218-19. POETRY IN THE SiRAH Transmission of poetry was encouraged by rulers and governors; poetry became one of the subjects essential to the education of the Umayyad prince. Poetry continued to be one of the most favoured preoccupations of Muslim society in the first century and even fighting troops on the battlefield showed a vivid interest in it. What poet surpasses others in the art of poetry? Who is the best poet? These were common subjects of talk and discussion. An alleged saying of the Prophet accurately reflects the love of poetry of the Arabs: "They will not give up poetry until camels give up yearning [for their resting places ]."20 Ibn AbI 'l-Sa'ib al-Makhziimi expounded it in an utterance very much to the point: "By God, were poetry banned, we would be punished at court several times every day [that is, for reciting it]. "21 The origin of the Sirab poetry, its formation and growth have to be viewed against the background of the uninterrupted transmission of poetry and the struggle for its legitimization. Simple, not elaborate, but vivid, it became a regular component of the early Sirab literature, and was popular and widespread. It was not earlier than the second/eighth century that the content of the early Sirahs came under the scrutiny of scholars and the criteria of ijad{th scholars were applied to assess their validity. This applied to the poetry in the S{rah as well as to its prose portions. GENEALOGY Genealogy was an essential subject of the S{rah literature. Traditions stress the purity of the Prophet's pedigree and the qualities of his ancestors. Special chapters were dedicated to the virtues of Quraysh and the family of the Prophet, the Hashimites. Utterances attributed to the Prophet tried to prove that there was a close link between the ancestors of the Prophet and Islam. Ka'b b. Lu'ayy is said to have foretold the appearance of the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have forbidden the disparagement of Mudar because he was a proto-Muslim. Other versions of the utterance of the Prophet forbid the disparagement of RabI'ah, Imru' al-Qays, Asad b. Khuzaymah, Tamlm and al-Harith b. Ka'b; they all were said to have been Muslims or believers in the faith of Abraham. Another list of the ancestors of the Prophet whom it was forbidden to abuse, because they were true believers, includes 'Adnan, Ma'add, Udad, Khuzaymah, Tamim, Asad and Dabbah. Khuzaymah b. Mudrikah was the first who uttered the testimony of faith. Al-Yas b. Mudar was also a true Believer; he was the first who offered 20 21 Ibn Rashiq, 'Umdah, Ibid. I, 17. THE SIRAH LITERATURE sacrifices in the baram of Mecca and it is forbidden to abuse him. Ma'add was a follower of the Hanlfiyyah of Ibrahim (Abraham), 'Adnan acted according to the Hanlfiyyah ; he was the first who clothed the Ka'bah with leather clothes. Nizar was endowed with the "light of prophethood", which was handed on to Muhammad, The glory of the pedigree of the Prophet was extended, as a matter of course, to include the whole of Quraysh; the idea of the excellency of Quraysh was embodied in the rich literature of Fac/ii'il QurC!Jsh. Quraysh, says a Tradition traced back to 'Abdullah b. 'Abbas, were the light in the presence of God two thousand years before the creation of Adam; this light, reposited first in Adam, passed on and was transmitted to the Prophet.V The excellence of the pedigree of the Prophet is formulated in an utterance of the Prophet: "The best of the Arabs are Mudar ; the best of Mudar are 'Abd Manaf; the best of 'Abd Manaf are Banu Hashim; the best of Banii Hashim are Bami 'Abd al-Muttalib, By God, since God created Adam never was there a division of people into two parts without my being in the better one.'?" An opposite tendency, that of depreciating the excellence of Quraysh, is evident in a Tradition stating that all the Arab tribes have their share in the pedigree of the Prophet. Pious circles in the Muslim community, struggling against the excessive study of genealogy, nevertheless stressed the value and importance of the genealogy of the Prophet. The interdiction on tracing genealogical lineages beyond Ma'add was not followed in the case of the pedigree of the Prophet; his genealogy was traced back to Abraham and the close link of descent and prophecy between him and Abraham was especially stressed. FACTIONALISM The constant struggles between the various political and ideological factions in Islamic society left their mark on the formation of the Sirah. Invented stories and alleged utterances served the cause of the rulers, pretenders and rebels. Some examples are quoted below. The 'Abbasid bias can be clearly seen in the story of the attempt to sacrifice the father of the Prophet, 'Abdullah. It was al-f Abbas, according to this version, who drew him out from under the feet of 'Abd al-Muttalib, trying to save his life. It was al-'Abbas who was the first to kiss the Prophet after he was born; his mother took him to the abode of Aminah, the Prophet's mother, and the women in the house drew him to the cradle of the Prophet, encouraging him and saying: "Kiss thy brother!" The same tendency is evident in the story that al-'Abbas took the oath of .2 Ghanamah, Maniiqil, fols 3b-4a. •• Suyutl, Durr, III, '94-j. FACTIONALISM allegiance from the An~ar for the Prophet at the 'Aqabah meeting. Not less tendentious is the report that al-'Abbas embraced Islam before the battle of Badr and served as a spy of the Prophet in Mecca. The utterance attributed to the Prophet, "Al-'Abbas is indeed my trustee (wa!i) and my heir; 'All and I are closely related",24 bears the mark of an 'Abbasid and anti-Shi'ite tradition, standing in contrast to the ShI'I tradition about the trusteeship of 'AII.25 The general expression '''AlI and I are closely related" merely serves to emphasize the special position of 'Abbas. The famous utterance of the Prophet known as the" Tradition of the Garment" (Ifadith al-kisa"'), when he is said to have covered 'AlI, al-Hasan and al-Husayn with a garment, establishes the entity of the" Family of the Prophet" (AM al-Bt!Yt) and provides an essential argument for the legitimacy of 'All's claim to the caliphate; it has its counterpart in an opposing Tradition, according to which the Prophet covered al-'Abbas and his sons with a garment and said that they were the Family. It is not surprising to find a ShI'I Tradition describing how al-'Abbas and Abu Lahab instigated people against the Prophet and publicly denounced him as a liar. The Tradition about the pact of fraternity (mu'akhah) between the Prophet and 'AII26 is contradicted by a Tradition that the Prophet said: "If I had chosen a friend I would have chosen Abu Bakr, but he is my brother and Companion.t'P? The Tradition which talks about the close fraternal relation between the Prophet and 'AlI is of crucial importance for proving 'AlI's legitimate claim to the caliphate. The contradictory reports about the first man to embrace Islam, whether it was Abu Bakr, 'Allor Zayd b. Harithah, reflect the different opinions of the religio-political parties. The ShI'ah vigorously affirm, of course, that the first believer was 'AlI. An Umayyad bias can be noticed in a peculiar Tradition reporting that the family of Abu Sufyan, himself an Umayyad, were the first to be admonished and warned by the Prophet. Abu Sufyan rejected the scornful words of his wife, saying that the Prophet was not a liar or a wizard. There are divergent and contradictory reports about various events in the life of the Prophet. Some incidents, even very prominent ones, are subject to debate by transmitters and scholars. Only a few cases may be reviewed here. Varying Traditions about the number and identity of the children of the Prophet were further blurred by the tendentious inventions of the AI-MuttaqI 'I-HindI, Kanz, XII, 280, no. ,649, .6 GanjI, Kifiiyat, 260-1. .8 Ibid., '92-3 . • 7 Ibn AbI 'l-Hadld, Shar~ nahj al-baliipha, XI, 49. .4 THE SIRAH LITERATURE religio-political factions. A ShI'I report stated that Ruqayyah and Zaynab were the daughters of Halah, the sister of Khadljah ; another Tradition claimed that they were the daughters of J ahsh, 28 This served as a weighty argument in ShI'I polemics against 'Uthman, who was called Dhii '1-Nurayn, it was said, because he had married two daughters of the Prophet. There are different reports also about the date of birth of the Prophet, of his revelation, about the age of Khadijah when she married the Prophet, about the hijrah, the change of the qiblah (direction of prayer) and about the chronology of the battles and raids of the Prophet. Lists of participants in crucial events were deliberately rearranged or changed. Some of the An~ar, says a report of Ibn al-Kalbi and al-WaqidI, omitted certain names from the list of participants at the' Aqabah meeting, substituting the names of their relatives, who had not attended the meeting. The lists of participants at the battle of Badr were also a subject of debate. Ibn Sa'd felt constrained to consult the genealogy of the Ansar, and having done this, he removed a spurious name from the list of those who took part in the battle of Badr.P" The reports about the number of the Companions who were present at the oath of allegiance at al-I:fudaybiyah are divergent. There were conflicting Traditions about the person appointed to take charge of Medina when the Prophet went out to Badr and the one bidden to divide the booty after the battle. Reports concerning the warriors who remained with the Prophet at Uhud and those who deserted the battlefield are similarly divergent; among the latter group ShI'I tradition counts Abu Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthrnan, while' AlI was, of course, of those who stayed with the Prophet and defended him. How far political interests had a bearing upon the transmission of the Sirah can be seen in the following story. Al-ZuhrI told his student, Ma'mar b. Rashid, that it was 'AlI who had written out the treaty of al-Hudaybiyah, and added, laughing: "If you asked these people they would say it was 'Uthrnan who wrote the treaty." By" these people", Ma'mar remarks, "He meant the Umayyads.t'P" Another anecdote illustrates the attempts made by the Umayyads and their governors to denigrate 'AlI in the Sirah. Khalid b. 'Abdullah al-Qasri bade al-Zuhrl write down the Sirah for him. AI-ZuhrI asked: "If I come across events related to 'AlI, may I mention them?" "No," said Khalid, "except when you see him in the lowest part of Hell. "31 In another story al-Zuhri courageously refuses to transfer the guilt of slandering of' A'ishah from 'Abdullah b. Ubayy to 'AlI.32 28 2. 31 Ibn Shahrashub, Malliiqib iii Abi Tiilib, Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, III, j' 3. Horovitz," Biographies ", 49. I, '38, '40. 30 32 'Abd al-Razzaq, Mu{allllaj, v, 343, no. 9722. Horowitz, "Biographies ", I. C. II, 41. FACTIONALISM The favours bestowed on al-Zuhri by the Umayyads and the close relations between him and the rulers aroused the suspicions of independent Haditb scholars as to his integrity. The pious Sa'd b. Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf chided al-ZuhrI for transmitting a qadith in which the Prophet said that a caliph may not be invoked. Sa'd mentioned a case in which the Prophet was invoked and said: " How can it be that the Prophet was invoked and ai-Wand should not be invoked P'" It is evident that the aim of the Tradition invented was to encourage respect for the Umayyad rulers. Salamah b. DInar Abu Hazim, a pious scholar, sent to al-Zuhri a lengthy letter censuring him for his co-operation with the oppressive Umayyad rulers and criticizing him severely for helping them in caring for their power and authority and in their aiming at worldly gain. He serves the oppressive rulers, "who have turned him into the axle of the wheel of their falsehood and into a bridge for their deceit and error", says Salamah. By his services they sow doubts in the souls of scholars and gain the favour of the ignorant. It is hard to deny that these accusations have some foundation, and the assertion that he (i.e. al-ZuhrI) "was not influenced by political parties and tried to give an impartial account of what he had seen in Medina "34 is open to doubt. The possibility that his Traditions concerning the STrah were influenced by his ties with the Umayyad court cannot be excluded. ShI'I scholars counted him among the Traditionists whose attitude towards' All was hostile. Although highly respected by Sunni scholars engaged in assessing the credibility of Ff.adTthtransmitters Uarq wa-ta'dTI), he was nevertheless recorded in the lists of the mudallisiin. An early report of al-Asrna'I, traced back to Hisham b. 'Urwah, states that al-ZuhrI used to expand or abbreviate the long accounts recorded by his father, 'Urwah. A closer examination of the activities of al-ZuhrI and of the Traditions transmitted by him may help us to acquire an insight into the formative stage of the development of Sirab lore and Haditb. It is, furthermore, important for the evaluation of the formation of Sirah literature to consider the differences between the various schools of Tradition, especially those between Medina and Iraq. These differences were often pointed out in the literature of Hadith and a special compilation was dedicated to this problem. The attacks against the Iraqi school were fierce and passionate, and the Traditions of its scholars were often stigmatized as lies. It is noteworthy also that divergences and contradictions could be found between the accounts transmitted by the disciples of the same Traditionist. 33 3' Ibn Durayd, Mujtana, II. Dud, "al-Zuhri", roff, THE SiRAH LITERATURE MAJOR SiRAH COMPILATIONS The section on the biography of the Prophet in the Ta'rikh of al-Tabari (d. 310/922) records a wealth of early Traditions carefully provided with isndds. The philologist and commentator on the Qur'an, al-Zajjaj (d. 3II/923) is credited with a Maghazicompilation.35 Muhammad b. Hartin al-Ansari al-DimashqI (d. 353/964) wrote a book entitled ~iJat al-nabi. The great scholar of Haditb, Muhammad b. Hibban al-Bustl (d. 354/965), the author of a book on the ~aqabah, compiled a biography of the Prophet. At the end of the fourth century the philologist Ahmad b. Faris compiled a book on the names of the Prophet and another about the life of the Prophet. A concise 5 irah compiled by Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064)36 was based on the terse biography of the Prophet composed by Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr (d. 463/1071), al- Durar .ft' khti!ari I-magnazi tua-l-siyar, The later compilations, like the commentary of al-SuhaylI (d. 581/1185) on Ibn Hisharn's Sirah, al-Rawq al-unuJ, the Bid4Jat al-su'iil of'Abd al-'AzIz b. 'Abd al-Salarn al-SulamI (d. 660/1262), the K. al-1lr-tiJa' of al-Kala'I (d. 634/1236), the Kheldsat siyar St!Yyid al-basbar of al-Muhibb al-Tabari (d. 684/1285), the 'Uyiin al-atbar of Ibn Sayyid al-Nas (d. 734/1333), the section of the Sirah in al-Nuwayri's (d. 732/1331), Nih4Jat al-arab, and the section of the Sfrah in Ibn KathIr's (d. 774/1372) al-Bid4Jah wa-'I-nih4Jah contain a great number of early Traditions derived from lost or hitherto unpublished compilations. Of special importance is the work of Mughultay (d. 762/1360), al-Zahr al-bdsim, Arguing in his polemic against al-SuhaylI's al-Rawq al-unuJ, Mughultay records an unusually large number of quotations from various recensions of diwans, collections of poetry, compilations of genealogy, philology, lexicography, commentaries on the Qur'an, biographies of the Prophet, books of adab and history. The painstaking efforts of Mughultay to establish correct readings, his checking of variants, his pursuit of every record and Tradition, his comprehensive knowledge, turn his compilation into a veritable treasure for the study of Sirah literature and help towards a better understanding of the controversial ideas of the scholars about the activities of the Prophet and his personality. Summarizing compilations of the Sirab were provided by Yahya b. AbI Bakr al-'Amiri (d. 893/1488) in his Babiab, and by Taql 'I-DIn al-Maqrlzi (d. 845/1441) in his Imtd', Three late compilations deserve special attention: theSubul( = Sfrahal-Shamryyah) of Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Salihi (d. 942/1535), the lnsdn al-'''!}'iin.ft sirat al-amin al-ma'miin (= al-Sirah al-fJalabryyah) of'AlIb. Burhan al-Dln (d. 1044/1634), and the commentary '5 Cf. cap. 16, "The Maghiizi literature". 38 Jawami'. MAJOR SiRAH COMPILATIONS by al-Zurqani (d. 1122/1710) on the al-Mawahib al-Iadunryyah of al-Qastallanl (d. 923/15 17)' Al-Sirah al-Shamryyah is one of the most comprehensive compilations of the biography of the Prophet. Al-~alil).I drew, according to his statement in the preface, on more than three hundred books. He accumulated an enormous number of Traditions, narratives and reports from sirab compilations, Haditb collections, books of dala"'il, shama"'il, kha{a"'i{, histories of cities and dynasties, biographies of transmitters of Haditb, and treatises of asceticism and piety, recording carefully the variants of the reported Traditions and attaching detailed lexicographical explanations of difficult words and phrases. AI-Sirah al-Fjalabryyah, although extracted mainly from al-Sirah alShamryyah, contains a great deal of additions by al-Halabi. It is one of the characteristic features of this compilation that al-Halabi records divergent and contradictory Traditions and strives to harmonize them. Al-Zurqani gives, in his meticulous commentary, a wealth of Traditions corroborating or contradicting the reports recorded by al-Qastallani. The late compilations thus contain an immense wealth of material derived from early sources. Some of these Traditions, stories, reports and narratives are derived from lost or hitherto unpublished sources. Some Traditions, including early ones, were apparently omitted in the generally accepted Sirab compilations, faded into oblivion, but reappeared in these late compilations. . Only a small part of the sirab compilations have been mentioned above. The uninterrupted flow of transmission of Traditions on the life of the Prophet embedded in the rich literature of Qur'an commentaries, collections of Haditb, works of adab, history, polemics of religio-political parties and works of piety and edification, is remarkable. The ramifications of Sirah literature, such as the literature on the ,$aqabah, on the ancestors of the Prophet, on his genealogy, servants, secretaries, on the habits and characteristics of the Prophet, on his birth, on the" night-journey" (isra"') and "ascent" (mi'rij), are indispensable for an adequate study of the development of the conception the Muslim community formed, throughout the ages, of the person of the Prophet. The narratives of the Sirah have to be carefully and meticulously sifted in order to get at the kernel of historically valid information, which is in fact meagre and scanty. But the value of thisJnformation for the scrutiny of the social, political, moral and literary ideas of the Muslim community cannot be overestimated; during the centuries, since Muslim society came into existence, the revered personality of the Prophet served as an ideal to be followed and emulated.

'...Illā Bi-Ḥaqqihi...': A Study of an Early Ḥadīth

illa_bihaqqihi.pdf ...ILLA BI-HAQQIHI... A STUDY OF AN EARLY HADITH In memory of my friend Dov 'Iron The revolt of the tribes in the Arabian peninsula after the death of the prophet Muhammad, the so-called ridda, endangered the very existence of the Muslim community in Medina and the survival of the nascent commonwealth set up by the Prophet. The rebellious tribes, aware of the weakness of the new leadership of the Medinan community, strove to sever their ties with the new authority in Medina, broke their allegiance to the newly elected Caliph, Abu Bakr, and declared that the agreements they had concluded with the Prophet were null and void. They sought to regain their separate tribal existence, and to rid themselves of the authority of Medina. Thus, returning to the type of relations with Mecca which were in effect during the Jahiliyya, they were willing to negotiate over agreements with the Medinan leadership which would be based on the principle of non-aggression. Some chiefs of tribes proposed to defend Medina, and to protect the city against attacks by other tribes, in return for certain payments they would get. Abu Bakr refused to negotiate with the chiefs of the tribes and decided to fight the hostile forces in the vicinity of Medina. The Muslim troops dis~atched by Abu Bakr succeeded in crushing the revolt and in bringing the tribes of the peninsula under the authority of Medina. Abu Bakr thus assured the survival and the perpetuation of the commonwealth of Medina. Having brought the tribal forces under the control of Medina and having laid a solid foundation for their unity and loyalty, he sent tribal troops under Medinan command towards the northern and the eastern borders of the Arab peninsula, thus initiating the powerful Muslim conquests in the Persian and Byzantine empires. An examination of some data incorporated in the reports about the ridda may help in elucidating certain economic aspects. of the revolt. The scrutiny of a hadith which is often quoted in the story of the ridda may enable us to get a glimpse into the ideas held by certain groups of Muslim scholars concerning the conditions imposed on those willing to embrace Isiam after the death of the Prophet, the status of the ridda people, and the question whether it was right to make war on them. 34 The term ridda, apostasy, applied in the sources to the rebellious movement of the tribes, was questioned by Western scholars who pointed out the political and social aspects of the revolt. I The economic factors Ieading to the rebellion were clearly expounded by Shaban.' who emphasized the struggle which the tribes, whether allied to Medina or not, carried against the Medinan hegemony and the commercial interests which played a major part in intertribal relations. The economic effect of conversion to Isiam can indeed be noticed in some early traditions. Al-Shafi'I carries a report that (members of -K) Quraysh used to travel to Syria and Iraq with their merchandise. Upon their conversion to Islam they spoke to the Prophet of their fear that their income might suffer as a result of their break with unbelief and of their having become Muslims, a step which might displease the rulers of Syria and Iraq. The Prophet allayed their anxiety by predicting that the end of Persian and Byzantine rule was near. 3 The unrest in Mecca after the death of the Prophet, the feeling of uncertainty and the fear oflosing their means of sustenance if they remained Ioyal to Islam and kept their obligations seem to have cast a shadow over the city;" the inhabitants wavered in face of the tribal revolt and were reluctant to pay their taxes. Suhayl b. 'Amrs Wellhausen, See e.g. A.J. Wensinck, The Muslim Creed, London 1965(repr.);pp.II-12;J. Das Arabische Reich und Sein Sturz, Berlin 1960 (repr.), pp. 14-15; C. Brockelmann, History of the Islamic Peoples, New York 1947, pp. 45-6 (... "In this religious motives played scarcely any role at all; there was simply a desire to be rid of the troublesome rule of the Muslims in Medina."); W. Montgomery Watt, MulJammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, pp. 79-80, 147-150. M.A. Shaban, Islamic History. A new interpretation, Cambridge 1971, pp. 19-23. AI-Shafi'i, al-Umm, Cairo 1321 (repr. 1388/1968), IV, 94; al-Tahawt, Mushkil al-tIthtIr, Hyderabad 1333, I, 214 (from al-Shafi'I); and see the lJadfth: idhtI halaka kisrtI ... : al-Tal)awi, Mushkil, I, 212-217; al-Suyutl, al-Khalti'il al-kubrtI, ed. Khaltl Harras, Cairo 1387/1967, 11,412; Ibn Kathir, NihtIyat al-bidtIya wa-l-nihaya, ed, Muhammad Fahtm Abo 'Ubayya, Riydd 1968, 1,9-10; idem, ShamtI'iI al-rasid, ed. Mu~~afa 'Abd al-Wal)id, Cairo 1386/1967, p. 352; idem al-Bid4ya wa-[..nihtIya,Beirut 1966, VI, 194; AbO l-Mal)asin YOsufb. MOsa al-Hanafl, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar, Hyderabad 1362, I, 248-249. Several reports stress however that Mecca was not affected by the ridda movement; see e.g, al- Tabarl, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1357/1939, 11,475; al-Maqdisi, al-Bad' wa-l-ta'rtkh, ed, Huart, Paris 1899, V, 151 inf.; al-Shawkanl, Nayl al-autdr, IV, 135; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qart, VIII, 244, I. II from bottom. See on him e.g. al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh wa-akhbtIrihtI, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 384, fols. 189a·190a; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Nasab quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1953, pp. 417-418; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam fiman intasaba iltI t-nabiyyt lalltI IltIhu 'alayki wa-sallam, Ms. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fols. I 96a-197a; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ltIm al-nubaltI', ed. As'ad Talas, Cairo 1962, III, 32, 1,141-142; idem, Ta'n7ch al-isltIm, Cairo 1367, II, 15; Ibn Hajar, al-Isab«, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl, Cairo 139VI972, III, 212, no. 3575; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Istt'db, ed. Mul)ammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 1380/1960, pp. 669-672, no. 1106; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghtIba, Cairo 1280, 11,371-373; al-I:Iakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, III, 281-282; Ibn al-'Arabi,AlJktImal-qur'tIn, ed. 'Air al-Bijawi, Cairo 138711967, 11,951 inf. - 952. ...ilia bi-haqqihi ... 35 ascended the minbar and addressed Quraysh; stressing the extent of his wealth he urged them to hand over their zakiit to the governor and promised to compensate them for any zakdt payment should the regime of Medina collapse." Al-Jarud, the leader of 'Abd al-Qays, promised his people to repay double the losses they would incur if they remained faithful to Islam." The tribes' unwillingness to pay the tax, the zakiit, is plairily reflected in the recorded speeches of the triballeaders and in the verses of their poets. It is noteworthy indeed that when the Ieaders of the rebellious tribes were captured and brought before Abu Bakr accused of apostasy, they defended themselves by saying that they had not become unbelievers, but were merely stingy with their wealth (i.e. they were reluctant to pay the zakdt from it - K).B Another aspect of the secession movement was the triballeaders' contention that their allegiance was confined to the Prophet; they had concluded their agreements with him, had accepted his authority and had given him the oath of allegiance; they had no commitment to Abu Bakr.9 The arguments of the secessionist tribes, who stressed the incompetence of the successor of the Prophet and claimed that they were exempted from paying the zakiit, are recorded in some commentaries of the Qur'an, They are said to have based themselves on Sura IX, 103: ..... Take aIms of their wealth to purify them and to cleanse them thereby and pray for them, thy prayers are a comfort for them ... ". It is the Prophet who is addressed in this verse and ordered to collect the tax; and it was the Prophet who was authorized to purify and cleanse them and to pray for them in return for Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed, Khurshld Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 260-261; al-Baladhurt, Ansab al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamldullah, Cairo 1959, p. 304: ... wo-ana ifijminun, in lam yatimma l-amru; an aruddaha ilaykum ... Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, II, 371 penult: anna rasiila lliihi lammd tuwuffiya irtajjat makkatu Iimii ra'at qurayshun min irtidddi 1-'arabi wa-khtafa 'attdbu bnu astdin al-umawiyyu, amiru makkata Ii-l-nabiyyits) fa-qdma suhaylu bnu 'amrin khattban ... ; and see Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. MU~lafa l-Saqa, Ibrahim al-Abyarl, 'Abd al-Hafiz al-Shalabl, Cairo 1355/1936, IV, 316: ... anna akthara ahli makkata, lammii tuwuffiya rasiilu lliihi(~) hammii bi-I-rujii'i 'an al-isldmi wa-ariidii dhiilika /Jattii khii/ahum 'attdbu bnu asidin fatawiirii, fa-qama suhaylun ... ; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'if al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd alKarim 'Uthrnan, Beirut 1386/1966, p. 317; and cf. pp. 227-228. Ibn Abf l-Hadld, Shar/J nah} al-baliigha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-FaQI Ibrahlm, Cairo 1964, XVIII, 57. AI-Shafi'f,op. cit., IV, 134: ... wa-qiilii li-abtbakrin ba'da l-isdri: mii kafarnd ba'da imiininii we-lakin sha/Ja/Jnii 'alii amwiilinii ... ; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, VIII, 178; al-Kala'I, Ta'rikh al-ridda, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, New Delhi 1970, p. 42; cf. ib. pp. 149, 170. See e.g. al-Shafi'I, op. cit., IV, 134; al- Tabarf, Ta'rikh, II, 417: a!a'niirasl1lalliihimii kdna was!anii:/a-yii 'ajaban mii biilu mulki abt bakri; Ibn al-'ArabI, op. cit., II, 994; Ibn Kathlr, al-Biddya, VI, 313; al-Khattabl, Ma'iilim al-sunan, Halab 1933,II,4;a1-Bayhaqf,al-Sunan al-kubra, VIII, 178. 36 their payment. Consequently they considered themselves dispensed from their obligations towards the Prophet, as his successor had not the ability to grant them the compensation mentioned in the Qur'an.'? It is rather doubtful whether the leaders of the seceding tribes indeed used arguments based on the interpretation of Qur'anic verses when they debated with the Muslim Ieaders; the recorded interpretation reflects however the idea held by the seceding tribal Ieaders that their obligations and allegiance were only binding towards the Prophet, not towards his successor. It is noteworthy that the Muslim tradition which emphasizes the religious aspects of the ridda secession also provides a clue to a better evaluation of the intentions of the rebellious tribes. Certain Iate compilations of hadith. and of fiqh are of importance for the elucidation of a number of terms occurring in the traditions. Wensinck quotes the commentary of al-Nawawi (d. 676 H) on Muslim's (d. 261 H) $aJ:zil:lin which it is said that there were three kinds of resistance in Arabia: there were two groups of unbelievers (viz. the followers of the false prophets and people who gave up religion altogether - K) and a group who did not renounce IsIam, but refused to pay the zakdt. Wensinck puts forward a very similar division: "those who followed religious or political adventurers and therefore turned their backs on Medina and Isiam and those who cut the Iinks with Medina without associating themselves with any new religious Ieader. This Iatter group did not, in all probability, reject IsIam; for their attachment to religion must have been too insignificant a fact. What they rejected was zakat':" The division, as recorded by al-Nawawi, can however be traced back to a period some four and half centuries earlier. Al-Shafi'I (d. 204 H) gives a similar division of the seceding groups, drawing a clear line between those who fell into unbelief like the followers of Musaylima, Tulayha and al-Aswad aI-'Ansl and those who refused to pay the zakiit, while remaining faithful to IsIam.12 It is significant that al-Shafi'I, in analyzing the problem whether it is permitted to fight and kill members of these groups, raises doubts whether the term ahl-al-ridda, "people of apostasy", can be applied to both of them. He finally justifies it by referring to them common usage of Arabic, in which irtadda denotes retreat from former tenets; this 10 11 12 Ibn al-'Arabi, op. ctt., II, 994; al-Qastallanl, Irshdd al-sart ii-sharI} ~al}i1;Ii /-bukhtirf. Cairo 1327, III, 6; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir (= al-Jdmi' Ii-al}ktimi I-qur'tin), Cairo 1386/1967, VIII, 244-245; Ibn Kathir, a/-Bidtiya, VI. 311. Wensinck, op. cit .• p. 13. Al-Shafi'I, op. cit.• IV, 134. ... illii bi-haqqihi.: 37 includes, of course, both: falling into unbelief and the refusal to pay the taxes. 13 When al-Shafi'I analyzes the status of the second group, he remarks that in their refusal to pay the zakiit they acted as if they were interpreting the verse Sura IX, 103 in the way mentioned above. Shafi'f is concerned with the problem of the false interpretation of the verse (al-muta'awwilun almumtani'iini and seeks to establish that fighting this group and killing its members is lawful, by comparing it to the group of Muslims rebelling unjustly against a just ruler (al-biighiin). He ultimately justifies without reserve the war-action taken by Abu Bakr against the group which refused to pay the zakat," The status of this group is discussed at length by al-Khattabi (d. 384 H) who states that they were in fact unjust rebels (wa-hii'ulii'i 'alii l-baqiqati ahlu baghyin) although they were not given this name at the time; this name became current at the time of 'AlL IS He remarks that among this group there were some factions who were ready to pay the tax, but who were prevented from doing so by their Ieaders. He further stresses that they were indeed not unbelievers (kufjiir); they shared the name ahl al-ridda with the unbelievers because Iike them they refused to carry out certain duties and prescriptions of the faith." The argument of this group in connection with the verse Sura IX, 103 is here recorded in a peculiar context, revealing some details of later polemic over religious and political issues in connection with the decision of Abu Bakr to fight those who refused to pay the zakdt, Al-Khattabl identifies explicitly the people who passed sharp criticism on Abu Bakr's action; those were certain people from among the snrt rawiifid, who stated that the tribes refusing to pay the zakat merely held a different interpretation for the verse mentioned above (Sura IX, 103): it was the Prophet who was addressed in the verse and only the Prophet could purify them and pray for them." As a consequence it was not right to fight them and Abu Bakr's military action was oppressive and unjust. A certain Shi'I faction argued indeed that the group which had refused the zakdt payment suspected Abu Bakr and considered him unworthy of being entrusted with their property (scil, of having it handed over to him as taxK). Al-Khattabi refutes these arguments and marks them as lies and Il 14 IS Al-Shafi'I, op. cit., ib. (...fd-in qiila qd'ilun: md dalla 'alii dhdlika wa-l-timmatu lahum ahlu l-ridda ...). AI-Shafi'l, op. cit., IV, 134. taqulu 16 17 AI-Khallabl,op. cit., 11,4; and see p. 6: ..fa-ammii mlini'u l-zakdti minhum t-muqtmana 'alii alii l-dint fa-innahum ahlu baghyin ... ; cr. al-Shawkant, Nayl al-autdr, Cairo 1372/1953, IV, 135-137 (quoting al-Khattabt), AI-Khal\abl,op. cit., II, 6. cr. above, note 10; and see al-Sh~wkanl, Nayl, IV, 136. 38 calumnies. Al-Khattabi argues that the verse was actually addressed to the Prophet, but that it put an obligation on all the believers and that it is incumbent upon all the believers at all times. Cleansing and purificaticn will be granted to the believer who hands over the zakiit and it is recommended that the imam and the collector of taxes invoke God's blessing for the payer of the tax. Further al-Khattabi strengthens his argument by a hadith' of the Prophet. According to this tradition the last words of the Prophet were: "Prayer and what your right hands possess." This hadtth is usually interpreted as a bid to observe the prayer and to take care of one's dependents; but al-Khattabi's interpretation is different; according to him "md ma/akat aymdnukum"; "what your right hands possess" refers to property and possessions and has to be understood as an injunction to pay the zakdt tax." According to this interpretation zakdt goes together with prayer. Consequently al-Khattabi deduces that zakdt is as obligatory as prayer and that he who is in charge of prayer is also in charge of the collection of zakiit, This was one of the considerations which induced Abu Bakr not to permit that prayer be separated from tax and to set out to fight the group Ioyal to IsIam, but refusing to pay the zakdt. Finally al-Khattabi compares Abu Bakr's attitude towards this group and the rules which would apply nowadays should such a group, or a similar one arise. In the period of Abu Bakr the aim was merely to compel the rebels to pay the tax; they were not killed. The Ieniency shown towards them took into consideration their ignorance since they had been in Islam only for a short period. But a group who would deny zakdt nowadays would be considered as falling into unbelief and apostasy and the apostate would have to be killed. 19 The discussions concerning the Iawfulness of Abu Bakr's decision to fight this group can thus be understood as a Iater debate with the aim of a positive evaluation of Abu Bakr's action against the rebellious tribes, and providing convincing proof that his action was in accordance with the prescriptions and injunctions of the Qur'an and with the sunna of the Prophet. The precedent of Abu Bakr had to serve as an example for dealing with similar cases of revolt in the contemporary Muslim Empire. The Sunni assessment of Abu Bakr's action is put forward in an utterance attributed to al-Hasan al-Basri and recorded by AbU Sukayn (d. 251 18 19 See both interpretations in Ibn al-Athir's al-Nihdya s.v. mlk; L 'A s.v. mlk; and cr. e.g, Ibn Sa'd, TabaqOt, Beirut 1376/1957, II, 253-254; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Muiannq{, ed.I;IabIb al-Rahman al-A'zaml, Beirut 1392/1972, V 436 (ittaqr1 114hajr l-nis4'i wa-mO malakat aym4nukum); Nilr ai-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawO'id, Beirut 1967 (reprint) IV, 237. AI-KhaUibr,op. cit., 11,6-9; cr. Ibn Kathtr, Ta!sfral-qur'On, Beirut 1385/1966, III, 488. ...uta bi-haqqihi ... 39 H)20in his JuZ'.21 Al-Hasan evaluates the crucial events in the history ofthe Muslim community according to the actions of the men who shaped the destiny of the community for ever. Four men set aright the Muslim community. al-Hasan says, and two men impaired and spoilt it. 'Umar b. al-Khattab set it aright on the Day of the Hall of the Bam} Sa'ida , answering the arguments of the Ansar who demanded an equal share in authority with Quraysh. He reminded the assembled that the Prophet ordered Abu Bakr to pray in front of the people (thus establishing his right to rule the people - K) and that the Prophet uttered the bidding saying: "The leaders are from Quraysh" (al-a'immatu min quraysh). The Ansar convinced by the arguments of 'U mar dropped their claim for a QurashiAnsari duumvirate of two amlrs, But for 'Umar people would litigate upon the rights of the Caliphate until the Day of Resurrection. Abu Bakr set aright the Muslim community during the ridda. He asked the advice of the people (i.e. the Companions of the Prophet - K) and all of them advised him to accept from the rebelling tribes their commitment of prayer and give up their zakat. But Abu Bakr insisted and swore that if they withheld even one string which they had been in the habit of paying to the Messenger of Allah he would fight them. But for Abu Bakr, says al-Hasan, people would stray away from the right path until the Day of Resurrection. 'Uthrnan saved the community like 'Umar and Abu Bakr by the introduction of the single reading of the Qur'an. But for 'Uthman people would go astray on the Qur'an until the Day of Resurrection. Finally 'Ali like his predecessors set aright the community by refusing to divide the captives and spoils of his defeated enemies after the Battle of the Camel, thus establishing the rules which apply in a case when factions of the believers (ahl al-qibla) fight each other. In contradistinction to these four righteous Caliphs two men corrupted the Muslim community: 'Amr b. al-'A~ by the advice he gave to Mu'awiya to lift the Qur'ansrat Siffin - K) which caused the khawdrij and their tahkim to appear; this (fateful split of the community - K) will last until the Day of Resurrection. The other wicked man is al-Mughira b. Shu'ba, who advised Mu'awiya to appoint his son (Yazid) as Caliph, thus establishing a hereditary rule. But for al-Mughira the shUra principle of election would have persisted until the Day of Ressurection. The utterance of al-Hasan al-Basri expounds clearly the Sunni view about the role of the four Guided Caliphs in Muslim historiography. It is an adequate response to the Shi'i accusations directed against the three 20 21 Zakariya b. Yahya al-Kuft; see on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, no. 627; ai-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rfkh baghdad, VIII, 456, no. 4569. Ms. Leiden Or. 2428, fols. 4b-5a (not recorded by Sezgin); cf. Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa, op. cit., I, 222. 40 first Caliphs. The credit given to Abu Bakr in establishing the zakdt as a binding prescription Iasting until the Day of Resurrection is ignored in the -Shi'i commentaries of the Qur'an: it is true that zakdt is a fundamental injunction imposed on every believer; but the prerogative of the Prophet mentioned in Sura IX, 103 (purification and cleansing) was transferred to the imam (i.e. the Shi'i imam - K). Accordingly people need the imam to accept their aIms in order to gain purification; the imiim, however, does not need their property (handed over to him - K); anyone who claims that the imiim is in need of the wealth of the people is a kafir." In support of the notion that Abu Bakr's decision to fight the people of the ridda was right, Sunni tradition states that the revolt and Abu Bakr's steps are foretold in the revelation of the Qur'an (Sura V, 54): "0 believers, whosoever of you turns from his religion God will assuredly bring a people He loves and who Iove Him" ... The people whom God Ioves and who Iove God refers to Abu Bakr and the men who aided him in the struggle against the ridda revolt." Shi'i traditions maintain that the verse refers to 'Ali and his adherents, to whom the description of people Ioving God and Ioved by God is applied. 'Ali and his adherents were thus ordered to fight the people who had 22 2! Al-Bahran! a1-TaubaII al-KataklinI, al-BurhtInft ta/sfri l·qur'4n, Qumm 1393, II, 156: al-'AyyAshi, al-Ta/sfr, ed, HAshim al-Rasiili a1-Mal)allAtr, Qumm 1371, II, 106, no. 111; and see about the case of paymcnt of the sadaqa to the governors of Mu'Awiya during the strugglc between him and 'All: al MajlisI, Bil}iir al-anwar, Tehran 1388, XCVI, 69-70, no. 45 (...Iaysa lahu an yanzila bil4dana wa-yu'addiya sadaqata malihi i/a 'aduwwin4); cf. ib. p. 68, no. 41 ial-mutasaddiqu 'ala a'dli'in4 ktrl-sariqi ft haram: Ilahl); and see the argument establishing that it is lawful for the Shi'I imams to receive the zak4t, because they werc deprived of the khums: ib., p. 69 no. 44. Comp. Ibn Babuyah al-QummI 'Ilal al-shar4'i, Najaf 1385/1966 p. 378 (about receiving of the khums by the Shf'I imam: ... innf laakhudhu min a/.ladikum l-dirhama wa-innt lamin akthari ahli l-madtnati mdkm, ma urtdu bi-dhdhka ilia an tunahanT). Al-Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Shakir, Cairo 1957, X, 411-414 (nos. 12177-12187), 418 (no. 12201), 419-420; al-Qurtubl, op. cit., VI, 220; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbftdala'ilal-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Kartrn 'Uthman, Beirut 1386/1966, pp. 417 inf. -418, 424 (and see 'Abd al-Jabbar's refutation of the claim of the zanadiqa that Abil Bakr was an apostate, p. 418); Abill-Layth al-Samarqandi, Ta/sfr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, I, 165a; al- Tha'labI, Tafsir, Ms. Br. Mus. Add. 19926, p. 389; al-Naysaburt, Ghara'ib al-qur'4n wa-ragh4'ib al-/urq4n, Cairo 138111962, VI, 114; al-Khazin, Lub4b al-ta'wil, Cairo 1381, II, 54 (see ib.: wa-qdla abu bakr b. 'ayyash: sami'tu aba lrusayn yaqulu: m4 wul/da ba'da I-nab/yyi afdalu min abt bakrin I-#ddfqi; laqad qama maqdma nabiyyin min al-anbiy4 ft qitali ahli l-ridda; al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-tanztl (on margin of al-Khazin's Lubab) II, 53-54; Abil Hayyan, al-Bahr al-mu/.lf" Cairo 1328, III, 511; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthtlr, Cairo, II, 292-293; Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, II, 595. According to other traditions the verse refers to some tribal groups of aI-Yaman (Kinda, Ash'ar, Tujib,Sakiln), to the An,Ar, to the people who fought at Qadisiyya, to the Persians who will embrace Islam. And sec Ibn Kathlr, al-Bid4ya, VI, 312; Ibn Hajar al-HaytamI, al-$awtTiq al-mulrriqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhlib 'Abd al-Latlf, Cairo 1375, pp. 14-15. ...ilia bi-haqqihi.: 41 broken their vow of allegiance tal-ndkithin - i.e. Talha and aI-Zubayr), the people who strayed away from the true faith (al-mdriqin - i.e. the khawiiri]) and the unjust (a/-qiis(tfn - i.e. Mu'awiya and his adherents)." The various interpretations recorded in the Qur'an commentaries expound the diverse views about the ridda revolt, evaluate the decision of Abu Bakr to fight the rebellious tribes and try to establish the Iegal base of his fight, emphasizing his sound judgment, his courage and devotion to the faith of Islam. The widely current tradition about Abu Bakr's decision to fight the rebellious tribes is connected with the interpretation of an utterance of the Prophet concerning the creed of Islam and the conditions of conversion. Abu Bakr is said to have discussed the intent of the utterance with 'Umar and to have succeeded in convincing 'Umar that his interpretation was the right one. Consequently 'Umar and the Companions joined Abu Bakrwho declared war on the tribes who, though claiming allegiance to IsIam, refused to pay the prescribed tax of zakiit, This crucial report is rendered by Wensinck as follows: When the Apostle of Allah had departed this world and Abu Bakr had been appointed his vicegerent, and some of the Beduins had forsaken Islam, 'Umar ibn al-Khattab said to Abu Bakr: How is it possible for thee to make war on these people, since the Apostle of Allah has said: I am ordered to make war on people till they say: There is no God but Allah? And whoever says: There is no God but Allah has thereby rendered inviolable his possessions and his person, apart from the duties which he has to pay. And it belongs to Allah to call him to account. Thereupon Abu Bakr answered: By Allah, I shall make war on whomsoever makes a distinction between the saldt and the zaktit. For the zakdt is the duty that must be paid from possessions. By Allah, if they should withhold from me a string which they used to pay to the Apostle of Allah, I would make war on them on account of their refusal. Thereupon 'Umar said: By Allah, only because I saw that Allah had given Abu Bakr the conviction that he must wage war, did I recognize that he was right." This report with its different versions, was the subject of thorough analysis and discussion by Muslim scholars. The significant feature of this tradition is the single shahdda: "There is no deity except Allah." Acting 2. AI-Bal)nlni,op. cit .• 1,478-479; al-Naysabiirl, op. cit., VI, 114 inf. -115; al- Tabarsi, Ta/sl'r Majma' al-baydn fi tafsiri I-qur'dn) Beirut 1380/1961, VI, 122-124 (quoting sunnf traditions as well). Wensinck,op. cit., pp. 13-14. ( = * " 42 according to the hadith cast in this way would indicate that the single shahiida declaring the oneness of God, without complementing it with the shahdda of the prophethood of Muhammad, is sufficient as a declaration of faith, preventing any Muslim to attack or harm the person uttering it and protecting that person and his possessions from any injury and damage. There are indeed some traditions in which it is prohibited to fight people uttering the shahiida of belief: Iii ildha illii lliih. "If one of you draws the spear against a man and the spearhead reaches already the pit of his throat, he has to withdraw it if the man utters the shahiida of Iii iliiha illii lldh."?" This injunction is supplemented by a decision of the Prophet in a hypothetical case brought before him by al-Miqdad b. 'Amr. "If an unbeliever fighting me would cut off my hand, then he would utter Iii ildha illii lldh, shall I spare him or kill him"? - asked Miqdad, "You should spare him", answered the Prophet. "After he had cut off my hand?" - interpellated al-Miqdad, The Prophet said confirming his prior utterance: "Yes. And if you were to kill him (sci!. after he had uttered the single shahiida - K) you would be in his position before his utterance (i.e. you would become an unbeliever - K). "27 Another case is recorded in connection with the Prophet himself: a man talked secretly with the Prophet. Then the Prophet gave the order to kill him. When he turned back the Prophet called him and asked him: "Do you attest that there is no deity except Allah"? "Yes", answered the man. The Prophet then ordered to release him and said: "I have been merely ordered to make war on people until they say Iii ildha illii lliih: when they do their blood and possessions are inviolable by me. "28 It is noteworthy that the phrase of exception illii bi-haqqihd is not recorded in this version. It is however recorded by al-Tahawf" and by Ibn Majah himself in two other traditions recorded by him.'? This tradition according to which the mere utterance of the oneness of God was sufficient as proof of conversion to Isiam and granted inviolability of person and property was of paramount importance to scholars of Muslim jurisprudence in establishing the terms of conversion. It is obvious that these scholars could hardly agree with the formula of one shahiida ~s a condition of conversion." Some of the commentators of this tradition 2. 27 28 2. 30 Jl See e.g. ai-Muttaqi al-Hindl, Kanz al-ummat; Hyderabad 1364, I, 76, no. 369 (and cf. e.g. ib., pp. 38-41, nos. Ill, 112, 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 126, 127, 130-132, 136... ). Al-Tahawl, Shar~ ma'iinfl-iithdr, ed. Muhammad Zuhrl l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968, III, 213; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musa, op. cit., I, 215-217; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrd, VIII, 195. Ibn Majah, Sunan al-mustafd, Cairo 1349, II, 458. AI-Tabiiwi, Shar~ ma'iini I-iithiir, III, 213. Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 457; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., I, 77, no. 373. In a similar story recorded by Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, VI, 419, NOr ai-Din al-Haytharnl, op. cit., VI, 262. The man who apostatized three times and finally converted to Islam ...i/Ia bi-haqqihi.: shahdda 43 tried to attach to the shahdda of the oneness of God the implied sense of the of the prophethood of Muhammad; the badith in the recorded version is merely an allusion (kiniiya) to the open announcement of conversion to Islam (i?hiir shi'iir at-islam) and includes in fact the shahdda about the prophethood of Muhammad and the acceptance of the tenets of his faith." Some scholars regarded those who uttered the shahdda of the oneness of God as Muslims who shared the rights and obligations of other Muslims." Other scholars maintained that the utterance of the shahdda itself did not indicate conversion to IsIam; it merely indicated a renunciation of the former belief. It could however not be concluded that they had embraced Islam; they might have joined another monotheistic faith which, though attesting the oneness of God, is yet considered unbelief(kuJr). As a result it was necessary to suspend fight against such people until it was made clear that there was an obligation to make war on them. It eould thus be deduced that this tradition refers to polytheists, who had to utter the shahiida.34 It is evident that the injunction of the hadith' does not apply to Jews, who are monotheists and who uphold the oneness of God as a tenet of their faith. Hence when the Prophet handed over the banner to 'Ali and bade him fight the Jews of Khaybar, he enjoined him to fight them until they utter both shahiidas: of the oneness of God and of the prophethood of Muhammad." But the utterance of both shahddas by the Jews is not sufficient in the opinion of aI-Tahawi, as it does not confirm beyond doubt the Jews' conversion to Islam. It is, namely, possible that they attest the prophethood of Muhammad besides the oneness of God while they believe that Muhammad was sent as Messenger to the Arabs only." The utterance of the two shahddas by Jews denotes that they have renounced their faith; but it does not necessarily mean that they have embraced Islam. The Muslims fighting them are therefore obliged to cease fighting until they ascertain what is the real intention of the Jews, exactly as in the case of the polytheists uttering the soIe shahiida of the oneness of God. In both cases there is no evidence that the people making the declaration have joined IsIam; conversion to Isiam cannot be affected without the renunciation of the former faith of the convert; in the case of the Jews an additional uttered, however, the double shahdda: of the oneness of God and of the prophethood of Muhammad. Al-Sindi,/fashiya (= al-Nasa'I, Sunan, Cairo 1348/1930) V, 15; idem,/fashiya( = Ibn Miijah, op. cit., II, 457). Al-Tahawl, SharI} ma'ani, III, 213, penult: qdla abiija'far: fa-qad dhahaba qaumun ild anna man qala la ildha ilia llahu faqad sara bihd musliman, lahu ma li-l-muslimina wa-'alayhi ma 'ala l-muslimtna wa-lJtajjii bi-hddhihi I-athdri. Al-Tahawl, SharI} ma'anT, III, 214. Muslim,op. cit., VII, 121. AI-Tat,iiwi, SharI} ma'ani, III; 214. 32 Jl ,. JS J6 44 stipulation was added: to ascertain that they have fully accepted the tenets of Islam without reservations. A peculiar case of this kind is reported in a tradition about two Jews who uttered the two shahiidas, but were reluctant to follow the Prophet because the Jews believe that Dawud prayed to God asking that prophethood remain among his descendants; had those two Jews joined the Prophet the other Jews would have killed them." The confession of the two Jews and their declaration of the prophethood of Muhammad was insufficient to make them Muslims and they remained Jews. The Prophet did not order to fight them so as to force them to , commit themselves to all the injunctions and tenets of Islam, as stated by al-Tahawi. 38 In harmony with the idea that conversion to Isiam implied the convert's renunciation of the former faith was a tradition attributed to the Prophet according to which one who utters the shahiida of oneness of God and renounces the gods which he had worshipped before - God will make inviolable his person and property (literally: harrama lldhu damahu wamiilahu) and it is up to God to call him to account." It was, of course, essential to establish in which period the Prophet uttered hadtths of this type in which the condition of conversion to Islam was confined to the shahdda of the oneness of God and to assess their validity. Sufyan b. 'Uyayna maintained that this utterance was announced at the beginning of IsIam, before the prescriptions of prayer, zakdt, fasting and hijra were revealed." One can easily understand why some Muslim scholars tried to establish the early date of this tradition and state that as a result it must have been abrogated after the imposition of the above mentioned injunctions. This can be deduced from the comment of Sufyan b. 'Uyayna. Ibn Rajab tries to undermine the validity of the hadtth and also of Ibn 'Uyayna's comment. The transmitters of the hadith, says Ibn Rajab, were the Companions of the Prophet in Medina (i.e. not in the first period of IsIam, in Mecca - K); some of the persons on whose authority the badflh is reported converted to Islam in the Iate period (scil. of the Iife ofthe Prophet - K); therefore the soundness of the tradition as traced back to Sufyan is a moot question (wa-jf #bbalihi 'an sufydna nazari and his opinion has to be J7 See e.g. al-Dhahabl, Ta'rtkh, Cairo 1367, I, 223; Ibn Kathir, ShamtI'i/ al-rasul wa-dald'il nubuwwatth! ... ed. Muuafii 'Abd al- Wiibid, Cairo 1386/1967, p. 333; Ibn al-Athir,lami' al-u/ul min a/;ItIdithil-rasul, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, XII, 96, no. 8899; Ibn Abi Shayba, Ta'rtkh, Ms. Berlin 9409 (Sprenger 104), fol. 5a-6a; alTabawi, SharI) ma'tInf, III, 215. Al-Tahawl, SharI) ma'ani, III, 215. Muslim, op. cit., I, 40 sup.; Ibn Rajab, Jami' al-'ulum wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadl Abii I-Niir, Cairo 1389/1970, I, 180. Ibn Rajab, Jami', ib. 31 30 40 ..,ilia bi-haqqihi ... 45 considered weak. Ibn Rajab examines further the phrase 'asamii minni dimd'ahum wa-amwdlahum (they will cause their blood and property to be inviolab1e by me) in the tradition, arguing that this phrase indicates that the Prophet had already been ordered to make war on those who refused to convert to IsIam; this injunction was revealed to the Prophet after hishijra to Medina." According to the arguments of Ibn Rajab the Prophet uttered this hadtth after his hijra to Medina. Ibn Rajab puts forward a different assumption about the persistent validity of the tradition, and explains its origin on the background of the Prophet's custom and conduct with regard to conversion to Isiam. The Prophet used to be satisfied with the mere recitation ofthe two shahiidas by a convert to Islam; he would then grant the convert the right of inviolability for his person and regard him as Muslim. He even rebuked Usama b. Zayd for killing a man who uttered only the shahdda of the oneness of God. The Prophet, argues Ibn Rajab, did not stipulate with converts prayer and the payment of zakdt. There is even a tradition according to which he accepted the conversion of a group who asked to be dispensed from paying the zakdt, Further, Ibn Rajab quotes from Ahmad b. l;Ianbal'sMusnadthe /:Iadfth(recorded on the authoity of Jabir b. 'Abdallah) reporting that the delegation of Thaqif stipulated (in their negotiations with the ProphetK)42 that they would not pay the sadaqa nor would they participate in the expeditions of the holy war, jihad; the Prophet (agreed and - K) said: "They will (in the future - K) pay the sadaqa and will fight.'?" Another tradition recorded by Ibn Hanbal and quoted by Ibn Rajab states that the Prophet accepted the conversion of a man who stipulated that he would pray only two prayers (instead offive, during the day - K). Ibn Hanbal also records a tradition reporting that Hakim b. Hizam gave the Prophet the oath of conversion on the condition that he would not perform the rak'a during prostration." Basing himself on these traditions Ahmad b. Hanbal concluded that conversion to Islam may be accomplished despite a faulty stipulation; subsequently, the convert will be obliged to carry out the prescriptions of the law of Islam." " ., ., •• Ibn Rajab, Jdmi", ib.; cf. idem, Kalimat al-ikhlii/, ed. al-Shawish and al-Albanl, Beirut 1397, pp. 19-21. Cf. JSAl ( = Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam) I (1979), 1-18, "Some Reports Concerning al-Ta'if." Ibn Rajah, Jami', I, 180; the version quoted is in some traditions followed by the phrase: idhti astama . Ibn Rajab, Jdmi'; I, 180-181. Ibn Rajab, Jami'; I, 181: ... wa-akhadha l-imdmu ahmadu bi-hadhihi I-al)tidfthi wa-qala: ya#Mu l-islamu 'ala l-sharti 1-f4sidi; thumma yulzamu bi-shara'i'i I-isltimi. 46 Ibn Rajab joins Ibn Hanbal in his opinion and sums up the subject as follows: The utterance of the two shabada« by itselfforms the conversion and is sufficient to turn the convert inviolable; when he enters Islam he has to carry out the obligatory prescriptions of the Muslim Iaw including, of course, prayer and zakdt, If he performs them, he shares in the rights and duties of the Muslim community. Ifa group of converts does not carry out any of these fundamental obligations, they should be fought and compelled to carry them OUt.46 It may be assumed that the utterance of the Prophet promising inviolabili ty to the person and property of converts who utter the shahiida of the oneness of God, as quoted by 'Umar in his discussion with Abu Bakr, was contrasted by traditions according to which the convert had to utter the shahddas of oneness of God, and of the prophethood of Muhammad and renounce the tenets of his former faith. There was a clear tendency to bridge over the divergent traditions. The question of'Umar as to how Abu Bakr could fight the people (al-niis) since the Prophet had stated that he would make war on them only until they utter the single shahdda of the oneness of God was explained as a misunderstanding. 'Umar referred in his question to the unbelievers, as al-nds denoted in his perception idol worshippers; the utterance of the Prophet referred, of course, to these people. But Abu Bakr intended to fight also people who refused to pay zakdt, but did not renounce Islam; thus the word al-nds included in his opinion this category of people as well, Both Abu Bakr and 'Umar did not remember during their talk the hadith' transmitted by 'Abdallah, the son of 'Umar, in which conversion to Islam was explicitly said to depend upon the utterance of both shahddas, the performance of prayers and the payment of zakat:" Abu Bakr based himself on the Iast phrase of this 'utterance and replied: "By God I shall make war on those who make a distinction between prayer and the zakiit-tax, as the zakiit is a duty imposed on property"; 'Umar seems not to have noticed the phrase of exception: illa bi-haqqihi at the end of the utterance. This phrase was rendered by the commentators: illii bi-haqqi l-isldmi and explicated as referring to murder, refusal to perform the prayer, refusal to pay the zakiit by false interpretation (of the verses of the Qur'an - K) and other things (i.e. either the committing of crimes or negligence to carry out the prescriptions of the Muslim Iaw - K). Abu Bakr thus explained to 'Umar that the person uttering the shahdda of the oneness of God is in fact granted the inviolabiIity of body and property and should not be fought except on the ground of 4' Ibn Rajab, Umi', I, 181-182, See the tradition e.g. Ibn Rajab, Kalimat al-Ikhldi. ... ilIii bi-haqqihi ... 47 the Islamic law, which makes it necessary to fight people committing crimes or grave religious sins. As there was unanimity among the Companions that the non-performance of prayer was a gra ve sin, it was the duty of a Muslim ruler to make war on groups refusing to carry out this prescription. Abu Bakr, stating that he will make war on people who would separate prayer from zakdt, based himself on the principle of qiyds, analogy, putting zakiit on a par with prayer, salat:" Some other aspects in connection with the Iegitimacy of the war against the ridda people are pointed out by al-Jassas, Abu Bakr decided to fight the people of the ridda not because they did not pray, or because they did not pay zakdt; the decision to fight people for not paying the zakdt cannot be taken in the period of the year when people are not expected to pay; and people cannot be fought because they do not pray, as there are special times for prayer. The right reason for Abu Bakr's decision to make war on the people of the ridda was the fact that they refused to commit themselves to pay the zakdt; by this refusal they renounced (kajarii) a verse of the Qur'an (sci!. a prescription of the Qur'an) which was in fact a renunciation of the whole Qur'an. This was the basis for the decision of Abu Bakr to fight them, since they turned apostates by this renunciation." Another problem discussed by al-Jassas is the person authorized to Ievy the tax. Some of the triballeaders were ready to collect the tax and accept the injunction of the Qur'an as obligatory; they were however reluctant to hand over the tax to the Caliph or his officials. But Abu Bakr adhered to the precedent of the Prophet, demanded that the zakdt be delivered to the Caliph and considered war against people who refused to deliver it as justified." This argument was, of course, closely connected with the practice which was followed in the Muslim empire towards rebellious groups who refused to hand over the collected tax to the official of the Caliph. Some Muslim scholars drew weighty conclusions from the story about the discussion between Abu Bakr and 'Umar about the way in which utterances of the Prophet circulated during that early period. These scholars assume that Abu Bakr and 'Umar were not familiar with the utterance of the Prophet in which prayer and the zakdt were explicitly mentioned as necessary concomitants of conversion. It is presumed that Ibn 'Urnar who transmitted this tradition (i.e. in which prayer and zakiit were mentioned as fundamental conditions for conversion to Isiam - K) did not attend their conversation. It can further be deduced, according to some scholars, that even great men among the sahaba could have been ignorant of a sunna, •• •• so Cf. Ibn Rajab, Jdmi', I, 184 inf. -185 . AI-Ja~~ii~, Abkam al-qur'dn, Qustantlniyya AI-Ja~~ii~, op. cit., III, 82 inf. -83 sup. 1338, III, 82-83. 48 while others might have known it. Hence one should not lend weight to personal opinions of men if they may contradict a reliable tradition about a sunna. The word uqdtil served as argument for some scholars, who concluded that people refusing to pay the zakdt should be fought until the zakdt is collected from them; there is no permission to kill them; others maintained that it is lawful to kill." The interpretation of the crucial expression ilia bi-haqqihi (or: bi/:laqqiha) seems to have been closely connected with the commentaries on Sura VI, 151: wa-ki taqtulu l-nafsa /latf harrama lliihu ilia bi-l-haqqi "and that you siay not the soul God has forbidden, except for right". Al-Qurtubi states that the verse constitutes a prohibition to kill a person whose killing is forbidden, whether a believer or an ally tmu'minatan kdnat [i.e. al-najs] aw muiihiddtan) except on the basis of (a prescription of) Muslim law, which bids to kill him." Al-Qurtubi, basing himself on Qur'an verses and on hadiths, enumerates the cases in which the execution of sinners is mandatory: murderers, fornicators, rebels, usurpers and homosexuals; the list includes people refusing to perform the prescribed prayers and to pay the zakiit; the hadith: umirtu ... ilIa bi-haqqihi is quoted as reference for the indication of ilia bt-baqqihi:" Slightly different is the explanation given to the expression ilia bi/:laqqihii,appearing in another version of this hadtth," The personal suffix hii in this version refers to dimd'uhum wa-amwiiluhum, "Their blood and property" (literally: their blood and properties) and is explained by saying that their blood and possessions are inviolable except when they are convicted of crimes or sins or unfulfilled religious prescriptions (like abandonment of prayer, or the non-payment of zakat- K); "bi-haqqihii" indicates II 12 " See the discussion: Ibn Hajar, Fat~ al-bdri, shar~ ~a~i1)al-bukhdrt, Bulaq BOO, I, 71-72; al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiirf, shar~ ~a~i1)al-bukhdrt, n. p. 1348 (repr. Beirut), I, 110 inf., 179-183, VIII, 235·236, 244-277; al-Qastallani, Irshad al-sart, III, 6-7; cf. Mahmud Muhammad Khattab al-Subkl, al-Manhal al-tadhb al-maunid shar~ sunan abt diiwr1d, Cairo 1390, IX, 114-123; Ibn Rajab, Jiimi', I, 185-188; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, Cairo 1387/1967, VII, 331-332. Al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, VII, 133... au mu'dhidatan il/ii bi-l-haqqi lladht yiijibu qatlahti. Cf. al-Tabarl, Tafsir (ed. Shakir) XII, 220: ...bi-l-haqqi, yu'nii bi-mii abii~a qatlahd bihi (murder, fornication of a married woman and apostasy are mentioned); al-Naysaburt, Ghard'ib al-qur'dn, VIII, 56 inf; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthar, III, 54-55. Al-Qurtubl, op. cit .• VIII, 133. See e.g. al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan Muhammad al-Mas'iidI, Cairo 1348/1930 (repr. Beirut) VI, 6;- Ahmad b. 'Air al-MarwazI, Musnad abi bakr al-siddiq, ed. Shu'ayb al-Arna'ut, Beirut 1390/1970, pp. 145-146, no. 77 (comp. another version: pp. 208-209, no. 140); al-Muttaql l-Hindi, op. cit., I, 78, no. 375 (and see ib., pp. 76-79, nos. 265-285), VI, 294-295, nos. 2256-2259; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, VIII, 74-75; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrii, VIII, 19, 176-177, 196,202; Niir ai-DIn al-Haythaml, op. cit., I, 24-26; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, al-Imiima wa-l-siydsa, ed. TaM Muhammad al-Zaynt, Cairo 1387/1967, I, 22 inf. -23 (2 different versions of Abu Bakr's answer). .. .illd bi-haqqihi.: 49 the obligations and duties imposed on the person and property of the believer. The preposition "bi" (in bi-haqqiha) is explained as equal to 'an or min, "on the ground", "on the base", "on account.i'" Another explanation states that" bi-haqqihd" refers to the declaration of the oneness of God; consequently, illd bi-haqqihii has to be rendered except on the grounds of the (unfulfilled) duties incumbent on the person and on the property, according to this declaration. 56 It is noteworthy that the authenticity of the tradition in which the shahdda of the oneness of God is maintained as sufficient and which has caused some difficulties of interpretation" was not questioned by scholars, whereas the one which speaks of two shahddas and which mentions the obligations of the Muslim was subject to suspicion, its reliability being put to doubt." Al-Jahiz rightly states that both snrr and Murji'i scholars accepted the report about the conversation between Abu Bakr and the Companions in which they quoted the badfth of the Prophet with the shahdda of the oneness of God, and about Abu Bakr's decision to wage war against the tribal dissidents basing himself on the final phrase of the hadith. Only the extremist rawdfid denied this report. 59 According to a report recorded by al-Jahiz both the Ansar and the Muhajirun urged Abu Bakr to concede to the demands of the ahl al-ridda and proposed to exempt them for some time from paying the zakiit.60 The other report recorded by al-Jahiz says that it was the An~ar who tried to convince Abu Bakr to concede to the demands of the ridda people." The first report says the Abu Bakr reminded the people who came to him of the final phrase: ilIii bi-haqqihd; in the other report the people themselves quoted the utterance with the final sentence and Abu Bakr merely stated that the zakat is part of the haqq (obligation,duty) imposed on it. The tendency of recording both traditions can be seen in the comments and conclusions drawn by al-Jahiz: * ,. 11 " " 60 ,. 61 Al-Munawt, Fayd al-qadir, Cairo 1391/1972, II, 188-189, no. 1630 (ilia bi-/:Iaqqihii, ay al-dima' wa-l-amwal, ya'nf hiya ma'sumatun ilia 'an haqqin yajibujiha ka-qawadin wariddatin wa-/:Iaddin wa-tarki $alatin wa-zakatin bi-ta'wilin ba!ilin wa-haqqin ddamtyyin), Al-Munawr, op. cit., II, 189. See e.g. Ibn Hajar, Fat/:lai-barf, I, 71 sup.; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-qart, I, 183; Ibn Abf l;Iatim, 'llal al-/:Iadfth, Cairo 1343, II, 147 (no. 1937),152 (no. 1952); and comp. ib., II, 159 (no. 1971); al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafa wa-muztl al-ilbds, Cairo 1351, I, 194, no. 586; a1Maqdisf, ai-Bad' wa-I-ta'rikh, V, 153; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu$annaf, VI, 66-67, nos. 10020-10022; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa l-Hanafl, al-Mu'tasar, I, 130 ult. -132. See e.g. al-'Aynf, op. cit., I, 183, 11. 6-8: ... qultu.· wa-min hadha q41a ba'4uhum;]f$i/:l/:lati /:Iadfthi bni 'umara l-madhktir! nazarun ... ; and see Ibn Rajab, Jam:', I, ~4 inf. -185 sup. AI-Ja!)i~, al-Uthmaniyya, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Haran, Cairo 137411955, pp. 81-82. AI-Ja!)i~, op. cit., p. 81; Ibn 'Abdal-Barr,Janu' bay4nal-'i1m, al-Madfna -munawwara, n.d. (reprint), II, 85, 102; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbft, pp. 227-228. AI-Ja!)i~, op. cit., p. 82. 50 Abu Bakr, who knew things which others (of the Companions) did not know, interpreted the utterance of the Prophet in the proper way and got the approval of it by all the people of the sahdba. The two reports of al-Jahiz are certainly a sufficient answer for the slanders circulated by the rawdfid. Moreover: according to a tradition it was 'Ali who encouraged Abu Bakr to take his decision concerning the ahl al-ridda, stating that if Abu Bakr gave up anything collected by the Prophet from them he would have acted contrary to the sunnar? It is obvious that this tradition serves as an argument against the rawafi4,63 emphasizing as it does the friendly relations between Abu Bakr and 'Ali, 'Ali's participation in the decisions of Abu Bakr and 'AIl's full approval of Abu Bakr's action against ahlal-ridda. Sunni scholars tried to extend the ideological basis of Abu Bakr's utterance. He had recourse, they said, not only to qiyas(analogy); he based himself also on an explicit injunction (na$$) of the Qur'an (Sura IX, 11: "Yet if they repent and perform the prayer and pay the alms, then they are your brothers in religion ...") and on inference (diMla). When Abu Bakr decided to fight the ahl al-ridda he acted in accordance with the injunction given in this verse; hence 'Umar could say: rna huwa ilia an sharaha llahu sadra abt bakrin li-l-qitiili wa-araftu annahu l-haqq." But the utterance of 'Umar and his approval of Abu Bakr's decision seems to have been criticized, probably by some Shi'i circles, and designated as taqlid. This was firmly denied by Sunni scholars." The Iink between the revealed verse: Sura IX, 11 and the decision of Abu Bakr is sharply pointed out in the Muslim tradition: this verse was one of the latest verses revealed to the Prophet before his death." A trenchant reply to the rafi¢fscholars was made by Ibn aI-'Arabi: Had Abu Bakr been compliant with the demands of refusal of zakdt, their force would have become stronger, their wicked innovations would have gained " 6J •• 6l " Al-Muhibb al- Tabari, al-Riyii¢ al-nadira fi mandqib al-tashara, ed. Muhammad Badr al-Dln al-Na'sanr al-Halabi, Cairo n.d., I, 98; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, op. cit.• p. 418. About their arguments see e.g. Ibn 'Arabi, op. cit., p. 995: .... wa-bi-htidhli 'tarat/at al-riifidatu 'alii l-siddiqi, /a-qlilu: 'ajila fi amrihi wa-nabadha l-siydsata ward'a •.ahrihi wa-ardqa l-dimd'a . See al-'Ayni, op. cit., VIII, 246: ... bi-l-daltl lladht aqdmahu l-siddtq nassan wa-dtlalatan wa-qiydsan ... ; cf. Ibn al-Arabr, Ahkam al-qur'dn, p. 995; and see al- Tabart, Tafsir, XIV, 153, no. 16518. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrd, VIII, 177, II. 8-12; al-Aynr, op. cit., VIII, 246: .. fa-iii yuqdlu lahu innahu qal/ada aM bakrin It-anna l-mujtahida la yajiizu lahu an yuqal/ida I-mujtahida ... wa-fihi di/lillitun 'alii anna 'umara lam yarji' i/Ii qauli abi bakrin taqltdan. See e.g. al-Tabart, Tafsir (ed. Shakir) XIV, 135, no. 16475: ... wa-tasdiqu dhiilikafi kitdbi I/lihi fi dkhiri ma anzala I/lihu; qala lldhu: fa-in tlibU... ; al-'Atii'iqi, al-Nlisikh wa-Imansiikh, ed. 'Abd al-Hadl l-Fadll, Najaf 1390/1970, pp. 52-53; cf. al-'Ayni, op. cit .. I, 178; Hibatullah b. Salamah, al-Ndsikh wa-l-manstikh, Cairo 1387/1967, p. 51. ...ilia bi-haqqihi ... 51 hold in the hearts of people and it would have been difficult to turn them to obedience; Abu Bakr decided therefore to act quickly and resolutely in order to prevent it. It is certainly better to shed blood in order to strengthen the foundations of Isiam than in order to gain the Caliphate, Ibn al-Arabl observed." A significant report corroborating this view is recorded by al-Jahiz: Abu Bakr is said to have stated that any concession granted to one of the tribes would bring about demands from other tribes, as a consequence of which the strength of Isiam would ultimately be shattered." The refusal to pay the zakat was prompted by feelings of tribal independence opposed to the control and authority of Medina. The Medinan community being the only body politic which represented the legacy of the Prophet, it was bound to serve as the target for the struggle ofthe seceding tribes. The problem was not one of theoiogical formulations seeking to establish who is a believer. We may not suppose Abu Bakr to have discussed the meaning of Qur'anic verses with triballeaders. A few years later, when knowledge of Qur'an was set up as a criterion for the division of booty, the Muslim warriors demonstrated a rather poor knowledge of the Qur'an; well-known warriors could only quote the basmala.t? The concise confession of the oneness of God: Iii ildha iIIii llahu seems to have from the very beginning served as a token of adherence to the Muslim community; the testimony of the prophethood of Muhammad was probably very shortly afterwards added to it. It is mentioned in the very early compilations of the stra and in the biographies of the Companions'? and it was supplemented by the addition of various stipulations and injunctions during the first century of Isiam. The fact that there were in circulation numerous traditions which were more detailed and more elaborate, and in which the various obligations of conversion were enumerated and that these nevertheless could not undo the short formula of the shahdda of the oneness of God, seems to be a convincing evidence that this tradition is one of the very earliest I,ladiths. The efforts of the commentators to establish the time of this utterance, its contents and circumstances indicate that it was a rather difficult task to harmonize between the tradition and later practice, .7 •s 70 ., Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., p. 995 . Al-Jahiz, al-Uthmdniyya, p. 83 . Abii I-Faraj al-Isfahanl, Aghtini, XIV, 39. See e.g, Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., I, 279; Muhammad Hamldullah, Majmu'at al-wathii'iq alsiydsiyya, Cairo 137611956, p. 245, no. 233; cf. ib., p. 90, no. 67; ib., p. 1~9 no. 120; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VII, 211, no. 10114; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd al-ghiiba V, 225; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawd'id, 1,29, III, 64; Muhammad Harnidullah, op. cit .• p. 98,no. 77 (and cf. on Abii Shaddad: Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarb wa-l-ta'dil, VII, no. 1830( = IX,389); al-Sam'ant, Anstib, V, 373, no. 1616; Yaqat, al-Bulddn, s.v. al-Dama); but see the opinion of Wensinck, op. cit .• pp. 11-12. 52 and it seems to have been difficult to explain its validity for the time of the ridda. The socio-economic factors behind the ridda movement can be glimpsed between the lines of those reports which relate how certain triballeaders refused to Ievy the prescribed zakdt" while others had collected the zakdt but were requested to return it to their people after the death of the Prophet." The obligation to pay the collected zakiit-tax to the rulers said to have been imposed on the ridda-people, seems to have been questioned as late as the end of the second century ofthe hijra; certain scholars had the courage to recommend not to hand it over to the rulers (who were considered vicious and unjust and liable to squander the tax on unworthy causes) or to their officials, but to distribute it among the poor of the community." The concise shahdda« of the oneness of God and of the message of Muhammad enabled the masses of the conquered peoples to join Isiam. These shahadas could even be rendered easier and more concise for the convenience of aliens converting to IsIam.74 The vague expression iIIii bi-baqqiha" secured that the converts would faithfully carry out the prescriptions ofIsiam. 71 72 13 74 " See e.g. al-Muhibb al-Tabari, op. cit .• I, 67: ... irtaddati I-'arabu wa-qata: Iii nu'addt zakatan ... ; ib., I, 98; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., VI, 295, 110. 22588 ... irtadda man irtadda min al-tarabi wa-qdhi: nusalli wa-ld-nuzakkt.: Ps. Waqidf, Akhbar ahli l-ridda, Ms. Bankipore XV, 108-110, no. 1042, fol. 9a: .. .fa-qala lahu rajulun min qaumihi: yii hddhd, na~nu wa-lldhi aulii bi-sadaqatina min abt bakrin, wa-qadjama'ndhd ilayka wa-dafa'niihd Ii-tamdi bihii ilii muhammadin ($)fa-rudda $adaqiitind.fa-ghadiba l-zibriqdn ... ; al-Kala'f, op. cit., p. 51-52, 161. See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, 46, no. 6923: .. /an ibn tiiwus 'an abihi qdla: Iii yudfa'u ilayhim idhii lam yat,ia'uht'imawiit,ii'ahii... ; p. 48, no. 6931: 'an mak~ulin sami'tuhu yaqtilu: Iii tadfa'ht'i ilayhim, ya'nf l-umard'a ... ; no. 6932: ...kana ibnu 'abbdsin wa-bnu l-musayyibi wa-l-hasanu bnu abt l-hasani wa-ibrdhimu l-nakha'Iyyu wa-muhammadu bnu 'aliyyin wa~(Jmmiidu bnu abt sulaymdna yaquluna: Iii tu'addti l-zakdta itii man yajurujihii ... ; Ibn Abf Shayba, Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanr, Hyderabad 1387/1968, III, 156: ... qiila bnu 'umara: dfa'u zakata amwdlikum itii man walldhu fliihu amrakum, fa-man barra fa-li-nafsihi wa-man athima fa-talayha ... ib., idfti'ha ilayhim wa-in akah; bihd lu~uma l-kildb ... ; p. 158: .. /an tiiwus qlila: t,ia'hiiji l-fuqard ... Ibn 'Umar: Iii tadfa'hii ilayhim fa-innahum qad at,id'ul-$aliit ... See e.g. al-Shabrakhltf, Shar~ alii l-arba'Ina l-nawawiyya, Beirut, Dar al-fikr, n.d., p. 126: ... wa-Tam annahu Iii yushtaratu ji #Mati l-tmani al-talaffuzu bi-l-shahddatayni wa-lii l-nafyu wa-l-ithbiitu, bal yakji an yaqula: fllihu wii~idun wa-muhammadun rastilu fliihi... See e.g. al-Jassas, op. cit., III, 197 ult. -198 sup. (commenting. on wa-ati dhtI I-qurbii ~aqqahu ... ): qiila abu bakrin [i.e. al-Jassas]: al-haqqu l-madhkaru jihddhihi I-aya mujmalun muftaqarun ita l-baydni wa-huwa mithlu qaulihi ta'lilli: wa-ji amwdlthim haqqu« ... wa-qauli l-nabiyyi ($) umirtu an uqdtila ... ilia fliihufa·idhii qiiluht'i'a$amu ... ilia bi-~aqqihii fa-hiidha l-~aqqu ghayru zahiri I-ma'nii ft l-dyati, bal huwa mauqilfun 'alii l-bayani:

The Battle of the Ḥarra: Some Socio-Economic Aspects

harra_battle.pdf THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA Some Socio- Economic Aspects The numerous reports of the revolt against Yazid b. Mu'awiya b. abi Sufyan in Medina and the bloody battle of the Harra (27 Dhii l-Hijja, 63 AH = 26 August, AD 683) contain many details on the preparations for the battle, letters sent by the Caliph to the Ieaders of the rebels, speeches of the Ieaders and the battle itself, as well as about rebels killed on the battlefield or executed at the order of Muslim b. 'Uqba, the commander of the army sent by Yazid to quell the rebellion.! The various accounts, some 1 See Khalifa b. Khayyat, Ta'rikh (ed. Diya' al-Dln aI-'UmarI) (Baghdad, 1386/ 1967) I, 224-225; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1377/1957) v, 38-39, 144-147, 170-172, 177, 215, 225-226, 255-256, 259-260, 263-267, 270, 274-275, 277-280, 295-296, 298; al-Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashriif (ed. M. Schloessinger) (Jerusalem, 1938) rvb, 19·-46; al-Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh (al-Najaf, 1384/1964) II, 237-238; al-Dlnawari, al-Akhbdr al-tiwdl (ed. 'Abd al-Mun'im 'Amir Jamal al-Din al-Shayyal) (Cairo, 1960), 264-267; al-Fakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Ms. Leiden Or. 463, fol. 400a; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah alZubayri, Nasab Quraysh (ed. Levi-Provencal) (Cairo, 1953), 133, 215, 222, 228, 256, 282, 361, 371, 384; al-Tabarl, Ta'rtkb (Cairo, 1358/1939) IV, 366--381; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiin al-akhbiir (Cairo, 1343/1924) I, 202; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, al-Tqd al-farid (ed. Ahmad Amln, Ahmad al-Zayn, Ibrahim al-Abyarl) (Cairo, 1381/1962) IV, 387-390; al-Mas'fidl, Murii] al-dhahab (ed. Muhammad Muhyl l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid) (Cairo, 1357/1938) III, 17-18; idem, al-Tanbih wa-l-ishrdf (ed. de Goeje) (Leiden, 1894), 304306; Ibn Qutayba, al-Madrif (ed. al-Sawl) (Cairo, 1390/1970; reprint), 153, 172; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, al-Imdma wa-l-siydsa (Cairo, 1331) I, 168-190; Abu l-Faraj, al-Aghdni (Cairo, 1285) I, 12-16; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil al-durar fi maniibit al-zahar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fols. 73b-81a; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (tahdhib) (ed. Ibn Badran) (Damascus, 1351) VII, 372-374, 407-413; Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, Tadhkirat al-khawtiss (alNajaf, 1383/1964), 287-292; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rtkb at-Islam (Cairo, 1368) II, 354-359; idem, Siyar a'liim al-nubald' (ed. As'ad Talas) (Cairo, 1962) III, 217-220; Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut - al-Riyad, 1966) VI, 233-235; VIII, 211-212, 215-224; al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira (ed. Ahmad Muhammad Mursi) (Cairo, n.d.), 605-606; alDamiri, Haytit al-hayawdn (Cairo, 1383/1963) I, 60-61; al-Bayhaql, al-Mahdsin wa-Imasdwl (ed. Muhammad Abu I·FaQI Ibrahim) (Cairo, 1380/1961) I, 99-104; Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi, ai-Bad' wa-l-tdrikb (ed. C. Huart) (paris, 1919) VII, 13-14; alSuyut], Ta'rikh al-khulafd' (ed. Muhammad Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Hamid) (Cairo. of which contain divergent details or contradictions, help us nevertheless to gain an insight into the consecutive stages of the conflict, the attitudes of different tribal groups and their leaders and the particulars of the military operation. The reports on the factors of the conflict between the Caliph and the people of Medina and the causes of the revolt are, however, meagre and give almost unanimous emphasis to the religious motives of the clash. Some scattered details, occurring in fragmentary accounts outside the generally known sources, may shed new light on the roots of the conflict and the factors which were responsible for the battle of the Barra. I Some details of the relations between Yazid and Medina may be surveyed in the following lines. In the short period beginning with the investiture of Yazid as Caliph and ending with the battle of the Barra, there were frequent changes of governors in Medina. The governor appointed by Mu'awiya, al-Walid b. 'Utba, was deposed shortly after Yazid ascended the throne because he failed to prevent the escape of the two Qurashi Ieaders, al-Husayn and 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr.? His successor, 'Amr b. Sa'Id al-Ashdaq.! also failed to get an oath of allegiance from 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr or to seize him. He was then ordered by the Caliph to send against him a troop levied from among the people listed in the paymentroll.s A supplementary passage records the composition of the force sent by 'Amr b. Sa'Id: four hundred soidiers, groups of the mawiili bani umayya and groups not listed in the payment Iist.> The people enrolled in the diwiin were reluctant to set out for Mecca in order to fight 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr.s Abu Mikhnaf stresses in his report that the majority of 1371/1952), 209-210; al-Diyarbakri, Ta'rikh al-khamis (Cairo, 1283) II, 302-303; alSamhudi, Wafd" al-wafd bi-akhbdr dar al-Mustafd (ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid) (Cairo, 1374/1955) I, 125-138; Ibn al-'Imiid, Shadhardt al-dhabab (Beirut, n.d.; reprint) I, 71; Khalil b. Aybak al-Safadi, Tamdm al-mutiin Ii sharh risdlat Ibn Zaydiin (ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim) (Cairo, 1389/1969),208-212; al-Tsami, Simt al-nujiim al-iawdli (Cairo, 1380) III, 88-94; and see £[2, s. v. al-Harra (L. Veccia Vaglieri). 2 3 4 J. Wellhausen, Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz (Berlin, 1902; reprint), 92. Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. rvb, 23, lines 9-10. See al-Baladhurl, op. cit. tvb, 23, lines 18-19: ... kataba i/a "amri bni sa'tdin al-ashdaqi ya'muruhu an yuwajjiha i/a 'abdi lldhi bni I-zubayri jayshan min ah/i I-'ala'i wa-l-diwdni ... (al-Baladhuri records it from the report of al-Waqidi). 5 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. rvb, 25, lines 15-21. 6 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 184: ... fa-daraba 'alii ah/i l-diwiini l-ba'tha i/a makkata wa-hum kdrihilna li-l-khurilji, 34 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA the recruited force preferred not to join the force and sent instead hired men, who ought to fight in their place. Most of the force sympathized with 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr sent against them troops recruited from among the people of al-Hijaz who were imbued with a fighting spirit and religious zeal and convinced that they were fighting for a just cause." It was no wonder that the force sent by the governor of Medina under the command of 'Amr b. aI-Zubayr (the brother of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr) was defeated; 'Amr b. al-Zubayr was captured and treacherously and cruelly executed. The sympathy of wide circles of the Muslim community was indeed with 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. There were some doubts about the stability and duration of the Umayyad rule and an apprehension that 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr may succeed in grasping the power from the Umayyads. This feeling of uncertainty was rife even among some Umayyad officials. The governor of Medina, 'Amr b. Sa'id, according to one tradition, sent a messenger to 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. aI-'A.~ (who stayed in Egypt) inquiring about it. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. aI-'A.~, well known for his knowledge, piety and his ability to foretell future events because he was acquainted with the "Book of Daniel", answered that the rule would continue to be in the hands of the Umayyad Caliph and that 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr would not succeed in his effort to seize authority in the Muslim Empire. This led 'Amr b. Sa'Id to take several measures so as to get hold of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr by stratagem and deceit.f 'Abdallah b. al-lAbbas proved to have had a sound evaluation of the situation after the death of Mu'awiya: He assured the people in his presence that the Umayyad rule would endure and summoned them to give the oath of allegiance to Yazid.? These stories may be spurious, but they help us to gauge the trends in some influential circles of the Muslim community. 'Amr b. Sa'id failed to seize 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, or to compel him to give the oath of allegiance to Yazid. He was deposed (in Dhii l-Hijja, 61 AH) and explained to the Caliph the causes of his failure: He did not have at his disposal regular troops by which he could have subcued 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. Yazid rightly reprimanded him, asking why 7 See al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 24, lines 14--16: ... wa-kdna aktharu l-jayshi budalii'a min al-'atii'i wa-jufluhum yah wauna bna l-zubayri "abda ttat«. fa-siirii hattii ntahau itii makkata, fa-akhraja ilayhim "abdu lliihi bnu l-zubayri rijdlan min ahli l-bijiizi, dhawi dinin wa-fadlin wa-ra'yin wa-thabdtin wa-basti'ira ... ; cf. Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 184 inf. 8 Al-Tabari, op. cit. IV, 365-366; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op, cit., fol. 72b. 9 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 166 inf.-167 sup. 35 he did not ask for a military force to be despatched from Syria.tv AIWalid b. 'Utba was reinstated as governor of Medina in 61 AH and was the official leader of the Qajj in that year.U 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr feigning loyalty to Yazid, and hinting that he would be ready to undertake some acts of reconciliation, complained to the Caliph of the rudeness ofal-Walid b. "Utba and asked to replace him by a milder governor. Yazid responded, deposed al-Walid b. 'Utba and appointed 'Uthman b. Muhammad b. abi Sufyan, The pilgrimage ceremony was still officially led by al-Walid b. 'Utba in 62 AH.12 'Uthman b. Muhammad, an inexperienced and lenient young man, remained in the office of the governor only eight months.U He tried to start a new policy of appeasement with the malcontent Medinans, who openly manifested their sympathy for 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. He despatched, at the Caliph's order, a representative deputation of the nobles (ashriif) of the city to Damascus, the capital of the Empire. They were welcomed by the Caliph and granted munificent gifts. However, when they returned to Medina they circulated shocking stories about the Iicentious behaviour of the profligate and corrupt Caliph, stirred the people against him and threw off his allegiance.l+ The Ieaders of the rebellion, 'Abdallah b. Hanzala.i> 'Abdallah b. al-Mutr,16 Ma'qil b. Sinan 17 and others, were heedless to the warnings and advice of the Cf. al-Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 367; al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 29, lines 12-18. Khalifa, op. cit. I, 225 penult.-226, ll. 2-5; al- Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 366. 12 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. rvb, 29 penult.-30 sup. (and see p. 19, lines 15-16); al- Tabari, op. cit. IV, 368 sup., 369, line 3 from bottom; according to Khalifa, op. cit. I, 227, line 7 the hajj was led in 62 AH by 'Uthman b. Muhammad b. abi Sufyan, 13 Waki', Akhbdr al-quddt (ed. 'Abd al-'Azjz Mustafa al-Maraghi) (Cairo, i366/ 10 11 1947) 14 I, 123. See Khalifa, op. cit. I, 227-228; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op. cit., fol. 74a (quoted from Khalifa); al-Tabari, op. cit. IV, 368; al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 31; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit. VII, 372; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba (Cairo, 1328) II, 299, No. 4637 (quoted from Khalifa); Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, op. cit. IV, 387 inf.-388; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikh II, 354. 15 See on him E[2, s.v. 'Abd Allah b. Hanzala (Zettersteen-Pellat). 16 See on him E[2, s.v. 'Abd Allah b. Muti' (Zettersteen-Pellat); and see al-Fasl, al-t lqd al-thamin (ed. Fu'ad Sayyid) (Cario, 1385/1966) v, 287/288 (and see the references given by the editor). 17 See on him Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iirif, 129; Ibrl 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib (ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl) (Cairo, 1380/1960), 1431, No. 2460 (and see the list of the Qurashites killed when in bonds on the order of Muslim b. 'Uqba after the defeat at al-Harra; the list is given according to the accounts of Ibn Ishaq, al-Wiiqidi and Wathim a); Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba III, 446, No. 8136. 36 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA messengers sent to Medina or friendly persons writing to them from Damascus.is They tried to dissuade them from getting involved in a clash with the force which the Caliph prepared against them. But the Medinan malcontents felt that they were united in their resistance to the licentious Caliph and that his messengers merely attempted to undermine this unity.t? It may be pointed out that this so-called unity was not totaI: The 'Alids remained neutral and did not join the rebels.2o 'Abdallah b. 'Umar stressed the legitimacy of the oath of allegiance to Yazid.t! Persons like 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas, Abu Barza, and 'Abdallah b. 'Umar denied that the struggle between 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr and the Umayyads was for the cause of God: Both parties fought, in their opinion, to gain their lot in this world.22 When 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr asked the wife of 'Abdallah b. 'Umar to prevail upon her husband that he should join him and grant him the oath of allegiance, he argued that his decision to come out in revolt against the impious Mu'awiya, his son and his family was due to the fact that the latter appropriated for themselves the revenues (fay', belonging, of course, by right to the believers - K.); he did it for the cause of God, His Prophet, the Muhajiriin and the Ansar. When the wife brought 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr's message to Ibn 'Umar, the latter remarked that 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr desired no more than the grey mules on which Mu'awiya performed his pilgrimage.23 There was almost no Sahiibt who took an active part in the revolt of Medina.s+ The opinions of the pious about the two parties struggling in order to gain authority, power and a share of this world is in full agreement with Wellhausen's conclusion that the religious formulation given to the rebels' arguments against the Umayyads was used as a cover for their 18 Of special interest is the role played by 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, who interceded with Yazid for the Medinans (see e.g. Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit., 169 inf.-170; these details were omitted in Zettersteen's entry on 'Abdallah b. Ja'far in EI2). 19 See e.g. al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 32: ... ya nu'manu qad ji'tana bi-amrin turidu bihi tafriqa jamd'atind wa-ifsdda rna aslaha lldhu min amrind ... ; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. v, 145; al-Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 369; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 170. 20 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. V, 215; cf. Ibn Kathir, op. cit. VIII, 218. 21 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. V, 144; al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikb II, 355, sup.; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op. cit., fol. 72a; al- 'Isamr, op. cit. III, 90 inf. 22 Al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 402a, inf.-402 sup.; cf. al-Baladhuri, op. cit. v, 195196 (ed. S.D. Goitein); Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op. cit., fol. 72a; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak (Hyderabad, 1342) IV, 470. 23 Abu I-Faraj, op. cit. I, 12. 24 See al-Tsami, op. cit. III, 91: ... wa-lam yuwdfiq ahla l-madinati 'ala hiidhti l-khal'i ahadun min akdbiri ashdbi rasali lliihi(~). 37 desire to gain political authority and power.2S There seems, however, to have been a considerable difference in aims and objectives between the rebels of Medina and those who resisted the Umayyad authority and prepared their rebellion under the leadership of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr in Mecca. II The widely current report, as recorded in the sources, is that the cause of the revolt in Medina was the fact that the Medinan Ieaders were reluctant to give the oath of allegiance to Yazid after they had seen his licentious behaviour when they paid a visit to his court. A quite different account of the causes of the revolt in Medina is given in al-Ya'qiibi's (d. 292 AH) Ta'rikh,26 where it is related that Yazid appointed 'Uthman b. Muhammad b. Abi Sufyan as governor over Medina. Ibn Mina, who was in charge of the estates of Mu'awiya (~awiifi mu'iiwiyata), came to 'Uthman and informed him that the people of Medina did not Iet him collect the crops of wheat and dates and carry them (scil. to the Caliph - K.) as he had been in the habit of doing every year. The governor, 'Uthman b. Muhammad, summoned a group of people from Medina and rebuked them harshly for their deed. They rose in revolt against him and against the Banii Umayya in Medina and expelled them from the city; on their way out the expelled Umayyads had stones thrown at them. A similar report is recorded by al-Samhiidi (d. 911 AH) in his Wafii' al-wafii.s" It is, as al-Samhiidi remarks, a summary (mulakhkhas) of an account of al-Waqidi, as given in his "Kitiib al-lfarra". Ibn Mina in this report carries the title "'iimi/'alii sawcft l-madtna", "the official in charge of the estates of al-Madina". "There were at that time many sawaft in Medina," the report says. Mu'awiya yielded from the estates of Medina and its environs (a'riirjuhii) crops amounting to a hundred fifty thousand wasq of dates and a hundred thousand wasq wheat. After the appointment of 'Uthman b. Muhammad by Yazid, Ibn Mina came with a party (of labourers - K.) from the Barra, betaking himself to the lands (amwiil) of Mu'awiya. He led the party unhindered until he reached the area of the Balharith b. al-Khazraj and proceeded to till (naqaba) the fields in their territory. The Balharith came out and had an argument with Ibn 2S Wellhausen, op, cit., 102-103. Ed. Muhammad 27 I, 127-128. 26 Sadiq Bahr al-'uliim (al-Najaf, 1384/1964) II, 237. 38 THE BATILE OF THE HARRA Mina, stating that he had no right to carry out his work and that his action was an unlawful innovation (/:ladath) and (constituted - K.) an injury (¢arar) for them. The governor, having been informed by Ibn Mina about the conflict, asked three men of the Balharith to grant Ibn Mimi a permit to pass their territory. They gave their consent, but when he came with his party to work, the Balharith barred him from the estates. When he complained to the governor, the latter ordered him to "gather those he could" against them (i.e. against the Balharith - K.) and attached to this troop some of (his) soldiers (ba'¢a jundin). He ordered him to cross their lands "even if they had to do it on their bellies" (wa-lau 'alii butiinihim; sci1. on the bellies of the Balharith - K.), as the wording of the account puts it. When Ibn Mina proceeded next day with his party to the estates of Mu'awiya, he was confronted by a party of Ansar who came aided by a group of Qurashites and prevented him from carrying out his work. The situation became serious and Ibn Mina returned to the governor, reporting the events. The governor communicated with the Caliph and urged him to take steps against the people of Medina. The Caliph decided to dispatch a military force against Medina. Al-Waqidi's brief report, as given by al-Samhiidi at the end of the ninth century (AH) can be supplemented by additional details from a combined account recorded by Abu l-'Arab (d. 333 AH) at the end of the third century and based mainly on the authority of al-Waqidi.P' The first sentences of the account are almost identicak-? the account differs, however, on some important particulars of the story. The clashes of Ibn Mina and his labourers with the Balharith, says the account, continued for a month. They sometimes allowed him to carry out some work; sometimes they gathered against him and no work could be done at alPo After Ibn Mina complained to the governor, the latter summoned three men from the Balharith: Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. Zayd, Zuhayr b. abi Mas'Iid and Muhammad b. al-Nu'man b. al-Bashir. They gave their consent and Ibn Mina came with his labourers and did some work. A group of people of Medina: al-Miswar b. Makhrama.U 'Abd al-Rahman 28 Abu l-IArab, Kitdb al-mihan, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 235, fols. 5Ia-65a; see on the author: Sezgin, GAS I, 356-357. 29 The difference in the quantities of the crops recorded here (51,000 wasq dates and 100,000 wasq wheat) may probably be traced back to a clerical error. 30 See al-Mihan, fol. 51b: ... wa-dararun "alaynd, fa-makathii 'ala dhdlika shahran, yaghdii bnu mind wa-yariihu bi-tummdlihi fa-marratan ya'bauna "alayhi ... 31 See on him Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 262-263; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fol. l1lb; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba III, 419, No. 7993; 39 b. 'Abd al-Qari,32 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghuth,33 'Abdallah b. Muti' and 'Abdallah b. abi Rabi'a.s+ went to "these people" (apparently the Balharith who gave their consent to resume the work of Ibn Mina - K.), incited them35 and asked them not to permit Ibn Mina to till in their estatesss except by their consent and willingness. The rest of the story agrees with al-Samhudi.s? The force of Ibn Mina, aided by soidiers supplied by the governor, was barred from work by a QurashiAnsarl troop. Some divergence can be noticed in an additional passage recorded by Abu I-'Arab, on the authority of al-Waqidi.s'' A delegation composed of ten Qurashites and a group of Ansar called on the governor, 'Uthman b. Muhammad, and complained about the actions of Ibn Mina and the fact that he had gathered a force against them. They were disappointed to find that the governor himself was behind Ibn Mina and his actions. The conversation between the governor and the delegation became harsh and the governor decided to write to the Caliph on the hostile attitude of the Medinans towards the Caliph. The Caliph despatched to the Medinans a sharp letter warning them of the consequences of their actions and threatening that he would use force against them. The account recorded by Abu I-Arab gives us a better insight into the attitudes of the land-owners in Medina, and the contacts between the Ansar and the Qurashites in Medina in order to make a common cause against what they regarded as the unlawful claims of the Umayyad ruler and his unjust appropriation of their estates. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib, 1399, No. 2405; al-Baladhurl, Ansdb al-ashrtif Iva (ed. M. Schloessinger),index. 32 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba III, 71, No. 6223; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 839, No. 1433. 33 See on him at-Fast, op. cit. v, 342, No. 1712; Ibn Hajar, op. cit. II, 390, No. 5081; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 262. 34 See on him Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 318. 35 In text r-" P.r---; I could not find a suitable interpretation of this word in this context. 36 The term in this passage is: ... wa-qdlii ld tada' iihu yanqub fi haqqikum iIla bi-tibi nafsin minkum 37 ... It may be remarked that here, in this version, the phrase "and gather against them whom you can" has an additional word: "min mawdlikum" "from among your mawalt", 38 Fol. 52a, line 6: qdla l-wdqidi: fa-haddathani usdma bnu zaydin al-laythi 'an muhammadi bni qaysin ... 40 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA III Some of the words or terms recorded in the account of al-Waqidi are obscure and vague. An attempt should be made to elucidate the meanings of these words in order to enable a more accurate understanding of the text. The account says that Ibn Mina was in charge of the sawaft of Medina and adds that there were at that time many ~awiifiin Medina. The word sawiift usually denotes "a public land", "state domains",39 Saleh A. elAli, referring to the passage discussed here, remarks that al-Waqidi "probably included in these ~awiifithe public lands and the seven endowments which had belonged to the Prophet. Nevertheless they did not exploit them for their own personal purposes, otherwise they would have aroused opposition and the sources would have mentioned that the Prophet granted several Muslims some of the uncultivated lands either for dwelling, or for cultivation, or for other purposes."40 But sawaf; in this account, and generally in this period, does not only denote state domains or public land. I~!afii implies in fact confiscation of land and property+t The confiscated property could be transferred or given as gift. So, for instance, 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr confiscated the property of Mu'awiya in Mecca; one of the courts confiscated was given by him as a gift to his son Hamza.sz It is implausible to assume that there were "state domains" in Mecca and Medina, as Medina was not conquered by force, and the Iand of Medina was divided by the Prophet himself and alotted to the people of the ~ahaba. The clue for the understanding ofthe term is given by al-Ya'qiibi. Mu'awiya, al-Ya'qtibi reports, 39 See Lekkegaard, Islamic Taxation in the Classical Period (Copenhagen, 1950), 49-51. 40 Saleh A. eI-Ali, Muslim Estates in Hidjaz in the First Century AH., JESHO 2 (1959), 251. The explanation of Muhammad Muhyl l-Din 'Abd al-Harnid, the editor of al-Samhudl's Wafd' al-wafd, of the word "~awdfi" as palm trees (I, 127, n. 1) is erroneous and it is useless to discuss it. H. Lammens (Le Califat de Yazid ler [Beirut, 1921],219) translates sawdf]: "domaines de Mo'awia", 41 See al-Tabarl, op, cit., Glossarium, s.v. ~afd: sdfiyatun id quod confiscatum est, al-sawdfi = praedia confiscata. 42 Al-Azraqi. Akhbdr Makka (ed. F. Wiistenfeld) (Leipzig, 1858; reprint), 460: •.. i~!afdlld fi amwdli mu'iiwiyata fa-wahabahd li-bnihi hamzata; and see ibid., 452. Sawiifl as recorded by al-Azraqi and al-Samhudi denote lands and property belonging to and administered by the Caliph. The term usually refers to the property of the Umayyads confiscated by the 'Abbasids. See e.g. al-Azraql, op. cit., 461 penult.: ... hattd ustufiyat hina kharajat al-khildfatu min bani marwdna ... ; 467: ... istafdhu amiru l-mu'minina abii ja'far, wa-kdna fihi haqqun qad kana badu bani umayyata shtardhu fa-stufiya minhum ... ; and see 453: ... fa-lam tazal fi l-sawdfi hattd raddahd 41 confiscated the property of people and appropriated it for himself.43 The true character of Mu'awiya's sawiift in Medina is explicitly exposed in another passage of al-Ya'qiibi. Stressing the appropriation of stateestates in the conquered territories by Mu'awiya, al-Ya'qiibi says: "He was the first to own ~awiifi in the whole world, even in Mecca and Medina and an amount (of crops - K.) of dates and wheat was carried to him every year."44 The sawaft were thus identical with the amwdl mu'iiwiya, the private possessions of Mu'awiya in Medina. Ps. Ibn Qutayba in his al-Imiima says that Ibn Minii.4S came with a party46 of men from the Harra proceeding towards the estates of Mu'awiya tyurtdu l-amwiila llau kiinat li-mu'iiwiyatat. The true character of these sawaft, or amwiil, is indicated in an explanatory sentence added by the author: "These were estates acquired by Mu'awiya and orchards of date-palms, which yielded hundred sixty thousand wasqs."47 It is indeed the way of acquisition (iktisiib) which brought about the conflict between the Medinans and the Caliph. The reports about Mu'awiya's sawiift are corroborated by numerous reports concerning his purchase of courts, palaces.sf estates and lands l-mut asimu bi-ildhi ... ; and see 449, 460, 463, 464, 467: .. .fa-hiya I-yauma fi 1sawdfi, Comp. al-Samhudl, op. cit. II, 699, lines 11-12: fa-sdrat badu fi l-sawdfi, wa-kdnat al-dawdwinu flhii wa-baytu l-mdli ... ; ibid. II, 721: ... anna ddra marwdna sarat fi l-sawdfi, ay li-bayti l-mdli ... ; and see ibid. II, 729-730. About the "~awafi daulati bani umayya" in Egypt see al-Muhasibi, A'rndl al-quliib wa-l-jawdrib (ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'Ata) (Cairo, 1969),230-231. 43 AI-Ya'qiibi, op. cit. II, 221, lines 1-2: ... wa-stasfd amwdla l-ndsi fa-akhadhahd Ii-nafsihi; comp. ibid., lines 18-20: ... ba'da an akhraja mu' dwiyatu min kulli baladin md kdnat muliiku fdrisa tastasfihi li-anfusihd min al-diyti'i I-'amirati wa-ja'alahu sdfiyatan li-nafsihi fa-aqta'ohu jamd' atan min ahli baytihi. And see about an attempt at confiscation of the property of 'Abdallah b. 'A.mir b. Kurayz: Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 148 inf.; al-Fasi, op. cit. v, 189. 44 Al-Ya'qubi, op. cit. II, 222, lines 9-13: ... wa-fa'ala mu'dwiyatu bi-l-shami wa-l-jazirati wa-I-yamani mithla md fa'ala bi-L'lrdqi min istisfti'i md kana Ii-I-muliiki min al-diyti'i wa-tasyirihd Ii-nafsihi khiilisatan wa-aqtaahd ahla baytihi wa-khassatahu; wa-ktina awwala man ktinat lahu l-sawdf] fi jami'i l-dunyd hatui bi-makkata wa-Imadinati, fa-innahu kana fihimd shay'un yuhmalu fi kulli sanatin min ausdqi I-tamri wa-l-hintati; and see D.C. Dennet Jr., Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam (trans!. by Fauzi Fahurn Jadallah; revised by Ihsan 'Abbas) (Beirut, 1960), 65, No. 76 (and see the note of the editor, ibid.). 45 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 169 (in text: Ibn Mithd, a clerical error). 46 In text erroneously: bi-sirdhin. 47 I, 169: ... wa-kdnat amwdlan iktasabaha mu'iiwiyatu wa-nakhilan minhii mi' ata alfi wasqin wa-sittina alfan. 48 See al-Samhiidl, op. cit. III, 962: ... wa-amma qasr bani jadilata yajuddu mu- fa-inna 42 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA in Medina+ and his activities of cultivation and irrigation. 50 Mu'awiya's business transactions were carefully planned and thoughtfully worked out.>! * * * "dwiyata bna abi sufydna bandhu li-yakiina hisnan, wa-lahu bdbiini: bdbun shdri'un 'ala khatti bani jadilata ... we-kana Iladhi waliya bind'ahu li-muiiwiyata l-tufaylu bnu abi ka'bin l-ansiiriyyu wa-fi wasatihi bi'r /:!a' .... See the story about the purchase of a part of the orchard of Bi'r l:Ia' by Mu'awiya, ibid. III, 962, sup., 963 inf. And see ibid. II, 741: ... wa-ktinat hddhihi l-ddru (i.e, dar al-rabi", named dar hafsa - K.) qati'atan min rasiili l/ahi ~alla lldhu "alahyi wa-sallam li-t uthmdna bni abi I-'a$i 1thaqafiyyi fa-btii'ahd min wuldihi mu'dwiyatu bnu abi sufydna .... (See on 'Uthman b. abl l-'A~: Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. VII, 40; I, 313; VIII, 51). Sa'Id b. al-'A~ enjoins his son 'Amr to sell only his palace in al-Arsa after his death to Mu'awiya, arguing that it is merely a leisure resort, not an agricultural farm (Abii l-Faraj, op. cit. I, 17: ... innamd ttakhadhtuhu nuzhatan wa-laysa bi-mdliny; and see the story of the acquisition of Arsa by Mu'awiya: al-Samhudl, op. cit. III, 1056-1057; Yaqut, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. Arsa (see the report about the building of the palace by Sa'Id b. al-'A~, the digging of a well, the planting of orchards and the qualities of these orchards). And see about the building of the fortress Oasr Khall by Mu'awiya: al-Samhudi, op. cit. IV, 1289-90; and see ibid. II, 699 (cf. ibid., 701) about the purchase of the court of 'Umar (or the court of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf) by Mu'awiya, About a court of Mu'awiya in Medina see Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., Ms. Zahiriyya, op. cit. IX, fol. 109b (... wa-Iahu ddrun bi-l-madinati tashra'u 'alii baldti l-fdkihati ... ). About two courts, dar alnuqsdn and dar al-qatirdn, built by Mu'awiya see al-Samhiidi, op. cit. II, 750. About the purchase of the court of Sufyan b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib by Mu'awiya see al-Samhudi, op. cit. II, 758 (he attached it to the musalld of the Prophet); comp. al-Fakihi, op. cit., fol. 458a (Mu'awiya proposes Khalid b. al-'A~ to sell him his property. The answer of Khalid is significant: "Do you think that a man would sell the place where his father is buried?"). 49 See about the purchase of the lands of al-Zubayr as recorded in al-Fasawl's alMa'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh, Ms. Esad Ef, 2391, fol. 129a; and see about an estate bought by Mu'awiya from Qays b. Sa'd b. 'Ubada: al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ldm al-nubaki' III, 70 (ba'a qaysu bnu sadin mdlan min mu'dwiyata bi-tis'tna aljan). About the purchase of Thaniyat al-Sharld see al-Samhudl, op. cit., 1066-1067; cf. Saleh A. el-Ali, op. cit., 256. About the purchase of Bughaybigha see: al-Samhiidi, op. cit. IV, 1150-1152. so See al-Samhiidi, op. cit. III, 937-938; ibid., IV, 1232 (saddu mu'awiya); III, 985, 987 ('aynu l-azraq); and see Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadl, al-Maghdnim al-mutdba fi mo'dlim Tdba (ed. Hamad al-Jasir) (al-Riyad, 1389/1969), 295-296. About the irrigation of raudat bani umayya and amwdl bani umayya see al-Samhiidi, op. cit. III, 1075. It may be stressed that Mu'awiya employed a special agent in charge of his estates; in this passage the estates are called "al-diyd" (al-Samhiidi, op. cit. IV, 1276 sup.: qdla mu'iiwiyatu bnu abi sufytina Ii-tabdi l-rahmdni bni abi ahmada bni jahshin, wa-kiina wakilahu bi-diyd'ihl bi-l-madinati, ya'n: audiyatan shtardhd wa-ltamalahd ... ); cf. al-Baladhurl, op. cit. Iva, 110 inf.-111 sup. (ed. M. Schloessinger) (Jerusalem, 1971). 51 See al-Jahshiyari, Kitdb al-wuzarii' wa-l-kutttib (ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyarl, alShalabi (Cairo, 1357/1938), 26: ... ittakhidh Ii fjiya'an wa-la takun bi-l-ddriim 43 It is evident that these palaces, fortresses, courts and estates needed manpower for maintenance and cultivation. This was provided by captives taken in the wars of conquest and by siaves.52 Groups of skilled Iabourers were brought from the conquered provinces to Mecca and Medina.O Mu'awiya is said to have been the first Caliph to use forced labour. 54 The mawiilt were entrusted with various duties and carried out different kinds of work, as imposed on them by their patrons. Consequently the mawiilt society was not based on egalitarian principles; among a group of mawiill, attached to a certain family or clan, there were great differences of rank and position. They were considered Ioyal and reliable. When Mu'awiya complained to Ziyad of the attitude of his relatives, Ziyad advised him to rely upon mawiili, because they were more apt to provide aid, more prone to forgive and more grateful (than others - K.).55 Possessing a multitude of mawiilt was considered a sign of strength; families and clans vied among themselves in acquiring mawiili. Some of these mawiilt were absorbed into the clans who strived to gain a firm and strong position.56 Referring to the contest between the Sufyanids and the Merwanids, each attempting to outnumber the other, 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam argues against Mu'awiya: "If you found none but negroes, you would strive to outnumber us by (adopting and attaching - K.) them" (scil. to your clan - K.).57 In the battle of the Harra the mawiilt fought as a special military formation under the command of Yazid b. Hurmuz,58 under their own banal-mijddb, wa-ld bi-qaysariyyata l-mighrdq, wa-ttakhidhhii bi-majdri l-sahdbi fa-ttakhadha lahu l-butndn min kilrati "asqaldn .... As for his policy of purchasing property in Mecca see JESHO 15 (1972), 84-85; and see Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba II, 291, No. 4597. Cf. for Syria: al-Baladhuri, op. cit. Iva, 50, lines 5-7; 52, lines 7-12. 52 See Saleh A. el-Ali, op. cit., 252; and see JESHO 3 (1960) 334. About "the black and the red" ial-humriin wa-l-siidiint servants (ghilman) of Mu'awiya working in his estates see: al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rva, 42 inf.-43 sup. 53 See about labourers who made baked bricks for the houses of Mu'awiya in Mecca: al-Azraqi, op. cit., 496 ult.-497, lines 1-2; al-Fakihl, op. cit., fo1. 503a: kana ya'malu fihti nabatun baatha bihim mu'tiwiyatu bnu abi sufydna (r) ya'maliina I-ajurra Ii-diirihi bi-makkata 54 ... ahadun qablahu. See al-Ya'qubl, op. cit. II, 221, line 1: ... wa-banii wa-shayyada l-bina'o wal-ndsa fi bina'ihi wa-lam yusakhkhir sakhkhara 55 56 man ta' ashshaba i/ayhim li-yata'azzaz u bihi. 57 Al-Baladhurl, op. cit. Iva, 53, lines 12-13: ... [au [am tajid illd l-zanja la- Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. Iva, 23, lines 17-18. See e.g. al-Baladhurl, op. cit. v, 163, lines 7-8: ... wa-hum yadummiina takaththarta 58 bihim "alaynii. See on him Khalifa b. Khayyat, Tabaqdt (ed. Akram 1;>iya' l·'Umari) (Baghdad, a 44 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA ner;59 they were entrusted with the defence of the section of the ditch, dug by the Medinans against the approaching Syrian army, stretching from Ratij60 until the quarter of the Banu 'Abd al-Ashhal.st Their force was divided into squadrons (kariidis) positioned behind each other.62 They were assaulted by a unit of the Syrian army and called upon to surrender; the commander, Yazid b. Hurmuz, refused and decided to continue the fight.63 It is remarkable that the mawiilt fought in such a steadfast and courageous manner, while the Bami Haritha, who were freemen, forsook their quarter and opened it treacherously, permitting the Syrians to attack their brethren in Medina.s+ Some commentators of the Qur'an stated indeed that verse 14 of Siirat al-ahziib: "If the enemy had entered from all sides and they had been exhorted to treachery, they would have committed it, and would have hesitated thereupon but little," referred to the shameful deed of the Banu Haritha.o> The number of the Umayyad mawdli, the mawiili bani umayya, or mawiilt mu'iiwiya, seems to have been considerable. This can be gauged from a unique report recorded by Ibn Ra's Ghanama. The direct cause of the expulsion of the Umayyads from Medina and the throwing off of the allegiance of Yazid, says the report, was a clash between the people of Medina and the mawiili mu'iiwiya. A powerful flow of water poured one day into Medina and the people hurried to direct the water into their fields (itii amwiilihim). The mawdli mu'iiwiya went out (apparently in order to divert the water into the estates of Mu'awiya - K.) and the people started to fight them (apparently preventing them from carrying out their work - K.) and a clash ensued between them (wa-kharaja mawiili mu'iiwiyata fa-qiitalahum ahlu l-madtnativ. The event took place at the time when Yazid was denigrated (by the opposition - K.) and Ibn aI-Zubayr already had thrown off his allegiance to him, the report remarks. The people of the market hoisted a banner (ja-'aqada ahlu 1387/1967), 249 (... kana ra'sa l-mawdli yauma l-harra ... ), 255; al-Baladhurl, op, cit. rvb, 35, line 5. 59 Abul-'Arab, op. cit., fo1. 53a, ult. 60 See about Ratij: al-Samhudi, op. cit. IV, 1215. 61 See Abu I-'Arab, op. cit., fo1. 53a (from Dhubab until Mirbad al-Na'am, the market of the cattle); al-Samhudi, op. cit. I, 129; IV, 1206, line 1. 62 Abu I-'Arab, op. cit., 53a ult.-53b, line 1: ... qad saffa ashdbahu karddisa, badahum khalfa badtn, i/ti ro'si l-thaniyyati ... 63 Abu l..'Arab, op. cit., fo1. 53b. 64 Al-Samhudi, op. cit. I, 130, penult; Abu l-fArab, op. cit., fol. 53b, inf. 65 Al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthiir (Cairo, 1314) V, 188,; al-Samhudi, op. cit. I, 131; al-Dlnawarl, op. cit., 265. 45 l-siiqi riiyatan), fought the mawiilt mu'iiwiya and killed (probably some of - K.) them. This caused an upsurge among the people of Medina and they expelled the governor.66 Whatever the historical value of this report, it helps us to gain an insight into the character and the duties of a special group established by the ruler, the mawdli mu'iiwiya. Some of these rnawdli muiiwiya took part in the expedition against 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, as mentioned above. The Umayyads expelled from Medina Ieft the city accompanied by their mawdli. Important details about the formation of. some groups of mawdli can be deduced from the story about the dismissal of the governor of Medina, 'Amr b. Sa'id. When al-Walid b. 'Utba was reinstalled as governor of Medina (in 62 AH) he arrested some three hundred mawiilt and servants (ghilmiin) of the deposed governor. 'Amr secretly sent a messenger to those arrested, and promised to provide them with camels which would halt in the market of Medina; on a given sign the arrested would break the door of the jail, mount the camels and join him in Syria. The plan was indeed carried out successfully.o? These mawiilt thus had personal Ioyalty and attachment; they were not the official guard of the governor, they were the personal property of 'Amr b. Sa'id. The opinion of the new governor, al-Walid b. 'Utba, seems to have been different: He considered them as property of the state, which had consequently to be transferred to the successive governor. For 'Amr b. Sa'Id had fraudulently appropriated to himself the payments sent by the Caliph to the people of Medina and had used these sums for the acquisition of servants and slaves. This was one of the causes for the fact that relations between the people of Medina and the rulers deteriorated and that they felt bitterly about their governor.68 Further instances of Umayyad mawiili, who identified themselves with their masters and fought bravely for their cause, are recorded. A maulii of 'Utba b. abi Sufyan fortified himself with a group of fifty men in Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Al-Tabari, op. cit. op. cit., fol. 74b. 366-367; Ibn Ra's Ghanarna, 66 67 IV, op. cit., fol. 72b. There is however a remarkable report recorded by Ibn Junghul, in his Ta'rtkb (Ms. BM Or 5912, I, I 62b) , according to which the rebelling Medinans under the command of 'Abdallah b. Hanzala arrested the slaves ('abid) of 'Amr b. Sa'Id and got hold of property, possessions and produce in Medina after the return of the deputation from Damascus in 62 AH. The 300 slaves managed to escape according 'Amr b. Sa'Id and succeeded in joining him. 68 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 189, lines 17-18. to a plan devised by 46 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA al-Ta'if; he later surrendered and was executed by 'Abdallah b. aI-Zubayr in Mecca.s? The role of the mawiili in the struggle between 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr and the Umayyads can be deduced from the story of al-Miswar b. Makhrama. He transferred weapons and coats of mail from Medina to Mecca and distributed them among his trained and steadfast mawdli in order to fight the Syrian troops sent by Yazid, They surrounded him during the fight, trying to defend him; later they abandoned him, but they succeeded in killing several Syrian soldiers.t? The reports quoted above help us to elucidate to some extent the meaning of the two key expressions: "sawdft mu'iiwiya" and "mawdlt mu'iiwiya", The battle of the Harra with its sad result is closely linked to the sawiif] and the mawiili of the Umayyads. IV The Medinans, Ansaris and Qurashites, barring Ibn Mina from access to the estates of Mu'awiya (i.e. the estates of Yazid - K.), argued that his action constitutes hadath and darar. This would indicate that in their opinion the rights of Mu'awiya to these estates were unfounded and his ownership caused damage to their rights. This argument was explicitly formulated in the talk of the deputation of Ansaris and Qurashites who called on the governor of Medina. "You know, they said, that all these estates belong to us and that Mu'awiya preferred others in the granting of payments and did not give us even a dirhem, let alone more.70a This was so until the time when we were pressed by hard time and oppressed by hunger, that Mu'awiya (by exploiting our distress - K.) bought it (i.e. our Iand - K.) by a hundredth of its (realK.) value"."! It is evident that the former landowners considered the acquisition of their property in such a way as an iniquitous transaction by which they were afflicted; they referred to it by the expressions "hadath" and "darar" and considered it void. In their opinion Mu'awiya's ownership was not Iawful and they apparently demanded the restitution of their rights. In a talk with 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, who interceded for the people of Medina, Yazid responded partly to the demands of the Medinans by promising to grant them as an exceptional favour two payments every 69 Al-Baladhurl, op. cit. tvb, 30, lines 12-15. 70 Al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'liim at-nubata'nn, 263. 70a On the delay of payments to the Ansar, Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba I, 194, No. 902. 71 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 169. see Ibn 'Asakir, op, cit. III, 369; 47 year (in summer and in winter) and to fix the price of wheat in Medina at a rate equal to that in Syria.72 Yazid also undertook to repay fully the amounts withheld by Mu'awiya.T' In a slightly different version, in which the terms of Muslim b. 'Uqba were formulated, the two former promises, that of making the price of wheat the same as in Syria and that of giving them two payments a year, are supplemented by a promise to repay the amounts dishonestly taken by 'Amr b. Sa'id.74 The Medinans rejected the terms of the Caliph as conveyed by Muslim b. 'Uqba, The rebelling Medinans had, however, no political programme, nor a plan of action. 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr claimed sagaciously and shrewdly that he demanded only to adhere to the idea of the shurii.75 It is remarkable that it was a courageous mauld, Abu Hurra, who dared accuse 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr of striving to declare himself caliph, not caring to act according to the principle of shiirii which he advocated; he consequently parted company with Ibn al-Zubayr.?» The Medinans, in contradistinction, proclaimed that they would not swear the oath of allegiance to Yazid, as reported in the current sources."? They were overconfident of their victory. They thought that if Syrian troops faced them even for a month they would kill not even one of the Medinans.78 They exerted themselves in imitating the Prophet in their military tactics and strategy and dug ditches in Medina, basing their defence on this device.t? as did the Prophet in the Battle of the Ditch. They were asked by their leaders to swear the oath of fighting until death.s? as did the Companions of the Prophet at al-Hudaybiyya. They heedlessly let the Umayyads and their mawiilt leave Medina, credulously convinced that 72 Lammens, op. cit., p. 242 reads according Mahdsin wa-l-masdwi (I, 101) ¥I and translates: to the version of al-Bayhaqi's al"Le calife s'engage a faire vendre chez vous le froment, au prix du fourrage." The text in Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 170: an aj'ala l-hintata 'indahum ka-si'ri l-hintati "indand; wa-I-hintatu "indahum ... and I, 189: an aj'ala si'ra l-hintati 'indakum ka-si'ri l-bintatt 'indana ... seems to be preferable. 73 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 170. 74 Ibid. I, 189. 75 See al-Baladhurl, op. cit. rvb, 16, line 9; 17, line 6; comp, ibid., 29, line 15; 27, lines 11-12; and see ibid. v, 195, lines 9-13; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, op. cit., fol. 73a. 76 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit. rvb, 27; v, 188. 77 See Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. v, 144, line 18; al-Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 370. 78 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. v, 146: kunnd naqiilu : lau aqdmii shahran md qatalii minnd shay'an. 79 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op, cit. I, 173; Abu I-'Arab, op. cit., fol. 53a; al-Samhudi, op. cit. IV, 1205. 80 Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 173; Abu 1·'Arab, op, cit., fol. 53a. 48 THE BATTLE OF THE HARRA they would fulfil their solemn oath not to help the Syrian force if it proceeded against Medina, and that they would even try to persuade the Syrian force not to attack Medina.s! They could have successfully used the Umayyads as hostages when they faced the attack of the Syrian force against Medina, as Marwiin himself rightly estimated.sThe Medinan leaders who succeeded in escaping the massacre of the Harra were deeply shocked, disappointed and embittered. They compared their defeat after a short battle, lasting less than a day, with the resistance of 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr which lasted six months; the fighting force in Medina numbered two thousand zealous fighters, while 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr fought with a small force and a troop of Khawarij.O It was again Marwan who soundly assessed the fighting forces in his talk with Muslim b. "Uqba, He explained that the common people in Medina had no fighting spirit and that only few of them would fight with resolution and conviction; they also lacked weapons and riding beasts, he remarked.s+ The battle of the Harra is thus seen to be the result of a conflict between the owners of estates and property in Medina and the unjust Umayyad rulers who robbed them of their property. 81 82 83 84 See al-Tabarl, op. cit. IV, 373, lines 5-6; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 171. Ibid. See Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. V, 146, inf.; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 1711, 181. Ps. Ibn Qutayba, op. cit. I, 172. 49

The Interpretation of Dreams. An Unknown Manuscript of Ibn Qutayba's 'ʿIbārat Al-Ruʾyā'

dreams.pdf The interpretation of dreams An unknown manuscript of Ibn Qutaybas "'Ibarat al-Ru'ya" In memory of Gustave von Grunebaum A manuscript of Ibn Qutayba's compilation on dreams! hitherto considered Iost has recently turned up in the Library of the Hebrew University.s The manuscript contains 67 folios of text (15 lines to each page), carefully written in small, vowelled, clear script; three additional folios contain a Iist of contents written by a later scribe, a remark of a reader and a waqf note. The colophon records the date of copying and the place: Damascus, 20 Dhu l-qa'da 845 H.3 The title of the book as given on the title page and in the colophon is "t Ibdrat al-ru'yii", But the title recorded on fol. Ib and at the end of the book is "Ta'bir al-ru'yii", The book seems to have been known by both titles. Ibn al-Nadtm mentions the compilation as "Kitdb ta'bir al-ru'yd" ,4 Ibn Khayr records it as "Kitdb 'ibiirat al-ru'yii",» I See G. Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba (Damas, 1965), p. 157; T. Fahd, La Divination Arabe (Leiden, 1966), pp. 316-328, 350, no. 97. Lengthy passages from Ibn Qutayba's work are quoted in Ps. Ibn Sirin's Muntakhab al-kaliim fi tafsir al-ahliim, Cairo 1382/1963. 2 Collection Yahuda, Ms. Ar, 196. I should like to express my gratitude to Dr. M. Nadav and Mr. E. Wust who kindly let me read the manuscript and provided me with the needed photographs. An edition of the text is now in course of preparation. I should also like to thank the following libraries and their librarians: the British Museum, Cambridge University Library, the Chester Beatty Collection, the Bodleian Library, London University Library, the Sulaymaniyya and Ankara University. 3 Fol. 67a: ... ammd ba'du qad waqa'a l-fariighu min kitiibati hiidhihi l-nuskhati l-sharifati l-mausiimati bi-kitdbi 'ibdrati I-ru'yii 'alii yadi I· 'abdi I-rla'ifi l-nahlfi l-riiji ilii rahmati lldhi l-biiri yal;yii bni muhammadin il-bukhiiri fi 'ishrtna min dhi l-qa'dati sanata khamsin wa-arba'ina wa-thamdni mi'atin bi-dimashqa l-mahriisati $iinaha lldhu fa'ii,'ii 'an il·afiit wa-l-nakabiit. alIiihumma ghfir li-kiitibihi wa-li-man nazara fthi dmin, yii rabba 1-'alamtn. 4 AI- Fihrist (Cairo, 1348), p. 439 ult. 5 Fahrasa, ed. F. Codera, J. Ribera Tarrago (Saragossa, 1893; reprint Baghdad 1963), p. 266. Al-Zurqanl refers evidently to our manuscript quoting from Ibn Qutayba's Kitab usiili l-ibiira (al-Zurqanl, Sharb 'alii l-mawdhib al-ladunniyya, Cairo, 1328, VII, 173). The compilation of al-Kirmanl is quoted by al-Qlic;lI"Iyad, Tarttb al-maddrlk, ed. Abroad Bakir The chain of the transmitters of the book is given as follows: Abu I-Hasan 'Abd al-Baqi b. Faris b. Ahmad aI-Muqri', known as Ibn Abl l-Fath aIMi~ri;6 Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Muhammad b. 'Arak;? Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Marwan al-Malikl.f The Ms begins: qara'tu 'alii l-shaykhi l-sdlihi abi l-hasani 'abdi l-bii qi ... The name of the scholar who read the Ms aloud to Abu IHasan is not mentioned throughout the book. The remark on the margin of the colophon: qdbalndhii 'alii nuskhati l-asli bi-qadri l-imkdni may support the assumption that the scribe copied it from the copy of the student who read it to Abu l-Hasan. It may be worthwhile to remark that Ahmad b. Marwan al-Malikl, the first person in the chain of the transmitters of our manuscript, is also recorded by Ibn Khayr as the transmitter of his manuscript.? Our manuscript is thus the earliest extant Muslim compilation on dreams. Ibn Qutayba stresses that he derived his material from the "science of aIKirmanit? and others" and undertakes to explain the principles of oneiromancy overlooked by the former scholars.! I This passage indicates that Ibn Qutayba's compilation forms in fact a continuation of an earlier Muslim tradition of oneiromancy, which may be traced to the first half of the second century. The continuity of transmission of the lore of oneiromancy in later centuries is represented by the personality of Abu Muhammad 'Abd a1Rahman b. Muhammad b. 'Attab!2 who transmitted to Ibn Khayr the compilations of al-Kirmani and Ibn Qutayba, the commentary on the book of a1Kirmani compiled by AbU 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yahya b. al-Hadhdha'.U Mahmud (Beirut-Tripoli 1387/1967),IV, 734, as Kitiib al-libiira (mentioning the commentary on it "al-Bushrii fi 'ibiirat al-ru'yii" by Muhammad b. Yahya al-Hadhdha"; this commentary is mentioned in an abbreviated manner as "al-Bushra" ib., IV, 429); it is also recorded as Kitab al-libam by Ibn Khayr, op. cit., p. 266 (he records however the commentary of alHadhdha' under the title "Kitiib al-bushrii fi ta'wfl al-ru'yii", ib., p. 267). 6 See on him al-Jazarl, Ghdyat al-nihiiya Ii tabaqiit al-qurrii'; ed. G. Bergstrasser (Cairo, 1932), I, 357, no. 1529; he was a student of 'Urnar b. 'Arak ; d. ca. 450 H. 7 See on him al-Jazari, op. cit. I, 597, no. 2431 (d. 388 H). 8 See on him Ibn Hajar, Lisdn al-mizdn, I, 309, no. 931. He was the most prolific transmitter of the lore of Ibn Qutayba (wa-kiina min arwii l-ndsi 'an ibni qutayba). D. 333 H; but see al·QiiQi'IyiiQ, op. cit., I, 27, I. 19. 9 Fahrasa, p. 267, I. 1. 10 In text: Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Malik, which seems to be an error; read: b. 'Abdallah; see on him Fahd, op. cit., pp. 316, 345 no. 67. 11 "Ibdra, fol. 17a: ... qdla abu muhammadin: wa-sa-ukhbiruka 'an ta'wlli l-ahddtthi mii naf'aluhu /aka mithiilan, thumma nastru ilii ikhbarika 'an al-usidi nakhtasiru (textyahtarliru) li-dhdlika min "ilmiibrahima bni 'abdi lliih! (text: "abdi /-maliki) l-kirmiini wa-ghayrihi wa-mufaddalin (perhaps: mufassalint min al-akhbiiri muhtawin 'alii jumalin jiimi'atin kiifiyattn li-man ahsana tadbirahii wa-u'ina bi-l-tafsiri 'alayhii wa-ubayyinu min 'ilali tilka l-usiil! mii aghfalahu 1mutaqaddimiina fa-lam yadhkuriihu in shii'a [lliihu] wa-lii quwwata ilia bi-lldhi. 12 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-/.zufJaz, Hyderabad 1377/1958, IV, 1271 (d. 520 H). 13 See on him al-Qad! 'Iyad, op. cit., IV, 429, 733-734 (d. 416 H). 68 The interpretation of dreams the book of Abu Dharr al-Harawlt- and the book of Nu'ayrn b. Hammad.t> The compilation of Ibn Qutayba is divided into two parts: an extensive introduction (fols. 1b-25a) followed by a compendium of oneiromancy containing forty six chapters (fols. 25a-67b). Lists of chapter headings are given in the Appendix. Our manuscript is, however, not complete. It is, therefore, fortunate that another Ms of this work, Ms. Ankara, Is. Saib Sincer I, 4501 (fols. 180a217b) could be consulted. This Ms contains only the first part of our manuscript, i.e. the introduction; the last folios of this Ms are missing. This missing part of the Ms corresponds to fols. 23a, I. 10 - 25a, I. 11 of our manuscript. A former owner of Ms. Ankara rightly noted on the margin of fol. 217b: "nuqsdnuhu waraqun au waraqayn (!) bi-shahddati wuqu'i hddhii l-bdbifi dkhiri l-fihrisi l-thdniyati l-wdqi'ati ii raqmi 179." On fol. 180a there is in fact a list of twenty three (actually twenty four) chapters into which the introduction is divided; every chapter in this Ms is indeed preceded by a headline which conforms to this list. The missing chapter is No. 24: biib adab al-ta'wil; only the beginning of this chapter is found on fol. 217b; it can however be supplemented from our manuscript. The missing passage in our manuscript, fol. 1b, I. 12, should be supplied from Ms. Ankara fo1s. 180b, I. 8 - 182a ult.; the missing passage 011 fol. 3a, I. 10 has to be supplied from Ms. Ankara fols. 184a, I. 7 - 185b ult. On fol. 5a, I. 8 of our manuscript the short chapter "biib al-ta'wil bi-l-ma'nd" from Ms. Ankara fols. 188b-189a ought to be added. On fol. 17a, I. 4 seven chapters from Ms. Ankara (fols. 203a-212b) have to be supplemented. The missing material on fol. 1b of Ms. Jerusalem, which can be supplemented from Ms. Ankara, is of some importance. Counting the wonders and signs of God's creation, Ibn Qutayba stresses the Oneness of God and the grace granted to man by the fact that he has been enabled to smell, see, hear and taste in dream as well as to laugh and to cry, to cross countries while his own body is reclining, his senses inactive and his legs motionless. These wonders associated with dream which were granted to man by God caused some unbelieving people in ancient times (tahayyara qaumun min mutaqaddimi l-mulhidint to be in a state of perp1exion. They drew the conclusion that everything in the world has to be considered as the effect of phantasy and imagination. The sleeping person is indeed certain that the appearances of his dream are realities exactly as he who is awake considers the objects which he perceives to be realities. Ibn Qutayba quotes arguments already adduced in ancient times against this opinion. Ibn Qutayba stresses that the majority of people in the period of the Jahi14 15 Ibn Khayr, See on him al-QiiQi 'IyiiQ, op. cit,. IV, 696-698 (d. 435 H). op. cit., pp. 266-267. 69 liyya and Islam believed in dreams with the exception of a group of atheistic materialists (qaumun min al-zanddiqa yaqillilna bi-I-dahri) and a group of physicians in ancient times. Another group of physicians who were upholders of religion ial-dayyiiniina min al-atibba') partly accepted and partly refuted the veracity of dreams. The reality of dreams was based on the story of Joseph recounted to the People of the Book as well as on the stories recorded by transmitters (of stories) and prophets. The denial of the truth of dreams was based on the assumption that content and form of dreams are conditioned by the difference in the temperaments of men and the preoccupation of their mind.16 Ibn Qutayba admits the existence of such dreams, argues however that they belong to the category of "confused dreams (aq.ghath). True dreams are brought by angels; they are copied from the Tablet in Heaven and contain good tidings or warnings against performing bad deeds. The truth of these dreams can only be denied by a stubborn man or an apostate. The passage missing in our manuscript, fo1. 3a, and which has to be inserted from Ms. Ankara fols. 184a-185b deals with the denotations of the words "nafs" and "rub". The additional chapters in Ms. Ankara, fols. 203a-212b, contain anecdotes about dreams of the Prophet, his Companions and pious men. Initially, the field of dream interpretation had to obtain recognition as legitimately Isiamic and to get the approval of the orthodox circles by reference to the permission or injunction of the Prophet. The Prophet is indeed said to have commented on Sura x 64 ("Those who believe and are godfearing for them is good tidings in the present Iife and in the world to come") and stated that "good tidings in the present Iife" refer to good dreams which they have in their sleep.!? The importance of dreams was emphasized by the utterance attributed to the Prophet in which he established the relation between prophecy and dream: "Prophecy has passed", said the Prophet, "and there remain only bearers of good tidings, good dreams which a man sees or which are shown to him in sleep."18 16 See N. Bland, JRAS, p.7. "On the Muhanunedan Science of TabIr, or Interpretation of Dreams" 1856, p. 128; Ps. Ibn SIrin, Muntakhab al-kaliim ft tafslr al-ahldm (Cairo, 1382/1963), 17 'Ibiira, fol. 2, II. 1-2; al-Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Mal)miid Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1960), XV, 124-139, nos. 17717-17756; al-Qurtubl, Tafslr (Ireprintl Cairo, 1387/1967), VIII, 358; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthio: (Cairo, 1314), Ill, 311-313; al-Hakim al-Naysabiirl, aI-Mus· tadrak (Hyderabad, 1342), IV, 391; al-Khargiishl, al-Bishdra wa-l-nidhiira fi ta'bir al-ru'yii wa-l-muriiqaba, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6262, fol. 2b. 18 'Ibara, fol. Ib, penult. (reported on the authority of Unun Kurz al-Ka'biyya ; see on her Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba (Cairo, 1325/1907), VIII, 272, no. 1459); al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 391; 70 The interpretation of dreams An early"? and widely current tradition gives an evaluation of a good dream by stating, on the authority of the Prophet, that it is one out of forty six parts of prophecy.20 True, sound and good dreams were of course those of the Prophet. The Prophet saw in his dream that he rode a camel with a ram behind him and that the edge of his sword was broken. The Prophet predicted that he would kill a Ieader of the (troops of the) enemy (= the ram - K) and that a man from his family will be killed (= the broken edge of his sword - K). In fact the Ieader of the enemy Talha b. abl Talha and the uncle of the Prophet, Hamza, were both killed (in the battle of UJ:!ud).21 The Prophet dreamt that two bracelets were put on his arms; he threw al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, Muhddariit al-udabii' (Beirut, 1961) I, 149; al-Tibrlzl, Mishkiit al-masiibib (Karachi, 1350), p. 394; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 163; al-Majlisi, Bil;!ar al-an war (Tehran, 1390), LXI, 177, 192; al-Khargushi, op. cit., foJ. 2a; G. E. von Grunebaum, "The Cultural Function of the Dream as Illustrated by Classical Islam", in: G. E. von Grunebaum and Roger Caillois, The Dream and Human Societies (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966), p. 7, note 2. 19 Recorded in Ma'mar b. Rashid's Jiimi'; Feyzullah 541, fol. 152a penult.-152b. 20 "Ibiira, foJ. 2a; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, al-Lu'lu' wa-l-marjiin fimd ttafaqa "alayhi l-shaykhiin (Cairo, 1368/1949), III, 102-103, nos. 1457-1460; al-Haytharnl, Majma' al-zawii'id (Beirut, 19(7), VII, 172; al-Hakim, op, cit., IV, 390; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, op. cit., I, 149; al-Tibrtzl, op. cit., pp, 394, 396; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312-313; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 175, 178, 191; al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafe' (Beirut, 1351), I, 436, no. 1407; al'Azlzl, al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo, 1377/1957), II, 322; al-Hanaft, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 231; and see other versions: Abii Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyii' (Cairo, 1351/1932),VIII, 196 (a ninetieth part); al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 167, 177 (a seventieth part); Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol, 152b (a seventieth part); al-Tabarant, al-Mu 'jam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina, 1388/1968),II, 56 (a seventieth part); al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312-313 (a seventieth part); al-HanafI, op. cit., II, 231 (a seventieth or fiftieth part); al-Tabarl, op. cit., XV, 132, no. 17730 (a part of forty four parts, or a sixtieth part); ib., p. 131, no. 17729 (a part of forty nine parts); al-Zurqani, op. cit., VII, 162-165 (a part of forty four, forty five, twenty four, twenty five, fifty, seventy, seventy six parts of prophecy); and see al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 173-174 (a fortieth, a fiftieth, a sixtieth part of prophecy); al-Qastallant, Irshdd al-sdrt (Cairo, 1323), X, 123-127 (a part of forty six, forty four, forty, fifty, seventy, seventy six, twenty six parts of prophecy); cf. A. Kristianpoler, Monumenta Talmudica II, I: "Traum und Traumdeutung" (Wien-Berlin, 1923), p. 25, no. 69 (I;!alom ebad mi-shishim fj·nbu'a); and see ibid., no. 70, and see ibid., p. XI); A. Lowinger, Der Traum in der jiidischen Literatur (Leipzig, 1908), p. 4. 21 "Ibdra, foJ. 52b, inf.; al-Waqidl, al-Maghdzi, ed. M. Jones (London, 1966), I, 209, 225-226, 307; al-Suyutl, al-KhO$ii'i$ al-kubrii, ed. Muhammad KhalIl Haras (Cairo, 1386/ 1967), I, 529; al-Haythamt, op, cit., VII, 180; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 174, 184-185; Ps. Ibn Slrln, Muntakhab al-kaldm It tafsir al·al;!liim (Cairo, 1382/1963), p. 186 inf.; al-Majlisi op. cit., LXI, 179; Fahd, op. cit., p. 282; al-Khargtishl, op. cit., foJ. 142a. 71 them away and they fell down. He expounded this dream by the appearance of the two false prophets Musaylima and a1-Aswad a1-'AnsI.22 The Prophet saw in a dream reddish-white and black sheep (ghanam) coming to him. He interpreted the reddish-white ones as referring to non-Arabs, the black ones as referring to the Arabs and predicted that non-Arabs will embrace Islam and join the Arabs.23 The fate of Islam was revealed to the Prophet in another dream: he saw himself seated in the house of 'Uqba b. Rafi' where dates of Ibn Tab24 were served. He interpreted it by using verbal associations, predicting that Islam will gain excellence in this and in the next world ('raft' - rif'a) and that the faith of Isiam has already become pure (tab - taba).25 A tradition attributed to the Prophet divided dreams into good and evil; good dreams come from God, evil ones from Satan. "If you see a displeasing appearance in your dream, seek refuge from Satan in God and spit three times at your left side, then it will not harm you", said the Prophet. A special prayer was devised: "I seek refuge in the God of Musa, 'lsa and Ibrahim from the evil of the dream, lest it harm me in my faith or in (my dealings in) this world or in my sustenance. Strong is the man protected by God, glory and power are His. There is no God but Him."26 22 "Ibdra, fol. 46b, sup.; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad al-Tanaht (Cairo, 1385/1965), V, 90; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 181; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'il al-rasiil ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal)id (Cairo, 1386/1967), p. 387; Ibn al-Jauzl, al·Wa/ii bi-ahwdli, l-mustafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1966), II, 633; Ibn al-Athtr, Jdmi' al-usid, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 376, no. 4980; al-Qastallani, op. cit., X, 154-156; Hamrnam b. Munabbih, al-Sahtfa al-sahtha, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Hyderabad, 1375/1956), p. 119, no. 134. 23 'Ibara, fo1. 53a; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 395; al-Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafii', ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1371/1952), p. 105; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 183; Ibn al-Jauzi, op, cit., 11,631; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 231; I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, trans1. C. R. Barber and S. M. Stem (London, 1967), I, 112; Ahmad b. l;Iajar al-Haytaml, al-Sawii'iq al-muhriqa fi I-raddi 'alii ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zandaqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latlf (Cairo, 1375), p. 33; al-Khargusht, op. cit., fo1. 170a. 24 See about this kind of dates al-Tha'alibl, Thimdr al-quliib, ed. Muhammad Abii I-FaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 266, no. 387; al-Bakri, Mu'jam mii sta'jam, ed. Mustafa aISaqa (Cairo, 1364/1945), I, 37, note 2. 25 "Ibdra, fo1. 4b, sup.; al-Tibrizi, op. cit., p. 395; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 250; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 186; Ibn al-Jauzl, op. cit., II, 631; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 9. 26 'Ibara, fo1. 24b; cf. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op, cit., fo1. 152a-b; aI-HaythamI, op. cit., VII, 174-175, 181; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 392; al-Khattb al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh Baghdad (Cairo, 1349/1931), XII, 484; al-Suyirtl, al-Durr, III, 313; al-Tibrlzi, op. cit., p. 394; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 168-169; al-Shibli, Akiim al-marjdn, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Cairo, 1376), pp. 182-184; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 174, 188, 193; Ibn al-Sunni, 'Amal al-yaum wa-l-layla (Hyderabad, 1358), pp. 207-208; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 15; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 102, no. 1456; N. Bland, "On the Muhammedan Science of Tablr, 72 The interpretation of dreams A dream in which the Prophet appears is considered sound and good. The Prophet is said to have stated: "He who sees me in a dream sees me in reality, because Satan does not take up my appearance".27 Seeing the Prophet in dream is like seeing him in reality. or Interpretation of Dreams" JRAS, 1856, p. 130; cf. Kristianpoler, op. cit., p. 17, nos. 42-43 (and see p. IX); Lowinger, op. cit., pp, 32-33. 27 "Ibiira, fol. 2a; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. al-mandm, Ms. al-Jazzar (majmii' a), Acre, p, 321; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, op. cit., I, 149; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1370/1950), V, 138, no. 3410 and p. 304, no. 3798; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 173, 181-183; al-Sharff al-Murtada, Amdli, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1373/1954), II, 394; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 393; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is, III, 339; Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., VII, 246; al-Shibll, op, cit., pp. 184-186 ("Ii bayiini anna l-shaytdna la yatamaththalu bi-l-nabiyyi -s-"): cf. Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 153a (man ra'dni fi l-mandmi fa-huwa l-haqqu); al-Tibrizt, op. cit., p. 394 (. . .fa-qad ra'a l-haqqar; al-Qastallani, op. cit., X, 133-135, 139 (and see ibid., the version: man ra'iini fi l-mandmi fa-sa-yariini It l-yaqzay; Ibn 'Asakir: Tahdhib ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad 'Ubayd (Damascus, 1349), VI, 380 ult. (man ra'dnl Ii l-mandmi fa-innahu ta yadkhulu l-niira}; al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fo!. 16b. Some scholars included in this category of sound and true dreams the appearance in dreams of prophets, angels, the sun, the lighting stars and clouds containing rain. (See al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 238, quoted from al-Baghawi's Shorb al-sunnai. A remarkable hadith transmitted by al-Tabarani reports that the Prophet stated that Abu Bakr would interpret (sci!. truly - K) the dreams and that his true dreams would form his lot of prophecy. (Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haytami, al-Sawii'iq almuhriqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Lattf (Cairo, 1375), p. 67 with a comment of the author on this tradition: inna aba bakrin yu'awwilu I-ru'ya wa-inna ru'ydhu l-sidihata hazzuhu min al-nubuwwati}. Shl'I sources record the tradition about the appearance of the Prophet in a dream with some significant additions. Satan will not appear in the form of the Prophet or of one of the trustees (ausiya', i.e. the Shi"I imams), nor in the form of anyone of the Shi'a. (See this tradition: al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 176; and see the discussion of this tradition ibid., pp. 211, 216, 234-236). Shl'I tradition reports that 'Ali saw the Prophet every night in a dream. The Prophet revealed to him that five of his Companions (among them Abu Bakr and 'Umar) plotted against him and decided to deprive him of the Caliphate, thus violating the injunction of the Prophet. The Prophet informed 'Ali in a dream about the pains suffered by Abu Bakr and 'Urnar on their death-beds in connection with their mischievous deed. (See Sulaym b. Qays, Kitiib al-saqifa, al-Najaf, n.d., pp. 96, 181; quoted by al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 240241). A sunm tradition reported that Anas b. Malik used to see the Prophet almost every night in his dream (Al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 182). There are interesting stories about dreams in which the Prophet expresses his opinion concerning religious leaders and scholars, commending, permitting or rejecting their teachings. Yazid b. Hakim saw the Prophet in a dream. He asked him about Sufyan al-Thauri and the Prophet gave a favourable opinion about him. (Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/ 1966, IV, 259). Zayd b. Dawud saw in a dream the Prophet granting Malik b. Anas musk and asking him to divide it among the people. Zayd interpreted musk as representing knowledge (Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 348; al-Qad! 'Iyad, op. cit., I, 375). Abu 'Abdallah saw in a 73 The seriousness of dreams and their interpretation was stressed, as usual, by a hadith. "He who Iies about his dream will be ordered (at the Day of Judgement - K) to join two barley corns and will be put on burning coal."28 Ibn Qutayba defines the dream as a "kind of revelation and a sort of prophecy" (li-annahu jinsun min al-wahyi wa-darbun min al-nubuwwatii.tr The art of oneiromancy, argues Ibn Qutayba, is shrouded in mystery, very complicated and intricate; it is distinguished and sublime. Consequently, the requirements imposed on an interpreter of dreams are manifold as regards qualifications, knowledge and character. While the way to every other science is straight, its principles not being diverse and its standards (maqiiyis) not liable to change, the principles of oneiromancy are changeable according to the position of the person who dreams, his belief, profession, ambitions and the time and period of dreaming. Sometimes a dream is a coined proverb, which has to be interpreted according to the meaning of its words, sometimes it dream a person coming out of a maqsiira in the mosque of Tarsus, quoting the utterance of the Prophet: "Imitate those who will come after me, Abroad b. Hanbal" (Abii Nu'ayrn, op. cit., IX, 185; and see ib., p. 187: a man saw al-Khidr in a dream; he stated that Ahmad b. Hanbal was a truthful person [$iddiq]; and see other dreams about Abroad b. Hanbal, ib., pp. 187-193). Ibrahim b. Musa al-Farra' saw the Prophet in a dream and asked him about the hadiths reported by al-Qasim b. 'Abd al-Rahman on the authority of Abu Umama; the Prop!.et disapproved of them (Ibn I;lajar, Tahdhib, VlII, 324, no. 581). The Prophet recommended Muhammad b. Muslim to record the knowledge of Yahya b. Yahya al-Hanzali (AI-QaQi 'Iyad, op. cit., I, 408). The Prophet ordered in a dream Salama b. Shabib at the age of fifty to refrain from transmission of hadlth ; afterwards the Prophet ordered him to transmit traditions (Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rikh, ed. Abroad 'Ubayd, Damascus 1349, VI, 229). A dream served as means for establishing the Prophet's approval of a Shi'i poet. Sa'd al-Asadl saw the Prophet in a dream. The Prophet asked him to recite a poem of al-Kumayt (Qasida 2 of the Hdshimiyyiit, ed. J. Horowitz, Leiden, 1904, p. 27). After the Prophet had heard the qasida he ordered Sa'd to inform al-Kumayt that as a reward for this poem God forgave him his sins (Al-Mausill, Ghiiyat al-wasii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fols. 181b inf. - 182a). The authority of al-Tha'labl, the author of Qi$a$ al-anbiyii', was established by God. Abii l-Qasim al-Qushayri, the author of the well-known "Risiila", saw God in a dream. While God was talking with al-Qushayri He remarked: "The righteous man has come"; it was al-Tha'Iabl (Al-Safadl, al-Wiifi bi-l-wafayiit, VII, 308, Beirut 1389/1969, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas). 28 'Ibdra, foJ. 24b; Abroad b. Hanbal, op. cit., V, 130, no. 3383; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 392; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 174; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 183; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' atusul, XII, 332-333, nos. 9348-9350; al-'AzIzI, op, cit., III, 386; Bland, op. cit., p, 131. (And see another version of this tradition 'Ibdra, foJ. 24b); Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashfu l-tauqi' Ii-ahli l-basira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3922, foJ. 29b; al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. 8a. 29 'Ibdra, foJ. 2a, I. 4. 74 The interpretation of dreams has to be interpreted antithetically. Sometimes the content of the dream refers to another person (like the dreamer's brother, or his superior or peer).3o Sometimes the dreams are confused (a¢ghiith). Due to the intricate character of dreams the requirements from the interpreter are wider than in the field of any other science. "For every scholar of some branch of the sciences", says Ibn Qutayba, "the tool of his science can be sufficient for practising it; but the oneirocritic has to be a scholar of Qur'an and haditlt in order to interpret dreams according to their ideas, to be acquainted with Arab proverbs and rare verses of poetry, to have a knowIedge of Arabic etymology and of current colloquial speech. Besides, he has to be an "adib", gentle, sagacious, endowed with a capacity to judge the countenance of the people, their character-features, their rank and state, to have a knowledge of analogy and an acquaintance with the principles of oneiromancy".31 Only with God's guidance and help will he be pious and pure of sins and get his Iot of the heritage of the prophets, says Ibn Qutayba.32 Ibn Qutayba's intent in his introduction is to set out the ways of oneiromancy and to supply examples of dreams dealt with according to different methods: etymoiogicaI, anti thetical , symbolical and the ones based on Qur'an, hadith, current verses or proverbs.» The many dreams recorded by Ibn Qutayba contain forebodings, stories about reward in Paradise and punishment in Hell, judgements about character and behaviour of people; they reveal some hidden facts, edify and admonish and touch upon a wide range of subjects Iike religious tenets, political conditions, culturallife and moral ideas. The attitude of the orthodox circles towards the heterodox factions in Islam is reflected in the dream of Yazid b. Hanin.34 He saw a man who uttered fatwiis in the mosque of Mecca. He inquired about the man and was told that he was the prophet Joseph. Yazid asked him about drinking nabidh.35 Joseph stated that it was not forbidden, but disliked. Yazid asked about the khawdrij and Joseph answered: "They are Jews." Joseph gave the same 30 'Ibiira, fols. 16b inf. - 17a sup.: Aba Jahl was seen in a dream embracing Islam; this referred to his son 'Ikrima, (See Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 153a inf.; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayrl, Nasab Quraysh, ed. E. Levi-Provencal (Cairo, 1953), p. 311; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 258, no. 5632). The Prophet saw in a dream AsId b. Abll-'I$ entering Paradise; this referred to his son 'Attab b. AsId (al-'Ibiira, ibid.; cf. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, IV, 211, no. 5383); cf. Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 7, n. 3-4. 31 'Ibdra, fol. 2a inf. - 2b sup.; cf. Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 7; Bland, op. cit., p. 132. 32 "Ibdra, fol. 2b. 33 "Ibdra, fol. 4a; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op, cit., p. 9. 34 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhtb, XI, 366, no. 711. 35 About drinking nabtdh see e.g.: al-Tahawr, SharI,! mushkil al-iithiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhrl al-Najjar (Cairo, 1388/1968),IV, 215-229; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 17-18, nos. 1304-1306. 75 answer when asked about the riifida: "They are Jews." YazId could not remember what Joseph said about the Murji'a. "What about a man praying, fasting, carrying out his duties, not trespassing in these things whatsoever?" asked YazId. "That is my message and that of my fathers," said Joseph.ss The khawdrij are, as is usual.s? depicted as dogs in another story. The sister of the Khariji Ieader Abu Bilal Mirdas b. Udayya saw her brother in dream in the form of a dog, weeping. He told her that he had been turned after his death into one of the dogs of Hell.38 The activity of the khawiirij is mirrored in another dream, interpreted by Ibn SIrIn. A woman told him that her patroness saw in her dream that two snakes came out from two holes in her house. Two men approached the snakes and milked them from their heads. Ibn SIrIn remarked that a snake cannot give milk;39 the men milked poison. They were Ieaders of the khawdri] who were visiting the woman. They claim that their tenets are the sunna and fitra; but in fact their tenets are poison. The woman (who recounted the dream - K) confirmed that her lady had been a righteous woman until the two Ieaders of the khawdrij came to her and changed her mind.4o The murder of Husayn was also predicted in a dream. Ibn 'Abbas saw in his dream the Prophet with dishevelled hair, dust coloured, holding in his hand a bottle filled with blood. When asked about it the Prophet said: "It is the blood of al-Husayn; I am collecting it through the night." Later the date of the dream was checked; that night al-Husayn was in fact killed.s! fol. 13a. See the tradition al-khawdrij kildb al-ndr: Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 4a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindl, Kanz al-tummdl (Hyderabad, 1383/1963), XI, 182, no. 886; al-Tha'alibl, Thimdr al· qulub, p. 394, no. 622. 38 "Ibiira, fol. 14b; al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin (Cairo, 1384/1965\ 1,271. 39 Milk denotes in Muslim oneiromancy true belief, the fitra; see 'Ibara, fol. 36b, ult.: wa-man ra'ii annahu shariba labanan fa-hiya l-fitratu; al-Haythamt, op. cit., VII, 183. 40 "Ibdra, fol. 17b; al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, IV, 269; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op, cit., p. 208; cf. Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 277. 41 'Ibara, fol. 20b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p, 320; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 398; alGhazzall, Ibya' 'uliim al-dtn (Cairo, 1352/1933), IV, 431; cf. Haythaml, op. cit., IX, 193 ult. - 194 sup.; Ibn KathIr, Shama'il al-rasul, ed. Mu~tafii 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/ 1967), p. 447; al-MajIisl, op. cit., XLIV, 239; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 282; Fahd, op. cit., p. 296; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-TamImi, al-Mihan, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 235 (8), fol. 48a; al-Suyfltl, al-Khasii'i« al-kubrii, IT, 452; al-Dhahabl, Ta'rikh al-Isldm (Cairo, 1367), II, 349; al-Yafi 'I, Mir' at al-jindn (Hyderabad, 1339), I, 134; al- 'Isaml, Simt al-nujiim al- 'awal; (Cairo, 1380), III, 78; al-Tabarst, I'Iiim al-warii (Tehran, 1338), p. 217; al-Ganjt, Kifiiyat altalib Ii mandqib 'Ali b. abi Tdlib, ed. Muhammad Hadt l-AminI (al-Najaf, 1390/1970), p. 428. 36 'Ibara, 31 76 The interpretation of dreams The attitude of the orthodox circles towards compilations of nasab is reflected in the story of the dream of aI-KaibI. He saw himself on the Day of Judgement. He was brought into the presence of God, Who rebuked him for "compiling genealogies which he did not know" and ordered to lead him to Hell. On his way a1-Kalbi met the Prophet and asked him to intercede for him with God, mentioning the merit of having compiled a commentary on the Qur'an. The Prophet ordered 'Ali, who was in his company, to interrogate al-Kaibi. AI-Kalbi having answered the questions well, 'Ali reported the fact to the Prophet, who interceded for him and he was let free. He sat down with the Prophet and asked him when the Umayyad rule was going to end. The fall of the Umayyad dynasty happened in fact at the date fixed by the Prophet in his answer to al-Kalbl.t- The opposition of orthodox circles to dubious genealogies, the esteem for commentaries of the Qur'an, the desire to know the dates of the rise and fall of dynasties and the belief in the intercession of the Prophet are reflected in this story. The negative attitude towards the Umayyads is mirrored in a passage deaIing with the meanings of "soul" and "spirit". The spirits of the wicked people gather in Barhut.O On the cornice of a Iarge house in 'Uman there used to shelter an owl. Some night another owl came and stood at its side. The 'Umani owl asked it who it was and it said: "I am the spirit of al-Walid b. 'Abd I-Malik and I am on my way to Barhut.t'+' When the date was checked it tallied with the date of the death of al-Walid. Ibn Qutayba states that the story resembles jahili-beliefs about the hiima as reflected in the verse of Abu Duwad al-Iyadi: sullita l-mautu wa-l-maniinu 'alayhim wa-lahum Ii sadd l-maqdbiri hdmu Death and fate were imposed upon them and they have in the birds of graves their (embodied) spirits. and stresses that the Prophet abolished this belief.45 'Ibiira, fols. lOb-Ita. See Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin (Beirut, 1374/1955), I, 405; and see al-Majlisl, op. cit., LX, 206, 239. 44 'Ibara, fols. 3b-4a; al-Samarqandt, Qurrat at-iuyun (Cairo, 1354/1935),p. 93 (on margin of Mukhtasar Tadhkirat al-Qurtubi; but here the owl is the spirit of 'Abd al-Malik). Another anti-Umayyad interpretation of a dream is reported on the authority of Ibn al-Musayyab. A girl saw in her dream that Moses appeared in Syria. He held in his hand a stick and walked on the surface of the water. Ibn al-Musayyab stated that if this dream be true 'Abd aJ-Malik died this night. He explained how he arrived at this conclusion: God sent Moses in order to shatter the tyrants. He did not find a tyrant (to whom this dream might refer - K) except 'Abd al-Malik (Al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fol. 15a). 45 The hadith: la 'adwd wa-la hdma wa-lii safara is analysed by Abu 'Ubayd in his Gharib al-badtth, I, 27 (the verse of Abu Duwad is recorded there); cf. Ibn Athlr, al-Nihiiya, V, 283. 42 43 77 The story of the dream of Ghalib al-Qattan+ reflects the struggle of the orthodoxy against innovators. He saw in his dream Malik b. Dinar wearing clothes Iike those which he used to wear in mosque. Malik advised him to refrain from the company of rich worldly people and unlawful innovators.s" Qur'an versus poetry is symbolized in the dream of A'sha Hamdan+s which he told to al-Sha'bl, He saw in his dream that he exchanged wheat for barley. Al-Sha'bi interpreted it that he exchanged Qur'an for poetry. Ibn Qutayba remarks: "The meaning of wheat and barley was here interpreted by Qur'an and poetry. Would a man of the ahl al-ra'y49 dream this dream it would be interpreted as exchange of hadith. for ra'y."50 The role of Abu Hanlfa in Isiam is attested in the following dream: AbU Hanlfa saw in a dream that he was digging the bones of the Prophet; (he collected them and pressed them to his breast). Ibn SIrIn was told this dream and said: "This is a man who will revive the sunna of the Prophet.s! The dream served sometimes as confirmation of the truth and reliability of a hadith. 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adi b. a1-Khiyar52 considered a Iie the hadith: "The molar-tooth of the unbeliever in Hell is Iike the mountain of Ui}.ud",53 which was reported by Abu Hurayra. 'Ubaydullah dreamt that he had an ulcer on his finger; he scratched it and it grew and became like the mountain of Uhud, He went to Abu Hurayra and asked him to beg for him God's pardon, which Abu Hurayra did.54 Ibn Qutayba relates his own dream about a hadith. He saw in a dream Abu Dharr who transmitted to him the following utterance of the Prophet: "God said: 'He who approaches Me by the measure of a span I shall approach him by the measure of an arm; he who approaches Me by the measure of an arm I shall approach him by the measure of two arms; he who comes forth to Me walking I shall hurry to him'." When Ibn Qutayba woke up he asked about 46 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizan al-i'tiddl, ed. 'AJI Muhammad al-Bijawl (Cairo, 1382/ 1963), III, 330, no. 6642; Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 242, no. 444. 47 'Ibara, fol. 15a; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 380 sup. 48 See on him a1-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. F. Krenkow (Cairo, 1354), p. 14, no. 15; Ibn Habtb, Asmii' al·mughtalin (Nawadtr al-makhtutdt, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun (Cairo, 1374/1955),VII, 265-266). 49 See Al;Qii.b a1-ra'y, BIZ, 692 (1. Schacht). 50 'Ibara, fol. 9b. 51 'Ibiira, fol. 34b; al-Ibshtht, al-Musta/raf(Cairo, 1308), II, 80. (See the striking remark of Ibn Slrin: md yanhaghi lt-abadin min ah/i hadha l-zamdni an yard hddhihi I-ru'ya). S2 See on him Ibn I;Iajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 36, no. 67. S3 See a1·'AzIzI, op. cit., II, 410; al-Suytitl, al-Kha$a'i$, III, 9; al-Jarraht, op. cit" II, 34, no. 1637. 54 'Ibara, fol. lla. 78 The interpretation of dreams the hadltli and was told that Abu Dharr and Abu Hurayra transmitted this l;adith.55 Sometimes a peculiar word, or a curious one, is revealed and elucidated in a dream, 'Abdallah b. 'A'idh al-Thumali56 promised Ghudayf b. al-Harith-" on his death-bed to tell him what befell him after death. 'Abdallah appeared to him in a dream and said: "We barely escaped (scil., pain - K); we met the Lord, Who forgave the sins and did not punish for the bad deeds except the al;rii{l" (whom He did punish - K); Ghudayf asked who were the al;rdt;l. 'Abdallah explained the word as denoting people who are pointed at with the fingers secretly. Ibn Qutayba discusses several words of this root (I; r t;l) and accepts 'Abdallah's definition of this word.58 There is a dream which shows how faithful a believer Abu Bakr was. The Prophet, says the story, fraternized between Salman and Abu Bakr. One night Salman had a dream after which he turned away from Abu Bakr. When asked by Abu Bakr about his behaviour Salman told him that he had seen him (i.e. Abu Bakr) in a dream, his hands fastened to his neck. Abu Bakr explained the dream as denoting that he had his hands fettered so as to prevent him from doing evil deeds until the Day of Judgement. The truth of this interpretation was subsequently established by the Prophet.s? A similar tendency can be discerned in the following story: Rabi'a b. Umayya recounted a dream of his to Abu Bakr: "I was in a fertile land, then I moved into a land struck by barrenness. Your hands (i.e. Abu Bah's) were fastened to your neck and you were at the side of Sarir b. Abi l-Hashr." 55 'Ibiira, fol. 12a; al-MundhirJ, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1381/1962), V, 289, no. 4532 (and see ibid., no. 4531); al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, al·Majaztit al-nabawiyya, ed. Mahmud Mustafa (Cairo, 1356/1937), p. 272, no. 287 (with an interpretation of the !Jadith); AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 101; Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 170a. The reliability of the hadlth: inna ahadakum yujma'u khalquhu ... , transmitted by Ibn Mas'Iid, was established by the Prophet in a dream. Muhammad b. Yazid al-Asfatl (see on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 525, no, 861) saw the Prophet in a dream and asked him about this hadith, reported by al-A 'mash on the authority on Ibn Mas'ud, The Prophet stated that he himself reported this utterance to Ibn Mas'ud and repeated this statement three times. "May God forgive al-A'rnash, as he transmitted it, and may God forgive those who transmitted it before him and those who will transmit it after him", said the Prophet. (Ibn Rajab, Jiimi' I-'ulilm wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadt AbU I·NUr, Cairo, 1970, I, 103; on al-A'mash [Sulayman b. Mihran] see aI-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-huffdz; I, 154, no. 149; Ibn Hibban, Kitiib al-thiqdt, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl (Hyderabad, 1388/1968), p.90). S6 See on him Ibn Sa'd. Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1377/1958),VII, 415. 57 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, V, 189, no. 6906; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 443. 58 "Ibdra, fol. 16a; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 415; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, pp. 297, 327; see al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fd'iq, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl and Muhammad Abii I-Fa41 Ibrahim (Cairo, 1971), I, 276; L'A, s.v.1J r 4. 59 •Ibdra, fol. 9a. 79 Abu Bakr interpreted the dream as follows: "Your dream is true. You will abandon belief for unbelief; my affairs were destined for me righteously (i.e., my hands will not reach out for anything wrong - K) and I shall remain in a state of joy (sarir -> surur) until the Day of Resurrection (f:zashr)." It is told that Rabl'a indeed embraced Christianity and left for Byzantiurn.w Many stories of dreams predict the rule of the first Caliphs, the rise of the Umayyad-dynasty and thefttan, reflecting often the conflicting religio-political views of the various factions of Muslim society.e! 60 'Ibara, fol. 19a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, II, 224, no. 2746. of the two caliphs after the Prophet was predicted according to his dream in which he saw himself drawing a bucket from a well. He was followed in this action by Abu Bakr, who drew however no more than two buckets with little force. Then he was followed by 'Umar. The bucket grew in his hands very large and he drew it with the greatest energy. See this story, Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 18a; Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 1,87; Ibn Abi Hatim, Kit. al-'ilal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, fol. 286b; al-Bayhaql, Ma'rifat al-sunan wa-l-dthdr, ed. Ahmad Saqr, Cairo 1389/1969, I, 119; Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, op. cit., p. 22; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 187-188; al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fd'iq, Ill, 61; Abu Bakr Ibn al- 'Arabi, al- 'Awii,im min al-qawiisim, ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khattb (Judda, 1387), p. 188; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 417-418; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baqi, op. cit., III, 165-166, nos. 1548-1549; al-Qastallani, op, cit., X, 147-149; Ps. Ibn Sirin, op. cit., p. 292; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, op. cit., XII, 176-177, nos. 930-933 (the haditb no. 932 and Suyutt, Khasa'is, II, 418 combines the tradition of succession with the tradition about the 'Ajam embracing Islam, mentioned above p. 72, note 23), 183-184, nos. 972-973; Fahd, op. cit., p, 277. The succession of the three first Caliphs was foreseen in a dream of the Prophet. He saw in a dream Abu Bakr attached (nita bihi) to him; 'Urnar was attached to Abu Bakr. and 'Uthman to 'Umar (al-Hakim, op. cit., Ill, 71, 102; al-Suyirtt, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd, II 417). Abu Bakr saw himself in a dream clad in a yemeni garment and treading on human excrements; he had two moles on his chest. The Prophet interpreted it by saying that for two years he would rule as Caliph. (al-Muttaql al-Hindl, op. cit., XII, 162-163, no. 827. Ibn Sa'd' op. cit., Ill, 176-177; Ibn Hajar al-Haytaml, op. cit., p. 24). 'Auf b. Malik saw in a dream a man in a crowd taller than the rest of the people. He was told that the man was 'Umar. 'Urnar, he was told, surpasses them because he is not wary of being blamed while acting for God's sake, he will be an appointed Caliph by the predecessor and will die as martyr. 'Auf told Abu Bakr the dream, who summoned 'Umar and ordered 'Auf to relate him the dream. When he said "he will be an appointed Caliph" (by the predecessor), 'Umar silenced him and pulled him away roughly. When he became Caliph, he met 'Auf, admitted that one part of the dream has been fulfilled, expressed his wish to act fearlessly for God's sake, but wondered how he could gain the death of a martyr if he remains in the Arab peninsula (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 331; al-Muhibb al-Tabarl, alRiyii{l al-nadira, Cairo 1372/1953, I, 212). Abu Musa al-Ash'arl saw himself in a dream facing many highways, which, however, dwindled away. He went on the one which had been left and reached a mountain on which he saw the Prophet; on his side stood Abu Bakr. The Prophet pointed at 'Umar ordering him to draw near. Abu Musa understood that the dream foreboded the death of 'Urnar (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 332). 61 The succession 80 The interpretation of dreams 'Uthrnan saw the Prophet in a dream when he was besieged in his court. 'Uthman was fasting and the Prophet told him that he would break the fast in his company in the morning. In the morning, while still fasting, 'Uthman was indeed killed, (al-Hakim, op. cit., III, 94, 103; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 443-444; Muhammad b. Yahya b. Abi Bakr, alTamhid wa-I-bayiin, ed. Mahmud Yiisuf Zayid, Beirut, 1964, p. 175; al-Muhibb al-Tabart, al-Riyad, II, 161, 167-168; and see another version ibid., 167: 'Uthman, when besieged, saw in a dream the Prophet who asked him: "Have they besieged you, have they caused you intense thirst?" "Yes", said 'Uthman. The Prophet gave him a bucket with cold water and 'Uthrnan drank until he quenched his thirst. Then the Prophet said: "If you want I shall help you against them [i.e. against the besiegers] or if else you will break the fast with us." 'Uthrnan preferred to break the fast in the company of the Prophet [i.e. in Paradise] and was killed next day). The Prophet interpreted the fire seen by Zurara b. 'Amr al-Nakha't as indicating the fitna which will flame up after the Prophet's death. (See 'Ibara, fol. 47b ult. - 48a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, III, 8; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl, Cairo, n.d., II, 517, no. 811; al-Zamakhsharl, op. cit., II, 182-183; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 193194; Fahd, op. cit., p. 286; and see 'Ibiira, fol. 51a, inf.). The neutrality of Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas was approved of in a dream. Husayn b. Kharija al-Ashja'I became perplexed when the fitna broke out (i.e. after the murder of 'Uthman). He asked God to grant him a sign how to act righteously. He saw in a dream this world and the next world and was guided by angels to a place where Ibrahim and the Prophet stayed. He heard the Prophet asking Ibrahim to beg God to pardon the sins of his people. Ibrahim said: "You know what your people invented (ahdathu; for the meaning of ahdatha see Goldziher, op. cit., II, 27-31) after your death; they spilled their blood and killed their imdm; why did they not act like my friend Sa'd?" Husayn b. Kharija went to Sa'd and related him his dream. Sa'd was pleased that Ibrahim had named him his friend. When asked which of the two factions he joined, Sa'd stated that he kept away from both parties. He advised Husayn to buy a flock and stay far away until the /itna came to an end (al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Iiim al-nubalii', ed. Salai) al-Dln al-Munajjid, I, 81, al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, III, 501). The heated discussion about the position of 'Ali is reflected in a story about a muhadditn who appeared in a dream to his friend and told him about the privileged status of Muhammad b. 'Ubayd in Paradise, because he preferred 'Uthman to 'Ali (al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, op. cit., II, 367). Muhammad b. 'Ubayd, when alive, used to warn his audience not to listen to the Kufians who scoffatthe people (ibid., the Kufians were known as the partisans of' Ali). The negative attitude towards the Umayyad rulers was reflected in a story according to which the Prophet saw the Umayyads in a dream jumping like apes on his minbar (al·SuyiltI, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 427-428; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 156). The attitude of the orthodoxy towards the conflict between 'Ali and Mu'awiya (comp.: idhd dhukira a$l;!tibifa-amsikii, al-Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafd', p. 176; Ahmad b. l;Iajar alHaytaml, op. cit., p. 214) is mirrored in the story of the dream of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. He saw in a dream the Prophet in the company of Abii Bakr and 'Umar, 'Ali and Mu'awiya were brought in and entered a house the door of which was closed behind them. After a time 'Ali went out and stated that a verdict was given in his favour; then Mu'awiya went out and said that God forgave him his sins (Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Manam, p. 319). The personality of 'Umar b. 'Abd al- 'Aztz and his orthodox rule are emphasized in a story in which he tells of a dream which he dreamt. He saw the Prophet in the company of Abii Bakr and 'Umar, and the Prophet ordered him to follow the path of Abii Bakr and 'Urnar when he will be entrusted with government (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 291; al-Suyfitl, Ta'rikh al-khulafd', p. 230). 81 A cloud flowing with butter and honey, which a man saw in a dream, was interpreted by Abu Bakr as Islam (the cloud) and Qur'an (butter and honey).62 The esteem for scholars occupied with the study of the Qur'an is reflected in the story of a dream in which al-Kisa'I appeared and stated that God had forgiven his sins because he was dedicated to the study of the Qur'an.63 The preceding tradition belongs in fact to a particular kind of stories about the rewards in Paradise granted to the pious and godfearing for their good deeds. A fine specimen of a collection of this genre of stories is the Kitiib almaniim of Ibn Abl l-Dunya,64 a contemporary of Ibn Qutayba.v> Similar in content are some chapters on this subject in Ibn Abi Hatim's Taqdimat alma'rifa li-kitdbi l-jarlt wa-l-ta'dilv: Our 'Ibiira contains many stories of this kind. In some cases the tendency is to stress the specific virtues by which the pious gained Paradise, to guide the living and to admonish. Malik b. Dinar saw al-Hasan al-Basrl in a dream and asked him about his experiences in the other world. Al-Hasan told him that he was guided by God's grace to the abode of the righteous in reward for his sorrow and weeping in this world. He accordingly said: "The Ionger the man's saddness in this world the longer is his joy in the Iife to come."67 Ibn Qutayba remarks that this utterance is expressed in a manner which resembles al-Hasan's own style.68 Malik b. Dinar also saw Muslim b. Yasar69 in a dream. Muslim told him that he had been subjected after his death to dreadful experiences, but that later God had forgiven him his sins and accepted his good deeds. Malik sobbed and fainted. After a few days he died.7o 62 "Ibiira, fol, 36a; see the different versions of this story: Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fols. 152b-153a; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 42-43, no. 1462; Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., III, 357, no. 2113; Ps. Ibn Stnn, op. cit., p, 130; al-Hanafl, op. cit., II, 265; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., X, 160-161; al-Muhibb al-Tabart, al-RiyiirJ, I, 107; Abu Bakr Ibn al-'Arabl, op. cit., p. 189; cf. al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. 120b. 63 'Ibiira, fol. 15a; al-Khatlb ai-BaghdadI, op. cit., XI, 410, 414. 64 Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, majmii'a. 65 D. 280 H. F. Meier's statement "Die Welt der Urbilder bei 'Ali Hamadani", (Eranos Jahrbuch, 1950), p. 125, that the earliest collection of such stories is in the Risdla of alQushayrI must thus be altered. 66 Ibn AbI l;Iatim, Taqdimat al-ma'rifa (Hyderabad, 1371/1952), pp. 119-122, 311-312. 67 'Ibara, op, cit., fol. 12b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 301; comp. a similar dream of Ibn Strln in al-Dhahabl's Ta'rikh al-Isliim (Cairo, 1367), IV, 198. 68 Ibid., ... atwalu l-ndsi huznan atwaluhum farahan ft I-iikhirati; qiila abu muhammadin: wa·hiidhii kamii tarii ashbahu bi-jayyidi kaldmi l-hasani. 69 See on him Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 186. 70 'Ibdra, fol. l3a, ult. - I3b sup.; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 299, ll. 5-12; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 294 inf. 82 The interpretation of dreams Malik b. Dinar appeared after his death in a dream to Suhayl Akhu Hazm"! and informed him that he had come to the presence of God with many sins, but that God had forgiven him because of his confidence in God (I)usnu /zanni bi-lliihi).72 Sufyan al-Thaurl appeared in a dream to Abu Khalid al-Ahmar and informed him that he had found rest from the troubles of this world and came at the Mercy of God. According to another story Sufyan said that God had forgiven him his sins because of his talab al-hadithl» ~iilil,1 aI-Barrad saw in a dream Zurara b. Aura.74 Zurara told him that the best things by which to reach Paradise are trust in God and hope of Iittle duration.t> Another class of dreams contain predictions about the death of pious men and how they will enter Paradise. A pious woman in Mecca dreamt about maid-servants, dressed in yellow clothes and holding sweet basil in their hands, encircling the Ka'ba, She was shocked by what she saw and said to herself: "Such a thing around the Ka'ba?" She was told in her dream that 'Abd a1'Azlz b. Abl Rawwiid76 was getting married. That night, when she woke up, she was informed that he had died the same night. 77 A woman saw in her dream a beautiful garden in which there was placed a goiden throne. On this throne sat a man surrounded by servants with cups in their hands. She was told that the man was Marwiin al-Muhalliml, When 71 72 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 261, no. 449. 'Ibdra, fol. 13b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at rasd'il (Cairo, 1354/1935), p. 41, no. 7 (Kitab husni l-zanni bi-lIiihl). 73 'Ibdra, fol. 14a; Ibn AbI Hatim, op. cit., p. 121; comp. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 351: A man saw YazId b. Hartin after his death in a dream and asked him whether God forgave him his sins because he studied Qur'an, "No", said YazId, "because (my study of) hadith", And see al-Fasawl, Kit. al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh; Esad Ef. 2391, foJ. 190b inf.: 'Amr b. Murra hesitated whether to choose /:tadith or Qur'an, He saw in a dream a man granting gifts to the readers of Qur'an, not to the transmitters of hadith' and he decided to prefer Qur'an, See about talab al-hadith: Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 164 seq.; 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak told his friend in a dream that God forgave him his sins because of talab al/:tadith (Majmu'at rasii'if Ii 'uliim al-hadith, ed. Subhl al-Badrl al-Samarra'I, al-MaclIna alMunawwara 1389/1969, p. 47). 74 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al-quddt, ed. 'Abd al-'AzIz MU$tafa al-Maraghl (Cairo, 1366/1947), I, 292-297; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 150. 75 'Ibara, fol. l3a; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 298, cf. al-Tha'labl, Kitiib qatlii I· Qur'on, Ms. Leiden, Or. 9981 (majmu'a), fol. 9a-b. 76 See on him al-Sha'rant, al-Tabaqdt al-kubrii (Cairo, [n.d.]), p. 52; AbU Nu'aym, op, cit., VIII, 191. 77 'Ibdra, Col. lib; al-Yafi't, Mir'iit al-jindn (Hyderabad, 1338), I, 339 ult.-240 sup.; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 76. 83 she woke up in the morning, she was informed that the funeral of Marwan al-Muhalliml passed by her door at that time.78 Hafsa bint Rashid was moved by the death of her neighbour Marwan a1Muhallirnl. She then saw him in a dream and asked him what God's decision about him was. He told her that he had been introduced into Paradise, that he had then joined the "People of the Right" (a$l;iib ai-yamin) and been finally raised to "those near the Presence" (al-muqarrabin). When asked whom he had met in Paradise, he answered that he had seen there al-Hasan (al-Basrl), Maymiin b. Siyah,79 and Muhammad b. Sirin.80 The stories adduced above may give an idea about the dreams recorded by Ibn Qutayba concerning the pious in Paradise. Yet another group of dreams contain injunctions, warnings and forebodings. Isma'Il al-Hadrami became blind. In a dream he was taught a supplication and, having recited it, he regained his eyesight.s! Wahb b. Munabbih fell into destitution. One night he dreamt that a man brought him a thing resembling an almond or a pistachio nut. Having opened it, he found a piece of silk on which there was an inscription saying that it was not fitting for a man who knows the justice of God, or his affair by God's mercy, to consider the sustenance given by God as too slow. Later God gave him indeed plentiful sustenance.82 A pious man from Hamdan saw in a dream a piece of paper on which an injunction was written ordering him to practise submission and fear of God in order to reach the rank of the righteous.F' A secretary of al-Hasan b. Sahl84 resigned from his post and became a pious man. In his dream he saw a man who told him that his Lord called 78 "Ibiira, fo1. lOa-b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Maniim, p. 300, ll. 10-16; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 70; al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fo1. 62b. 79 See on him Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., III, 106; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 152. 80 'Ibara, fo1. lOa; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 300, ll. 7-10; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., pp. 69-70; al-KhargiishI, op. cit., fo1. 62b. 81 "Ibiira, fo1. IIa. Cf. Ibn l;IanbaI, Kit. al-'ilal, ed. T. Kacyigit and I. Cerrahoglu (Ankara, 1963), I, 68, no. 401: Simak became blind. He saw in his dream Abraham who stroked his eyes, ordered him to enter the Euphrates and to open his eyes in the river. He did it and regained his sight. 82 "Ibiira, fo1. 13a; al-Tantikhl, al-Faraj ba'da l-shidda (Cairo, 1357/1938), I, 168; comp, Ibn Nasir al-Dln al-Dimashql, Jiimi' al-iithiir fj maulidi l-mukhtiir, Ms. Cambridge Or. 913, fo1. 75a sup. (It was the Prophet who saw the inscription in his dream; the story is transmitted on the authority of Wahb. b. Munabbih). 83 "Ibdra, fo1. 12b. 84 See on him al-Jahshiyarl, al-Wuzarii' wa-l-kuttiib, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyart, ShalabI (Cairo, 1357/1938),pp. 230-231. 84 The interpretation of dreams him. He understood the hint, made the necessary preparations and set out for a pilgrimage to Mecca. He died in fact on his journey.V 'Umar saw in a dream a cock which pecked him once or twice. He interpreted it that an alien (a Persian) would kill him.86 'A'isha bint Talha (and another man) saw Talha in a dream. He complained of dampness discomforting him in his grave and asked to be removed into another place. When his grave was opened, the people found it exactly as described by Talha. His body was found unchanged except for some of the hair in his beard.s? A woman saw her deceased daughter in a dream. The daughter ordered her mother to divide walnuts amongst the poor. Ibn Slrin interpreted the dream as follows: the woman should take out her hidden treasure and divide it among the poor. The woman admitted that she had buried this treasure at the time of a plague.ss A woman told Ibn Sirln that she dreamt the moon was entering into the Pleiades; a herald from behind her ordered her to go to Ibn Slrln and to tell him the story. Ibn Sirin's interpretation was that he would die within seven days; he died in fact on the seventh day.89 A man saw in a dream a bird coming down from heaven, alighting on a shrub of jasmin and picking it, then flying back towards heaven. Ibn Slrln explained it as referring to the death of scholars. In fact a number of scholars died in that year, among them al-Hasan and Ibn Sirin.90 Layla bint Aufa al-Harashiyya, the wife of Furat al-Bakka'l, had a daughter who saw in her dream that she would break three banners. Her mother asked Ibn Slrln about it, and he interpreted the dream by saying that three of her husbands would be killed. In fact Yazid b. al-Muhallab, 'Amr b. Yazld a1Tayrni, and al- 'Abbas b. 'Abdallah b. al-Harith b. Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd 85 'Ibara, foJ. 14a. 86 'Ibdra, fol. 19a; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 335-336; al-Hakim, op. cit., Ill, 90; Ibn alJauzi, Ta'rikh 'Umar, ed. Hasan al-Hadl Husayn (Cairo, [n.d.]), p. 166; al-Muhibb al- Tabart, op. cit. (Cairo, 1372/1953), II, 99; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 201; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 231; Fahd, op. cit., 291; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 355; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml, op. cit., fols. 5b, 8a, lOb, 12b. 87 "Ibdra, fol. lib; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Ms. Murad Molla 604, fol. 60b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p, 332; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 11, 768-769; al-Muhibb al-TabarI, op. cit., II, 348 (quoted on the authority of Ibn Qutayba); Fahd, op. cit., p. 290; Cf. Ibn Abl Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl (Hyderabad, 1388/1968), III, 389. 88 "Ibiira, fol. 18b; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 274. 89 "Ibdra, fol. 18b; al-Safadt, al-Wafi bi-l-wafayiit, ed. Sven Dedering (Damascus, 1953), m, 146, no. 1095; al-Dhahabt, Ta'rikh al-isliim, IV, 196; Abu Nu'ayrn, op, cit., II, 277; al-Ibshlht, op. cit., II, 79; Ps, Ibn Sirin, op. cit., p, 221; Cf. Ibn Hanbal, 'Ilal, I, 6, no. 17: Sa'Id b. Jubayr was told in his dream that al-I:Iajjaj would kill him. 90 'Ibara, fol. 20b; Ibn Kathlr, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut-Riyad, 1966), IX, 275. 85 al-Muttalib were killed. Al-Hasan b. 'Uthman b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf succeeded to divorce her when he heard about the story of her dream and saved his Iife.91 'A:isha saw in a dream three moons falling in her bossom. Her father, Abu Bakr, interpreted it by saying that three men, the best people in the world, would be buried in her home.92 Of special interest are sections of the manuscript reporting about dreams in which verses unknown to the dreamer were recited. These verses, underlining the true Arabic-Islamic character of these sections, serve in some cases as predictions, in others for recording some gharib versions, or for purposes of admonition. It may be of some interest to gain more insight93 into the dreams of Ibn Qutayba himself, he being a man of outstanding knowledge in Arabic literature, language and religious lore. Ibn Qutayba reportss- that he saw in his youth a dream in which there were many books containing many gharib expressions. He remembered some of them, but Iater forgot them except the expression wa-balaghat ilayhi sallatu l-hawii'i. At that time he did not know the meaning of salla; afterwards he Iearnt that it meant dryness.Pf Ibn Qutayba describes another dream which he dreamt as "a marvel" (u'}ilba). A man asked him one day about the word junahiyy, which he did not know. In a dream a person explained to him the word as a synonym of khayzuriin (bamboo). After a while Ibn Qutayba heard a man reciting: fi kaffihi junahiyyun rihuhu 'abiqun min kaffi arwa'a fi 'irninihi shamamu idhii ra'athu qurayshun qiila qii'i!uhii ilii makiirimi hiidhii yantahi l-karamu96 Ibn Qutayba knew before that this verse in the version: Ii kaffihi khayzuriinun; when he heard it in the new version he understood that the explanation in the dream was right.?? 91 "Ibdra, fol, 21a; see Ibn Habfb, al-Mubabbar, .ed. lIse Lichtenstaedter (Hyderabad, 1361/1942),p. 443; Ps. Ibn SirIn, op. cit., p. 152; cr. al-Khargtishl, op. cit., fol. 142b, penult. 92 'Ibiira, fol, 29a; al-Raghib al-I$rahanI, op. cit., I, 150; al-Suyutt, Ta'rlkh al-khulafii'; p. 105; ai-HaythamI, op. cit., VII, 185; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 220; al-Ibshtbt, op. cit., II, 79; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XII, 176, no. 927; Al-Mandsik, ed.. Hamad al-Jasir (alRiyac;l,1389/1969),p. 374. 93 See Ibn Qutayba's dream in connection with a badtth, above, note 55. 94 'Ibiira, fol. 16b. 9S See VA, s.v, ~ II. 96 'Ibiira, fol, 16b; cr. Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-ZubayrI, op. cit., p. 164; Rijiil al-Kashshl, ed. Ahmad al-Husaynl (Karbala', [n.d.l), p. 119; Sadr al-Dln 'AU Khan al-Shirazi al-Madanl, al-Darajdt al-rafi'a (al-Najaf, 1382/1962), p. 549. 97 See VA, s.v.j n h. 86 The interpretation of dreams A man from Ghassan dreamt that he saw on the wall of Damascus a person who recited verses predicting the death of 'Amr b. Sa'Id who "considered the fortress as a place of rescue from death, sought refuge in the fortress, but the fate of death visited him in the fortress." The Ghassanl recounted the dream to 'Abd aI-Malik who asked him to keep the dream in secret. After some time the dream was fulfilled: 'Abd aI-Malik killed 'Amr b. Sa'id (al-Ashdaq) in the fortress of Damascus.sf At the time of 'Uthman a man saw in a dream a person reciting verses predicting the death of 'Uthman, A short time afterwards 'Uthrnan was killed.99 A man saw in a dream 'Ali b. Hisham. He played a Iute and sang: By my life, if Khurasan causes me to forfeit my head so I was indeed far from the gates of Khurasan, After some time al-Ma'mun sent aI-'Ujayf and ordered to kill 'Ali b. Hishiim.IOO Ascetic poetry is represented in verses recited by girls in Paradise (buris) whom a man saw in his dream: God of men, the Lord of Muhammad, created us for people standing on their feet sleepless (praying - K) Whispering to their God, the Lord of all Being the worries of this people, circulate during the night, while (other) men sleep.tv! Of the same character are the verses recited in a dream to Rabi'a al'Adawiyya, when she was ill: Your prayer, when people sleep, is Iight 98 'Ibdra, fol. 15b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Mandm, p. 347; Ibn Kathtr, al-Biddya, VIII, 311 (all the sources recording the verses: alii yii la-qaumi li-l-safdhatl wa-l-wahni wa-li-l- 'iijizi l-mauhiini wa-l-ra'yi dhi l-afni. wa-li-bni sa'Idin baynamd huwa qa'imun 'alii qadamayhi kharra Ii-l-wajhi wa-l-batni. ra' ii l-hisna manjdtan fa-ltajd ilayhi fa-ziirathu l-maniyyatu fi l-I;!i~ni.) and see the story of his killing al-Tabarl, Ta'rikh (Cairo, 1358/1939), IV, 598-600. See ibid., p. 598: 'Amr b. Sa'Id saw in a dream 'Uthman on the night before he was murdered; 'Uthman dressed him in his gown. 99 'Ibdra , fol. 15b; Ibn Abl l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 347: la-' amru abika fa-Iii ta'jalan laqad dhahaba l-khayru tua qalilii wa-qad safiha l-ndsu fi dinihim wa-khallii bnu 'affiina sharran tawtld. 100 'Ibara, fol. 20b; see the story of his execution al-Tabart, Ta'rikh, VII, 192-193. 101 'Ibdra, fol. 15b, inf. - 16a sup. 87 your sleep is diverse, opposed to prayer. Your life is a plunder and a respite it goes on and passes away steadily and ceases. 102 Different in content is a story about a couple who promised each othe r to refrain from marriage in case one of them should die. The husband was the first to die. The widow kept her promise, but was persuaded by some wo men to remarry. On the night of her second marriage she saw in a dream her first husband who said: "How quickly did you forget the obligation, 0 Rab fib!" He recited the following verses: I greeted the dwellers of this house, all of them except Rabab, for I am not greeting her. She became married, while my abode became a grave, indeed graves hide people who dwell in them. 103 Besides the prognostic interpretations of dreams, a great number of interpretations are concerned with unknown facts of the past or the present, mainly details of private Iife, which would never have come to the person's knowledge without the help of the oneirocritic. A man dreamt that he drank from a bottle with two heads, one sweet and one salty. Ibn Sirln said in his interpretation that he sought the favours of his wife's sister and bade him desist. The man admitted that the interpretation was a true one. 104 A man saw in a dream that he drank from a bottle with a narrow neck. Ibn Sirln interpreted it by saying that the man was enticing a girl. 105 A man dreamt a dream that he owned an ostrich that was grinding. Ibn Slrin said that it denoted that the man bought a slave-girl and hid her amongst the tribe of Banu l;Ianifa.106 A man dreamt a dream that his hand was cut off. Ibn Slrln interpreted it that he was a carpenter and changed his occupation.w? A man dreamt a dream that a pebble fell into his ear and he shook it off. Ibn Sirln interpreted it by saying that the man was associated to people of unorthodox innovations and heard vicious words, which his ear shook Off.l08 'Ibtira, fol. 16a; al-Sarraj, Masiiri' al- 'ushshiiq, Cairo, 1325/1907,pp. 146-147. 'Ibara, fol. 15a-b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 344; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Akhbar al-nisii', ed. Niziir Rida, Beirut 1964, pp. 127-128. 104 'Ibara, fol. 17a; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 276-277; al-Khargilshl, op. cit., fol. 125b. 105 'Ibara, fol. 17b. 106 'Ibiira, fol. 17b; and see the version of al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, IV, 368-369 (Parts of the Banu Hanifa were peasants [they supplied Mecca with their agricultural products]. See EJ2, s.v. Hanlfa b. Ludjaym. And see Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., XIII, 92, no. 7355; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 170). 107 'Ibara, fol. 18b; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., p. 115; al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. l06b. 108 'Ibiira, fol. 20a. 102 103 88 The interpretation of dreams A man saw in a dream Qatada swallowing small pearls and spitting them out Iarger than those which he swallowed. Qatada, according to Ibn Sirln's interpretation, transmitted more haditli than he heard,I09 A similar symbolism underlies Abu Bakr's interpretation of a dream, in which a man saw a big bull who came out from a small hole and could not enter it when he tried to return. Abu Bakr interpreted it as a grievous expression which cannot be taken back. I 10 A man heard in a dream a child shouting in his house. Ibn Sirln ordered him to stop playing on the guitar; it was in fact a singer. I II Drinking from a vessel symbolizes, as we have seen above, 112sexual intercourse. The same interpretation is applied by Ibn Sirln in the following dream: a man saw in a dream a woman from his family lifting to her mouth a vessel of milk, but, outspeeded by a pressure to urinate, she had to put down the vessel at every attempt to drink. The woman, according to Ibn Slrln, was a righteous woman who longed for a man. Ibn Sirln advised to find for her a husband.l13 A similar subject is dealt with in another story: Khalid b. Yazld (or Yazld) dreamt that he put three times a knife on the neck of a {i!awd-bird trying unsuccessfully to slaughter it; 114he managed to slaughter it only on the fourth time. An interpreter of dreams was summoned and explained that it refers to a virgin girl whom the dreamer failed to deflower three times, but succeeded on the fourth time. The interpreter added that the girl broke wind during the intercourse, which he deduced from the name of the bird "titawd", Khalid admitted the facts.115 Sagacity was shown by Ibn Slrln in the interpretation of the following dream: A man saw in a dream that Yazid b. al-Muhallab put up an arch between his house and that of the dreamer. Ibn Sirin asked the man: "Did your mother cohabit with Ibn al-Muhallab?" The man asked his mother and she admitted that she had been a slave-girl of Ibn al-Muhallab (scil. his concubine - K), later marrying the dreamer's father. I 16 109 'Ibdra, fol. 20b. Cf. al-Safadl, al- Wiifi bi-l-wafaydt, ed. S. Dedering (Damascus, 1953), p. 146. 110 'Ibiira, fol. 20a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 183; al-Kharglishl, op. cit., fol. 168a. 111 'Ibiira, fol. 20b; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 277; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 75. 112 See above notes 104, 105. 113 'Ibiira, fol. 21a; Ps. Ibn Sirln, op, cit., p. 105. 114 See slaughter as symbol of sexual intercourse in the story recorded by al-Ibshtht, op. cit., II, 79 (a man saw in a dream a woman, who was his neighbour, slaughtered ... ); and see 'Ibiira, fol. 54a, 1. 10: wa-man dhabaha zabyan iftadda jdriyatan ... ; and see ibid, fol. 57b,1. 9: ... wa-man dhabaha dajdjatan iftadda jdriyatan 'adhrd'a. 115 'Ibdra, fol. 21b; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 12;al-Damiri, op. cit., II, 102; Abdel Daim, op. cit., p. 85. 116 'Ibdra, fol. 21a; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., p. 253. 89 A significant dream of Abu 'Amr al-Nakha'I reflects the feeling of the victory of the Arabs over the Persians in the early period of Islam and their sense of self-identification with the past. Abu 'Amr saw al-Nu'rnan b. alMundhir, the king of al-Hlra, in a dream, wearing two earrings and bracelets. When he informed the Prophet about his dream, the Prophet said: "This indicates that the kingdom of the Arabs returned to its splendour and beauty." 117 The "Arab-character" of an object helps Sa'Id b. a1-Musayyab to give an interpretation of a dream. A man saw in a dream on the battlements of the mosque a beautiful white pigeon, which was snatched away by a falcon. Ibn al-Musayyab interpreted it by saying that al-Hajjaj married the daughter of 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, His explanation as to how he reached his conclusion is as follows: the pigeon denotes a woman, the whiteness denotes her pure pedigree; the falcon is an Arab bird, not an alien one (laysa min tayri l-a'iijim); among the Arabs he did not find anyone more closely resembling a falcon than aI-I;Iajjaj.118 The Islamic character of Ibn Qutayba's compilation is underlined by the frequent quotations from Qur'an and hadith, which serve as the basis for the interpretations. Abundance of mushrooms denote sustenance and wealth without fatigue, according to the utterance of the Prophet that mushrooms stem from 111anna.119 The mouse denotes a profligate woman, because the Prophet called the mouse "al-fuwaysiqa" (the small profligate).120 According to this utterance, Ibn Sirin interpreted a dream in which a man saw himself having sexual intercourse with a mouse which gave birth to a date. Ibn Sirln asked the man whether he had at home a profligate wife. "Yes", the man answered. Further he asked: "Is she pregnant?" "Yes", the man answered. Ibn Sirtn predicted that she would give birth to a righteous boy. He based his prognostic on the utterance of the Prophet about the mouse and his favourable saying about dates.U! 117 'Ibiira, fol. 45b; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, III, 8, no. 2789; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 194; Fahd, op. cit., p. 286, note I. 118 'Ibiira, fol. 57a; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, op. cit., I, 150; al-Damlrt, op. cit., II, 181; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 196; Fahd, op. cit., p. 311, no. 6. 119 'Ibara, fol. 39b; al-Damlrl, op. cit., II, 345-346; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad alma'iid (Beirut, [n.d.]), III, 181, 183; al-Hanaft, op. cit., II, 366; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihiiya, IV, 199; al-'Azizi, op. cit., III, 109; Ibn al-Athir, Jiimi' al-usid, VIII, 327, nos. 5636-5637. 120 'Ibara, fol. 5b ult.; al-Damlrl, op. cit., II, 201 inf.; Ps. Ibn SirIn, op. cit., p. 209; Ibn al-Athlr, Jdmi' al-usid, XII, 367, no. 9449; about black and white mice denoting days and nights see 'Ibara, fol. 8a; al-Darnlrl, op. cit., 11,202; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, p. 209. 121 'Ibara, fol. 19a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 209; cf. Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidiiya, IX, 275. 90 The interpretation of dreams The raven symbolizes, according to a hadith, a profligate man.l22 Bottles denote women, according to the utterance of the Prophet to Anjasha.123 A Iong right hand in a dream is to be interpreted as a generous helping person, as the Prophet said, addressing his wives: "The first of you who will join me (i.e. to die after me - K) will be the one with the Iongest hand." The first who died after the Prophet was Zaynab bint Jal)sh.124 A rib seen in a dream denotes a woman according to the recommendation of the Prophet to treat woman gently because woman was created from a crooked rib and cannot be set aright. 125 The Iiver denotes a treasure according to the saying of the Prophet about the troops of Mecca: hddhihi makkatu qad ramatkum bi-aflddhi akbiidihii.126 Watering a garden and seeds denotes sexual intercourse, according to the prohibition of the Prophet to water the seeds of another man (referring to sexual intercourse with pregnant women). 127 Many interpretations of dreams arc based on verses of the Qur'an, on expressions of the Qur'an or meanings attached to them. Eggs denote women according to Sura xxxvii 49, in which the women in Paradise are compared to hidden eggs. 128 Timber denotes hipocrisy according to Sura Ixiii 4: "... but when they speak thou listenest to their speech, and it is as if they were propped up timbers." 129 Stones in a dream symbolize hardness according to Sura ii 74.130 Water denotes sometimes trial and allurement (fitna) according to Sura Ixxii 16.131 A king entering a locality not suiting his rank and honour (because of its smallness) denotes that the locality will be afflicted by humiliation or calamity, op. cit., II, 180; al-Majlisl, LXI, 173. Hajar, al- "Isdba, I, 68, no. 259; al-Bukharl, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. Muhibb al-Dln al-Khatib (Cairo, 1379), p. 305, no. 883; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., I, 140; al-Jurjanl, al-Muntakhab min kindyiit al-udaba', ed. Muhammad Badr al-Dln al-Na'sanl (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 7; al-Tha'iilibi, al-Kindyiit, ed. al-Na'sant (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 4. 124 'Ibara, fol. 7a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., IV, 1850, no. 3355; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 108; al-Haytharnt, op. cit., IX, 248; al-Hanafl, op. cit., II, 250; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, p, 389; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usid, XII, 66, no. 8850; al-Suylitl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 462. 125 'Ibiira, fols. 6a, 31a inf.; al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba, Jerusalem 1954, p. 82, note 245; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 173. 126 'Ibiira, fol, 31a; al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, op. cit., p. 22, no. 1 (and see ib., p. 226, no. 231) 127 'Ibiira, fol, 37b. 128 'Ibiira, fol. 5a. 129 'Ibiira, fol. 5a; and see al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XVIII, 125; al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, op. cit., p. 293, no. 320. 130 'Ibiira, fol, 5a. 131 'Ibdra, fol, 5a. 123 'Ibiira, fol. 6a; Ibn 122 'Ibiira, fols. 5b, 24a; al-Damirl, 91 according to Sura xxvii 34: "Kings when they enter a city disorder it and make the mighty ones of its inhabitants abased."132 Dress denotes women according to Sura ii 187: "Permitted to you upon the night of the fast is to go to your wives; they are a vestment to you and you are a vestment for them." 133 A wood-carrier denotes a slanderer, according to Sura cxi 5: " ... and his wife, the carrier of the firewood" (i.e. the sianderous woman - K).134 The rope denotes a pact according to Sura iii 103, 113: "And hold you fast to God's bond together. .. "; "Abasement shall be pitched on them wherever they are come upon except they be in a bond of God and a bond of the people." 135 Scattered pearls denote servants according to Sura Iii 24: " ... and there go round them youths, their own, as if they were hidden pearls." 136 Fresh dates (rutab) denote good and pleasant sustenance, according to Sura xix 24: "Shake also to thee the palm-trunk, and there shall come tumbling upon thee dates fresh and ripe."137 Drunkenness in a dream, without drinking intoxicants, denotes fear, according to Sura xxii 2: " ... and thou shalt see mankind drunk, yet they are not drunk, but God's chastisement is terrible." 138 Washing with cold water symbolizes repentance, recovering from disease, being freed from prison, paying a debt, or being freed from fear, according to Sura xxxviii 42: "This is a laving-place, cool and a drink." 139 Rain in a restricted place (a house or Iocality) denotes pains and calamities, according to Sura xi 82: " ... and rained on it stones and baked clay." 140 The tongue symbolizes a (convincing) argument or fame, according to Sura xxvi 84: " ... and appoint me a tongue of truthfulness among the others."141 Praying with the back to the Ka'ba symbolizes renouncing Islam, according to Sura iii 187: " ... but they rejected it behind their backs." 142Praying above the Ka'ba also denotes renouncing IsIam, according to Sura ii, 144, 150: "From whatsoever place thou issuest, turn thy face towards the Holy Mosque ... "; the man praying above the Ka'ba has no qibla.w) Eating fruits in Paradise (or getting women there) predicts welfare in this world and improvement of belief, knowledge and piety, according to Sura xv 46: "Enter you there in peace and security." 144 132 134 136 138 140 142 143 144 fol. fol. fol. fol. fol. fol. 'Ibara, fol. 'Ibdra, fol. "Ibiira, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, 5b. 133 "Ibdra, fol. 5b. 135 'Ibiira, fol. 5b. 6b. 45b. 137 'Ibdra, fol. 40b. 38a. 139 'Ibdra, fol. 36b. 36a. 141 'Ibara, fol. 30a, 27a. 27a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 56, ll. 14-16. 26a. 92 The interpretation of dreams Manacles (aghliil) constitute a bad omen, according to Sura v 67: " ... their hands are fettered and they are accursed for saying so ... " and Sura xxxvi 8: "Surely We have put on their necks fetters." 145Another interpretation stresses the difference between manacles and shackles (qayd): manacles denote unbelief, but shackles denote firm belief. 146 'Umar withdrew the nomination of his governor to Syria when the latter told him his dream. He saw the sun and the moon fighting each other; some of the stars aided the sun, some of them the moon. "With which of them were you?" asked 'Umar. "With the moon", answered the man. 'Umar withdrew his appointment, basing his decision on Sura xvii 12: " ... then We have blotted out the sign of the night." 147 Two different interpretations of an identical dream, both based on the Qur'an, were issued by Ibn Sirin. Two different persons dreamt that they were calling to prayer as mu'adhdhins. Ibn Slrln predicted to the first one that he would perform the hajj; to the other he foretold that his hand would be cut off (as punishment for theft). When asked about this opposite interpretation of the same dream, he said: "In the first person I noticed marks of good countenance and based my interpretation on Sura xxii 27: "And proclaim unto mankind the pilgrimage." I was not pleased with the countenance of the other man and I interpreted according to Sura xii 70: " ... then a herald proclaimed: Ho, cameleers, you are robbers."148 A considerable number of verses enhance, the Arabic character of the compilation. It is indeed not surprising to find so many verses in a book by Ibn Qutayba, given his profound knowledge of Arabic poetry. In a Iengthy passage, in which he discusses the meanings of spirit (ruM and soul (nafs) and the differences between them, Ibn Qutayba quotes a verse of Dhu l-Rumma, who said at the point of his death: fol. 8b (but if a pious man sees manacles in a dream it is a good omen). fol. 47a, inf. - 47b sup.; see Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 152a inf.; alTibrlzi, op. cit., p. 394; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, III, 312. Of interest is the interpretation of the following dream: A man saw in a dream that his son tied him with a black rope and then started to slaughter him. Ibn Sirin interpreted the dream by saying that the son is pious in his attitude towards his father and that he would pay a debt owed by his father (,lbiira, fol. 31b inf.; and see a more detailed report of this story Ibn Abt l-Dunya, al-Ishriif fi mandzil al-ashriif, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 32a). 147 'Ibdra, fol. 17a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 285, no. 1353; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., I, 279, no. 378; aI-Ibshihi, op. cit., II, 79; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishriif, fol. 49a; Ps. Ibn Slrin, op. cit., p. 291; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XI, 340, no. 1341; Muhammad b. AI,unad alTamIml, op. cit., fol. 35a. 148 'Ibara, fol. 9a; Bland, op. cit., p. 133; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml, op. cit., fol. 22a; al-Khargushi, op. cit., fol. 36a. 145 'Ibiira, 146 'Ibiira, 93 0, He Who takes my spirit from my soul at the point of death and He Who forgives the sins, remove me from fire (of Hell). 149 and an anonymous verse: I remain the whole day maddened by love, and there meet at night in dream my spirit and her spirit. 150 The interpretation of the quince (safarjat) and the iris (susan) are derived from the components of these words (su-san = su' sana; safarjal = safar-jat) and illustrated by the following anonymous verses: She sent him as gift a quince and he drew a bad omen and remained the whole day contemplating. He was afraid of departure, as the first of it is journey (safar); right be was in that he drew a bad omen. and about the iris: You gave me an iris and you did not do well in (choosing your) gifts, The first of it is evil and its end, is evil of a (barren) year. 151 A surveyer (of Iand) is interpreted as a traveller; this is expounded by two anonymous verses: May God render the people of Barmak ugly, for I became associate in their journeys because of them. If Dhu l-Qarnayn did survey the Earth then I am indeed a keeper of the dust. 152 Two verses of Khidash b. Zuhayr are quoted attesting that the word dajjdla denotes a caravan; an anonymous verse conveys that the word denotes camels smeared with tar. 153 The verb ramo, to throw arrows, denoting also calumniation, siander (for 149 'Ibdra, fol. 3b, I. 1; Diwdn, ed. C. H. H. Macartney (Cambridge, 1919), p. 667 (no. 47); L'A, s.v. z b b; the variants pertinent to the discussed problem may be mentioned: yii qiibit!a I-rubi min nafst idhd bturfirat wa-ghiifira l-dhanbi zahzihn! min al-nari. Diwdn: yii mukhrija I-rubi min jismi idhii btarfarat wa-fdrija I-karbi ... L'A: yii qiibirfa I-rubi 'an jismin 'a~ii zamanan wa-ghdfira l-dhanbi ... 150 'Ibara, fol. 3b, I. 10. See this verse in the Diwdn of Jamil Buthayna, ed, Bashir Yamiit 'Ibdra: (Beirut, 1352/1934),p. 18. 151 "Ibdra, fol. 5a; Ps. Ibn Sirln, op. cit., p. 311, 9; Bland, op. cit., p, 135; al-Khargilshl, op. cit., fol. 217b. 152 "Ibiira, fol. 6b; Ibn al-Faqlh, al-Buldiin, ed. de Goeje (Leiden, 1885), p. 52 ("muwak· kalun bi-I· 'iyiiri", not "bi-l-ghubdri"}, 153 "Ibdra, fols. 6b-7a. 94 The interpretation of dreams its interpretation of dreams in the Iatter connotation) is attested by Sura xxiv 4, 6, and two verses of Labid.154 The symbol of a falcon ($aqr) as a courageous man is attested by a verse of Abu Ta1ib: The courageous men (falcons) came one after the other, as if everyone of them clad in over-long mail (were a warrior) walking heavily.!S5 Honour is symbolized in dreams by the sky. This is attested by a verse of al-Nabigha al-Ja'di, recited during his meeting with the Prophet: Our glory and our greatness reached the sky and we hope to gain an elevated place above that.! S6 The sun symbolizes in dreams the power of the king. A verse of al-Nabigha al-Dhubyani is quoted: So you are the sun and the kings are the stars when it appears, no star from among the stars appears.t>? Stars denote the noblemen from among the people. An anonymous verse testifies it: Whomever you will meet from amongst them you will say: "I me-t their chief" they are like the stars by which the travellers travel.!58 A rib symbolizes, as already mentioned, a woman. A verse of an anonymous poet attests it: She is a hooked rib, you will not set her aright Io, setting aright the ribs means breaking them.!59 Lice in dreams symbolize the welfare of the family. A verse about it is quoted: Up to the time when your clans grew full of Iice (i.e. grew large - K) and you saw that your sons grew up ... !60 154 "Ibdra, fol. 7a; see the verses Diwdn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas (al-Kuwayt, 1962), pp. 194195 (nos. 72, 74); and see these verses analysed by Ibn Qutayba in his Kit. al-ma'iini l-kabir (Hyderabad, 1368/1949), pp. 818, 1046-1047. 155 'Ibara, fol. 7b, I. 8; Ibn Hisharn, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi (Cairo, 1355/1936), II, 18, 1. 8 ('Ibiira: tatiiba'a JiM; Sira: a'tina 'alayhdy; cf. Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayrl, op. cit., p. 431. 156 'Ibiira, fol. 26a; Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Nabiga al-Ga'di (Roma, 1953), pp. 60 (v. 66, and see the references of the editor), 70 (v. 22); Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Tabiitaba al-IAlawi, 'Iydr al-shi'r, ed. Tahiial-l;IajirlandMubamrnadZaghIUlSalfun(Cairo, 1956),p. 45. 157 'Ibiira, fo1. 28b, 1. 10; al-'Askart, Dtwdn al-ma'iini (Cairo, 1352), I, 16; Dtwdn alNiibigha, p. 17, I. 4. 158 "Ibiira, fo1. 28b, 1. 13; al-'Askart, op. cit., I, 23 ult., 41; al-Jurjani, op. cit., p. 99 ult. 159 'Ibiira, fol. 31a ult., al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya, al-Jalis al-$alib al-kiift, Ms. Topkapi Saray. Ahmet III, no. 2321, fol. 103a; Ibn Abl l-Hadld, Sharh nahj al-baldgha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-FaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1964), XVIII, 199. 160 "Ibdra, fol. 32a (in text: qabilat; correct reading: qamilat); L'A, s.v. q m I. 95 A hand-mill in a dream symbolizes war. An anonymous verse and a verse of Zuhayr b. abl Su1ma161 are quoted. 162 A cloth-tent in a dream symbolizes royal power. This is based on the verse of al-A'sha (about the killing of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundhir): He introduced al-Nu'rnan into a house the roof of which were the chests of the elephants after (he dwelt in) the cloth tent. 163 and on an anonymous verse: o Hakam b. al-Mundhir b. Jarud the cloth-tent of glory is pitched upon you.164 There is an oneirocritical utterance which says: "He whose affairs have been accomplished in a dream and who, in a dream, has got hold of this world, has to expect decline and change of state, because everything accomplished is about to decay. This is supported by the following verse: If a thing is accomplished, its decrease is near expect decline if people say: "it is accomplished". 165 A tent denotes sometimes a woman. The explanation for this interpretation is based on an expression in Arabic: "he pitched a tent upon his wife." The origin of this expression, records Ibn Qutayba, is a custom according to which people used to pitch a tent upon the man who married and slept with his wife; consequently a man sleeping with his wife on the night of his marriage was called "the pitcher of the tent". This is illustrated by a verse of 'Amr b. Ma'dtkarib: Have'nt you remained sleepless watching this yemeni lightening it looks as if it were a candle of a pitcher of a tent. 166 Wearing silk brocade not in the usual way forebodes that the dreamer will be whipped or afflicted by small-pox. Two verses of a man afflicted by smallpox expound this meaning: Hasn't she got the tidings that I clothed myself after her (i.e. after my departure from her) with a white stripped cloth, the dyer of which is not foolish. I was bare of it before I wore it and my wearing it was for me bitter and hard. 167 161 162 163 164 Diwdn, 'Ibdra, '[bora, 'Ibara, ed. fo1. fo1. fo1. 'Urnar al-Suwaydi (Leiden, 1306/1889), p, 85. 37b. 40b, I. 6; Diwiin, ed. R. Geyer (London, 1928), p. 251 (no. 169). 40b, 1. 8. 165 "Ibiira, fol. 62a inf. 62b sup.; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. dhamm l-dunyii, Ms. Zahiriyya, Damascus, fo1. 22a, no. 187 (The edition of the manuscript is being prepared by Mrs. E. Almagor); Al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuMc/arat al-udaba', IV, 388. 166 'Ibdra, fo1. 40b ult.; L'A, S.v. b n y (the second hemistich); al-Jurjani, op. cit., p. 16. 167 "Ibara, fol, 41b, penult.; the first verse is recorded in the Diwdn of Dhu l-Rurnma, p, 670, I. 4 (quoted from Aghtini, XVI, 122); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iini l-kabir, I, 486 (only 96 The interpretation of dreams According to the hadith: "the man fearing God is bridled", it seems to be a good omen to see oneself bridled in a dream. A verse is quoted in connection with this interpretation: Free from vices is only he who controlled his mouth with a bridle.168 The milk of hare denotes paucity, subsequently it symbolizes paucity of means of sustenance. This is attested by an anonymous verse: Your evil is present and your welfare is (small like) the milk of a hare after her first parturition.tv? Girding a sword in a dream denotes being appointed as governor; what happens in a dream to the sword or to the sword-belt (I:zama'i!) will happen to the man in his post as governor. The sword-belt takes the position of a cloak; the Arabs called it therefore "the cloak". A verse attesting this is quoted: And in many a calamity brought about by a culprit you turned your cloak into a muffler. Ibn Qutayba adds: you turned your sword in it into a muffler, i.e. you beat with it (i.e. with your sword) their heads.t"? The mare symbolizes a noble woman. This is illustrated by a verse of the wife of Raul). b. Zinba", in which she scoffs at her husband: Am I not merely an Arab filly born from (noble) horses, mounted by a mule.!"! A horse with a blazon on his forehead, or white in the lower parts of his legs (mul:zajjal) denotes in a dream a noble man; a verse of al-Nabigha aIJa'di attests it: Greet you both Layla and say to her: "be calm" as she set out for fame and an eminent deed. 172 These verses current in the circles of philologists and lexicographers, some of them recorded by the udabd' and transmitters of akhbiir, became thus a means of interpreting dreams. the first verse; anonymous); for the expression amarru wa-a'Iaqu see al-A'sha, Diwiin, p. 148, I. 1 (XXXIII, 31). 168 "Ibiira, fol. 62b, penult.; see Abii Nuwas, Diwdn, ed. Mahmud Kamil (Cairo, 1933), p. 287, I. 2; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbiir, Cairo 1924, II, 177. 169 'Ibara, fol. 38a, ult.; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iinll-kabir, I, 710 (with a commentary on the verse); VA, s.v. kh r s; al-Jahiz, Rasii'il, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin (Cairo, 1385/1965), II, 358 (attributed to 'Amr b. Qaml'a); al-Jurjanl, op. cit., p. 129. 170 "Ibdra, fol. 44b, 1. 5; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iint l-kabir, I, 480 (with a commentary); VA, s.v. r d y; cf. al-A'sha, Diwdn, p. 39 (Y, 47); al-Khansa', Diwdn (Beirut, 1888), p. 31. 171 "Ibiira, fol. 50a, 1. 3 from bottom; al-Jahiz, Rasa'i/ (Kitiib af-bighaf), II, 358; Ahmad b. Abl Tahir, Balagllat al-nisa', al-Najaf 1361, p. 97, I. 1; al-Bakrl, Simt al-la'ali, ed, 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Maymanl (Cairo, 1354/1936), p. 179 (see the references of the editor ibid.). 172 'Ibdra, fol. SOa; M. Nallino, op. cit., p. 94; Ahmad b. Abl Tahir, op. cit., p. 185. 97 The examples of verses of poetry, hadiths, Qur'an-verses and pious stories adduced above, may convey some idea about the richness of the material provided by Ibn Qutayba in this compilation. Many of the stories are recorded with isndds in which the names of the scholars from whom Ibn Qutayba directly transmitted, are mentioned: Ishaq b. Rahawayh.Ut Ahmad b. Khalll.I?" Abu J:fatim,175who transmitted a great number of stories from al-A~ma'i,176 al-Husayn b. al-Hasan al-Marwazi,l77 Abu I-KhaHab178 and others. Ibn Qutayba's l"? detailed and elaborate compilation gives information about the different methods of interpretation: the symbolical, the reciprocal and antithetical, the etymological, the interpretation by addition and subtraction and the interpretation based on Qur'an and /:zadith.180 The c1assiffication of dreams according to jins, sinf, tab' is recorded as well. 181 Instruction and advice are given to the oneirocritics about their duties, methods and practices.182 Ibn Qutayba's compilation is, in fact, the continuation of an earlier tradition of oneiromancy already approved of by orthodox circles and drawing on a rich treasury of historical anectodes, adab stories, zuhd traditions, poetry, haditb and Qur'an, The numerous stories about dreams in Ibn Ishaq's Sira, the chapter about interpretation of dreams in Ma'rnar b. Rashid's Jiimi', the hadiths about dreams in Ahmad b. Hanbal's Musnad, the compilation of Ibn Abl l-Dunya about the dreams of the righteous and pious, Kitdb al-mandm, (with a special chapter about verses recited in dreams) bear evidence to the wide currency of this material among the orthodox and pious. It is obvious that there existed another kind of oneiromancy based on nonIsiamic and non-Arabic sources. This is indicated by a remark of al-Shafi'I (d. 204): "I left in a1-'Iraq a thing which was invented by the zanddiqa; they call it "ta'bir" and they occupy themselves with it, being distracted by it from the study of Qur'an."183 One may suppose that al-Shafi'I referred to some Lecomte, op. cit., pp. 52-53, no. 3. Lecomte, op. cit., p. 57, no. 9; Ibn Abl Hatim, al-Jarh wa-l-ta'dil (Hyderabad, 1271/1952), h. 50, no. 49. 175 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 50, no. 1; al-Marzubanl, Nur al-qabas, ed. R. Sellheim (Beirut, 1964), I, 225-228. 176 See e.g. 'Ibara, fols. 3b, 4b, 9b, 17b, 20a, 21b, 14b, 38a, 27a, 40a, 23a, 54b, 55a.' 177 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 64, no. 21; Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh, In, 49, no. 219. 178 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 56, no. 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh, In, 549, no. 2479. 179 See Fahd, op. cit., p. 317. 180 'Ibiira, fols. 4a-8b; see Fahd, op. cit., pp. 317-328; .Joseph de Somogyi, "The Interpretation of Dreams in ad-Darntrt's Hayat al-Hayawan", JRAS, 1940, 1-20. 181 "Ibdra, fol. 23b; see Bland, op. cit., p. 136. 182 See e.g. "Ibiira, fol. 23a. 183 Abu Nu'aym, op, cit., IX, 146. 173 174 98 The interpretation of dreams compilations or traditions of Greek oneiromancy. In fact the translation of Artemidoros' The Interpretation of Dreams was done by Hunayn b. Ishaq (d. 260).184 Ibn Qutayba's compilation seems to have been intended as a response to the unorthodox trend of oneiromancy. It was addressed to the orthodox scholar of hadith, to the kdtib, to the adib, to the pious believer. It differs from the work of Artemidoros in that it has at its core the notion that the interpretation of dreams should be subjected to the Arabo-Islamic tradition. The duty of the oneirocritic is to explain the symbols according to these principles, to admonish and to guide. Nowhere in the compilation of Ibn Qutayba is Artemidoros mentioned, although Ibn Qutayba who died in 270, ten years after the death of Hunayn, might have seen Hunayn's translation, or at Ieast have been acquainted with its contents; no hint is given in the compilation of the opinions of philosophers. Some of the quotations from Artemidoros recorded by Abdel Daim (compared with the text of Ps. Ibn SIrln)185 can in fact be found in the compilation of Ibn Qutayba. But these interpretations of dreams might have been already current in 'Iraq in the first centuries of Isiam and might have lost their foreign character; they were probably absorbed at a very early period into the Iore of Muslim oneiromancy. In fact Muslim oneiromancy seems to have absorbed some elements of the oneiromancy of the Ancient Near East. A vestige of this kind seems to be the story of the dream of "Abd a1-Malik.186 The interpretation of this dream tallies with one used for an identical case in an Assyrian tablet.I''? The idea of classifying dreams by the time of night or day188 is echoed in Muslim oneiromancy.189 Traces of Jewish lore are conspicous. The idea of interpretation based on the Qur'an, followed by Ibn Qutayba, is reminiscent of Talmudic interpretation which is based on the Torah. Edited by Toufic Fahd (Damascus, 1964). Arabe d'apres Ibn Sirin, pp. 151-165. 186 'Abd al-Malik saw himself in a dream urinating four times in the mihriib. Ibn alMusayyab interpreted it, saying that four of his sons will rule as Caliphs. The dream was in fact fulfilled, and four of his sons were Caliphs (al-Quda'I, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodleiana, Pococke 270, fol. 70a; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, op. cit., I, 151; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Mandqil al-durar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 88a; al-Qalqashandl, Ma'athir al-indfa, cd. 'Abd al-Sattar Farraj (al-Kuwayt, 1964), 1,128; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 123; al-Ibshtht, op. cit., II, 80; Fahd, op. cit., p, 310, note 2). 187 See A. L. Oppenheim, "The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East", Transactions 0/ the American Philosophical Society, vol. 46, part 3, p. 265. 188 See Oppenheim, op. cit., pp. 240 inf, - 241. 189 "Ibiira, fol. 8b: ... wa-asdaqu auqiiti l-ru'yd bi-l-Iayli l-ashdru wa-bi-l-nahiiri l-qii'ikuu ... This is recorded as an utterance of the Prophet by al-Hakim (al-Mustadrak IV, 392: asdaqu 1-I"II'ya bi-l-ashiirit and al-Zurqanl (Shar/:l al-mawdhib VII, 166 1. I); see Oppenheim, op. cit., p, 241 (quoting Bland, op. cit., p. 129). 184 185 L'Oniromancie 99 Furthermore, some passages from the Talmud are almost verbally quoted in the Muslim compilations. A man came to Ibn Slrin, according to a story and told him the dream of one of his acquaintances: the man had dreamt that he split the heads of eggs, Ieft the yolk and took the outer parts of the eggs. Ibn Sirln refused to interpret the dream and insisted that the dreamer come to him personally. The man admitted that it was he who had had the dream. Ibn Sirin stated that the dream indicated that he was a grave-digger, plundering the graves, ransacking the shrouds of the dead and Ieaving their bodies. The man admitted and promised to refrain from doing it again.190 This very dream, with an identical interpretation, is recorded in the story of Rabbi Yishma'el talking with the heretic.191 The passage in Berakhot contains also the story of another dream: the man saw himself pouring oil into an olive tree. Rabbi Yishma'el stated that the man had had sexual intercourse with his mother. The same story is recorded in the Muslim sources with an identical interpretation attributed to Ibn Sirin.l92 The principle, related in the Talmud,193 whereby the dream is fulfilled according to its interpretation is recorded as an utterance of the Prophet.tvThis principle is illustrated in the Talmud by a story of a woman, who saw twice in her dream that a beam broke down from her roof. She came twice to Rabbi El'azar and he interpreted it saying that she would give birth to a male child; so it happened in fact in both cases. Then she dreamt again that the beam of her roof broke down; she came to RabbI El'azar but did not meet him. His students interpreted the dream by saying that her husband would die. When Rabbi El'azar heard about it, he accused his students of having caused the death of the man by their interpretation, because dreams are fulfilled according to their interpretation.195 Closely reminiscent is the story recorded in Muslim sources about a woman who came to the Prophet and told him that she saw in a dream a beam of the roof of her house breaking down; he interpreted it by saying that her husband would return; so it happened. After some time she saw in her sleep the same dream; she came "Ibiira, fols. 22b, 23b, 11.5-8; al-Ibshlhf, op. cit., II, 79. 56b. 192 Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 305; al-Ibshlhl, op. cit., II, 79; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 206. 193 Berakhot, 55b; see Lowinger, op. cit., p. 25, note 9; Kristianpoler, op. cit., p, XII, and p. 37, no. 107, note I. 194 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 152b sup.; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 391; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 173, 175 (al-ru'ya 'ala mii tu'abbanq. 195 Kristianpoler, op. cit., pp. 51-52, nos. 164-165; Lowinger, op. cit., pp. 25 inf. - 26 sup. 196 According to another version she told her dream to 'A'isha. See al-Zurqanl, op. cit. VII, 171. 190 191 Bab. Berakhot, 100 The interpretation of dreams to the Prophet but did not meet him, and related the story of her dream to Abu Bakr.196 He interpreted it by saying that her husband would die.197 The stories, recorded in Jewish sources, about the pious in Paradisel98 and about gaining knowledge of religious precepts and guidance in dreams,199 are closely reminiscent of similar passages in Muslim oneiromancy. The continuity of the Hebrew oneiromancy2oo can be gauged from the story of a man who found a book on oneiromancy written in Hebrew in the ruins of a house in al-Basra.P! The various elements of oneiromancy were successfully absorbed and combined in the Muslim Iiterature on dreams. Enriched by genuine Arabic and Isiamic materiaI, thoughtfully developed by Muslim scholars, it reflects the various ideas and trends in Muslim society and became a popular topic of Arabic Iiterature. Ibn Qutayba's compilation is the earliest extant composition in the field of Muslim oneiromancy, a fine and rich specimen of this genre of Iiterature. 197 'Ibiira, fol. 9a inf. - 9b sup. (Ibn Qutayba attempts to justify the two different interpretations by the fact that either the countenance of the woman changed or the times of the two dreams were different); the version recorded by al-Zurqanl (see above note 196) ends with the Prophet's admonition to 'A'isha to give good interpretations to the dreams of the Muslims, because dreams are fulfilled according to their interpretations. This reminds closely the account of the story in Jewish sources. And see al-Zamakhshari, op. cit., I, 243244; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 164-165 (quoted from al-Kiift. The woman came twice to the Prophet; in both cases he interpreted the dream by saying that her husband would return safely. At the third time she met an unlucky man [A'sar] who predicted that her husband would die. AI-Majlisi eagerly gives the Sunnl version identifying the "unlucky man" as Abu Bakr). 198 Kristianpoler, op. cit., p. 31, no. 93 and p. 32, no. 96. 199 Cf. Kristianpoler, op. cit., pp. 29-30, nos. 88-91. 200 About the dependence of the Talmudic material on Greek sources see S. Liebermann, Greek and Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (Jerusalem, 1962), pp. 202 seq. [Hebrew]. 201 Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 274. 101 APPENDIX A. List of chapters of the Jerusalem Ms.: 1. ta'wil ru'yati lliihi ta'iilii 2. ta'wilu l-qiyiimati wa-l-jannati wa-l-ndri 3. ru'yatu l-malii'ikati 4. ru'yatu l-samii'i 5. ru'yatu l-anbiyd'i 6. ru'yatu l-ka'bati wa-l-qiblati 7. man tahawwala kdfiran 8. man tahawwala smuhu 9. man qara'a l-qur'iina au adhdhana au band masjidan 10. al-qiidt 11. mathalu l-qii¢i fi l-maniimi 12. al-imiimu 13. al-shamsu wa-l-qamaru wa-l-nujiimu 14. ru'yatu l-insiini wa-a' ¢ii'ihi 15. al-tazwiju wa-l-nikdhu wa-l-taldqu wa-l-waladu 16. ru'yatu l-amwiiti 17. al-araduna wa-l-abniyatu 18. ta'wilu l-tildli wa-l-jibdli 19. ta'wilu ru'yati l-amtdri wa-l-andii'i wa-mii ttasala bi-dhiilika 20. al-ashribatu 21. ta'wilu l-ashjdri wa-l-thimiiri wa-l-nabiiti 22. ta'wilu 1-l;zubUbi 23. al-surddiqdtu wa-l-fasdtitu wa-mii ashbahahii 24. al-thiyiibu wa-l-libiisu 25. al-farshu 26. al-sildhu 27. al-huliyyu 28. ta'wilu I-niiri wa-mii yunsabu ilayhd 29. al-sahdbu wa-l-mataru wa-md yakimu bihimii 30, al-tayardnu wa-I-wathbu 31. ta'wilu l-khayli wa-I-bariidhini wa-ashbiihihii 32. ta'wilu l-bighdli wa-l-hamiri 33. ru'yatu l-himdri 34. al-ibilu 35. al-thirdnu wa-I-baqaru 36. ta'wilu l-da'ni wa-l-kibiishi 37. al-ma'izu 38. ta'wilu l-wahshi 102 fol. 25a fol. 25b foJ. 26a foJ. 26a foJ. 26a foJ. 26b fol. 27a fol. 27a fol. 27b fol. 27b fol. 28a fol. 28a fol. 28b fol. 29a fol. 32b fol. 33b fol. 34b foJ. 35b fol. 36a fol. 38a fol. 38b fol. 39b fo1. 40b fo1. 41a fol. 42b fo1. 43b fo1. 45a fo1. 47b fo1. 49a fol. 49a fo1. 49b fol. 50b fo1. 51a fol. 51b fol. 52a fol. 52b fol. 53b fol. 53b The interpretation of dreams fo1. fo1. fo1. fol. fo1. fol. fo1. 54b 55a 55a 56b 58b 59a 59b 39. al-filu wa-l-jdmiisu wa-l-khinziru 40. 42. al-hashardtu 41. al-sibii'u It ta'wili l-tayri 43. baniitu I-mii'i min al-samaki wa-ghayrihi 44. al- 'aqdribu wa-l-hayyiitu wa-I-hawiimmu 45. ta'wilu l-sunnii'i 46. ta'wilu l-nawiidiri B. List of chapters of the Ankara 1. Dhikru I-nafsi wa-l-riii: 2. Al-ta'wil bi-I-asmii' 3. Al-ta'wil bi-l-ma'nd Ms.: fol, 62a 4. 5. 6. 7. Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil bi-l-Qur'iin bi-l-ahiidith bi-I-mathal al-sd'ir bi-l-didd wa-l-maqliib 8. Ta'biru l-ru'yii bi-l-ziydda wa-l-nuqsdn 9. Ta'biru l-ru'yii bi-l-auqdt 10. Ta'biru I-ru'yii bi-khtildfi I-hay'iit 11. 'Ajii'ib al-ru'yii 12. Wa-min "ajibi l-ru'yii 13. Intihii'u I-ru'yii 14. Wa-min nawddirihi md rawii Jiibiru bnu Damra 15. Wa-min nawddirihi md rawii Marwdnu bnu Mu'iiwiyata 16. Wa-nawiidir a$Qiibihi 'alayhi l-saldm 17. Nddira fi l-ru'yd 18. Wa-min nawiidir al-ru'yd 19. Wa-min nawiidirihi 'alii ghayri aslin 20. Wa-min nawddirihi wa- 'ajii'ibihi 21. Wa-min nawddirihi fi I-ru'yii 22. Amthilat al-ru'yii 23. Wa-min 'ajii'ibi bni Sirin 24. Adab al-ta'wil 103

Land Property and Jihād: A Discussion of Some Early Traditions

Land_Property.pdf Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. XXXIV LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD A discussion of some early traditions BY M.J. KISTER In memory of Prof. M. M. Plessner Traditions which deal with agriculture and the possession oflanded property, or with the question whether the acquisition of farms and estates in the territiories conquered by the Muslim forces in the early period is permitted or not, are often divergent and even contradictory. The diverse utterances seem to reflect ideological differences in the attitudes of Muslim scholars as to whether the Holy War, the conquests and the expansion of Islam go on, or whether there is to be a shift towards sedentarization, the cultivation of land and the setting up of a new class structure within the Muslim community. A study of some of these traditions may give us a clue for a better understanding of certain aspects of these problems and may help us in gaining some insight into the perceptions and views of the conflicting groups of hadith scholars, jurists and pious ascetics. I At a very early period reports attribute to the Prophet an instruction to the effect that farms or estates are not to be acquired in order to avoid wordly inclinations towards goods. This utterance: La tattakhidhu L-day'ata fa-targhabu fi L-dunya1) is fol~ 1) Abmad b. l;Ianbal, Musnad, ed. Abmad Mubammad Shakir, Cairo 1370/1950, V, 201, no. 3579 (and see the references of the editor and his comments); al-Bukhari, al-Ta)rfkh al-kabfr, Hyderabad 1377/1958, IV, 54, no. 1935; all;Iakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 3221; al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 185b; al-Tibrizi, Mishkiit al-mafiibf!t, Karachi 1967, LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD 271 lowed in certain sources by an enigmatic note of the transmitter, the Companion of the Prophet, (Abdallah b. Mas'fid 2): uia-bi-rddhdna mii bi-riidhiina wa-bi-l-madinati mii bi-l-madinati=[. The meaning of the utterance is clarified in another tradition transmitted by the selfsame (Abdallah b. Mas'fid: fa-kayfa bi-miilin bi-riidhiina wa-bi-kadhii wa-bikadhii4), "so what about the property at Radhan and such and such (a location)"? (Abdallah b. Mas'fids rebuke is actually addressed at himself, because he acted contrary to the word of the Prophet and acquired for himself abundance of family and wealth"). al-Zuhd, Beirut 1398/1978, p. 29; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-Bijawi, Cairo 1382/1963, II, 119, no. 3103; Ibn Abi cA~im. Kitiib al-zuhd, ed. cAbd al-CAliyy cAbd al-Harnid Hamid, Bombay, 1408/1987, pp. 101-102, no. 202 (and see the references of the editor). 2) See on him the detailed entry in EI2, s.v. Ibn Mas'fid a.-C. Vadet). 3) Al-Humaydi, al-Musnad, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-Aizami, Beirut-Riyad, 1382, I, 67, no. 122; al-Tayalisi, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, p. 50, no. 379; Yahya b. Adam, al-Khariij, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1347, p. 80, no. 354. 4) Abu CUbayd, al-Amwiil, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, p. 84, no. 221 inalui rasiilu lliihi bJ 'oni l-tabaqqurifi l-ahli wa-l-miilz); al- Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, ed. Hamdi cAbd al-Majid al-Silafi, n.p. 1400/1980, X, 259, no. 10493 (on the authority of cAbdaliah b. Mas'iud); and see the explanation of tabaqqur in Ibn al-Athir's al-Nihiiyafi gharibi l-hadith, ed. al-Zawi and al-Tanahi, Cairo 1383/1963, I, 44; and see al-Tayalisi, al-Musnad, p. 50, no. 380 (with the comment of the author: yaCnz al-kathrata fi l-mdli wa-l-wuldz); al-Munawi, Fayrj al-qadir, sharli al-jiimi': ai-saghir, Beirut 1391/1972, VI, 303, no. 9336 (and see the comments of al-Munawi on the tradition). 5) It is worthwile noting that there was a tendency to limit the number of children in the family in the period of early Islam. cAli is alleged to have said: "Anxiety is half way to decrepitude, and having a small family is one of the two manners of ease in life" (al-hammu nisfu l-harami wa-qillatu l_ciyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni), and comp. Ibn Said, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, Beirut 1377/1957, V, 136 (qillatu l_ciyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni attributed to Sa'fd b. al-Mussayyab; and see al-Suyuti, Jamcu 1jaiodmi", Cairo 1978, I, 608); al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, II, 481. The following utterance is attributed to the Prophet: "An extensive family and paucity of means are an affliction coupled with exertion" (jahdu l-baldri kathratu l_ciyiili maca qillati 1shay'z): al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fo!' 70b; Ibn Hamza alHusayni al-Hanafl al-Dimashqi, al-Bayiin ioa-l-ta'rif fi asbiibi wuriidi l-hadithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1920, II, 264, no. 935; and see al-jarrahi, Kashfu l-khafii'i uia-muzilu l-ilbiis 'ommd shtahara mina l-aluidithi 'alii alsinati l-nds, Beirut 1301 (repr.) 1,335, no. 1080; and see ib. another version: kathratu l_ciyiili ahadu l-faqrayni, wa-qillatu l-'iyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni. A Sufi opinion about the problem is given in the utterance of Abu Sulayrnan al-Darani; according to him he who wants children is a fool: children no. 441; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-i'tidal, ed. cAli Muhammad 272 M. J. KISTER The same tradition is recorded in Abu (Ubayd's Amwiil, in the chapter with the question of whether the acquisition of (or lending of) land in territories conquered by force is legal or not. Radhan was a place in the Sawad of (Iraq conquered by force ((anwatan, without a pact concluded with the conquered people-k); an estate at Radhan was acquired by (Abdallah b. Mas'fid and his name is in fact included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet, who acquired estates in the territories of kharii:J·6). will be helpful to him neither in this, nor in the next world. When one wants to eat, drink, or copulate they interrupt him and when one wants to worship God they distract him. (Abu Nuiaym, Hilyat al-auliyii", Beirut 1387/1967, IX, 264). A peculiar invocation of the believers on behalf of Christians and Jews contained a supplication for an abundance of children and wealth. (See e.g. Ibn cAsakir, Tatrikh. [tahdhib], ed. cAbd al-Qadir Badran, Damascus 1399/1979, IV, 250: Jii)a rajulun yahiidiyyun ild rasiili lldhi fa-qdla: dCu lliiha If, fa-qdla; asahha lliihu Jismaka waaidba harthaka wa-akthara mdlaka. And see: al-Bayhaqi, Shurab al-imiin, MS.Reisiilkiittap Mustafa Efendi [Sulaymaniyya], no. 219, fo1. 147a: can abdi lldhi bni cumara annahu marra bi-rajulin fa-sallama calayhi, fa-qila: innahu nasrdniyyun .. .fa-qala bnu cumara: akthara lliihu mdlaka wa-wuldaka. And see ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al'iimmal, Hyderabad 1370/1951, III, 133, no. 1178 [quoted from Ibn 'Asakir]: and see Muhammad b. Hibban al-Busti, Kitiib al-majriihin, ed. Mahmiid Ibrahim Zayid , Beirut 1396, II, 15 ult.-16, 1. 1: qiila rasiilu lldhi [!j idhd da'autum li-ahadin mina l-yahiidi toa-l-nasdrd fa-qiilii: akthara lldhu mdlaka wa-wuldaka; and see this tradition: al-Dhahabi, Mfziin al-i'tiddl, II, 401. Significant are the invocations of the Prophet on behalf of the believers. See e.g. al-Tabari , Tahdhfb al-dthdr, ed. Mahmud Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1402/1982, I, 279, no. 467: lldhumma man ahabbani fa-mna'hu l-mdla uia-l-ioalad ... ; and see ib, p. 282, no. 472: alliihumma man amana bi ioa-saddaqani ioa-Salima anna maJi)tu bihi 1haqqu min 'indika fa-aqilla mdlahu wa-wuldahu toa-habbib ilayhi liqa)aka wa- CajJil lahu 1qadii?«, wa-man lam yu )min bi wa-lam yusaddiqni wa-lam ya'lam anna md Ji)tu bihi l-haqqu min cindika fa-akthir mdlahu uia-ioaladahu uia-atil cumrahu.; [see this tradition: alSuyutt, al-Hdioi li-l-fatduii, ed. Muhyi l-Din cAbd al-Hamid. Cairo 1378/1953, I, 519, inf.; and see ibid. 1,520 sup.]; comp. al-Tabari, Tahdhib, I, 293, no. 475; and see the invocation of Tawus, ib. p. 303, no. 514: alliihumma ajirni min kathrati l-mdli wa-l-waladi. And see al-Daylami, Firda us , Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 187a, penult.: ... ld tatamannau kathrata l-mdli fa-inna kathrata l-mdli tukthiru l-dhuniib. And comp. Anonymous, Wa!iyyatu l-nabiyyi [!j li-Saliyyin, MS. Cambridge, Dd. 11.7, fol. 69a: ... ya 'aliyyu, idhd maqata lldhu 'obdan lam yanqu! min mdlihi shay/an uia-ld yursilu Jasadihi cillatan toa-ld zallatan ... And see the invocation of the Prophet in Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Tabari , Bishiirat al-mustafd li-shi'ati l-murtadii, Najaf 1383/1963, ... qdla r~siilu lldhi bJ: man ahabbani Ja-rzuqhu 1-caJaJa uia-l-kafdfa, usa-man abghadani faakthir miilahu wa-wuldahu. 6) See Abu Yiisuf, Kitdb al-iithdr, ed. Abu l-Wafa, Cairo 1355, p. 189, no. 859; us LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD 273 The acquisinon of land and property in these territories was severely criticized by many of the orthodox scholars of Islam. The prevalent idea in the early Muslim community was that the conquered lands were to remain in the hands of the conquered population, who should be ruled by Muslim authorities; the revenues of the land, the jay), belonged to the Muslim community and had to be divided among its members. The transfer of the land of the khardj (or of thejizya-k) from the owner of the land-property to the newcomer (i.e. the Muslim, who arrived with the advancing army-k) was considered a humiliating act of debasement and a kind of regression in the status of the Muslim 7). Some scholars and jurists considered the purchase of land in territories conquered on a basis of a pact (~ul~an) as a concession (rukh~a); they condemned however the purchase of land in territories conquered by force (Canwatan) 8). There were however some scholars who considered the acquisition of khariij land as legitimate arguing that khariij is merely imposed on land, while jizya is imposed on the heads of the unbelievers"). They argued further that CDthman granted fiefs (aq,taCa) to some Companions of the Prophet in the Sawad of clraq 10). and see p. 190, note 1: the people mentioned in the text are:

Call Yourselves by Graceful Names

Call_yourselves.pdf "CALL YOURSELVES BY GRACEFUL by NAMES ... " M. J. KISTER The transition from Jahiliyya to Islam was acompanied by considerable changes in the ideas and perceptions of the traditional tribal society of the Arabs. Some concepts of the Jahiliyya did, however, survive among the Arab tribes who conquered the territories of the Persian and Byzantine empires. The struggle between the new ideas of Islam, often enriched by the adoption of the cultural values of the conquered peoples, with the persistence of concepts of the old Arab tradition left its traces in the prolific literature of the Hadith. The hard contest between these diverse ideas and trends is reflected by the conflicting utterances attributed to the Prophet or to his Companions. One of the topics for discussion was the problem of personal names. The contradictory traditions on this theme reflect the divergent attitudes of diff,erent groups in Muslim society. Goldziher dealt with some aspects of this problem in his "Gesetzliche Bestimmungen uber Kunja-Namen im Islam," study: 1 Brau scrutinized the cultic personal names in his detailed kultischen Personennamen" 2 "Die altnordarabischen and Bar- bara Stowasser-Freyer touched upon it in her Ph. D. thesis, "Formen des geselligen Umgangs und Eigentumlichkeiten des Sprachgebrauchs in der fruhislamischen stadtischen Gesellschaft Arabiens" (Nach Ibn Sa'd and Bukharil.3 The perusal of some additional data about proper names may help us to ,elucidate certain aspects of this problem. The Muslim concept of names is defined in an utterance of the Prophet recorded by Abu Dawud: 1 2 3 4 "You will be called on the Day 4 ZDMG 51 (1897), 256-266. WZKM 32 (1925), 31-59, 85-115. Der Islam 42 (1965), 26-40. Sahih sunan al-Mu$!afa, Cairo 1348, II, 307; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, IX, 306; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1381/1962, IV, 139, No. 2890; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qari, [Istanbul 1308-111 x, 451; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, Cairo 1325, x, 438. [3 ] of Resurrection by your names and the names of your fathers, therefore call yourselves by graceful names." The same emphasis on graceful names is apparent in two other traditions: "When you send to me a 5 messenger, send a man with a pleasant face and a beautiful name," and "He whom God granted a pretty face and a graceful name and put him in a place which is not disgraceful, he is the choicest man of God among His creature." 6 As is to be expected, tradition credited names into the Prophet with the changing of ugly and unpleasant to change it into a pretty one," rity of 'Urwa. 7 pleasant ones. "The Prophet, when he heard an odious name, used says a tradition reported on the authorecord a The collections of hadith and the Tabaqat compilations good deal of the changes of names performed by the Prophet. The first to be changed, as one would expect, were the names indicating worship of idols. 'Abd al-'Uzza was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Rahman 8 or 'Abd Rabbihi 9 or 'Abdallah 10 or 'Abd al-'Aziz.ll 'Abd 5 Ibn Abi Hatim, 'Ilal al-hadith, Cairo 1343, Il, 329, No. 2508; al-Munawi, Fayd al-qadir, sharh al-jami' al-saghir, Cairo 1391/1972, I, 311, No. 511; 'Ali al-Qari, al-Asrar al-marfu'a fi I-akhbar al-maudu'a, ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Beirut 1391/1971, 437; al-Samarqandi, Bustan al-'arifin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin), Cairo 1347, 155 inf.; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, Insan al-'uyun (= al-Sira al-halabiyya), Cairo 1351/1932, I, 94; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1377/1958, VI, 22-3, Nos. 196-7; alSuyUti, al-La'ali al-m~nu'a fi l-ahOdith al-mau{iu'a, Cairo n. d., I, 112-3; al-Nawawi, Kit. al-adhkiir al-muntakhab min kaliim sayyid al-abriir, Cairo 1323, 127. 6 7 8 9 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmu'a, ed. 'Abd al-RaJ,unin al-Mu'allami alYamini, Cairo 1380/1960, 221; :AIi I-Qari, op. cit., 437; al-Raghib alI~fahani, Muhii{iarat al-udaba', Beirut 1961, III, 336. Al-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 451; al-Munawi, op. cit., v, 144, No. 6727; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 140, No. 2895. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, Beirut 1377 /1957, III, 474; al-Balidhuri, Futiih al-buldan, ed. 'Abdallah Anis al-Tabba' and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut 1377/1957, 125; al-Fisi, al-'Iqd al-thamin, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo 1385/1966, V, 371, line 1; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, al-Isti'ab, ed. 'Ali MuI;1ammadal-Bijiwi, Cairo 1380/ 1960, p. 832, No. 1408 and 838, No. 1432; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, Beirut 1967, VIII, 50, 54; Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, al-Istibsar fi nasabi I-SaJ:raba in al-~ar, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhic;!, eirut 1392/1972, 319. m B Ibn Hajar, al-ISaba, Cairo 1328, II, 388, No. 5074. [4 ] Shams was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah." 'Abd Kulal was changed to 'Abd al-Rahman," 'Abd al-Jann to 'Abdallah." 'Abd alKa'ba to 'Abd al-Rahman IS or 'Abdallah." The Banii 'Abd ManAf were renamed by the Prophet and called Banii 'Abdallah." 'Abd alHajar (or al-Hijr) was altered to 'Abdallah," 'Abd 'Amr into 'Abd al-Rahman.> The substitution of 'Abdallah for Bujayr 20 as recorded 10 AbU Nu'aym al-Isfahani, lJilyaJ al-auliya', Beirut 1387/1967 (reprint), I, 365; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 871, No. 1480; Anonymous, History 01 the prophets (Ar.), Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 234a; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, II, 280, No. 4557. 11 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1006, No. 1700; Ibn l;Iajar, al-lsiiba, II, 428, Nos. 5240-41. 12 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 884, No. 1496; Ibn l;Iajar, al-l$aba, II, 292, No. 4602 and 293, No. 4606. 13 N1ir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 55; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'ari/, ed. al-Sawl, Cairo 1390/1970 (reprint), 132. 14 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Iamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh. 384, fo1. l06b; MughultiiY, al-Zahr al-bdsim ii sirat Abi l-Qiisim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 145a; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh ol-muhkam Ii man intasaba ilii l-nabiyyi ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fols. 115b, ult.-1l6a sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, II, 325, No. 4753; Ibn al-Kalbi, lamhara, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 27b inf 15 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 844, Nos. 1446-7 and 824, No. 1394; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms., fol. 112b; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah alZubayri, Nasab Quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1953, 265, line 17 (his name was 'Abd 'Amr); 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 312 ('Abd 'Amr, or 'Abd al-Ka'ba, or 'Abd al-Harith). 16 Al-Fasi, op. cit., V, 208; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiril, 73; al-Majlisi, BiMr alanwar (lithogr. ed.) VIII, 272, line 5. 17 Niir al-Din aI-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 53; comp. Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 431, No. 5263 ('Abd Manif changed into 'Abdallah). 18 Fadlullah l-Jilani (= al-Jilani), F adlu lliihi l-samad ii tau{ii~ al-adab 01muirad, 1;I~ 1388/1969, II, 283, No. 811; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 943, No. 1596,and 895, No. 1524. 19 Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; al-Mu'ifa b. Zakariya, al-Jalis al-~iilil;!al-If.ali wa-l-anis al-nii#b al-shiifi, Ms. Ahmet III, No. 2321, fol. 113a; al-Fasawi, al-Mctrila wa-l-tarikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 134b, sup.; al-Waqidi, al-Maghiizi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, 82 (he was however addressed 'Abd al-Ilah, because the name of Musaylima was al-Rahman), 20 See Goldziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 257, line 7. [ 5] by al-Baladhuri the idol Biijir.22 21 may have been connected with the odious name of It was deemed equally desirable to change the names of persons and tribes in which mention of devils or demons could be found. The name of the Banii Shaytan was changed to Banii 'Abdallah; b. QUI1 was altered to 'Abdallah b. QUI1. 24 23 Shaytan 'Umar changed the name al-Ajda', he of Masriiq b. al-Ajda' to Masrfiq b. 'Abd al-Rahman; said, is the name of the Devil. 25 Another man was called Hubab; the Prophet changed his name to 'Abdallah, stating that Hubab is the name of the DeviJ.26 It apparently denotes an idol, as assumed by Wellhausen." A rather humorous story narrates another version by which the name Hubab was changed unintentionally: A man called Hubab negotiated with a bedouin for the purchase of two camels; he succeeded in getting the camels and set off with them. When he was later brought into the presence of the Prophet, the Prophet address.ed him as "Surraq," "the thief." The man refused to change this name, because it was the Prophet who granted it to him." The name of 'Abd al-Harith 21 Ansiib al-ashriii, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 233; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, Cairo 1358/1939,59. 22 See L'A, s. v. bjr; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asniim, ed. Ahmad Zaki Pasha, Cairo 1343/1924,63. 23 Ibn Wahb, Jami', ed. J. David-Weill,Cairo 1939,11, lines 4-6. 24 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51 sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 358,No. 4890. 25 Ibn Hanbal, 'I/al, ed. Talat Kocigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu, Ankara 1963, I, 9, No. 31; Ibn Majah, Sunan, Cairo 1349, II, 405; L'A, s. v. jd'; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, III, 492, No. 8406;Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., v, 76. 26 Al-Baladhuri, Futiih, 125; Nirr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 50; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 6, lines 12-1~; 7, lines 5-7; 9, lines 11-13, 16-19; 10, lines 1-2; al-Fasawi, op. cit., fol, 134b sup.; Ma'rnar b. Rashid, Iiimi' (attached to 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahman al-A'zami, Beirut 1392/1972), XI, 40, No .19849; Anonymous, History, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol, 233a; L'A, s. v, hbb; and see al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthiir ii l-tafsir bi-l-ma'thia, Cairo 1314, I, 48 (the name of Iblis at the time when God created Adam was Hubab), 50 (the name of Iblis was al-Harith; in other traditions his name was 'Azazil), 27 J. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums, Berlin 1887,171,n. 2. 28 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 683, No. 1132; Ibn l;Iajar, al-lsiiba, II, 20, No. 3122. [6] was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah; Heaven was al-Harith.?'' He frightened 29 the name of Iblis in when she became Hawwa' pregnant by telling her that she would give birth to a beast and promised that she would have a normal human baby if she gave it his name; he lied, claiming that his name was 'Abd al-Harith (not al-Harith), The baby born was indeed normal, was named 'Abd al-Harith, but died as a child." It is of interest that this very name, al-Harith, the name of Iblis and apparently the name of an idol, survived in the period of the Prophet and was even recommended by the Prophet, according to one tradition." widest circulation. It was not only the name of the Devil which was prohibited. His kunya, Abu Murra,v was also considered disagreeable and was changed It subsequently became one of the names with the by the Prophet to Abu Hulwa." God, 3~ Murra is the name most disliked by stated th.e Prophet. The name of a jinni who embraced Islam, 29 Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 374, No. 4983; 388, No. 5068; and see ibid, 387-8. 30 AI-Majlisi, Bi~iir al-anwiir, Tehran 1390, LXJII, 241, 247; Anonymous, History, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 4b; aI-ShibIi, Akiim al-mariiin n gharii'ibi l-akhbiir wa-ahkiim al-idnn, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1376, 156; aI-'I~mi, Simt al-nuiiim al-iawiili, Cairo 1380, I, 35; Brau, op. cit., 56. 31 Muqatil, Toisir, Ms. Ahrnet III, 741, fol. 140a; and see al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, II, 545; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), Damascus 1349, VI, 353; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 151-2 (in one of the reports, 151 ult., the Devil advised Hawwa' to name the baby 'Abd Shams); al-Nuwayri, Nlhiiyat ol-arab, Cairo n.d., XIII, 30; al-Shatibi, al-Iumdn Ms. Br.Mus., Or. 1555, fol. 8b (Adam tries in vain to convince Hawwa' to name the child 'Abdallah); Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, Beirut-e-al-Riyad 1966, I, %; al-Tabari, Taisir, ed. Mahmud and Ahmad Shakir, Cairo 1958, XIII, 306-314, Nos. 15510-15525; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 353; Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani, Silsilat al-ahiidit]: al-da'ija wa-l-maudii'a, Damascus 1384, No. 342. 32 Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 288, No. 4588; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 6, lines 1617; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 169, No. 207; Abu Dawtid, op. cit., II, 307; alJilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814 ... ; etc. 33 See Ibn al-Athir, al-Murassa' ed. C. F. Seybold, Weimar 18%, 97: .. , abii murrata huwa ashharu kunii iblis ... ,' and see al- Majlisi, op. cit., LXIII, 226; al-Zarnakhshari, Rabi' al-abrdr, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 6511, fol. 104a, sup. 34 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8 ,line 10. 35 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., page 6, line 17; 8. line 18; 9, line 1,4-7. [7 ] Samhaj, (a mare thin in the belly) was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah." Durays is mentioned as a name of the Devil," but this is not recorded in any other source; the name must have been felt to be odious: The Prophet bought a horse named al-Daris and changed its name to al-Sakb." The ominous name Ghaylan, which is reminiscent of the demons, was changed to 'Abdallah; 39 'Abd Sharr was changed to 'Abd Khayr," Haram was altered into Halal." In the overwhelming majority of the cases quoted above the odious name was changed to 'Abd al-Rahman or 'Abdallah. These two names, belonging to the type of ta'bid names, in which the word "t abd" is attached to one of the names of God, were a clear indication of the new Islamic spirit of obedience and submission to Allah. This trend was given expression in the utterance of the Prophet: "In naming fa(your children - K.) use the expression 'abd" (idhii sammaytum 'abbidil).42 Among this group of names 'Abdallah and 'Abd al-Rahman were considered the best. "The names most liked by God are 'Abdallah and 'Abd al-Rahman," says an utterance of the Prophet." This idea brought about changes in the names which served in Islam as attributes of Allah. Jabbar was changed to 'Abd al-Jabbar.v al-Qayyum to 'Abd al-Oayyum," 'Aziz to 'Abd al-'Aziz 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 46 and to 'Abd al-Rahman." An 44 45 46 47 Ibn Na~ir al-Din, Jiimi' al-dthdr, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 913, fol. 358b; alDamiri, Hayii: al-hayawdn, Cairo 1383fl963, I, 208. Rijiil al-Kashshi, Karbala' n.d., 156 inf. L'A, s.v. drs, Nilr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 54. Ibn l.Iajar, al-Isdba, II, 388, No. 5072. Nut al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., Vlll, 51. Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 50. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 834, No. 1419; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., vnr, 49-50; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 139, No. 2891; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, line 3--4; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 168, No. 206; Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 404; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 288, No. 4588. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 387, No. 5063. Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 54. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 428, No. 5242. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 834, No. 1419; Ntir al-Din l-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 49-50; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 50. [8 ] utterance of the Prophet gives explicitly the reason why the name alHakam and the kunya AbU l-Hakam are prohibited. "Do not name (your children) al-Hakam, nor Abu l-Hakam, as God is the hakam," b. Sa'id; Shurayh." The abhorrence which the pious felt with regard to using names attributed to the Prophet: 51 49 48 Consequently, the name of al-Hakam b. Sa'id was changed to 'Abdallah the kunya of Hani', Abu l-Hakam, was changed to AbU denoting the attributes of Allah gave rise to an early tradition, recorded by Ma'mar b. Rashidand "The names most detested by God are Khalid and Malik." Kingdom and eternal exis- tence are, of course, attributes of God and man is not permitted to apply them in his name. It is of interest that another version of this tradition states: takdhabu l-asmai "The most deceiving names are Khalid and Malik" khiilidun wa-malikuns." The kunya AbU Malik is Abu 'Isa, listed among the four kunyas prohibited by the Prophet: when the child is named Muhammad." AbU l-Hakam, AbU Malik and Abu l-Oasim: the last one in the case Contrary to the Bedouin custom to call their slaves by nice names and to call their own children by disagreeable names,5f the Muslims 48 49 Ma'mar b. Rashid. op. cit., XI, 42, No. 19859; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXXVI, 175; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 457 inf. Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh l-muhkam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 67b, inf.; Nfir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 355, No. 523; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 14a. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 283, No. 811; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihdya, s.v. hkm; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1688, No. 3031; 'Ali b. Balaban, al-lhsdn [i taqrib $al;Ii~ Ibn I;libbiin, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 117b; Ibn al-I;l1ijj, alMadkhol, Beirut 1972, I, 120; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 49; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 129 sup. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 42, No. 19860; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 457 ult. -8. Ibn Abi l;Iatim, op. cit., No. 2525. Al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 450; about the use of the kunya Abu l-Qasim see e.g. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 44, No. 19867; Abu DawUd, op. cit., II, 309310; al-'Ayni, op, cit., X, 449; al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini l-iithiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968, IV, 335-341. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 339; aHlaliJ.1i, Subul al-hudii wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (~ al-Sira al-shiimiyya), ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-Wahid, 50 51 52 53 54 [9 ] were required to give their children graceful names. The Prophet stated that the obligation of a father towards his child is to give him a graceful name and a good education. 55 The Prophet used to ask about the name of a man whom he met and was glad to hear that his name was a nice one. 56 One should be careful to select a beautiful name, as an angel and a devil attend the birth of a child; the angel advises to give him a graceful name, the devil recommends a disagreeable one." The name of the child constitutes a proof for the intelligence of his father. 58 There is a very dose relationship between the meaning of the name and the character of the child who is giv.en it. The name chosen by the father thus has considerable bearing on the fate and life of the child. 59 A name fits the character of the person named, by decree of God. The Prophet was given names which were precisely fitting: Muhammad and Ahmad. The name and the person named. says Ibn Qayyim, were in this case as dosely connected to each other as the body is to the soul." The name Muhammad, for instance is derived from the name of God as attested by the verse of Hassan : wa-shaqqa lahii min ismihi li-yuiillahii : [a-dhii l-tarshi mahmiidun wa-hiulhii muhammadii And He derived (a name) from His name in order to honour him: thus the Owner of the Throne is Mahmud (Praised) and this one is Muhammad." Cairo 1392/1972, I, 326; Ibn Durayd, ol-lshtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam HiirUn, Cairo 1378/1958, 4. Ntir al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., VIII, 47. Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 47; al-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 197. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 336. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 336. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ziid al-ma'iid ti hadyi khayri l-'ibad, Beirut n.d. II, 5; Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, Sijr al-sa'dda, Cairo 1382/1962, 88. Ibn Qayyim, op. cit., II, 5. See A. Fischer, Muhammad and Ahmad, die Narnen des arabischen Propheten, Leipzig 1932, 20; al-Suyuti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, ed. Muhammad Khalil Harras, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 194-5; al-Bayhaqi Dalii'il al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman, al-Madina al-munawwara 1389/ 1969, I, 93, 122; Hassan b. Thabit, Diwan, ed. W. N. 'Arafat, London 1971, I, 306. 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 [ 10] The name of Muhammad was given to the Prophet as a good omen." The name Uhud was given to the mountain by God, pointing to the people who believed in the unity of God and to the Prophet who summoned people to this faith. 63 * The fa'l, the omen, either good or bad, become the leading principle in the choice of names. It had, of course, to be distinguished from tiyara, which was interdicted by Islam as a practice of the Jahiliyya, The Prophet is said to have disliked augury, but was pleased by the use of good omens.v' "There is no tiyara, augury, and the best of it is the [a'l, the good omen." The Prophet was asked about the fa'i and he defined it as "a good ($iili~) word heard by one of you." 65 Ibn Hajar devotes a lengthy and detailed discussion to the problem of the relation betwe.en tiyara and fa'l, stressing that the meaning of tiyara is negative and undesirable while that of fa'l is acceptable." "The truest (kind of) augury is the omen," says the Prophet." The favourable attitude of the Prophet towards omens of names is mirrored in a tradition about the milking of a camel. Three men ~olunteered to milk the camel. The Prophet disapproved of the first because of his name Murra, and of the second because of his name Harb; he ordered the third to milk because of his name: Ya'ish." Another version of 62 63 Fischer, op. ctt., 18. Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, aI-Maghiinim al-mutiiba [i ma'ii1im Tiiba, ed. Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/1%9, 10. 64 Al-Munawi, op. cit., v, 231, No. 7101; Ibn Hajar, FatJ:zal-biiri, x, 167, lines 3-4. 65 Ibn Hajar, Eath, x, 166-7; aI-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 197. 66 Ibn Hajar, Fath, x, 167-8; cf. al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 312, line 10 seq. 67 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 93, line 16 (asdaqu l-tiyarati l-fa'lu); Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., x, 406, No. 19512 (the same version); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 280, No. 379 (asdaqu l-tayri I-fa'lu). This tradition was misread by T. Fahd in E/2, s.v. fa'[ (asdaqa l-tayru l-fa'la) and consequently misinterpreted. 68 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 96, line 10-14; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 41, No. 19854; Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 47; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 94; Ibn Qayyim, op. cit., II, 5; Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, Siir aI-sa'iida, 88; al-Suyfiti, Tanwir al-hawiilik, sharh 'alii Muwaua: Miilik, Cairo n.d. lll, 140-1; al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 157; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. [ 11] this story reflects the tendency of separation of augury, tiyara, which should be rejected, from ial, acting according to the principle of "omen nomen", which should be permitted. Two persons volunteered to milk a she-camel: al-Musawir and Khaddash, Both were disqualified by the Prophet. Then 'Umar asked the Prophet: "Shall I speak or remain silent?" The Prophet said: "Remain silent and I shall tell you what you wanted (to say)" 'Urnar said: "Then tell me, 0 Messenger of God." The Prophet said: "You thought that is was augury." He (i.e. the Prophet - K.) said: "There is no bird except His bird, there is no good except His good; but I like the good omen." 69 The evident intention of this tradition is to reject augury and to legitimize the practice of fa'i. It may be mentioned that the names Harb and Murra mentioned above as a bad fa'l are included in the list of the names disliked by the Prophet: Harb, Murra, Jamra, Hanzala, 70 Kalb and Kulayb." In another case the Prophet preferred a man called Najiya to two other men (evid.ently with unpleasant names) and let him lead his camel. 72 The Prophet chose the way of "Marhab" for reasons of good omen when on his way to attack Khaybar in preference to all other ways proposed to him (al-Hazn, Shas, Halib).73 When th.e Prophet went out on his hiira to Medina he met Burayda al-Aslami with a group of seventy riders of the clan of Sahm. The Prophet drew the omens from these names: Burayda - barada amrunii wa-soluha, firm and just is our affair; As/am - we are safe; sahm - our arrow came 69 70 71 72 73 cit., 459, No. 694; 1588, No. 2820; Ibn l:Iajar, al-I$iiba, III, 669; cf. Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashju l-tauqi' /i-ahli l-basira, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 3922, fo1. 52b: ... al-asmii'u l-diillatu 'alii l-nuhiisi [a-mithlu harbin wa-jahdin wa-kalbin wa-namirin wa-/;Iimiirin wa-abi lahabin wa-abi /-biirithi wa-abi murrata wa-abi shihiibin wa-mii ashbahahii ... Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 97, lines 1-7; cf. 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 94. Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 122. Al-Munawi, op. cit., VI, 342, No. 9523. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 284, No. 812; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 47; and see about the name Dhakwiin changed into Najiya : Ibn 'Abd alBarr, op. cit., IV, 1522, No. 2650; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, III, 541, No. 8642. Majd aI-Din al-Fayruzabadi, al-Maghiinim, 376. [ 12] out,t- When the Prophet entered Medina he heard a man shouting: "Ya Ghiinim"; the Prophet drew the following omen from the name: "We have earned without effort." 75 When Suhayl came to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya to negotiate peace, the Prophet drew from his name the following omen: "Suhayl has come to you, your affair has become easy." 76 When the Prophet heard a man in his army addressing some- one: "Yii Hasan", he said: "From your mouth we have taken the good omen." 77 When the Prophet once went out for some of his needs he was pleased to hear (incidentally) someone addressing another person: "Ya NajilJ, ya Rashid." 78 Disagreeable names caused, of course, misfortune and had to be altered. When a man came to 'Umar and told him that his name was Jamra (= burning coal), the son of Shihab (= bright blaze), from the tribal group of Hurqa (= fire), staying in Harrat al-nar (= the stony tract of fire), in the part of it called Dhat al-laza (= that of the fiery 74 Al-Samhiidi, Wafii'u l-waiii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1374/1955, I, 243; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit., 185, No. 217; al-Kazarimi, Sirat al-nabi, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 18499, fol. 139a (noteworthy is the formulation of the phrase: kiina Iii yatatayyaru, wa-kii:a yalafii' alu); alZandawaysiti, Rauda: aI-'ulamii', Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 7258, fol, 277a. AI-Riighib al-Isfahani, op. cit., I, 144. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 670 No. 1106; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., I, 144; al-Shaukani, Nay/ al-autiir, shari: muntaqii l-akhbar, Cairo 1380/1961, VIII 47; cf. al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, 17: nabbilii sahlan [a-innahu sahlun. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, aI-lshriif [i maniizil al-ashriii, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 74b; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op, cit., I, 144; al-Sakhawi, al-Maqiisid aIhasana, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1375/1956, 27, No. 40; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 212, No. 290 (see ibid, inf. the additional stories about omens drawn by the Prophet: when he went out against Khaybar he heard 'Ali exclaiming "yii khudro"; he said: "we took the omen from your mouth, let us go out against Khudra" (= Khaybar]. No sword was drawn (by the Muslims] in this expedition. And see the opinion of alZamakhshari about the difference between tiyara and flil); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., x, 66, No. 511; al-Shaukani, Nayl, VII, 194. AI-Muniiwi, op. cit., V, 229, No. 7089; Yilsuf h. Musii I-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar min mushkil aI-iithiir, Cairo 1362, II, 206; and see alJilani, op. cit., II, 285; Ibn al-Jauzi al~Wafii bi-ahwdli l-mustaiii, ed. Mu~tafii 'Abd al-WiiQ.id, Cairo 1386/1966, II, 465. 75 76 77 78 r 13 ] blaze), 'Umar ordered him to return to his family because they were caught by fire. It happened as 'Umar foretold." The Prophet indeed changed the name Shihab to Hisham." The rough Jahili character of names is emphasized in a dubious tradition about the conversion of AbU Sufra to Islam. He came clad in a yellow robe and presented himself as ~lim (= the oppressing) b. Sariq (= the thief) b. Shihab (= the blazing fire) ... the scion of Julanda who used to snatch the passing ships. "I am a king," said Abu Sufra. The Prophet advised him gently to "leave the thief and the oppressor" and named him Abu Sufra (= the man of the yellow suit). Thereupon Abu Sufra decided to name his new born female-baby Sufra." AntiMuhallabid traditions wholly refute this story, stating that he did not meet the Prophet at all, that he was captured during he ridda, etc.; one of the traditions claims that he was uncircumcised and did not even know the meaning of circumcision. A man with the name Hazn (= hard, rugged ground) was told by the Prophet to change it to Sahl (plain, easy ground). His answer reflects the Jahiliyya spirit: "The plain is trodden and despised" (or in another version: "I am not going to change a name given to me by my father").82 * 79 Al-Suytlti, Tanw;r al-hawiilik, III. 141; Ibn Qayyim, op, cit., II, 5; alSamarqandi, op. cit., 157; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 275; No. 1294; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19864; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., 10, lines 2-5; alRaghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 340; Ibn al-Jauzi, Sirat 'Umar b. al-Khauiib, Cairo 1342/1924, 63; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahj al-baliigha, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1%1, XII, 103; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., III, 144; al-Mandstk wa-amiikin turuqi l...f;rajj. dv Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/ e 1969, 518; al-Bakri, Mu'jam md sta'jam, ed. Mu~tafli al-Saqa, Cairo 1364/ 1945, I, 436-7. AbU DiiwUd, op. cit., II, 308; al-Mundhiri, op, cit., IV, 141; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 298, No. 825; Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1541, No. 2685; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308. Al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 156; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, III, 500, No. 8454, 535, No. 8633; IV, 108, No. 652; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., ff)), 101. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 309, No. 841; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 41, No. 19851; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 401, No. 560; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8, line 80 81 82 [ 14 ] Some names changed by the Prophet are connected with the Meccan aristocracy in the period of the Jahiliyya, The disagreeable name Harb (= war) was changed into Silm." 'Ali intended to name his sons Harb; the Prophet himself named them Hasan, Husayn, Muhassin; these names correspond to the names of Aharon's sons: Shubbar, Shubbayr, Mushabbir, As the position of 'Ali in relation to the Prophet corresponds in Shi'a faith to the position of Aharon to Moses, it is plausible to consider this tradition as a Shi'i one.> According to one tradition the Prophet disapproved of the name Harb and described it as one of the worst names." As one of the ancestors of the Umayyads was Harb, this tradition might have been rather unpleasant for the ruling dynasty. One of the Jahili names changed by the Prophet was al-Walid. This name was a common one among the Bami Makhziim and the Prophet remarked that the Banu Makhztim nearly turned al-Walid into a deity (rna kiidat banii makhziimin ilIii an taj'a!a l-waiida rabban; in another version: hananani. The Prophet changed the name of al-Walid b. abi Umayya to al-Muhajir b. abi Umayya.w the name of al-Walid b. alWiilid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira into 'Abdallah b. al-Walid." The 83 84 85 86 87 10; Abu Diiwud, op. cit., II, 308; al-'Ayni, op, cit., x, 450, 452; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 319, No. 898; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 345; al-Nawawi, op .cit., 128 inf.; al-Qastallani, Irshiid ai-sari, Cairo 1326, IX, 111; Muhammad Hasan al-Muzaffar, Dalii'i/ alsidq, n.p., 1373, III, II 29 inf. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 141; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqi~ al-anwiir, Cairo 1381/1961,756, line 2. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 296, No. 823; al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 155 inf.; Anonymous, al-To'rikh. al-muhkam, fol. 41a sup.; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op, cit., 384, No. 555; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 52; al-Munawi, op. cit., IV, 111, No. 4710; and see Israel Oriental Studies 2 (1972),223, n. 37. See e.g. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8, line 18-9; ... wa-sharruhii harbun wa-murra; al-Jilani, op. cit., 755. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 138b; al-Fasi, op, cit., VII, 291-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba. III, 465, No. 8253; III, 636, No. 9142; cf. about the name 'Amr changed into Muhajir : Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1454, No. 2506; Ibn Hajar; al-Isiiba, III, 466, No. 8256. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, op. cit., fol. 146a; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 230; Ibn [ 15 ] interdiction of the Prophet was often associated with the statement that al-Walid was a name of one of the tyrannical Pharaohs and with a prophecy that there will come a ruler with the name al-Walid, who will be worse for the community than Pharaoh." The question as to which one of the Umayyad rulers was meant by the Prophet and the problem of the character of the Prophet's interdiction to use the name al-Walid were extensively discussed by scholars of Qadith.89 The disagreeable name al-'A~ (close in association to al-'A~i) was changed into al-Muti' 90 and 'Abdallah."! 'A~iya was changed into Jamila."" It is noteworthy that the names of al-'A~ were common among the 'Abd Shams, the tribal group of the Umayyads; al-'A~, AbU l-·A~. al-Ts, and Abii l-'I~ were the sons of Umayya and were called al-A'yas." It is sufficient to mention al-Hakam b. al-'A~, the stubborn enemy of the Prophet. to understand what the change of the name al-'A~ could mean for the ruling descendants of Marwan b. al-Hakam b. al-'A~. * 88 Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 380, No: 5024; III, 640, No. 9151; Anonymous, al-Tarikh al-mu{lkam, fol, 136a. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XI, 237, No. 1074; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19861; al-Suytlti, al-Ladli al-masnii'a, I, 107-111; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 115; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v, hnn, See al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 454; and see al-Tabarsi, I'liim al-warii bi-a'liim al-hudii, ed, Akbar al-Ghaffari, Tehran 1389, 45; al-Suyuti, al-La'iili al-masnii'a, I, 107-110. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 174b inf.-175a sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 298, No. 826; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, line 15 (and see 8, line 10); al-Fasi, op. cit., VII, 224, No. 2473; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., v, 450; Mu'arrij al-Sadtisi, Hadh] min nasab quraysh, ed. ~alal;l al-Din alMunajjid, Cairo 1960, 83, line 2. Nilr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ldm alnubalii', ed. As'ad Talas, Cairo 1962, III, 138; Ibn Hajar, ol-Isiiba, II, 291, No. 4598. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 266; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, lines 13-14; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 294, No. 820; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1803, No. 3277; Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 405; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 140, No. 2896; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VII, 366; Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Waiii, II, 465-6; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 128 inf. Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 54,73, 166. 89 90 91 92 93 [ 16] Further changes of names may be mentioned. Aswad (= black) was changed to Abyad (= white)," Akbar (= the greatest) to Bashir (= the messenger of good tidings)," Jaththama Dhii (= the sleepy) to Hassana," l-shimalayn to Dhii l-yadayn." Asram (= waterless desert) to Zur'a (= seed)," al-Sarm to Sa'id.?" 'Atala (= clod of earth; or iron rod for lifting stones) to 'Utba,100Qrr<;iab (= the thief) to Rashid,'?' (= Ghafil the heedless, the neglectful) to 'Aqil/02 Zalim to Rashid,':" Oalil to Kathir.'> Ghurab (= the crow) to Muslim,':" Dhu'ayb (= the little wolf) to 'Abdallah.t= Kalal) (= a barren year) to Dhu'ayb (= a forelock; he had namely a long forelock),':" Muhan (= despised) to 94 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 138, No. 143; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 11, lines 1-2; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 55. 95 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 177, No. 209; GoIdziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 257. 96 Ibn Nasir al-Din, op. cit., fo1. 266a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1810, No. 3295; al-Jarrahi, Kashj al-khaidi wa-muzilu l-ilbiis (reprint, Beirut), I, 360, No. 1146. 97 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 478; Ibn Rustah, al-A'liiq al-naiisa, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, 214; al-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil, ed. Abu I-Fa41 Ibrahim, Cairo 1376/1956, IV, 101. 98 Abu Dawud, op. cit., II, 308; Ntir al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., VIII, 54; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit:: 519, No. 816 (and see 141, No. 153). 99 Al-Safadi, Nakt al-himyiin, Cairo 1911, 159-160; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 290, No. 822; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 627, No. 993 (and see 835, No. 1421); Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 52 inf.-53 sup.; Ibn Hajar, alIsiiba, II, 5l. No. 3291. 100 Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53: L'A, s.v. 'ail; Ibn l;Iajar, lsiiba, II, 454, No. 5407. 101 Ibn al-Kalbf, al-Iamhara; fo1. 245b; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 495, No. 2516. 102 Al-Mausili, Ghiiyat ol-wasdil ilii ma'rijati l-awii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33(10), fol. 26a; al-Fasi, op. cit., V, 81, No. 1453; Ibn 1:Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 247, No. 3461; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., 228. 103 Ibn 1:Iajar, ai-Isiiba, I, 494, No. 2514. 104 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, lines 14-15; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 296, No. 419; 3308, No. 2176. 105 AI-Fasi, op. cit., VII, 194, No. 2454; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 297, No. 824; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 52 inf. 106 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 464, No. 707; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isiiba, I, 493, No. 2506. 107 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 465, No. 709; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 490, No. 2490 (his name: al-Kilabi - an error). [ 17 ] Mukram.10B Kusayr was changed to Jubayr/09 Khilifa to RAshida,l!O al-Mudtaji' to al-Munba'ith.t= AbO Maghwiyya to AbU lUshid,1l2 Bann l-Ghawiyy to Banu l-Rashad.v" Banu Ghayyan to Banii Rasbdan,1l4 Banu l-Samma' to Banu l-Sami'a,':" Zahm to Bashir,ll8 and Muqsim to Muslim. 11 The Prophet changed the name of al-Sa'ib (= the 1 freely flowing) to 'Abdallah; his people, however, continued to call him al-Sa'ib and he became mad.r= To 'Abdallah were changed the names of the famous Jewish convert al-Husayn (= the small fortress) b. Salam 119 well as those of Dinar 120 as and Nu'm.i= The Prophet gave some names in connection with certain events and occasions. A Persian slave (of whose name some 21 versions are recorded), on whom the Companions of the Prophet loaded their garments when on a walk on a hot day, was granted the name Safina (= the ship).122 A girl, born when Surat Maryam was revealed, was 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 264, No. 766; Ibn Hajar, al-I1aba, III, 456, No. 8194. Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashj al-tauqi', fol. 52a. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 11, lines 4-6. Ibn l;Iajar. aJ-I1aba, III, 457-8, Nos. 8103-4. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19862; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 290, No. 819. Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Iomhara, fol. 48b. Ibid, fol. 166b. Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, al-Istibsiir, 326. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 173, No. 196; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 302-3, Nos. 829-30; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 50; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., XV, 272, No. 782; Ibn l;Iajar, aJ-l1iiba, 1, 159, No. 704. Ibn l;Iajar, al-l~iiba, III, 415, No. 7966; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 54. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 6, lines 5-8; 10, lines 14-17; Ibn I;Iajar, al-l~iiba, II. 385, No. 5047. Anonymous, History 0/ prophets, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 18tb; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 921, No. 1561; Ibn l;Iajar, aJ-l~iiba, II, 320, No. 4725; al-Fasawi, op. cit., Iol, 134a inf.; Ibn 'Asiikir, op. cit., VII, 443. Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 370, No. 4957. AI-l;Iakim, Marija: 'uliim aJ-lJadith, ed. Mu'azzam l;Iusayn, Cairo 1937, 101; Nur al-Din al-Hayrhami, op. cit., VIII, 53. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 685; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isdba, II, 58, No. 3335. 117 118 119 120 121 122 [ 18] named by the Prophet Maryem."? The slave Fath was granted the name Simj, because he made light in the mosque of the Prophet.'> A baby born on the day of a battle fought by the Prophet was called by him Sinan (= spear head).':" Scholars of I)adith discuss vigorously a special group of names given to slaves and servants. The Prophet is said to have forbidden. or intended to forbid, the names of Rabah, Yasar, Najih, Aflah, Nafi', al·'Ala', Ya'Iii and the female names Baraka and Barra.!" The reason given for it is that if a person asks about a servant whose name denotes success, good luck or blessing and the servant is not there, he may have a feeling of disappointment and failure. Recommended names were Yazid, al-Harith and Hammam, These names might be called "neutral ones". In the explanation given for these names the traditions point out that everybody increases (yaztdu) in good or bad (deeds), that everybody tills tyahruthut for his affairs in this world and in the next one and that everybody cares tyahtammut for his affairs in this world and in the next one.!" Al-Harith and Hammam are called by the Prophet "asdaqu l-asmii','J,o"names most truthful." A recommended name was Hamza.?" The Prophet granted 123 124 Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 55. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 683, No. 1131; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 18, No. 3103. 125 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 657, No. 1071. 126 NUf al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 50; Ibn Miijah, op. cit., I, 405; Abu Diiwiid, op, cit., II, 308; al-Jilani, op, cit., II, 305, No. 834; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306 ('Umar also intended to forbid, but later refrained); aI•. Samarqandi, op, cit., 157; al-Munawi, op. cit., VI, 349, No. 9562; 402, No. 9799; Yusuf b. Musii al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 206; al-Mundhiri, op. cit; IV, 140, No. 2893; al-Sha'rani, op. cit., 755. On Barra changed into Zaynab or Juwayriya see: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1805, No. 3282; 1849, No. 3355; 1855, No. 3361; 1915-6; No. 4099 (changed into Maymtlna); Ibn Wabb, op. cit., 8, lines 6-7; al-Jilani, op, cit., II, 294, No. 821; 303, No. 831: al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 112; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 452; AbU Diiwiid, op. cit., 11,307; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; al-Mundhiri, op, cit., IV, 141, Nos. 2897-8; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 127 inf. 127 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 7, lines 7-9. 128 Al-Muniiwi, op. cit., IV, 111, No. 4712; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., 10, lines 9-'-11. [ 19 J a baby the name al-Mundhir (= the warner); 129a slave was given by him the name 'Al1im.130 * The close relation between Muhammad and the former prophets, the idea that Muhammad continued the mission of the preceding messengers found the expression in the domain of names in the utterances attributed to the Prophet: "Call yourselves by the names of the prophets" (tasammau bi-asmii'i l-anbiyai) and "the names most liked by God are the nam,es of prophets." 131Ibn al-Hajj stresses that names conforming to the prescriptions of Islam (al-asmii'u l-shar';yya) contain the name of Allah, or (are - K.) the names of prophets or Companions; he points out the blessing (baraka) which such names impart.':" "There is no family, said the Prophet, in which the name of a prophet is carried by one of its members to which God, the Exalted and Blessed, does not send an angel in the morning and in the evening to bless them." 133The Prophet himself gave his child, born from his femaleservant Mariya, the name Ibriihim.134 The same name was given by the Prophet to the child born to AbU Musil al-Ash'ari.>" The Prophet changed the IJ,ame of Yasar b. Surad to Sulayman b. Surad,186 and gave the son of 'Abdallah b. Salam the name Yusuf.':" Giving the son of Khallad b. Rafi' the name Yahya, the Prophet remarked: "I shall 129 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 288, No. 816; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; alQastallani, op. cit., IX, 111. 130 Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 54. 131 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814; Abu DiiwUd, op. cit., II, 307; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., II, 312, No. 2451; al-Qastallzni, op. cit., IX, 114; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 127. 132 Ibn al-Haj], op. cit., I, 123. 133 Al-Suytiti, al-La'aJi l-masnii'a, I, 100; Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 123. 134 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 54-61. 135 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 308, No. 840; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 114 (see the arguments that Abu Musa was his kunya before his first-born was named Ibrahim); al-'Ayni, op. cit., IX, 711; x, 454. 136 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 650, No. 1056; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyai, 26, line 12; 73, line 6. [lO] give him a name, by which none was called after Yahya b. Zakariya' ." 138 There were, however, differences in opinion as to whether it is permissible to use name of angels. In a combined tradition the Prophet recommended to give children the names of prophets, but forbade to give them names of angels (sammii bi-asmii'i l-anbiyii' wa-lii tusammii bi-asma'i l-malii'ikatl).139 This opinion was not commonly accepted. Malik disliked naming children by the names of angels.>" but Hammad b. abi Sulayman 141stated that there is nothing objectionable in naming a person Jibril or Mikii'il.142 It is most highly recommended indeed to name the child Muhammad. He who names his child Muhammad hoping for blessing by this, both he and the one who got the name will gain Paradise, says an utterance attributed to the Prophet.>" On the Day of Resurrection the believer bearing the name Ahmad or Muhammad will stand up in the Presence of God and God will rebuke him for his sins committed even though he was named by the name of His beloved Muhammad, The believer will confess his sins and God will order Jibril to introduce him to Paradise, as God is ashamed to chastise with the fire of Hell a believer bearing the name Muhammad.>" It is highly recommended to name 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 307, No. 838; Ibn 1;Iajar. al-Isiiba, III, 671. No. 9375; Ibn'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1590, No. 2827 (the Prophet gave him the kunya Abu Ya'qtib). Ibn 1;Iajar, al-Isdba, III, 671, No. 9380; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1569, No. 2750. AI-Munawi,op. cit., IV, 113, No. 4717. AI-Qastalliini, op. cit., IX, 111 sup.; and see Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 122 (... malik : la yanbaghi an yusammd I-rajulu bi-yiisin wa-Ia jibril wats mahdi). See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, II, 16, No. 15. Ma'mar.b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 40, No. 19850. Al-Siili\ti, op. cit., I, 509; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., II, 284, No. 2644; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir al-munii [i I-~abi~ wa-l-da'i], ed. 'Abd al-Fattah Ghudda, 1;Ialab 1390/1970, 61, No. 94; and see ibid, No. 93. Ibn al-1;Iajj, op. cit., I, 123. [21 ] one of the children in the family Muhammad and to treat the child named by this name with due respect.>" Goldziher quotes in his article, "Gesetzliche Bestimmungen ... " a phrase from Ibn Qutayba's aI-Ma'iirif, according to which 'Umar intended to change the names of all the Muslims to those of prophets. If this were true, it would mean that we have here a continuation and a deepening of the Muslim trend expounded in the saying of the Prophet when he named his child Ibrahim: "I named him with the name of my father (i.e. ancestor) Ibrahim." The passage referred to (as quoted by Goldziher) runs as follows: ariida (i.e. 'Umar) an yughayytra asmii'a l-muslimina bi-asma'i l-anbiyii'i.146 The reading of Wtistenfeld was, however, erroneous and Goldziher was misled by this reading. The correct reading is: ariida an yughayyira asmii'a l-musammayna bi-asma'i l-anbiyii'i "He wanted to alter the names of these who were called by the names of prophets." 'Umar tried indeed to carry out his plan. Ibrahim b. al-Harith b. Hisham entered the court of 'Umar "at the time when he wanted to alter the names of those who were called by the names of the prophets" and he changgd his name to 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Harith.>" 'Umar changed the name of Miisa b. Sa'id to 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sa'id,148 When 'Umar heard how the son of his nephew, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. al-Khattab was slandered by a person, who repeatedly abused his name Muhammad, he vowed not to have the Prophet Muhammad being abused through the name of the son of his nephew anymore; he thereupon changed his name to 'Abd alRal,tman.149 The action of 'Umar seems to have been wider in scope than the 145 146 147 148 149 Al-Munliwi, op. cit., I, 385, Nos. 705-6; VI, 237, No. 9084; and see Ibn Abi l;Ilitim, op. cit., II, 299, No. 2410. Goldziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 256. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 6; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, III, 66, No. 6199; see Stowasser-Freyer, op. cit., Der Islam, 42(1965), 29. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 51. See Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, III, 69, No. 6211; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 50; al'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 143; Ibn Hajar, Fat/:! al-biiri, x, 435. r 22] mere changing of some names of persons called by the names of prophets. 'Umar is reported to have written to the people of aI-Kiifa and ordered them not to name their children by the names of prophets; he also ordered "a group of people" at Medina to change the names of their children called Muhammad, They argued that the Prophet permitted them to call their children by this name, and 'Umar let them. AI-'Ayni argues that the reason for 'Umar's action was the case of abusing Muhammad, the bearer of the name of the Prophet; he states that the consensus of the community has been established, that it is permitted to give children names of prophets.>" Who was "the group" who were called by the names of prophets, can be gauged from a very short report, recorded by Ibn Hajar about the attempt of 'Umar to change names of prophets and the name of Muhammad as well. He summoned the sons of Talha, ordering them to change their names. Muhammad b. Talha, the first born, answered that is was the Prophet who had named him Muhammad: 'Umar had to admit that he could not do anything against him. Ibn Hajar concludes that 'Umar withdrew from his plan."" The names of the sons of Talha bear clear evidence for the tendency to name children by names of prophets in the earliest period of Islam. Talha had nine children and he gave them the following names: Muhammad, 'Imran, 152 Miisa, Ya'qiib, Isma'Il, Ishaq, 'Isa, Zakariyya', YaQya. It is not surprising to read in a remarkable story how Talha in a talk with al-Zubayr prided himself with the names of his sons. "The names of my sons are names of prophets," he said; ••the names of your sons are names of martyrs." "I hope that my sons will become martyrs," said aI-Zubayr, "while you don't have hopes that your sons will become prophets." 153 This anecdote points 150 Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 143; x, 449 inf.; cf. Ibn Hajar, Fat/.! al-biiri, X, 435, 440; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 110 inf.-l11 sup. 151 Ibn I;Iajar, Fat/.! al-bdri, X, 435, lines 21-2. 152 See Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 281 seq.; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansiib al-'arab, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1948, 129 (and see the list of the sons of Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Talha : Ya'qtib, ~ali/;l, Sulayman, YUnus, Diwfid, al-Yasa', Shu'ayb, RarUo - Mus'ab, op. cit., 285; Ibn Hazm, op. cit., 129). 153 Ibn 1;Iajar, Fat/.! al-biiri, x, 440. [23 ] clearly to the importance which was attached to the names in early Islam and to the diverging opinions about this subject. The alleged intervention of 'Umar is justified by 'Umar's care in respecting these names and preventing them from being tarnished. The real reason seems. however, to be quite different. We gain a deeper insight into the motives of 'Umar from a significant passage recorded by Ibn Wahb. A female servant (muwallada) came to'Umar asking for a garment for herself. When asked who her maulii was, she said: Abu 'Isa, the son of 'Umar. 'Umar ordered to bring his son. beat him and said: "Do you know what the names of Arabs are? They are: 'Amir. 'Uwaymir, MAlik, Surma, Muwaylik, Sidra and Murra." He repeated this three times and finally said: "Leave 'lsa! By God. we do not know of 'lsa having a father." 154 The parallel passage, recorded by Ibn Abi l-Hadid gives the name of 'Umar's son: 'Ubaydullah b. 'Umar. 'Umar counts, beating him, the kunyas of the Arabs: AbU Salama, Abu Hanzala, AbU 'Urfuta and AbU Murra.>" Needless to recall that the list of names recommended by 'Umar contains names disapproved of by the Prophet, like Murra, Surma, Hanzala and- Malik. It is evident that this story ascribed to 'Umar reflects a reaction against the naming of. children by the foreign names of prophets. The story affords an insight into the struggle between the effort of introducing Biblical elements already present in the Our'an, and later developed in the hadith, into the sphere of name-giving in Muslim society against the opposition of conservative groups among the Arabs, who persevered in their resistance to this new pietistic trend. It is not surprising that this idea is expressed as coming from the mouth of 'Umar, the representative of Arab conservatism, as is evid.ent from his famous saying: lkhshaushinii wa-tama'dadii=r • 154 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 7. lines 15 - 8, line 5. 155 Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cit., XII, 44. 156 Al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, 78 (attributed to the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 31 (traced back to 'Urnar); al-Sakhawi, al-Maqiisid, 163, No. 348; Ibn 'Asiikir, op. cit., VII, 349; al-$iilil}.i,op. cit., I, 346. [ 241 The old ways of naming children and the Jahili names themselves persisted in Bedouin society. The statement of J. J. Hess that names containing the name of Allah and these of specific Islamic nature like Ahmad, TaM etc. were almost wholly missing in the material examined by him, is Instructive.':" Unpleasant names were, like in the Jahiliyya, reserved for children of free Bedouin, while pretty names were given to slaves.!" It is noteworthy that the explanation for this practice given by the shaykh of the 'Oneze("The names of our slaves are for us, our names are for our enemies") corresponds exactly to the answer given by al-'Utbi to Abii Hatim al-Sijistani.!" Accordingly one can find in the list of names supplied by Hess, slaves named Yaqiit, Mabriik, Mubashshir, Sa'Id, and names like Ghurab, Barghiith, Juway'iI. Juraydhi, Jukhaydib, Juhaysh, Jarbii', Shubaytha, Ourada, Hijris borne by free Bedouin. The names disliked in Islam, like Murra, Kalb. Malik and Harb, are recorded in the list of Hess as names of free Bedouin. Names given according to the place, time or conditions of birth of the children 160are reminiscent of similar cases in the Jahiliyya.l6l As in the Jahiliyya, children are called Julaymid, Fihran, Fahra and Hajar,162 and sometimes several children are called by their father by names derived from the same root.':" These vestiges of the Jahiliyya, which can be traced in Bedouin society, clearly underline the considerable changes and developments which took place in Muslim society. 157 I. I. Hess, Beduinennamen aus Zentralarabien, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Heidelberg 1912 (III, 19),4. 158 Hess, op. cit., 7 ("6"). 159 Hess, op. cit., 7; Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 4 (and see n. 54 above). 160 Hess, op, cit., 6-7. 161 See e.g, Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 95a; Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 6-7. 162 See e.g. Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 5, penult. 163 Hess, op. cit., 7 ("8"); cf. e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 175b, line 1 (Khushayn, Khashin, Mukhashin, Khashshan); fol. 154a, (Mu'attib, 'Attab, 'Itban); fol. 107b (Hashim, Hisham, Hushaym, Muhashshim); Ibn Durayd, op. cit; 166 (al-'A4, AbU 1-'A4, al-'i~, Abu l-'i~, 'Uways - the sons of Umayya, called al-A'y~). [25 ]
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