'...Illā Bi-Ḥaqqihi...': A Study of an Early Ḥadīth

illa_bihaqqihi.pdf ...ILLA BI-HAQQIHI... A STUDY OF AN EARLY HADITH In memory of my friend Dov 'Iron The revolt of the tribes in the Arabian peninsula after the death of the prophet Muhammad, the so-called ridda, endangered the very existence of the Muslim community in Medina and the survival of the nascent commonwealth set up by the Prophet. The rebellious tribes, aware of the weakness of the new leadership of the Medinan community, strove to sever their ties with the new authority in Medina, broke their allegiance to the newly elected Caliph, Abu Bakr, and declared that the agreements they had concluded with the Prophet were null and void. They sought to regain their separate tribal existence, and to rid themselves of the authority of Medina. Thus, returning to the type of relations with Mecca which were in effect during the Jahiliyya, they were willing to negotiate over agreements with the Medinan leadership which would be based on the principle of non-aggression. Some chiefs of tribes proposed to defend Medina, and to protect the city against attacks by other tribes, in return for certain payments they would get. Abu Bakr refused to negotiate with the chiefs of the tribes and decided to fight the hostile forces in the vicinity of Medina. The Muslim troops dis~atched by Abu Bakr succeeded in crushing the revolt and in bringing the tribes of the peninsula under the authority of Medina. Abu Bakr thus assured the survival and the perpetuation of the commonwealth of Medina. Having brought the tribal forces under the control of Medina and having laid a solid foundation for their unity and loyalty, he sent tribal troops under Medinan command towards the northern and the eastern borders of the Arab peninsula, thus initiating the powerful Muslim conquests in the Persian and Byzantine empires. An examination of some data incorporated in the reports about the ridda may help in elucidating certain economic aspects. of the revolt. The scrutiny of a hadith which is often quoted in the story of the ridda may enable us to get a glimpse into the ideas held by certain groups of Muslim scholars concerning the conditions imposed on those willing to embrace Isiam after the death of the Prophet, the status of the ridda people, and the question whether it was right to make war on them. 34 The term ridda, apostasy, applied in the sources to the rebellious movement of the tribes, was questioned by Western scholars who pointed out the political and social aspects of the revolt. I The economic factors Ieading to the rebellion were clearly expounded by Shaban.' who emphasized the struggle which the tribes, whether allied to Medina or not, carried against the Medinan hegemony and the commercial interests which played a major part in intertribal relations. The economic effect of conversion to Isiam can indeed be noticed in some early traditions. Al-Shafi'I carries a report that (members of -K) Quraysh used to travel to Syria and Iraq with their merchandise. Upon their conversion to Islam they spoke to the Prophet of their fear that their income might suffer as a result of their break with unbelief and of their having become Muslims, a step which might displease the rulers of Syria and Iraq. The Prophet allayed their anxiety by predicting that the end of Persian and Byzantine rule was near. 3 The unrest in Mecca after the death of the Prophet, the feeling of uncertainty and the fear oflosing their means of sustenance if they remained Ioyal to Islam and kept their obligations seem to have cast a shadow over the city;" the inhabitants wavered in face of the tribal revolt and were reluctant to pay their taxes. Suhayl b. 'Amrs Wellhausen, See e.g. A.J. Wensinck, The Muslim Creed, London 1965(repr.);pp.II-12;J. Das Arabische Reich und Sein Sturz, Berlin 1960 (repr.), pp. 14-15; C. Brockelmann, History of the Islamic Peoples, New York 1947, pp. 45-6 (... "In this religious motives played scarcely any role at all; there was simply a desire to be rid of the troublesome rule of the Muslims in Medina."); W. Montgomery Watt, MulJammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, pp. 79-80, 147-150. M.A. Shaban, Islamic History. A new interpretation, Cambridge 1971, pp. 19-23. AI-Shafi'i, al-Umm, Cairo 1321 (repr. 1388/1968), IV, 94; al-Tahawt, Mushkil al-tIthtIr, Hyderabad 1333, I, 214 (from al-Shafi'I); and see the lJadfth: idhtI halaka kisrtI ... : al-Tal)awi, Mushkil, I, 212-217; al-Suyutl, al-Khalti'il al-kubrtI, ed. Khaltl Harras, Cairo 1387/1967, 11,412; Ibn Kathir, NihtIyat al-bidtIya wa-l-nihaya, ed, Muhammad Fahtm Abo 'Ubayya, Riydd 1968, 1,9-10; idem, ShamtI'iI al-rasid, ed. Mu~~afa 'Abd al-Wal)id, Cairo 1386/1967, p. 352; idem al-Bid4ya wa-[..nihtIya,Beirut 1966, VI, 194; AbO l-Mal)asin YOsufb. MOsa al-Hanafl, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar, Hyderabad 1362, I, 248-249. Several reports stress however that Mecca was not affected by the ridda movement; see e.g, al- Tabarl, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1357/1939, 11,475; al-Maqdisi, al-Bad' wa-l-ta'rtkh, ed, Huart, Paris 1899, V, 151 inf.; al-Shawkanl, Nayl al-autdr, IV, 135; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qart, VIII, 244, I. II from bottom. See on him e.g. al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh wa-akhbtIrihtI, Ms. Bodley, Marsh 384, fols. 189a·190a; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Nasab quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1953, pp. 417-418; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam fiman intasaba iltI t-nabiyyt lalltI IltIhu 'alayki wa-sallam, Ms. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fols. I 96a-197a; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ltIm al-nubaltI', ed. As'ad Talas, Cairo 1962, III, 32, 1,141-142; idem, Ta'n7ch al-isltIm, Cairo 1367, II, 15; Ibn Hajar, al-Isab«, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl, Cairo 139VI972, III, 212, no. 3575; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Istt'db, ed. Mul)ammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 1380/1960, pp. 669-672, no. 1106; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghtIba, Cairo 1280, 11,371-373; al-I:Iakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, III, 281-282; Ibn al-'Arabi,AlJktImal-qur'tIn, ed. 'Air al-Bijawi, Cairo 138711967, 11,951 inf. - 952. ...ilia bi-haqqihi ... 35 ascended the minbar and addressed Quraysh; stressing the extent of his wealth he urged them to hand over their zakiit to the governor and promised to compensate them for any zakdt payment should the regime of Medina collapse." Al-Jarud, the leader of 'Abd al-Qays, promised his people to repay double the losses they would incur if they remained faithful to Islam." The tribes' unwillingness to pay the tax, the zakiit, is plairily reflected in the recorded speeches of the triballeaders and in the verses of their poets. It is noteworthy indeed that when the Ieaders of the rebellious tribes were captured and brought before Abu Bakr accused of apostasy, they defended themselves by saying that they had not become unbelievers, but were merely stingy with their wealth (i.e. they were reluctant to pay the zakdt from it - K).B Another aspect of the secession movement was the triballeaders' contention that their allegiance was confined to the Prophet; they had concluded their agreements with him, had accepted his authority and had given him the oath of allegiance; they had no commitment to Abu Bakr.9 The arguments of the secessionist tribes, who stressed the incompetence of the successor of the Prophet and claimed that they were exempted from paying the zakiit, are recorded in some commentaries of the Qur'an, They are said to have based themselves on Sura IX, 103: ..... Take aIms of their wealth to purify them and to cleanse them thereby and pray for them, thy prayers are a comfort for them ... ". It is the Prophet who is addressed in this verse and ordered to collect the tax; and it was the Prophet who was authorized to purify and cleanse them and to pray for them in return for Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed, Khurshld Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 260-261; al-Baladhurt, Ansab al-ashrdf, ed. Muhammad Hamldullah, Cairo 1959, p. 304: ... wo-ana ifijminun, in lam yatimma l-amru; an aruddaha ilaykum ... Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, II, 371 penult: anna rasiila lliihi lammd tuwuffiya irtajjat makkatu Iimii ra'at qurayshun min irtidddi 1-'arabi wa-khtafa 'attdbu bnu astdin al-umawiyyu, amiru makkata Ii-l-nabiyyits) fa-qdma suhaylu bnu 'amrin khattban ... ; and see Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. MU~lafa l-Saqa, Ibrahim al-Abyarl, 'Abd al-Hafiz al-Shalabl, Cairo 1355/1936, IV, 316: ... anna akthara ahli makkata, lammii tuwuffiya rasiilu lliihi(~) hammii bi-I-rujii'i 'an al-isldmi wa-ariidii dhiilika /Jattii khii/ahum 'attdbu bnu asidin fatawiirii, fa-qama suhaylun ... ; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dalii'if al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd alKarim 'Uthrnan, Beirut 1386/1966, p. 317; and cf. pp. 227-228. Ibn Abf l-Hadld, Shar/J nah} al-baliigha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-FaQI Ibrahlm, Cairo 1964, XVIII, 57. AI-Shafi'f,op. cit., IV, 134: ... wa-qiilii li-abtbakrin ba'da l-isdri: mii kafarnd ba'da imiininii we-lakin sha/Ja/Jnii 'alii amwiilinii ... ; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, VIII, 178; al-Kala'I, Ta'rikh al-ridda, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, New Delhi 1970, p. 42; cf. ib. pp. 149, 170. See e.g. al-Shafi'I, op. cit., IV, 134; al- Tabarf, Ta'rikh, II, 417: a!a'niirasl1lalliihimii kdna was!anii:/a-yii 'ajaban mii biilu mulki abt bakri; Ibn al-'ArabI, op. cit., II, 994; Ibn Kathlr, al-Biddya, VI, 313; al-Khattabl, Ma'iilim al-sunan, Halab 1933,II,4;a1-Bayhaqf,al-Sunan al-kubra, VIII, 178. 36 their payment. Consequently they considered themselves dispensed from their obligations towards the Prophet, as his successor had not the ability to grant them the compensation mentioned in the Qur'an.'? It is rather doubtful whether the leaders of the seceding tribes indeed used arguments based on the interpretation of Qur'anic verses when they debated with the Muslim Ieaders; the recorded interpretation reflects however the idea held by the seceding tribal Ieaders that their obligations and allegiance were only binding towards the Prophet, not towards his successor. It is noteworthy that the Muslim tradition which emphasizes the religious aspects of the ridda secession also provides a clue to a better evaluation of the intentions of the rebellious tribes. Certain Iate compilations of hadith. and of fiqh are of importance for the elucidation of a number of terms occurring in the traditions. Wensinck quotes the commentary of al-Nawawi (d. 676 H) on Muslim's (d. 261 H) $aJ:zil:lin which it is said that there were three kinds of resistance in Arabia: there were two groups of unbelievers (viz. the followers of the false prophets and people who gave up religion altogether - K) and a group who did not renounce IsIam, but refused to pay the zakdt. Wensinck puts forward a very similar division: "those who followed religious or political adventurers and therefore turned their backs on Medina and Isiam and those who cut the Iinks with Medina without associating themselves with any new religious Ieader. This Iatter group did not, in all probability, reject IsIam; for their attachment to religion must have been too insignificant a fact. What they rejected was zakat':" The division, as recorded by al-Nawawi, can however be traced back to a period some four and half centuries earlier. Al-Shafi'I (d. 204 H) gives a similar division of the seceding groups, drawing a clear line between those who fell into unbelief like the followers of Musaylima, Tulayha and al-Aswad aI-'Ansl and those who refused to pay the zakiit, while remaining faithful to IsIam.12 It is significant that al-Shafi'I, in analyzing the problem whether it is permitted to fight and kill members of these groups, raises doubts whether the term ahl-al-ridda, "people of apostasy", can be applied to both of them. He finally justifies it by referring to them common usage of Arabic, in which irtadda denotes retreat from former tenets; this 10 11 12 Ibn al-'Arabi, op. ctt., II, 994; al-Qastallanl, Irshdd al-sart ii-sharI} ~al}i1;Ii /-bukhtirf. Cairo 1327, III, 6; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir (= al-Jdmi' Ii-al}ktimi I-qur'tin), Cairo 1386/1967, VIII, 244-245; Ibn Kathir, a/-Bidtiya, VI. 311. Wensinck, op. cit .• p. 13. Al-Shafi'I, op. cit.• IV, 134. ... illii bi-haqqihi.: 37 includes, of course, both: falling into unbelief and the refusal to pay the taxes. 13 When al-Shafi'I analyzes the status of the second group, he remarks that in their refusal to pay the zakiit they acted as if they were interpreting the verse Sura IX, 103 in the way mentioned above. Shafi'f is concerned with the problem of the false interpretation of the verse (al-muta'awwilun almumtani'iini and seeks to establish that fighting this group and killing its members is lawful, by comparing it to the group of Muslims rebelling unjustly against a just ruler (al-biighiin). He ultimately justifies without reserve the war-action taken by Abu Bakr against the group which refused to pay the zakat," The status of this group is discussed at length by al-Khattabi (d. 384 H) who states that they were in fact unjust rebels (wa-hii'ulii'i 'alii l-baqiqati ahlu baghyin) although they were not given this name at the time; this name became current at the time of 'AlL IS He remarks that among this group there were some factions who were ready to pay the tax, but who were prevented from doing so by their Ieaders. He further stresses that they were indeed not unbelievers (kufjiir); they shared the name ahl al-ridda with the unbelievers because Iike them they refused to carry out certain duties and prescriptions of the faith." The argument of this group in connection with the verse Sura IX, 103 is here recorded in a peculiar context, revealing some details of later polemic over religious and political issues in connection with the decision of Abu Bakr to fight those who refused to pay the zakdt, Al-Khattabl identifies explicitly the people who passed sharp criticism on Abu Bakr's action; those were certain people from among the snrt rawiifid, who stated that the tribes refusing to pay the zakat merely held a different interpretation for the verse mentioned above (Sura IX, 103): it was the Prophet who was addressed in the verse and only the Prophet could purify them and pray for them." As a consequence it was not right to fight them and Abu Bakr's military action was oppressive and unjust. A certain Shi'I faction argued indeed that the group which had refused the zakdt payment suspected Abu Bakr and considered him unworthy of being entrusted with their property (scil, of having it handed over to him as taxK). Al-Khattabi refutes these arguments and marks them as lies and Il 14 IS Al-Shafi'I, op. cit., ib. (...fd-in qiila qd'ilun: md dalla 'alii dhdlika wa-l-timmatu lahum ahlu l-ridda ...). AI-Shafi'l, op. cit., IV, 134. taqulu 16 17 AI-Khallabl,op. cit., 11,4; and see p. 6: ..fa-ammii mlini'u l-zakdti minhum t-muqtmana 'alii alii l-dint fa-innahum ahlu baghyin ... ; cr. al-Shawkant, Nayl al-autdr, Cairo 1372/1953, IV, 135-137 (quoting al-Khattabt), AI-Khal\abl,op. cit., II, 6. cr. above, note 10; and see al-Sh~wkanl, Nayl, IV, 136. 38 calumnies. Al-Khattabi argues that the verse was actually addressed to the Prophet, but that it put an obligation on all the believers and that it is incumbent upon all the believers at all times. Cleansing and purificaticn will be granted to the believer who hands over the zakiit and it is recommended that the imam and the collector of taxes invoke God's blessing for the payer of the tax. Further al-Khattabi strengthens his argument by a hadith' of the Prophet. According to this tradition the last words of the Prophet were: "Prayer and what your right hands possess." This hadtth is usually interpreted as a bid to observe the prayer and to take care of one's dependents; but al-Khattabi's interpretation is different; according to him "md ma/akat aymdnukum"; "what your right hands possess" refers to property and possessions and has to be understood as an injunction to pay the zakdt tax." According to this interpretation zakdt goes together with prayer. Consequently al-Khattabi deduces that zakdt is as obligatory as prayer and that he who is in charge of prayer is also in charge of the collection of zakiit, This was one of the considerations which induced Abu Bakr not to permit that prayer be separated from tax and to set out to fight the group Ioyal to IsIam, but refusing to pay the zakdt. Finally al-Khattabi compares Abu Bakr's attitude towards this group and the rules which would apply nowadays should such a group, or a similar one arise. In the period of Abu Bakr the aim was merely to compel the rebels to pay the tax; they were not killed. The Ieniency shown towards them took into consideration their ignorance since they had been in Islam only for a short period. But a group who would deny zakdt nowadays would be considered as falling into unbelief and apostasy and the apostate would have to be killed. 19 The discussions concerning the Iawfulness of Abu Bakr's decision to fight this group can thus be understood as a Iater debate with the aim of a positive evaluation of Abu Bakr's action against the rebellious tribes, and providing convincing proof that his action was in accordance with the prescriptions and injunctions of the Qur'an and with the sunna of the Prophet. The precedent of Abu Bakr had to serve as an example for dealing with similar cases of revolt in the contemporary Muslim Empire. The Sunni assessment of Abu Bakr's action is put forward in an utterance attributed to al-Hasan al-Basri and recorded by AbU Sukayn (d. 251 18 19 See both interpretations in Ibn al-Athir's al-Nihdya s.v. mlk; L 'A s.v. mlk; and cr. e.g, Ibn Sa'd, TabaqOt, Beirut 1376/1957, II, 253-254; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Muiannq{, ed.I;IabIb al-Rahman al-A'zaml, Beirut 1392/1972, V 436 (ittaqr1 114hajr l-nis4'i wa-mO malakat aym4nukum); Nilr ai-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawO'id, Beirut 1967 (reprint) IV, 237. AI-KhaUibr,op. cit., 11,6-9; cr. Ibn Kathtr, Ta!sfral-qur'On, Beirut 1385/1966, III, 488. ...uta bi-haqqihi ... 39 H)20in his JuZ'.21 Al-Hasan evaluates the crucial events in the history ofthe Muslim community according to the actions of the men who shaped the destiny of the community for ever. Four men set aright the Muslim community. al-Hasan says, and two men impaired and spoilt it. 'Umar b. al-Khattab set it aright on the Day of the Hall of the Bam} Sa'ida , answering the arguments of the Ansar who demanded an equal share in authority with Quraysh. He reminded the assembled that the Prophet ordered Abu Bakr to pray in front of the people (thus establishing his right to rule the people - K) and that the Prophet uttered the bidding saying: "The leaders are from Quraysh" (al-a'immatu min quraysh). The Ansar convinced by the arguments of 'U mar dropped their claim for a QurashiAnsari duumvirate of two amlrs, But for 'Umar people would litigate upon the rights of the Caliphate until the Day of Resurrection. Abu Bakr set aright the Muslim community during the ridda. He asked the advice of the people (i.e. the Companions of the Prophet - K) and all of them advised him to accept from the rebelling tribes their commitment of prayer and give up their zakat. But Abu Bakr insisted and swore that if they withheld even one string which they had been in the habit of paying to the Messenger of Allah he would fight them. But for Abu Bakr, says al-Hasan, people would stray away from the right path until the Day of Resurrection. 'Uthrnan saved the community like 'Umar and Abu Bakr by the introduction of the single reading of the Qur'an. But for 'Uthman people would go astray on the Qur'an until the Day of Resurrection. Finally 'Ali like his predecessors set aright the community by refusing to divide the captives and spoils of his defeated enemies after the Battle of the Camel, thus establishing the rules which apply in a case when factions of the believers (ahl al-qibla) fight each other. In contradistinction to these four righteous Caliphs two men corrupted the Muslim community: 'Amr b. al-'A~ by the advice he gave to Mu'awiya to lift the Qur'ansrat Siffin - K) which caused the khawdrij and their tahkim to appear; this (fateful split of the community - K) will last until the Day of Resurrection. The other wicked man is al-Mughira b. Shu'ba, who advised Mu'awiya to appoint his son (Yazid) as Caliph, thus establishing a hereditary rule. But for al-Mughira the shUra principle of election would have persisted until the Day of Ressurection. The utterance of al-Hasan al-Basri expounds clearly the Sunni view about the role of the four Guided Caliphs in Muslim historiography. It is an adequate response to the Shi'i accusations directed against the three 20 21 Zakariya b. Yahya al-Kuft; see on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, no. 627; ai-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rfkh baghdad, VIII, 456, no. 4569. Ms. Leiden Or. 2428, fols. 4b-5a (not recorded by Sezgin); cf. Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa, op. cit., I, 222. 40 first Caliphs. The credit given to Abu Bakr in establishing the zakdt as a binding prescription Iasting until the Day of Resurrection is ignored in the -Shi'i commentaries of the Qur'an: it is true that zakdt is a fundamental injunction imposed on every believer; but the prerogative of the Prophet mentioned in Sura IX, 103 (purification and cleansing) was transferred to the imam (i.e. the Shi'i imam - K). Accordingly people need the imam to accept their aIms in order to gain purification; the imiim, however, does not need their property (handed over to him - K); anyone who claims that the imiim is in need of the wealth of the people is a kafir." In support of the notion that Abu Bakr's decision to fight the people of the ridda was right, Sunni tradition states that the revolt and Abu Bakr's steps are foretold in the revelation of the Qur'an (Sura V, 54): "0 believers, whosoever of you turns from his religion God will assuredly bring a people He loves and who Iove Him" ... The people whom God Ioves and who Iove God refers to Abu Bakr and the men who aided him in the struggle against the ridda revolt." Shi'i traditions maintain that the verse refers to 'Ali and his adherents, to whom the description of people Ioving God and Ioved by God is applied. 'Ali and his adherents were thus ordered to fight the people who had 22 2! Al-Bahran! a1-TaubaII al-KataklinI, al-BurhtInft ta/sfri l·qur'4n, Qumm 1393, II, 156: al-'AyyAshi, al-Ta/sfr, ed, HAshim al-Rasiili a1-Mal)allAtr, Qumm 1371, II, 106, no. 111; and see about the case of paymcnt of the sadaqa to the governors of Mu'Awiya during the strugglc between him and 'All: al MajlisI, Bil}iir al-anwar, Tehran 1388, XCVI, 69-70, no. 45 (...Iaysa lahu an yanzila bil4dana wa-yu'addiya sadaqata malihi i/a 'aduwwin4); cf. ib. p. 68, no. 41 ial-mutasaddiqu 'ala a'dli'in4 ktrl-sariqi ft haram: Ilahl); and see the argument establishing that it is lawful for the Shi'I imams to receive the zak4t, because they werc deprived of the khums: ib., p. 69 no. 44. Comp. Ibn Babuyah al-QummI 'Ilal al-shar4'i, Najaf 1385/1966 p. 378 (about receiving of the khums by the Shf'I imam: ... innf laakhudhu min a/.ladikum l-dirhama wa-innt lamin akthari ahli l-madtnati mdkm, ma urtdu bi-dhdhka ilia an tunahanT). Al-Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Shakir, Cairo 1957, X, 411-414 (nos. 12177-12187), 418 (no. 12201), 419-420; al-Qurtubl, op. cit., VI, 220; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbftdala'ilal-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Kartrn 'Uthman, Beirut 1386/1966, pp. 417 inf. -418, 424 (and see 'Abd al-Jabbar's refutation of the claim of the zanadiqa that Abil Bakr was an apostate, p. 418); Abill-Layth al-Samarqandi, Ta/sfr, Ms. Chester Beatty 3668, I, 165a; al- Tha'labI, Tafsir, Ms. Br. Mus. Add. 19926, p. 389; al-Naysaburt, Ghara'ib al-qur'4n wa-ragh4'ib al-/urq4n, Cairo 138111962, VI, 114; al-Khazin, Lub4b al-ta'wil, Cairo 1381, II, 54 (see ib.: wa-qdla abu bakr b. 'ayyash: sami'tu aba lrusayn yaqulu: m4 wul/da ba'da I-nab/yyi afdalu min abt bakrin I-#ddfqi; laqad qama maqdma nabiyyin min al-anbiy4 ft qitali ahli l-ridda; al-BaghawI, Ma'alim al-tanztl (on margin of al-Khazin's Lubab) II, 53-54; Abil Hayyan, al-Bahr al-mu/.lf" Cairo 1328, III, 511; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthtlr, Cairo, II, 292-293; Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, II, 595. According to other traditions the verse refers to some tribal groups of aI-Yaman (Kinda, Ash'ar, Tujib,Sakiln), to the An,Ar, to the people who fought at Qadisiyya, to the Persians who will embrace Islam. And sec Ibn Kathlr, al-Bid4ya, VI, 312; Ibn Hajar al-HaytamI, al-$awtTiq al-mulrriqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhlib 'Abd al-Latlf, Cairo 1375, pp. 14-15. ...ilia bi-haqqihi.: 41 broken their vow of allegiance tal-ndkithin - i.e. Talha and aI-Zubayr), the people who strayed away from the true faith (al-mdriqin - i.e. the khawiiri]) and the unjust (a/-qiis(tfn - i.e. Mu'awiya and his adherents)." The various interpretations recorded in the Qur'an commentaries expound the diverse views about the ridda revolt, evaluate the decision of Abu Bakr to fight the rebellious tribes and try to establish the Iegal base of his fight, emphasizing his sound judgment, his courage and devotion to the faith of Islam. The widely current tradition about Abu Bakr's decision to fight the rebellious tribes is connected with the interpretation of an utterance of the Prophet concerning the creed of Islam and the conditions of conversion. Abu Bakr is said to have discussed the intent of the utterance with 'Umar and to have succeeded in convincing 'Umar that his interpretation was the right one. Consequently 'Umar and the Companions joined Abu Bakrwho declared war on the tribes who, though claiming allegiance to IsIam, refused to pay the prescribed tax of zakiit, This crucial report is rendered by Wensinck as follows: When the Apostle of Allah had departed this world and Abu Bakr had been appointed his vicegerent, and some of the Beduins had forsaken Islam, 'Umar ibn al-Khattab said to Abu Bakr: How is it possible for thee to make war on these people, since the Apostle of Allah has said: I am ordered to make war on people till they say: There is no God but Allah? And whoever says: There is no God but Allah has thereby rendered inviolable his possessions and his person, apart from the duties which he has to pay. And it belongs to Allah to call him to account. Thereupon Abu Bakr answered: By Allah, I shall make war on whomsoever makes a distinction between the saldt and the zaktit. For the zakdt is the duty that must be paid from possessions. By Allah, if they should withhold from me a string which they used to pay to the Apostle of Allah, I would make war on them on account of their refusal. Thereupon 'Umar said: By Allah, only because I saw that Allah had given Abu Bakr the conviction that he must wage war, did I recognize that he was right." This report with its different versions, was the subject of thorough analysis and discussion by Muslim scholars. The significant feature of this tradition is the single shahdda: "There is no deity except Allah." Acting 2. AI-Bal)nlni,op. cit .• 1,478-479; al-Naysabiirl, op. cit., VI, 114 inf. -115; al- Tabarsi, Ta/sl'r Majma' al-baydn fi tafsiri I-qur'dn) Beirut 1380/1961, VI, 122-124 (quoting sunnf traditions as well). Wensinck,op. cit., pp. 13-14. ( = * " 42 according to the hadith cast in this way would indicate that the single shahiida declaring the oneness of God, without complementing it with the shahdda of the prophethood of Muhammad, is sufficient as a declaration of faith, preventing any Muslim to attack or harm the person uttering it and protecting that person and his possessions from any injury and damage. There are indeed some traditions in which it is prohibited to fight people uttering the shahiida of belief: Iii ildha illii lliih. "If one of you draws the spear against a man and the spearhead reaches already the pit of his throat, he has to withdraw it if the man utters the shahiida of Iii iliiha illii lldh."?" This injunction is supplemented by a decision of the Prophet in a hypothetical case brought before him by al-Miqdad b. 'Amr. "If an unbeliever fighting me would cut off my hand, then he would utter Iii ildha illii lldh, shall I spare him or kill him"? - asked Miqdad, "You should spare him", answered the Prophet. "After he had cut off my hand?" - interpellated al-Miqdad, The Prophet said confirming his prior utterance: "Yes. And if you were to kill him (sci!. after he had uttered the single shahiida - K) you would be in his position before his utterance (i.e. you would become an unbeliever - K). "27 Another case is recorded in connection with the Prophet himself: a man talked secretly with the Prophet. Then the Prophet gave the order to kill him. When he turned back the Prophet called him and asked him: "Do you attest that there is no deity except Allah"? "Yes", answered the man. The Prophet then ordered to release him and said: "I have been merely ordered to make war on people until they say Iii ildha illii lliih: when they do their blood and possessions are inviolable by me. "28 It is noteworthy that the phrase of exception illii bi-haqqihd is not recorded in this version. It is however recorded by al-Tahawf" and by Ibn Majah himself in two other traditions recorded by him.'? This tradition according to which the mere utterance of the oneness of God was sufficient as proof of conversion to Isiam and granted inviolability of person and property was of paramount importance to scholars of Muslim jurisprudence in establishing the terms of conversion. It is obvious that these scholars could hardly agree with the formula of one shahiida ~s a condition of conversion." Some of the commentators of this tradition 2. 27 28 2. 30 Jl See e.g. ai-Muttaqi al-Hindl, Kanz al-ummat; Hyderabad 1364, I, 76, no. 369 (and cf. e.g. ib., pp. 38-41, nos. Ill, 112, 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 126, 127, 130-132, 136... ). Al-Tahawl, Shar~ ma'iinfl-iithdr, ed. Muhammad Zuhrl l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968, III, 213; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musa, op. cit., I, 215-217; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrd, VIII, 195. Ibn Majah, Sunan al-mustafd, Cairo 1349, II, 458. AI-Tabiiwi, Shar~ ma'iini I-iithiir, III, 213. Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 457; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., I, 77, no. 373. In a similar story recorded by Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, VI, 419, NOr ai-Din al-Haytharnl, op. cit., VI, 262. The man who apostatized three times and finally converted to Islam ...i/Ia bi-haqqihi.: shahdda 43 tried to attach to the shahdda of the oneness of God the implied sense of the of the prophethood of Muhammad; the badith in the recorded version is merely an allusion (kiniiya) to the open announcement of conversion to Islam (i?hiir shi'iir at-islam) and includes in fact the shahdda about the prophethood of Muhammad and the acceptance of the tenets of his faith." Some scholars regarded those who uttered the shahdda of the oneness of God as Muslims who shared the rights and obligations of other Muslims." Other scholars maintained that the utterance of the shahdda itself did not indicate conversion to IsIam; it merely indicated a renunciation of the former belief. It could however not be concluded that they had embraced Islam; they might have joined another monotheistic faith which, though attesting the oneness of God, is yet considered unbelief(kuJr). As a result it was necessary to suspend fight against such people until it was made clear that there was an obligation to make war on them. It eould thus be deduced that this tradition refers to polytheists, who had to utter the shahiida.34 It is evident that the injunction of the hadith' does not apply to Jews, who are monotheists and who uphold the oneness of God as a tenet of their faith. Hence when the Prophet handed over the banner to 'Ali and bade him fight the Jews of Khaybar, he enjoined him to fight them until they utter both shahiidas: of the oneness of God and of the prophethood of Muhammad." But the utterance of both shahddas by the Jews is not sufficient in the opinion of aI-Tahawi, as it does not confirm beyond doubt the Jews' conversion to Islam. It is, namely, possible that they attest the prophethood of Muhammad besides the oneness of God while they believe that Muhammad was sent as Messenger to the Arabs only." The utterance of the two shahddas by Jews denotes that they have renounced their faith; but it does not necessarily mean that they have embraced Islam. The Muslims fighting them are therefore obliged to cease fighting until they ascertain what is the real intention of the Jews, exactly as in the case of the polytheists uttering the soIe shahiida of the oneness of God. In both cases there is no evidence that the people making the declaration have joined IsIam; conversion to Isiam cannot be affected without the renunciation of the former faith of the convert; in the case of the Jews an additional uttered, however, the double shahdda: of the oneness of God and of the prophethood of Muhammad. Al-Sindi,/fashiya (= al-Nasa'I, Sunan, Cairo 1348/1930) V, 15; idem,/fashiya( = Ibn Miijah, op. cit., II, 457). Al-Tahawl, SharI} ma'ani, III, 213, penult: qdla abiija'far: fa-qad dhahaba qaumun ild anna man qala la ildha ilia llahu faqad sara bihd musliman, lahu ma li-l-muslimina wa-'alayhi ma 'ala l-muslimtna wa-lJtajjii bi-hddhihi I-athdri. Al-Tahawl, SharI} ma'anT, III, 214. Muslim,op. cit., VII, 121. AI-Tat,iiwi, SharI} ma'ani, III; 214. 32 Jl ,. JS J6 44 stipulation was added: to ascertain that they have fully accepted the tenets of Islam without reservations. A peculiar case of this kind is reported in a tradition about two Jews who uttered the two shahiidas, but were reluctant to follow the Prophet because the Jews believe that Dawud prayed to God asking that prophethood remain among his descendants; had those two Jews joined the Prophet the other Jews would have killed them." The confession of the two Jews and their declaration of the prophethood of Muhammad was insufficient to make them Muslims and they remained Jews. The Prophet did not order to fight them so as to force them to , commit themselves to all the injunctions and tenets of Islam, as stated by al-Tahawi. 38 In harmony with the idea that conversion to Isiam implied the convert's renunciation of the former faith was a tradition attributed to the Prophet according to which one who utters the shahiida of oneness of God and renounces the gods which he had worshipped before - God will make inviolable his person and property (literally: harrama lldhu damahu wamiilahu) and it is up to God to call him to account." It was, of course, essential to establish in which period the Prophet uttered hadtths of this type in which the condition of conversion to Islam was confined to the shahdda of the oneness of God and to assess their validity. Sufyan b. 'Uyayna maintained that this utterance was announced at the beginning of IsIam, before the prescriptions of prayer, zakdt, fasting and hijra were revealed." One can easily understand why some Muslim scholars tried to establish the early date of this tradition and state that as a result it must have been abrogated after the imposition of the above mentioned injunctions. This can be deduced from the comment of Sufyan b. 'Uyayna. Ibn Rajab tries to undermine the validity of the hadtth and also of Ibn 'Uyayna's comment. The transmitters of the hadith, says Ibn Rajab, were the Companions of the Prophet in Medina (i.e. not in the first period of IsIam, in Mecca - K); some of the persons on whose authority the badflh is reported converted to Islam in the Iate period (scil. of the Iife ofthe Prophet - K); therefore the soundness of the tradition as traced back to Sufyan is a moot question (wa-jf #bbalihi 'an sufydna nazari and his opinion has to be J7 See e.g. al-Dhahabl, Ta'rtkh, Cairo 1367, I, 223; Ibn Kathir, ShamtI'i/ al-rasul wa-dald'il nubuwwatth! ... ed. Muuafii 'Abd al- Wiibid, Cairo 1386/1967, p. 333; Ibn al-Athir,lami' al-u/ul min a/;ItIdithil-rasul, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1374/1955, XII, 96, no. 8899; Ibn Abi Shayba, Ta'rtkh, Ms. Berlin 9409 (Sprenger 104), fol. 5a-6a; alTabawi, SharI) ma'tInf, III, 215. Al-Tahawl, SharI) ma'ani, III, 215. Muslim, op. cit., I, 40 sup.; Ibn Rajab, Jami' al-'ulum wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadl Abii I-Niir, Cairo 1389/1970, I, 180. Ibn Rajab, Jami', ib. 31 30 40 ..,ilia bi-haqqihi ... 45 considered weak. Ibn Rajab examines further the phrase 'asamii minni dimd'ahum wa-amwdlahum (they will cause their blood and property to be inviolab1e by me) in the tradition, arguing that this phrase indicates that the Prophet had already been ordered to make war on those who refused to convert to IsIam; this injunction was revealed to the Prophet after hishijra to Medina." According to the arguments of Ibn Rajab the Prophet uttered this hadtth after his hijra to Medina. Ibn Rajab puts forward a different assumption about the persistent validity of the tradition, and explains its origin on the background of the Prophet's custom and conduct with regard to conversion to Isiam. The Prophet used to be satisfied with the mere recitation ofthe two shahiidas by a convert to Islam; he would then grant the convert the right of inviolability for his person and regard him as Muslim. He even rebuked Usama b. Zayd for killing a man who uttered only the shahdda of the oneness of God. The Prophet, argues Ibn Rajab, did not stipulate with converts prayer and the payment of zakdt. There is even a tradition according to which he accepted the conversion of a group who asked to be dispensed from paying the zakdt, Further, Ibn Rajab quotes from Ahmad b. l;Ianbal'sMusnadthe /:Iadfth(recorded on the authoity of Jabir b. 'Abdallah) reporting that the delegation of Thaqif stipulated (in their negotiations with the ProphetK)42 that they would not pay the sadaqa nor would they participate in the expeditions of the holy war, jihad; the Prophet (agreed and - K) said: "They will (in the future - K) pay the sadaqa and will fight.'?" Another tradition recorded by Ibn Hanbal and quoted by Ibn Rajab states that the Prophet accepted the conversion of a man who stipulated that he would pray only two prayers (instead offive, during the day - K). Ibn Hanbal also records a tradition reporting that Hakim b. Hizam gave the Prophet the oath of conversion on the condition that he would not perform the rak'a during prostration." Basing himself on these traditions Ahmad b. Hanbal concluded that conversion to Islam may be accomplished despite a faulty stipulation; subsequently, the convert will be obliged to carry out the prescriptions of the law of Islam." " ., ., •• Ibn Rajab, Jdmi", ib.; cf. idem, Kalimat al-ikhlii/, ed. al-Shawish and al-Albanl, Beirut 1397, pp. 19-21. Cf. JSAl ( = Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam) I (1979), 1-18, "Some Reports Concerning al-Ta'if." Ibn Rajah, Jami', I, 180; the version quoted is in some traditions followed by the phrase: idhti astama . Ibn Rajab, Jdmi'; I, 180-181. Ibn Rajab, Jami'; I, 181: ... wa-akhadha l-imdmu ahmadu bi-hadhihi I-al)tidfthi wa-qala: ya#Mu l-islamu 'ala l-sharti 1-f4sidi; thumma yulzamu bi-shara'i'i I-isltimi. 46 Ibn Rajab joins Ibn Hanbal in his opinion and sums up the subject as follows: The utterance of the two shabada« by itselfforms the conversion and is sufficient to turn the convert inviolable; when he enters Islam he has to carry out the obligatory prescriptions of the Muslim Iaw including, of course, prayer and zakdt, If he performs them, he shares in the rights and duties of the Muslim community. Ifa group of converts does not carry out any of these fundamental obligations, they should be fought and compelled to carry them OUt.46 It may be assumed that the utterance of the Prophet promising inviolabili ty to the person and property of converts who utter the shahiida of the oneness of God, as quoted by 'Umar in his discussion with Abu Bakr, was contrasted by traditions according to which the convert had to utter the shahddas of oneness of God, and of the prophethood of Muhammad and renounce the tenets of his former faith. There was a clear tendency to bridge over the divergent traditions. The question of'Umar as to how Abu Bakr could fight the people (al-niis) since the Prophet had stated that he would make war on them only until they utter the single shahdda of the oneness of God was explained as a misunderstanding. 'Umar referred in his question to the unbelievers, as al-nds denoted in his perception idol worshippers; the utterance of the Prophet referred, of course, to these people. But Abu Bakr intended to fight also people who refused to pay zakdt, but did not renounce Islam; thus the word al-nds included in his opinion this category of people as well, Both Abu Bakr and 'Umar did not remember during their talk the hadith' transmitted by 'Abdallah, the son of 'Umar, in which conversion to Islam was explicitly said to depend upon the utterance of both shahddas, the performance of prayers and the payment of zakat:" Abu Bakr based himself on the Iast phrase of this 'utterance and replied: "By God I shall make war on those who make a distinction between prayer and the zakiit-tax, as the zakiit is a duty imposed on property"; 'Umar seems not to have noticed the phrase of exception: illa bi-haqqihi at the end of the utterance. This phrase was rendered by the commentators: illii bi-haqqi l-isldmi and explicated as referring to murder, refusal to perform the prayer, refusal to pay the zakiit by false interpretation (of the verses of the Qur'an - K) and other things (i.e. either the committing of crimes or negligence to carry out the prescriptions of the Muslim Iaw - K). Abu Bakr thus explained to 'Umar that the person uttering the shahdda of the oneness of God is in fact granted the inviolabiIity of body and property and should not be fought except on the ground of 4' Ibn Rajab, Umi', I, 181-182, See the tradition e.g. Ibn Rajab, Kalimat al-Ikhldi. ... ilIii bi-haqqihi ... 47 the Islamic law, which makes it necessary to fight people committing crimes or grave religious sins. As there was unanimity among the Companions that the non-performance of prayer was a gra ve sin, it was the duty of a Muslim ruler to make war on groups refusing to carry out this prescription. Abu Bakr, stating that he will make war on people who would separate prayer from zakdt, based himself on the principle of qiyds, analogy, putting zakiit on a par with prayer, salat:" Some other aspects in connection with the Iegitimacy of the war against the ridda people are pointed out by al-Jassas, Abu Bakr decided to fight the people of the ridda not because they did not pray, or because they did not pay zakdt; the decision to fight people for not paying the zakdt cannot be taken in the period of the year when people are not expected to pay; and people cannot be fought because they do not pray, as there are special times for prayer. The right reason for Abu Bakr's decision to make war on the people of the ridda was the fact that they refused to commit themselves to pay the zakdt; by this refusal they renounced (kajarii) a verse of the Qur'an (sci!. a prescription of the Qur'an) which was in fact a renunciation of the whole Qur'an. This was the basis for the decision of Abu Bakr to fight them, since they turned apostates by this renunciation." Another problem discussed by al-Jassas is the person authorized to Ievy the tax. Some of the triballeaders were ready to collect the tax and accept the injunction of the Qur'an as obligatory; they were however reluctant to hand over the tax to the Caliph or his officials. But Abu Bakr adhered to the precedent of the Prophet, demanded that the zakdt be delivered to the Caliph and considered war against people who refused to deliver it as justified." This argument was, of course, closely connected with the practice which was followed in the Muslim empire towards rebellious groups who refused to hand over the collected tax to the official of the Caliph. Some Muslim scholars drew weighty conclusions from the story about the discussion between Abu Bakr and 'Umar about the way in which utterances of the Prophet circulated during that early period. These scholars assume that Abu Bakr and 'Umar were not familiar with the utterance of the Prophet in which prayer and the zakdt were explicitly mentioned as necessary concomitants of conversion. It is presumed that Ibn 'Urnar who transmitted this tradition (i.e. in which prayer and zakiit were mentioned as fundamental conditions for conversion to Isiam - K) did not attend their conversation. It can further be deduced, according to some scholars, that even great men among the sahaba could have been ignorant of a sunna, •• •• so Cf. Ibn Rajab, Jdmi', I, 184 inf. -185 . AI-Ja~~ii~, Abkam al-qur'dn, Qustantlniyya AI-Ja~~ii~, op. cit., III, 82 inf. -83 sup. 1338, III, 82-83. 48 while others might have known it. Hence one should not lend weight to personal opinions of men if they may contradict a reliable tradition about a sunna. The word uqdtil served as argument for some scholars, who concluded that people refusing to pay the zakdt should be fought until the zakdt is collected from them; there is no permission to kill them; others maintained that it is lawful to kill." The interpretation of the crucial expression ilia bi-haqqihi (or: bi/:laqqiha) seems to have been closely connected with the commentaries on Sura VI, 151: wa-ki taqtulu l-nafsa /latf harrama lliihu ilia bi-l-haqqi "and that you siay not the soul God has forbidden, except for right". Al-Qurtubi states that the verse constitutes a prohibition to kill a person whose killing is forbidden, whether a believer or an ally tmu'minatan kdnat [i.e. al-najs] aw muiihiddtan) except on the basis of (a prescription of) Muslim law, which bids to kill him." Al-Qurtubi, basing himself on Qur'an verses and on hadiths, enumerates the cases in which the execution of sinners is mandatory: murderers, fornicators, rebels, usurpers and homosexuals; the list includes people refusing to perform the prescribed prayers and to pay the zakiit; the hadith: umirtu ... ilIa bi-haqqihi is quoted as reference for the indication of ilia bt-baqqihi:" Slightly different is the explanation given to the expression ilia bi/:laqqihii,appearing in another version of this hadtth," The personal suffix hii in this version refers to dimd'uhum wa-amwiiluhum, "Their blood and property" (literally: their blood and properties) and is explained by saying that their blood and possessions are inviolable except when they are convicted of crimes or sins or unfulfilled religious prescriptions (like abandonment of prayer, or the non-payment of zakat- K); "bi-haqqihii" indicates II 12 " See the discussion: Ibn Hajar, Fat~ al-bdri, shar~ ~a~i1)al-bukhdrt, Bulaq BOO, I, 71-72; al-'AynI, 'Umdat al-qiirf, shar~ ~a~i1)al-bukhdrt, n. p. 1348 (repr. Beirut), I, 110 inf., 179-183, VIII, 235·236, 244-277; al-Qastallani, Irshad al-sart, III, 6-7; cf. Mahmud Muhammad Khattab al-Subkl, al-Manhal al-tadhb al-maunid shar~ sunan abt diiwr1d, Cairo 1390, IX, 114-123; Ibn Rajab, Jiimi', I, 185-188; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, Cairo 1387/1967, VII, 331-332. Al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, VII, 133... au mu'dhidatan il/ii bi-l-haqqi lladht yiijibu qatlahti. Cf. al-Tabarl, Tafsir (ed. Shakir) XII, 220: ...bi-l-haqqi, yu'nii bi-mii abii~a qatlahd bihi (murder, fornication of a married woman and apostasy are mentioned); al-Naysaburt, Ghard'ib al-qur'dn, VIII, 56 inf; al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthar, III, 54-55. Al-Qurtubl, op. cit .• VIII, 133. See e.g. al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan Muhammad al-Mas'iidI, Cairo 1348/1930 (repr. Beirut) VI, 6;- Ahmad b. 'Air al-MarwazI, Musnad abi bakr al-siddiq, ed. Shu'ayb al-Arna'ut, Beirut 1390/1970, pp. 145-146, no. 77 (comp. another version: pp. 208-209, no. 140); al-Muttaql l-Hindi, op. cit., I, 78, no. 375 (and see ib., pp. 76-79, nos. 265-285), VI, 294-295, nos. 2256-2259; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, VIII, 74-75; al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrii, VIII, 19, 176-177, 196,202; Niir ai-DIn al-Haythaml, op. cit., I, 24-26; Ps. Ibn Qutayba, al-Imiima wa-l-siydsa, ed. TaM Muhammad al-Zaynt, Cairo 1387/1967, I, 22 inf. -23 (2 different versions of Abu Bakr's answer). .. .illd bi-haqqihi.: 49 the obligations and duties imposed on the person and property of the believer. The preposition "bi" (in bi-haqqiha) is explained as equal to 'an or min, "on the ground", "on the base", "on account.i'" Another explanation states that" bi-haqqihd" refers to the declaration of the oneness of God; consequently, illd bi-haqqihii has to be rendered except on the grounds of the (unfulfilled) duties incumbent on the person and on the property, according to this declaration. 56 It is noteworthy that the authenticity of the tradition in which the shahdda of the oneness of God is maintained as sufficient and which has caused some difficulties of interpretation" was not questioned by scholars, whereas the one which speaks of two shahddas and which mentions the obligations of the Muslim was subject to suspicion, its reliability being put to doubt." Al-Jahiz rightly states that both snrr and Murji'i scholars accepted the report about the conversation between Abu Bakr and the Companions in which they quoted the badfth of the Prophet with the shahdda of the oneness of God, and about Abu Bakr's decision to wage war against the tribal dissidents basing himself on the final phrase of the hadith. Only the extremist rawdfid denied this report. 59 According to a report recorded by al-Jahiz both the Ansar and the Muhajirun urged Abu Bakr to concede to the demands of the ahl al-ridda and proposed to exempt them for some time from paying the zakiit.60 The other report recorded by al-Jahiz says that it was the An~ar who tried to convince Abu Bakr to concede to the demands of the ridda people." The first report says the Abu Bakr reminded the people who came to him of the final phrase: ilIii bi-haqqihd; in the other report the people themselves quoted the utterance with the final sentence and Abu Bakr merely stated that the zakat is part of the haqq (obligation,duty) imposed on it. The tendency of recording both traditions can be seen in the comments and conclusions drawn by al-Jahiz: * ,. 11 " " 60 ,. 61 Al-Munawt, Fayd al-qadir, Cairo 1391/1972, II, 188-189, no. 1630 (ilia bi-/:Iaqqihii, ay al-dima' wa-l-amwal, ya'nf hiya ma'sumatun ilia 'an haqqin yajibujiha ka-qawadin wariddatin wa-/:Iaddin wa-tarki $alatin wa-zakatin bi-ta'wilin ba!ilin wa-haqqin ddamtyyin), Al-Munawr, op. cit., II, 189. See e.g. Ibn Hajar, Fat/:lai-barf, I, 71 sup.; al-'Aynf, 'Umdat al-qart, I, 183; Ibn Abf l;Iatim, 'llal al-/:Iadfth, Cairo 1343, II, 147 (no. 1937),152 (no. 1952); and comp. ib., II, 159 (no. 1971); al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafa wa-muztl al-ilbds, Cairo 1351, I, 194, no. 586; a1Maqdisf, ai-Bad' wa-I-ta'rikh, V, 153; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu$annaf, VI, 66-67, nos. 10020-10022; Abii l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Miisa l-Hanafl, al-Mu'tasar, I, 130 ult. -132. See e.g. al-'Aynf, op. cit., I, 183, 11. 6-8: ... qultu.· wa-min hadha q41a ba'4uhum;]f$i/:l/:lati /:Iadfthi bni 'umara l-madhktir! nazarun ... ; and see Ibn Rajab, Jam:', I, ~4 inf. -185 sup. AI-Ja!)i~, al-Uthmaniyya, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Haran, Cairo 137411955, pp. 81-82. AI-Ja!)i~, op. cit., p. 81; Ibn 'Abdal-Barr,Janu' bay4nal-'i1m, al-Madfna -munawwara, n.d. (reprint), II, 85, 102; 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbft, pp. 227-228. AI-Ja!)i~, op. cit., p. 82. 50 Abu Bakr, who knew things which others (of the Companions) did not know, interpreted the utterance of the Prophet in the proper way and got the approval of it by all the people of the sahdba. The two reports of al-Jahiz are certainly a sufficient answer for the slanders circulated by the rawdfid. Moreover: according to a tradition it was 'Ali who encouraged Abu Bakr to take his decision concerning the ahl al-ridda, stating that if Abu Bakr gave up anything collected by the Prophet from them he would have acted contrary to the sunnar? It is obvious that this tradition serves as an argument against the rawafi4,63 emphasizing as it does the friendly relations between Abu Bakr and 'Ali, 'Ali's participation in the decisions of Abu Bakr and 'AIl's full approval of Abu Bakr's action against ahlal-ridda. Sunni scholars tried to extend the ideological basis of Abu Bakr's utterance. He had recourse, they said, not only to qiyas(analogy); he based himself also on an explicit injunction (na$$) of the Qur'an (Sura IX, 11: "Yet if they repent and perform the prayer and pay the alms, then they are your brothers in religion ...") and on inference (diMla). When Abu Bakr decided to fight the ahl al-ridda he acted in accordance with the injunction given in this verse; hence 'Umar could say: rna huwa ilia an sharaha llahu sadra abt bakrin li-l-qitiili wa-araftu annahu l-haqq." But the utterance of 'Umar and his approval of Abu Bakr's decision seems to have been criticized, probably by some Shi'i circles, and designated as taqlid. This was firmly denied by Sunni scholars." The Iink between the revealed verse: Sura IX, 11 and the decision of Abu Bakr is sharply pointed out in the Muslim tradition: this verse was one of the latest verses revealed to the Prophet before his death." A trenchant reply to the rafi¢fscholars was made by Ibn aI-'Arabi: Had Abu Bakr been compliant with the demands of refusal of zakdt, their force would have become stronger, their wicked innovations would have gained " 6J •• 6l " Al-Muhibb al- Tabari, al-Riyii¢ al-nadira fi mandqib al-tashara, ed. Muhammad Badr al-Dln al-Na'sanr al-Halabi, Cairo n.d., I, 98; cf. 'Abd al-Jabbar, op. cit.• p. 418. About their arguments see e.g. Ibn 'Arabi, op. cit., p. 995: .... wa-bi-htidhli 'tarat/at al-riifidatu 'alii l-siddiqi, /a-qlilu: 'ajila fi amrihi wa-nabadha l-siydsata ward'a •.ahrihi wa-ardqa l-dimd'a . See al-'Ayni, op. cit., VIII, 246: ... bi-l-daltl lladht aqdmahu l-siddtq nassan wa-dtlalatan wa-qiydsan ... ; cf. Ibn al-Arabr, Ahkam al-qur'dn, p. 995; and see al- Tabart, Tafsir, XIV, 153, no. 16518. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrd, VIII, 177, II. 8-12; al-Aynr, op. cit., VIII, 246: .. fa-iii yuqdlu lahu innahu qal/ada aM bakrin It-anna l-mujtahida la yajiizu lahu an yuqal/ida I-mujtahida ... wa-fihi di/lillitun 'alii anna 'umara lam yarji' i/Ii qauli abi bakrin taqltdan. See e.g. al-Tabart, Tafsir (ed. Shakir) XIV, 135, no. 16475: ... wa-tasdiqu dhiilikafi kitdbi I/lihi fi dkhiri ma anzala I/lihu; qala lldhu: fa-in tlibU... ; al-'Atii'iqi, al-Nlisikh wa-Imansiikh, ed. 'Abd al-Hadl l-Fadll, Najaf 1390/1970, pp. 52-53; cf. al-'Ayni, op. cit .. I, 178; Hibatullah b. Salamah, al-Ndsikh wa-l-manstikh, Cairo 1387/1967, p. 51. ...ilia bi-haqqihi ... 51 hold in the hearts of people and it would have been difficult to turn them to obedience; Abu Bakr decided therefore to act quickly and resolutely in order to prevent it. It is certainly better to shed blood in order to strengthen the foundations of Isiam than in order to gain the Caliphate, Ibn al-Arabl observed." A significant report corroborating this view is recorded by al-Jahiz: Abu Bakr is said to have stated that any concession granted to one of the tribes would bring about demands from other tribes, as a consequence of which the strength of Isiam would ultimately be shattered." The refusal to pay the zakat was prompted by feelings of tribal independence opposed to the control and authority of Medina. The Medinan community being the only body politic which represented the legacy of the Prophet, it was bound to serve as the target for the struggle ofthe seceding tribes. The problem was not one of theoiogical formulations seeking to establish who is a believer. We may not suppose Abu Bakr to have discussed the meaning of Qur'anic verses with triballeaders. A few years later, when knowledge of Qur'an was set up as a criterion for the division of booty, the Muslim warriors demonstrated a rather poor knowledge of the Qur'an; well-known warriors could only quote the basmala.t? The concise confession of the oneness of God: Iii ildha iIIii llahu seems to have from the very beginning served as a token of adherence to the Muslim community; the testimony of the prophethood of Muhammad was probably very shortly afterwards added to it. It is mentioned in the very early compilations of the stra and in the biographies of the Companions'? and it was supplemented by the addition of various stipulations and injunctions during the first century of Isiam. The fact that there were in circulation numerous traditions which were more detailed and more elaborate, and in which the various obligations of conversion were enumerated and that these nevertheless could not undo the short formula of the shahdda of the oneness of God, seems to be a convincing evidence that this tradition is one of the very earliest I,ladiths. The efforts of the commentators to establish the time of this utterance, its contents and circumstances indicate that it was a rather difficult task to harmonize between the tradition and later practice, .7 •s 70 ., Ibn al-'Arabi, op. cit., p. 995 . Al-Jahiz, al-Uthmdniyya, p. 83 . Abii I-Faraj al-Isfahanl, Aghtini, XIV, 39. See e.g, Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., I, 279; Muhammad Hamldullah, Majmu'at al-wathii'iq alsiydsiyya, Cairo 137611956, p. 245, no. 233; cf. ib., p. 90, no. 67; ib., p. 1~9 no. 120; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VII, 211, no. 10114; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd al-ghiiba V, 225; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawd'id, 1,29, III, 64; Muhammad Harnidullah, op. cit .• p. 98,no. 77 (and cf. on Abii Shaddad: Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarb wa-l-ta'dil, VII, no. 1830( = IX,389); al-Sam'ant, Anstib, V, 373, no. 1616; Yaqat, al-Bulddn, s.v. al-Dama); but see the opinion of Wensinck, op. cit .• pp. 11-12. 52 and it seems to have been difficult to explain its validity for the time of the ridda. The socio-economic factors behind the ridda movement can be glimpsed between the lines of those reports which relate how certain triballeaders refused to Ievy the prescribed zakdt" while others had collected the zakdt but were requested to return it to their people after the death of the Prophet." The obligation to pay the collected zakiit-tax to the rulers said to have been imposed on the ridda-people, seems to have been questioned as late as the end of the second century ofthe hijra; certain scholars had the courage to recommend not to hand it over to the rulers (who were considered vicious and unjust and liable to squander the tax on unworthy causes) or to their officials, but to distribute it among the poor of the community." The concise shahdda« of the oneness of God and of the message of Muhammad enabled the masses of the conquered peoples to join Isiam. These shahadas could even be rendered easier and more concise for the convenience of aliens converting to IsIam.74 The vague expression iIIii bi-baqqiha" secured that the converts would faithfully carry out the prescriptions ofIsiam. 71 72 13 74 " See e.g. al-Muhibb al-Tabari, op. cit .• I, 67: ... irtaddati I-'arabu wa-qata: Iii nu'addt zakatan ... ; ib., I, 98; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., VI, 295, 110. 22588 ... irtadda man irtadda min al-tarabi wa-qdhi: nusalli wa-ld-nuzakkt.: Ps. Waqidf, Akhbar ahli l-ridda, Ms. Bankipore XV, 108-110, no. 1042, fol. 9a: .. .fa-qala lahu rajulun min qaumihi: yii hddhd, na~nu wa-lldhi aulii bi-sadaqatina min abt bakrin, wa-qadjama'ndhd ilayka wa-dafa'niihd Ii-tamdi bihii ilii muhammadin ($)fa-rudda $adaqiitind.fa-ghadiba l-zibriqdn ... ; al-Kala'f, op. cit., p. 51-52, 161. See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., IV, 46, no. 6923: .. /an ibn tiiwus 'an abihi qdla: Iii yudfa'u ilayhim idhii lam yat,ia'uht'imawiit,ii'ahii... ; p. 48, no. 6931: 'an mak~ulin sami'tuhu yaqtilu: Iii tadfa'ht'i ilayhim, ya'nf l-umard'a ... ; no. 6932: ...kana ibnu 'abbdsin wa-bnu l-musayyibi wa-l-hasanu bnu abt l-hasani wa-ibrdhimu l-nakha'Iyyu wa-muhammadu bnu 'aliyyin wa~(Jmmiidu bnu abt sulaymdna yaquluna: Iii tu'addti l-zakdta itii man yajurujihii ... ; Ibn Abf Shayba, Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanr, Hyderabad 1387/1968, III, 156: ... qiila bnu 'umara: dfa'u zakata amwdlikum itii man walldhu fliihu amrakum, fa-man barra fa-li-nafsihi wa-man athima fa-talayha ... ib., idfti'ha ilayhim wa-in akah; bihd lu~uma l-kildb ... ; p. 158: .. /an tiiwus qlila: t,ia'hiiji l-fuqard ... Ibn 'Umar: Iii tadfa'hii ilayhim fa-innahum qad at,id'ul-$aliit ... See e.g. al-Shabrakhltf, Shar~ alii l-arba'Ina l-nawawiyya, Beirut, Dar al-fikr, n.d., p. 126: ... wa-Tam annahu Iii yushtaratu ji #Mati l-tmani al-talaffuzu bi-l-shahddatayni wa-lii l-nafyu wa-l-ithbiitu, bal yakji an yaqula: fllihu wii~idun wa-muhammadun rastilu fliihi... See e.g. al-Jassas, op. cit., III, 197 ult. -198 sup. (commenting. on wa-ati dhtI I-qurbii ~aqqahu ... ): qiila abu bakrin [i.e. al-Jassas]: al-haqqu l-madhkaru jihddhihi I-aya mujmalun muftaqarun ita l-baydni wa-huwa mithlu qaulihi ta'lilli: wa-ji amwdlthim haqqu« ... wa-qauli l-nabiyyi ($) umirtu an uqdtila ... ilia fliihufa·idhii qiiluht'i'a$amu ... ilia bi-~aqqihii fa-hiidha l-~aqqu ghayru zahiri I-ma'nii ft l-dyati, bal huwa mauqilfun 'alii l-bayani:

The Interpretation of Dreams. An Unknown Manuscript of Ibn Qutayba's 'ʿIbārat Al-Ruʾyā'

dreams.pdf The interpretation of dreams An unknown manuscript of Ibn Qutaybas "'Ibarat al-Ru'ya" In memory of Gustave von Grunebaum A manuscript of Ibn Qutayba's compilation on dreams! hitherto considered Iost has recently turned up in the Library of the Hebrew University.s The manuscript contains 67 folios of text (15 lines to each page), carefully written in small, vowelled, clear script; three additional folios contain a Iist of contents written by a later scribe, a remark of a reader and a waqf note. The colophon records the date of copying and the place: Damascus, 20 Dhu l-qa'da 845 H.3 The title of the book as given on the title page and in the colophon is "t Ibdrat al-ru'yii", But the title recorded on fol. Ib and at the end of the book is "Ta'bir al-ru'yii", The book seems to have been known by both titles. Ibn al-Nadtm mentions the compilation as "Kitdb ta'bir al-ru'yd" ,4 Ibn Khayr records it as "Kitdb 'ibiirat al-ru'yii",» I See G. Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba (Damas, 1965), p. 157; T. Fahd, La Divination Arabe (Leiden, 1966), pp. 316-328, 350, no. 97. Lengthy passages from Ibn Qutayba's work are quoted in Ps. Ibn Sirin's Muntakhab al-kaliim fi tafsir al-ahliim, Cairo 1382/1963. 2 Collection Yahuda, Ms. Ar, 196. I should like to express my gratitude to Dr. M. Nadav and Mr. E. Wust who kindly let me read the manuscript and provided me with the needed photographs. An edition of the text is now in course of preparation. I should also like to thank the following libraries and their librarians: the British Museum, Cambridge University Library, the Chester Beatty Collection, the Bodleian Library, London University Library, the Sulaymaniyya and Ankara University. 3 Fol. 67a: ... ammd ba'du qad waqa'a l-fariighu min kitiibati hiidhihi l-nuskhati l-sharifati l-mausiimati bi-kitdbi 'ibdrati I-ru'yii 'alii yadi I· 'abdi I-rla'ifi l-nahlfi l-riiji ilii rahmati lldhi l-biiri yal;yii bni muhammadin il-bukhiiri fi 'ishrtna min dhi l-qa'dati sanata khamsin wa-arba'ina wa-thamdni mi'atin bi-dimashqa l-mahriisati $iinaha lldhu fa'ii,'ii 'an il·afiit wa-l-nakabiit. alIiihumma ghfir li-kiitibihi wa-li-man nazara fthi dmin, yii rabba 1-'alamtn. 4 AI- Fihrist (Cairo, 1348), p. 439 ult. 5 Fahrasa, ed. F. Codera, J. Ribera Tarrago (Saragossa, 1893; reprint Baghdad 1963), p. 266. Al-Zurqanl refers evidently to our manuscript quoting from Ibn Qutayba's Kitab usiili l-ibiira (al-Zurqanl, Sharb 'alii l-mawdhib al-ladunniyya, Cairo, 1328, VII, 173). The compilation of al-Kirmanl is quoted by al-Qlic;lI"Iyad, Tarttb al-maddrlk, ed. Abroad Bakir The chain of the transmitters of the book is given as follows: Abu I-Hasan 'Abd al-Baqi b. Faris b. Ahmad aI-Muqri', known as Ibn Abl l-Fath aIMi~ri;6 Abu Hafs 'Umar b. Muhammad b. 'Arak;? Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Marwan al-Malikl.f The Ms begins: qara'tu 'alii l-shaykhi l-sdlihi abi l-hasani 'abdi l-bii qi ... The name of the scholar who read the Ms aloud to Abu IHasan is not mentioned throughout the book. The remark on the margin of the colophon: qdbalndhii 'alii nuskhati l-asli bi-qadri l-imkdni may support the assumption that the scribe copied it from the copy of the student who read it to Abu l-Hasan. It may be worthwhile to remark that Ahmad b. Marwan al-Malikl, the first person in the chain of the transmitters of our manuscript, is also recorded by Ibn Khayr as the transmitter of his manuscript.? Our manuscript is thus the earliest extant Muslim compilation on dreams. Ibn Qutayba stresses that he derived his material from the "science of aIKirmanit? and others" and undertakes to explain the principles of oneiromancy overlooked by the former scholars.! I This passage indicates that Ibn Qutayba's compilation forms in fact a continuation of an earlier Muslim tradition of oneiromancy, which may be traced to the first half of the second century. The continuity of transmission of the lore of oneiromancy in later centuries is represented by the personality of Abu Muhammad 'Abd a1Rahman b. Muhammad b. 'Attab!2 who transmitted to Ibn Khayr the compilations of al-Kirmani and Ibn Qutayba, the commentary on the book of a1Kirmani compiled by AbU 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yahya b. al-Hadhdha'.U Mahmud (Beirut-Tripoli 1387/1967),IV, 734, as Kitiib al-libiira (mentioning the commentary on it "al-Bushrii fi 'ibiirat al-ru'yii" by Muhammad b. Yahya al-Hadhdha"; this commentary is mentioned in an abbreviated manner as "al-Bushra" ib., IV, 429); it is also recorded as Kitab al-libam by Ibn Khayr, op. cit., p. 266 (he records however the commentary of alHadhdha' under the title "Kitiib al-bushrii fi ta'wfl al-ru'yii", ib., p. 267). 6 See on him al-Jazarl, Ghdyat al-nihiiya Ii tabaqiit al-qurrii'; ed. G. Bergstrasser (Cairo, 1932), I, 357, no. 1529; he was a student of 'Urnar b. 'Arak ; d. ca. 450 H. 7 See on him al-Jazari, op. cit. I, 597, no. 2431 (d. 388 H). 8 See on him Ibn Hajar, Lisdn al-mizdn, I, 309, no. 931. He was the most prolific transmitter of the lore of Ibn Qutayba (wa-kiina min arwii l-ndsi 'an ibni qutayba). D. 333 H; but see al·QiiQi'IyiiQ, op. cit., I, 27, I. 19. 9 Fahrasa, p. 267, I. 1. 10 In text: Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Malik, which seems to be an error; read: b. 'Abdallah; see on him Fahd, op. cit., pp. 316, 345 no. 67. 11 "Ibdra, fol. 17a: ... qdla abu muhammadin: wa-sa-ukhbiruka 'an ta'wlli l-ahddtthi mii naf'aluhu /aka mithiilan, thumma nastru ilii ikhbarika 'an al-usidi nakhtasiru (textyahtarliru) li-dhdlika min "ilmiibrahima bni 'abdi lliih! (text: "abdi /-maliki) l-kirmiini wa-ghayrihi wa-mufaddalin (perhaps: mufassalint min al-akhbiiri muhtawin 'alii jumalin jiimi'atin kiifiyattn li-man ahsana tadbirahii wa-u'ina bi-l-tafsiri 'alayhii wa-ubayyinu min 'ilali tilka l-usiil! mii aghfalahu 1mutaqaddimiina fa-lam yadhkuriihu in shii'a [lliihu] wa-lii quwwata ilia bi-lldhi. 12 See on him al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-/.zufJaz, Hyderabad 1377/1958, IV, 1271 (d. 520 H). 13 See on him al-Qad! 'Iyad, op. cit., IV, 429, 733-734 (d. 416 H). 68 The interpretation of dreams the book of Abu Dharr al-Harawlt- and the book of Nu'ayrn b. Hammad.t> The compilation of Ibn Qutayba is divided into two parts: an extensive introduction (fols. 1b-25a) followed by a compendium of oneiromancy containing forty six chapters (fols. 25a-67b). Lists of chapter headings are given in the Appendix. Our manuscript is, however, not complete. It is, therefore, fortunate that another Ms of this work, Ms. Ankara, Is. Saib Sincer I, 4501 (fols. 180a217b) could be consulted. This Ms contains only the first part of our manuscript, i.e. the introduction; the last folios of this Ms are missing. This missing part of the Ms corresponds to fols. 23a, I. 10 - 25a, I. 11 of our manuscript. A former owner of Ms. Ankara rightly noted on the margin of fol. 217b: "nuqsdnuhu waraqun au waraqayn (!) bi-shahddati wuqu'i hddhii l-bdbifi dkhiri l-fihrisi l-thdniyati l-wdqi'ati ii raqmi 179." On fol. 180a there is in fact a list of twenty three (actually twenty four) chapters into which the introduction is divided; every chapter in this Ms is indeed preceded by a headline which conforms to this list. The missing chapter is No. 24: biib adab al-ta'wil; only the beginning of this chapter is found on fol. 217b; it can however be supplemented from our manuscript. The missing passage in our manuscript, fol. 1b, I. 12, should be supplied from Ms. Ankara fo1s. 180b, I. 8 - 182a ult.; the missing passage 011 fol. 3a, I. 10 has to be supplied from Ms. Ankara fols. 184a, I. 7 - 185b ult. On fol. 5a, I. 8 of our manuscript the short chapter "biib al-ta'wil bi-l-ma'nd" from Ms. Ankara fols. 188b-189a ought to be added. On fol. 17a, I. 4 seven chapters from Ms. Ankara (fols. 203a-212b) have to be supplemented. The missing material on fol. 1b of Ms. Jerusalem, which can be supplemented from Ms. Ankara, is of some importance. Counting the wonders and signs of God's creation, Ibn Qutayba stresses the Oneness of God and the grace granted to man by the fact that he has been enabled to smell, see, hear and taste in dream as well as to laugh and to cry, to cross countries while his own body is reclining, his senses inactive and his legs motionless. These wonders associated with dream which were granted to man by God caused some unbelieving people in ancient times (tahayyara qaumun min mutaqaddimi l-mulhidint to be in a state of perp1exion. They drew the conclusion that everything in the world has to be considered as the effect of phantasy and imagination. The sleeping person is indeed certain that the appearances of his dream are realities exactly as he who is awake considers the objects which he perceives to be realities. Ibn Qutayba quotes arguments already adduced in ancient times against this opinion. Ibn Qutayba stresses that the majority of people in the period of the Jahi14 15 Ibn Khayr, See on him al-QiiQi 'IyiiQ, op. cit,. IV, 696-698 (d. 435 H). op. cit., pp. 266-267. 69 liyya and Islam believed in dreams with the exception of a group of atheistic materialists (qaumun min al-zanddiqa yaqillilna bi-I-dahri) and a group of physicians in ancient times. Another group of physicians who were upholders of religion ial-dayyiiniina min al-atibba') partly accepted and partly refuted the veracity of dreams. The reality of dreams was based on the story of Joseph recounted to the People of the Book as well as on the stories recorded by transmitters (of stories) and prophets. The denial of the truth of dreams was based on the assumption that content and form of dreams are conditioned by the difference in the temperaments of men and the preoccupation of their mind.16 Ibn Qutayba admits the existence of such dreams, argues however that they belong to the category of "confused dreams (aq.ghath). True dreams are brought by angels; they are copied from the Tablet in Heaven and contain good tidings or warnings against performing bad deeds. The truth of these dreams can only be denied by a stubborn man or an apostate. The passage missing in our manuscript, fo1. 3a, and which has to be inserted from Ms. Ankara fols. 184a-185b deals with the denotations of the words "nafs" and "rub". The additional chapters in Ms. Ankara, fols. 203a-212b, contain anecdotes about dreams of the Prophet, his Companions and pious men. Initially, the field of dream interpretation had to obtain recognition as legitimately Isiamic and to get the approval of the orthodox circles by reference to the permission or injunction of the Prophet. The Prophet is indeed said to have commented on Sura x 64 ("Those who believe and are godfearing for them is good tidings in the present Iife and in the world to come") and stated that "good tidings in the present Iife" refer to good dreams which they have in their sleep.!? The importance of dreams was emphasized by the utterance attributed to the Prophet in which he established the relation between prophecy and dream: "Prophecy has passed", said the Prophet, "and there remain only bearers of good tidings, good dreams which a man sees or which are shown to him in sleep."18 16 See N. Bland, JRAS, p.7. "On the Muhanunedan Science of TabIr, or Interpretation of Dreams" 1856, p. 128; Ps. Ibn SIrin, Muntakhab al-kaliim ft tafslr al-ahldm (Cairo, 1382/1963), 17 'Ibiira, fol. 2, II. 1-2; al-Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Mal)miid Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1960), XV, 124-139, nos. 17717-17756; al-Qurtubl, Tafslr (Ireprintl Cairo, 1387/1967), VIII, 358; al-Suyutt, al-Durr al-manthio: (Cairo, 1314), Ill, 311-313; al-Hakim al-Naysabiirl, aI-Mus· tadrak (Hyderabad, 1342), IV, 391; al-Khargiishl, al-Bishdra wa-l-nidhiira fi ta'bir al-ru'yii wa-l-muriiqaba, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6262, fol. 2b. 18 'Ibara, fol. Ib, penult. (reported on the authority of Unun Kurz al-Ka'biyya ; see on her Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba (Cairo, 1325/1907), VIII, 272, no. 1459); al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 391; 70 The interpretation of dreams An early"? and widely current tradition gives an evaluation of a good dream by stating, on the authority of the Prophet, that it is one out of forty six parts of prophecy.20 True, sound and good dreams were of course those of the Prophet. The Prophet saw in his dream that he rode a camel with a ram behind him and that the edge of his sword was broken. The Prophet predicted that he would kill a Ieader of the (troops of the) enemy (= the ram - K) and that a man from his family will be killed (= the broken edge of his sword - K). In fact the Ieader of the enemy Talha b. abl Talha and the uncle of the Prophet, Hamza, were both killed (in the battle of UJ:!ud).21 The Prophet dreamt that two bracelets were put on his arms; he threw al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, Muhddariit al-udabii' (Beirut, 1961) I, 149; al-Tibrlzl, Mishkiit al-masiibib (Karachi, 1350), p. 394; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 163; al-Majlisi, Bil;!ar al-an war (Tehran, 1390), LXI, 177, 192; al-Khargushi, op. cit., foJ. 2a; G. E. von Grunebaum, "The Cultural Function of the Dream as Illustrated by Classical Islam", in: G. E. von Grunebaum and Roger Caillois, The Dream and Human Societies (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966), p. 7, note 2. 19 Recorded in Ma'mar b. Rashid's Jiimi'; Feyzullah 541, fol. 152a penult.-152b. 20 "Ibiira, foJ. 2a; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, al-Lu'lu' wa-l-marjiin fimd ttafaqa "alayhi l-shaykhiin (Cairo, 1368/1949), III, 102-103, nos. 1457-1460; al-Haytharnl, Majma' al-zawii'id (Beirut, 19(7), VII, 172; al-Hakim, op, cit., IV, 390; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, op. cit., I, 149; al-Tibrtzl, op. cit., pp, 394, 396; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312-313; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 175, 178, 191; al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafe' (Beirut, 1351), I, 436, no. 1407; al'Azlzl, al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo, 1377/1957), II, 322; al-Hanaft, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 231; and see other versions: Abii Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyii' (Cairo, 1351/1932),VIII, 196 (a ninetieth part); al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 167, 177 (a seventieth part); Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol, 152b (a seventieth part); al-Tabarant, al-Mu 'jam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina, 1388/1968),II, 56 (a seventieth part); al-Suyutl, al-Durr, III, 312-313 (a seventieth part); al-HanafI, op. cit., II, 231 (a seventieth or fiftieth part); al-Tabarl, op. cit., XV, 132, no. 17730 (a part of forty four parts, or a sixtieth part); ib., p. 131, no. 17729 (a part of forty nine parts); al-Zurqani, op. cit., VII, 162-165 (a part of forty four, forty five, twenty four, twenty five, fifty, seventy, seventy six parts of prophecy); and see al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 173-174 (a fortieth, a fiftieth, a sixtieth part of prophecy); al-Qastallant, Irshdd al-sdrt (Cairo, 1323), X, 123-127 (a part of forty six, forty four, forty, fifty, seventy, seventy six, twenty six parts of prophecy); cf. A. Kristianpoler, Monumenta Talmudica II, I: "Traum und Traumdeutung" (Wien-Berlin, 1923), p. 25, no. 69 (I;!alom ebad mi-shishim fj·nbu'a); and see ibid., no. 70, and see ibid., p. XI); A. Lowinger, Der Traum in der jiidischen Literatur (Leipzig, 1908), p. 4. 21 "Ibdra, foJ. 52b, inf.; al-Waqidl, al-Maghdzi, ed. M. Jones (London, 1966), I, 209, 225-226, 307; al-Suyutl, al-KhO$ii'i$ al-kubrii, ed. Muhammad KhalIl Haras (Cairo, 1386/ 1967), I, 529; al-Haythamt, op, cit., VII, 180; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 174, 184-185; Ps. Ibn Slrln, Muntakhab al-kaldm It tafsir al·al;!liim (Cairo, 1382/1963), p. 186 inf.; al-Majlisi op. cit., LXI, 179; Fahd, op. cit., p. 282; al-Khargtishl, op. cit., foJ. 142a. 71 them away and they fell down. He expounded this dream by the appearance of the two false prophets Musaylima and a1-Aswad a1-'AnsI.22 The Prophet saw in a dream reddish-white and black sheep (ghanam) coming to him. He interpreted the reddish-white ones as referring to non-Arabs, the black ones as referring to the Arabs and predicted that non-Arabs will embrace Islam and join the Arabs.23 The fate of Islam was revealed to the Prophet in another dream: he saw himself seated in the house of 'Uqba b. Rafi' where dates of Ibn Tab24 were served. He interpreted it by using verbal associations, predicting that Islam will gain excellence in this and in the next world ('raft' - rif'a) and that the faith of Isiam has already become pure (tab - taba).25 A tradition attributed to the Prophet divided dreams into good and evil; good dreams come from God, evil ones from Satan. "If you see a displeasing appearance in your dream, seek refuge from Satan in God and spit three times at your left side, then it will not harm you", said the Prophet. A special prayer was devised: "I seek refuge in the God of Musa, 'lsa and Ibrahim from the evil of the dream, lest it harm me in my faith or in (my dealings in) this world or in my sustenance. Strong is the man protected by God, glory and power are His. There is no God but Him."26 22 "Ibdra, fol. 46b, sup.; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad al-Tanaht (Cairo, 1385/1965), V, 90; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 181; Ibn Kathir, Shamii'il al-rasiil ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wal)id (Cairo, 1386/1967), p. 387; Ibn al-Jauzl, al·Wa/ii bi-ahwdli, l-mustafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1966), II, 633; Ibn al-Athtr, Jdmi' al-usid, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi (Cairo, 1374/1955), XII, 376, no. 4980; al-Qastallani, op. cit., X, 154-156; Hamrnam b. Munabbih, al-Sahtfa al-sahtha, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Hyderabad, 1375/1956), p. 119, no. 134. 23 'Ibara, fo1. 53a; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 395; al-Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafii', ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1371/1952), p. 105; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 183; Ibn al-Jauzi, op, cit., 11,631; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 231; I. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, trans1. C. R. Barber and S. M. Stem (London, 1967), I, 112; Ahmad b. l;Iajar al-Haytaml, al-Sawii'iq al-muhriqa fi I-raddi 'alii ahli l-bida'i wa-l-zandaqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latlf (Cairo, 1375), p. 33; al-Khargusht, op. cit., fo1. 170a. 24 See about this kind of dates al-Tha'alibl, Thimdr al-quliib, ed. Muhammad Abii I-FaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 266, no. 387; al-Bakri, Mu'jam mii sta'jam, ed. Mustafa aISaqa (Cairo, 1364/1945), I, 37, note 2. 25 "Ibdra, fo1. 4b, sup.; al-Tibrizi, op. cit., p. 395; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 250; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 186; Ibn al-Jauzl, op. cit., II, 631; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 9. 26 'Ibara, fo1. 24b; cf. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op, cit., fo1. 152a-b; aI-HaythamI, op. cit., VII, 174-175, 181; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 392; al-Khattb al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh Baghdad (Cairo, 1349/1931), XII, 484; al-Suyirtl, al-Durr, III, 313; al-Tibrlzi, op. cit., p. 394; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 168-169; al-Shibli, Akiim al-marjdn, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadlq (Cairo, 1376), pp. 182-184; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 174, 188, 193; Ibn al-Sunni, 'Amal al-yaum wa-l-layla (Hyderabad, 1358), pp. 207-208; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 15; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 102, no. 1456; N. Bland, "On the Muhammedan Science of Tablr, 72 The interpretation of dreams A dream in which the Prophet appears is considered sound and good. The Prophet is said to have stated: "He who sees me in a dream sees me in reality, because Satan does not take up my appearance".27 Seeing the Prophet in dream is like seeing him in reality. or Interpretation of Dreams" JRAS, 1856, p. 130; cf. Kristianpoler, op. cit., p. 17, nos. 42-43 (and see p. IX); Lowinger, op. cit., pp, 32-33. 27 "Ibiira, fol. 2a; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. al-mandm, Ms. al-Jazzar (majmii' a), Acre, p, 321; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, op. cit., I, 149; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1370/1950), V, 138, no. 3410 and p. 304, no. 3798; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 173, 181-183; al-Sharff al-Murtada, Amdli, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1373/1954), II, 394; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 393; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is, III, 339; Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., VII, 246; al-Shibll, op, cit., pp. 184-186 ("Ii bayiini anna l-shaytdna la yatamaththalu bi-l-nabiyyi -s-"): cf. Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 153a (man ra'dni fi l-mandmi fa-huwa l-haqqu); al-Tibrizt, op. cit., p. 394 (. . .fa-qad ra'a l-haqqar; al-Qastallani, op. cit., X, 133-135, 139 (and see ibid., the version: man ra'iini fi l-mandmi fa-sa-yariini It l-yaqzay; Ibn 'Asakir: Tahdhib ta'rikh, ed. Ahmad 'Ubayd (Damascus, 1349), VI, 380 ult. (man ra'dnl Ii l-mandmi fa-innahu ta yadkhulu l-niira}; al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fo!. 16b. Some scholars included in this category of sound and true dreams the appearance in dreams of prophets, angels, the sun, the lighting stars and clouds containing rain. (See al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 238, quoted from al-Baghawi's Shorb al-sunnai. A remarkable hadith transmitted by al-Tabarani reports that the Prophet stated that Abu Bakr would interpret (sci!. truly - K) the dreams and that his true dreams would form his lot of prophecy. (Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haytami, al-Sawii'iq almuhriqa, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Lattf (Cairo, 1375), p. 67 with a comment of the author on this tradition: inna aba bakrin yu'awwilu I-ru'ya wa-inna ru'ydhu l-sidihata hazzuhu min al-nubuwwati}. Shl'I sources record the tradition about the appearance of the Prophet in a dream with some significant additions. Satan will not appear in the form of the Prophet or of one of the trustees (ausiya', i.e. the Shi"I imams), nor in the form of anyone of the Shi'a. (See this tradition: al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 176; and see the discussion of this tradition ibid., pp. 211, 216, 234-236). Shl'I tradition reports that 'Ali saw the Prophet every night in a dream. The Prophet revealed to him that five of his Companions (among them Abu Bakr and 'Umar) plotted against him and decided to deprive him of the Caliphate, thus violating the injunction of the Prophet. The Prophet informed 'Ali in a dream about the pains suffered by Abu Bakr and 'Urnar on their death-beds in connection with their mischievous deed. (See Sulaym b. Qays, Kitiib al-saqifa, al-Najaf, n.d., pp. 96, 181; quoted by al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 240241). A sunm tradition reported that Anas b. Malik used to see the Prophet almost every night in his dream (Al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 182). There are interesting stories about dreams in which the Prophet expresses his opinion concerning religious leaders and scholars, commending, permitting or rejecting their teachings. Yazid b. Hakim saw the Prophet in a dream. He asked him about Sufyan al-Thauri and the Prophet gave a favourable opinion about him. (Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/ 1966, IV, 259). Zayd b. Dawud saw in a dream the Prophet granting Malik b. Anas musk and asking him to divide it among the people. Zayd interpreted musk as representing knowledge (Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 348; al-Qad! 'Iyad, op. cit., I, 375). Abu 'Abdallah saw in a 73 The seriousness of dreams and their interpretation was stressed, as usual, by a hadith. "He who Iies about his dream will be ordered (at the Day of Judgement - K) to join two barley corns and will be put on burning coal."28 Ibn Qutayba defines the dream as a "kind of revelation and a sort of prophecy" (li-annahu jinsun min al-wahyi wa-darbun min al-nubuwwatii.tr The art of oneiromancy, argues Ibn Qutayba, is shrouded in mystery, very complicated and intricate; it is distinguished and sublime. Consequently, the requirements imposed on an interpreter of dreams are manifold as regards qualifications, knowledge and character. While the way to every other science is straight, its principles not being diverse and its standards (maqiiyis) not liable to change, the principles of oneiromancy are changeable according to the position of the person who dreams, his belief, profession, ambitions and the time and period of dreaming. Sometimes a dream is a coined proverb, which has to be interpreted according to the meaning of its words, sometimes it dream a person coming out of a maqsiira in the mosque of Tarsus, quoting the utterance of the Prophet: "Imitate those who will come after me, Abroad b. Hanbal" (Abii Nu'ayrn, op. cit., IX, 185; and see ib., p. 187: a man saw al-Khidr in a dream; he stated that Ahmad b. Hanbal was a truthful person [$iddiq]; and see other dreams about Abroad b. Hanbal, ib., pp. 187-193). Ibrahim b. Musa al-Farra' saw the Prophet in a dream and asked him about the hadiths reported by al-Qasim b. 'Abd al-Rahman on the authority of Abu Umama; the Prop!.et disapproved of them (Ibn I;lajar, Tahdhib, VlII, 324, no. 581). The Prophet recommended Muhammad b. Muslim to record the knowledge of Yahya b. Yahya al-Hanzali (AI-QaQi 'Iyad, op. cit., I, 408). The Prophet ordered in a dream Salama b. Shabib at the age of fifty to refrain from transmission of hadlth ; afterwards the Prophet ordered him to transmit traditions (Ibn 'Asakir, Tahdhib ta'rikh, ed. Abroad 'Ubayd, Damascus 1349, VI, 229). A dream served as means for establishing the Prophet's approval of a Shi'i poet. Sa'd al-Asadl saw the Prophet in a dream. The Prophet asked him to recite a poem of al-Kumayt (Qasida 2 of the Hdshimiyyiit, ed. J. Horowitz, Leiden, 1904, p. 27). After the Prophet had heard the qasida he ordered Sa'd to inform al-Kumayt that as a reward for this poem God forgave him his sins (Al-Mausill, Ghiiyat al-wasii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fols. 181b inf. - 182a). The authority of al-Tha'labl, the author of Qi$a$ al-anbiyii', was established by God. Abii l-Qasim al-Qushayri, the author of the well-known "Risiila", saw God in a dream. While God was talking with al-Qushayri He remarked: "The righteous man has come"; it was al-Tha'Iabl (Al-Safadl, al-Wiifi bi-l-wafayiit, VII, 308, Beirut 1389/1969, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas). 28 'Ibdra, foJ. 24b; Abroad b. Hanbal, op. cit., V, 130, no. 3383; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 392; al-Haythaml, op. cit., VII, 174; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 183; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' atusul, XII, 332-333, nos. 9348-9350; al-'AzIzI, op, cit., III, 386; Bland, op. cit., p, 131. (And see another version of this tradition 'Ibdra, foJ. 24b); Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashfu l-tauqi' Ii-ahli l-basira, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3922, foJ. 29b; al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. 8a. 29 'Ibdra, foJ. 2a, I. 4. 74 The interpretation of dreams has to be interpreted antithetically. Sometimes the content of the dream refers to another person (like the dreamer's brother, or his superior or peer).3o Sometimes the dreams are confused (a¢ghiith). Due to the intricate character of dreams the requirements from the interpreter are wider than in the field of any other science. "For every scholar of some branch of the sciences", says Ibn Qutayba, "the tool of his science can be sufficient for practising it; but the oneirocritic has to be a scholar of Qur'an and haditlt in order to interpret dreams according to their ideas, to be acquainted with Arab proverbs and rare verses of poetry, to have a knowIedge of Arabic etymology and of current colloquial speech. Besides, he has to be an "adib", gentle, sagacious, endowed with a capacity to judge the countenance of the people, their character-features, their rank and state, to have a knowledge of analogy and an acquaintance with the principles of oneiromancy".31 Only with God's guidance and help will he be pious and pure of sins and get his Iot of the heritage of the prophets, says Ibn Qutayba.32 Ibn Qutayba's intent in his introduction is to set out the ways of oneiromancy and to supply examples of dreams dealt with according to different methods: etymoiogicaI, anti thetical , symbolical and the ones based on Qur'an, hadith, current verses or proverbs.» The many dreams recorded by Ibn Qutayba contain forebodings, stories about reward in Paradise and punishment in Hell, judgements about character and behaviour of people; they reveal some hidden facts, edify and admonish and touch upon a wide range of subjects Iike religious tenets, political conditions, culturallife and moral ideas. The attitude of the orthodox circles towards the heterodox factions in Islam is reflected in the dream of Yazid b. Hanin.34 He saw a man who uttered fatwiis in the mosque of Mecca. He inquired about the man and was told that he was the prophet Joseph. Yazid asked him about drinking nabidh.35 Joseph stated that it was not forbidden, but disliked. Yazid asked about the khawdrij and Joseph answered: "They are Jews." Joseph gave the same 30 'Ibiira, fols. 16b inf. - 17a sup.: Aba Jahl was seen in a dream embracing Islam; this referred to his son 'Ikrima, (See Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 153a inf.; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayrl, Nasab Quraysh, ed. E. Levi-Provencal (Cairo, 1953), p. 311; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, IV, 258, no. 5632). The Prophet saw in a dream AsId b. Abll-'I$ entering Paradise; this referred to his son 'Attab b. AsId (al-'Ibiira, ibid.; cf. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, IV, 211, no. 5383); cf. Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 7, n. 3-4. 31 'Ibdra, fol. 2a inf. - 2b sup.; cf. Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 7; Bland, op. cit., p. 132. 32 "Ibdra, fol. 2b. 33 "Ibdra, fol. 4a; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op, cit., p. 9. 34 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhtb, XI, 366, no. 711. 35 About drinking nabtdh see e.g.: al-Tahawr, SharI,! mushkil al-iithiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhrl al-Najjar (Cairo, 1388/1968),IV, 215-229; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 17-18, nos. 1304-1306. 75 answer when asked about the riifida: "They are Jews." YazId could not remember what Joseph said about the Murji'a. "What about a man praying, fasting, carrying out his duties, not trespassing in these things whatsoever?" asked YazId. "That is my message and that of my fathers," said Joseph.ss The khawdrij are, as is usual.s? depicted as dogs in another story. The sister of the Khariji Ieader Abu Bilal Mirdas b. Udayya saw her brother in dream in the form of a dog, weeping. He told her that he had been turned after his death into one of the dogs of Hell.38 The activity of the khawiirij is mirrored in another dream, interpreted by Ibn SIrIn. A woman told him that her patroness saw in her dream that two snakes came out from two holes in her house. Two men approached the snakes and milked them from their heads. Ibn SIrIn remarked that a snake cannot give milk;39 the men milked poison. They were Ieaders of the khawdri] who were visiting the woman. They claim that their tenets are the sunna and fitra; but in fact their tenets are poison. The woman (who recounted the dream - K) confirmed that her lady had been a righteous woman until the two Ieaders of the khawdrij came to her and changed her mind.4o The murder of Husayn was also predicted in a dream. Ibn 'Abbas saw in his dream the Prophet with dishevelled hair, dust coloured, holding in his hand a bottle filled with blood. When asked about it the Prophet said: "It is the blood of al-Husayn; I am collecting it through the night." Later the date of the dream was checked; that night al-Husayn was in fact killed.s! fol. 13a. See the tradition al-khawdrij kildb al-ndr: Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 4a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindl, Kanz al-tummdl (Hyderabad, 1383/1963), XI, 182, no. 886; al-Tha'alibl, Thimdr al· qulub, p. 394, no. 622. 38 "Ibiira, fol. 14b; al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin (Cairo, 1384/1965\ 1,271. 39 Milk denotes in Muslim oneiromancy true belief, the fitra; see 'Ibara, fol. 36b, ult.: wa-man ra'ii annahu shariba labanan fa-hiya l-fitratu; al-Haythamt, op. cit., VII, 183. 40 "Ibdra, fol. 17b; al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, IV, 269; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op, cit., p. 208; cf. Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 277. 41 'Ibara, fol. 20b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p, 320; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 398; alGhazzall, Ibya' 'uliim al-dtn (Cairo, 1352/1933), IV, 431; cf. Haythaml, op. cit., IX, 193 ult. - 194 sup.; Ibn KathIr, Shama'il al-rasul, ed. Mu~tafii 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/ 1967), p. 447; al-MajIisl, op. cit., XLIV, 239; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 282; Fahd, op. cit., p. 296; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-TamImi, al-Mihan, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 235 (8), fol. 48a; al-Suyfltl, al-Khasii'i« al-kubrii, IT, 452; al-Dhahabl, Ta'rikh al-Isldm (Cairo, 1367), II, 349; al-Yafi 'I, Mir' at al-jindn (Hyderabad, 1339), I, 134; al- 'Isaml, Simt al-nujiim al- 'awal; (Cairo, 1380), III, 78; al-Tabarst, I'Iiim al-warii (Tehran, 1338), p. 217; al-Ganjt, Kifiiyat altalib Ii mandqib 'Ali b. abi Tdlib, ed. Muhammad Hadt l-AminI (al-Najaf, 1390/1970), p. 428. 36 'Ibara, 31 76 The interpretation of dreams The attitude of the orthodox circles towards compilations of nasab is reflected in the story of the dream of aI-KaibI. He saw himself on the Day of Judgement. He was brought into the presence of God, Who rebuked him for "compiling genealogies which he did not know" and ordered to lead him to Hell. On his way a1-Kalbi met the Prophet and asked him to intercede for him with God, mentioning the merit of having compiled a commentary on the Qur'an. The Prophet ordered 'Ali, who was in his company, to interrogate al-Kaibi. AI-Kalbi having answered the questions well, 'Ali reported the fact to the Prophet, who interceded for him and he was let free. He sat down with the Prophet and asked him when the Umayyad rule was going to end. The fall of the Umayyad dynasty happened in fact at the date fixed by the Prophet in his answer to al-Kalbl.t- The opposition of orthodox circles to dubious genealogies, the esteem for commentaries of the Qur'an, the desire to know the dates of the rise and fall of dynasties and the belief in the intercession of the Prophet are reflected in this story. The negative attitude towards the Umayyads is mirrored in a passage deaIing with the meanings of "soul" and "spirit". The spirits of the wicked people gather in Barhut.O On the cornice of a Iarge house in 'Uman there used to shelter an owl. Some night another owl came and stood at its side. The 'Umani owl asked it who it was and it said: "I am the spirit of al-Walid b. 'Abd I-Malik and I am on my way to Barhut.t'+' When the date was checked it tallied with the date of the death of al-Walid. Ibn Qutayba states that the story resembles jahili-beliefs about the hiima as reflected in the verse of Abu Duwad al-Iyadi: sullita l-mautu wa-l-maniinu 'alayhim wa-lahum Ii sadd l-maqdbiri hdmu Death and fate were imposed upon them and they have in the birds of graves their (embodied) spirits. and stresses that the Prophet abolished this belief.45 'Ibiira, fols. lOb-Ita. See Yaqut, Mu'jam al-buldiin (Beirut, 1374/1955), I, 405; and see al-Majlisl, op. cit., LX, 206, 239. 44 'Ibara, fols. 3b-4a; al-Samarqandt, Qurrat at-iuyun (Cairo, 1354/1935),p. 93 (on margin of Mukhtasar Tadhkirat al-Qurtubi; but here the owl is the spirit of 'Abd al-Malik). Another anti-Umayyad interpretation of a dream is reported on the authority of Ibn al-Musayyab. A girl saw in her dream that Moses appeared in Syria. He held in his hand a stick and walked on the surface of the water. Ibn al-Musayyab stated that if this dream be true 'Abd aJ-Malik died this night. He explained how he arrived at this conclusion: God sent Moses in order to shatter the tyrants. He did not find a tyrant (to whom this dream might refer - K) except 'Abd al-Malik (Al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fol. 15a). 45 The hadith: la 'adwd wa-la hdma wa-lii safara is analysed by Abu 'Ubayd in his Gharib al-badtth, I, 27 (the verse of Abu Duwad is recorded there); cf. Ibn Athlr, al-Nihiiya, V, 283. 42 43 77 The story of the dream of Ghalib al-Qattan+ reflects the struggle of the orthodoxy against innovators. He saw in his dream Malik b. Dinar wearing clothes Iike those which he used to wear in mosque. Malik advised him to refrain from the company of rich worldly people and unlawful innovators.s" Qur'an versus poetry is symbolized in the dream of A'sha Hamdan+s which he told to al-Sha'bl, He saw in his dream that he exchanged wheat for barley. Al-Sha'bi interpreted it that he exchanged Qur'an for poetry. Ibn Qutayba remarks: "The meaning of wheat and barley was here interpreted by Qur'an and poetry. Would a man of the ahl al-ra'y49 dream this dream it would be interpreted as exchange of hadith. for ra'y."50 The role of Abu Hanlfa in Isiam is attested in the following dream: AbU Hanlfa saw in a dream that he was digging the bones of the Prophet; (he collected them and pressed them to his breast). Ibn SIrIn was told this dream and said: "This is a man who will revive the sunna of the Prophet.s! The dream served sometimes as confirmation of the truth and reliability of a hadith. 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adi b. a1-Khiyar52 considered a Iie the hadith: "The molar-tooth of the unbeliever in Hell is Iike the mountain of Ui}.ud",53 which was reported by Abu Hurayra. 'Ubaydullah dreamt that he had an ulcer on his finger; he scratched it and it grew and became like the mountain of Uhud, He went to Abu Hurayra and asked him to beg for him God's pardon, which Abu Hurayra did.54 Ibn Qutayba relates his own dream about a hadith. He saw in a dream Abu Dharr who transmitted to him the following utterance of the Prophet: "God said: 'He who approaches Me by the measure of a span I shall approach him by the measure of an arm; he who approaches Me by the measure of an arm I shall approach him by the measure of two arms; he who comes forth to Me walking I shall hurry to him'." When Ibn Qutayba woke up he asked about 46 See on him al-Dhahabl, Mizan al-i'tiddl, ed. 'AJI Muhammad al-Bijawl (Cairo, 1382/ 1963), III, 330, no. 6642; Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 242, no. 444. 47 'Ibara, fol. 15a; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 380 sup. 48 See on him a1-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. F. Krenkow (Cairo, 1354), p. 14, no. 15; Ibn Habtb, Asmii' al·mughtalin (Nawadtr al-makhtutdt, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun (Cairo, 1374/1955),VII, 265-266). 49 See Al;Qii.b a1-ra'y, BIZ, 692 (1. Schacht). 50 'Ibara, fol. 9b. 51 'Ibiira, fol. 34b; al-Ibshtht, al-Musta/raf(Cairo, 1308), II, 80. (See the striking remark of Ibn Slrin: md yanhaghi lt-abadin min ah/i hadha l-zamdni an yard hddhihi I-ru'ya). S2 See on him Ibn I;Iajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 36, no. 67. S3 See a1·'AzIzI, op. cit., II, 410; al-Suytitl, al-Kha$a'i$, III, 9; al-Jarraht, op. cit" II, 34, no. 1637. 54 'Ibara, fol. lla. 78 The interpretation of dreams the hadltli and was told that Abu Dharr and Abu Hurayra transmitted this l;adith.55 Sometimes a peculiar word, or a curious one, is revealed and elucidated in a dream, 'Abdallah b. 'A'idh al-Thumali56 promised Ghudayf b. al-Harith-" on his death-bed to tell him what befell him after death. 'Abdallah appeared to him in a dream and said: "We barely escaped (scil., pain - K); we met the Lord, Who forgave the sins and did not punish for the bad deeds except the al;rii{l" (whom He did punish - K); Ghudayf asked who were the al;rdt;l. 'Abdallah explained the word as denoting people who are pointed at with the fingers secretly. Ibn Qutayba discusses several words of this root (I; r t;l) and accepts 'Abdallah's definition of this word.58 There is a dream which shows how faithful a believer Abu Bakr was. The Prophet, says the story, fraternized between Salman and Abu Bakr. One night Salman had a dream after which he turned away from Abu Bakr. When asked by Abu Bakr about his behaviour Salman told him that he had seen him (i.e. Abu Bakr) in a dream, his hands fastened to his neck. Abu Bakr explained the dream as denoting that he had his hands fettered so as to prevent him from doing evil deeds until the Day of Judgement. The truth of this interpretation was subsequently established by the Prophet.s? A similar tendency can be discerned in the following story: Rabi'a b. Umayya recounted a dream of his to Abu Bakr: "I was in a fertile land, then I moved into a land struck by barrenness. Your hands (i.e. Abu Bah's) were fastened to your neck and you were at the side of Sarir b. Abi l-Hashr." 55 'Ibiira, fol. 12a; al-MundhirJ, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1381/1962), V, 289, no. 4532 (and see ibid., no. 4531); al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, al·Majaztit al-nabawiyya, ed. Mahmud Mustafa (Cairo, 1356/1937), p. 272, no. 287 (with an interpretation of the !Jadith); AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 101; Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 170a. The reliability of the hadlth: inna ahadakum yujma'u khalquhu ... , transmitted by Ibn Mas'Iid, was established by the Prophet in a dream. Muhammad b. Yazid al-Asfatl (see on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 525, no, 861) saw the Prophet in a dream and asked him about this hadith, reported by al-A 'mash on the authority on Ibn Mas'ud, The Prophet stated that he himself reported this utterance to Ibn Mas'ud and repeated this statement three times. "May God forgive al-A'rnash, as he transmitted it, and may God forgive those who transmitted it before him and those who will transmit it after him", said the Prophet. (Ibn Rajab, Jiimi' I-'ulilm wa-l-hikam, ed. Muhammad al-Ahmadt AbU I·NUr, Cairo, 1970, I, 103; on al-A'mash [Sulayman b. Mihran] see aI-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-huffdz; I, 154, no. 149; Ibn Hibban, Kitiib al-thiqdt, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl (Hyderabad, 1388/1968), p.90). S6 See on him Ibn Sa'd. Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1377/1958),VII, 415. 57 See on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, V, 189, no. 6906; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 443. 58 "Ibdra, fol. 16a; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 415; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, pp. 297, 327; see al-ZamakhsharI, al-Fd'iq, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl and Muhammad Abii I-Fa41 Ibrahim (Cairo, 1971), I, 276; L'A, s.v.1J r 4. 59 •Ibdra, fol. 9a. 79 Abu Bakr interpreted the dream as follows: "Your dream is true. You will abandon belief for unbelief; my affairs were destined for me righteously (i.e., my hands will not reach out for anything wrong - K) and I shall remain in a state of joy (sarir -> surur) until the Day of Resurrection (f:zashr)." It is told that Rabl'a indeed embraced Christianity and left for Byzantiurn.w Many stories of dreams predict the rule of the first Caliphs, the rise of the Umayyad-dynasty and thefttan, reflecting often the conflicting religio-political views of the various factions of Muslim society.e! 60 'Ibara, fol. 19a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, II, 224, no. 2746. of the two caliphs after the Prophet was predicted according to his dream in which he saw himself drawing a bucket from a well. He was followed in this action by Abu Bakr, who drew however no more than two buckets with little force. Then he was followed by 'Umar. The bucket grew in his hands very large and he drew it with the greatest energy. See this story, Ma'rnar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 18a; Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 1,87; Ibn Abi Hatim, Kit. al-'ilal, Ms. Chester Beatty 3516, fol. 286b; al-Bayhaql, Ma'rifat al-sunan wa-l-dthdr, ed. Ahmad Saqr, Cairo 1389/1969, I, 119; Ibn Hajar al-Haytami, op. cit., p. 22; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 187-188; al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fd'iq, Ill, 61; Abu Bakr Ibn al- 'Arabi, al- 'Awii,im min al-qawiisim, ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khattb (Judda, 1387), p. 188; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 417-418; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baqi, op. cit., III, 165-166, nos. 1548-1549; al-Qastallani, op, cit., X, 147-149; Ps. Ibn Sirin, op. cit., p. 292; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, op. cit., XII, 176-177, nos. 930-933 (the haditb no. 932 and Suyutt, Khasa'is, II, 418 combines the tradition of succession with the tradition about the 'Ajam embracing Islam, mentioned above p. 72, note 23), 183-184, nos. 972-973; Fahd, op. cit., p, 277. The succession of the three first Caliphs was foreseen in a dream of the Prophet. He saw in a dream Abu Bakr attached (nita bihi) to him; 'Urnar was attached to Abu Bakr. and 'Uthman to 'Umar (al-Hakim, op. cit., Ill, 71, 102; al-Suyirtt, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd, II 417). Abu Bakr saw himself in a dream clad in a yemeni garment and treading on human excrements; he had two moles on his chest. The Prophet interpreted it by saying that for two years he would rule as Caliph. (al-Muttaql al-Hindl, op. cit., XII, 162-163, no. 827. Ibn Sa'd' op. cit., Ill, 176-177; Ibn Hajar al-Haytaml, op. cit., p. 24). 'Auf b. Malik saw in a dream a man in a crowd taller than the rest of the people. He was told that the man was 'Umar. 'Urnar, he was told, surpasses them because he is not wary of being blamed while acting for God's sake, he will be an appointed Caliph by the predecessor and will die as martyr. 'Auf told Abu Bakr the dream, who summoned 'Umar and ordered 'Auf to relate him the dream. When he said "he will be an appointed Caliph" (by the predecessor), 'Umar silenced him and pulled him away roughly. When he became Caliph, he met 'Auf, admitted that one part of the dream has been fulfilled, expressed his wish to act fearlessly for God's sake, but wondered how he could gain the death of a martyr if he remains in the Arab peninsula (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 331; al-Muhibb al-Tabarl, alRiyii{l al-nadira, Cairo 1372/1953, I, 212). Abu Musa al-Ash'arl saw himself in a dream facing many highways, which, however, dwindled away. He went on the one which had been left and reached a mountain on which he saw the Prophet; on his side stood Abu Bakr. The Prophet pointed at 'Umar ordering him to draw near. Abu Musa understood that the dream foreboded the death of 'Urnar (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 332). 61 The succession 80 The interpretation of dreams 'Uthrnan saw the Prophet in a dream when he was besieged in his court. 'Uthman was fasting and the Prophet told him that he would break the fast in his company in the morning. In the morning, while still fasting, 'Uthman was indeed killed, (al-Hakim, op. cit., III, 94, 103; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 443-444; Muhammad b. Yahya b. Abi Bakr, alTamhid wa-I-bayiin, ed. Mahmud Yiisuf Zayid, Beirut, 1964, p. 175; al-Muhibb al-Tabart, al-Riyad, II, 161, 167-168; and see another version ibid., 167: 'Uthman, when besieged, saw in a dream the Prophet who asked him: "Have they besieged you, have they caused you intense thirst?" "Yes", said 'Uthman. The Prophet gave him a bucket with cold water and 'Uthrnan drank until he quenched his thirst. Then the Prophet said: "If you want I shall help you against them [i.e. against the besiegers] or if else you will break the fast with us." 'Uthrnan preferred to break the fast in the company of the Prophet [i.e. in Paradise] and was killed next day). The Prophet interpreted the fire seen by Zurara b. 'Amr al-Nakha't as indicating the fitna which will flame up after the Prophet's death. (See 'Ibara, fol. 47b ult. - 48a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, III, 8; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawl, Cairo, n.d., II, 517, no. 811; al-Zamakhsharl, op. cit., II, 182-183; al-Zurqanl, op. cit., VII, 193194; Fahd, op. cit., p. 286; and see 'Ibiira, fol. 51a, inf.). The neutrality of Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas was approved of in a dream. Husayn b. Kharija al-Ashja'I became perplexed when the fitna broke out (i.e. after the murder of 'Uthman). He asked God to grant him a sign how to act righteously. He saw in a dream this world and the next world and was guided by angels to a place where Ibrahim and the Prophet stayed. He heard the Prophet asking Ibrahim to beg God to pardon the sins of his people. Ibrahim said: "You know what your people invented (ahdathu; for the meaning of ahdatha see Goldziher, op. cit., II, 27-31) after your death; they spilled their blood and killed their imdm; why did they not act like my friend Sa'd?" Husayn b. Kharija went to Sa'd and related him his dream. Sa'd was pleased that Ibrahim had named him his friend. When asked which of the two factions he joined, Sa'd stated that he kept away from both parties. He advised Husayn to buy a flock and stay far away until the /itna came to an end (al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'Iiim al-nubalii', ed. Salai) al-Dln al-Munajjid, I, 81, al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, III, 501). The heated discussion about the position of 'Ali is reflected in a story about a muhadditn who appeared in a dream to his friend and told him about the privileged status of Muhammad b. 'Ubayd in Paradise, because he preferred 'Uthman to 'Ali (al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, op. cit., II, 367). Muhammad b. 'Ubayd, when alive, used to warn his audience not to listen to the Kufians who scoffatthe people (ibid., the Kufians were known as the partisans of' Ali). The negative attitude towards the Umayyad rulers was reflected in a story according to which the Prophet saw the Umayyads in a dream jumping like apes on his minbar (al·SuyiltI, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 427-428; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 156). The attitude of the orthodoxy towards the conflict between 'Ali and Mu'awiya (comp.: idhd dhukira a$l;!tibifa-amsikii, al-Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafd', p. 176; Ahmad b. l;Iajar alHaytaml, op. cit., p. 214) is mirrored in the story of the dream of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. He saw in a dream the Prophet in the company of Abii Bakr and 'Umar, 'Ali and Mu'awiya were brought in and entered a house the door of which was closed behind them. After a time 'Ali went out and stated that a verdict was given in his favour; then Mu'awiya went out and said that God forgave him his sins (Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Manam, p. 319). The personality of 'Umar b. 'Abd al- 'Aztz and his orthodox rule are emphasized in a story in which he tells of a dream which he dreamt. He saw the Prophet in the company of Abii Bakr and 'Umar, and the Prophet ordered him to follow the path of Abii Bakr and 'Urnar when he will be entrusted with government (Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 291; al-Suyfitl, Ta'rikh al-khulafd', p. 230). 81 A cloud flowing with butter and honey, which a man saw in a dream, was interpreted by Abu Bakr as Islam (the cloud) and Qur'an (butter and honey).62 The esteem for scholars occupied with the study of the Qur'an is reflected in the story of a dream in which al-Kisa'I appeared and stated that God had forgiven his sins because he was dedicated to the study of the Qur'an.63 The preceding tradition belongs in fact to a particular kind of stories about the rewards in Paradise granted to the pious and godfearing for their good deeds. A fine specimen of a collection of this genre of stories is the Kitiib almaniim of Ibn Abl l-Dunya,64 a contemporary of Ibn Qutayba.v> Similar in content are some chapters on this subject in Ibn Abi Hatim's Taqdimat alma'rifa li-kitdbi l-jarlt wa-l-ta'dilv: Our 'Ibiira contains many stories of this kind. In some cases the tendency is to stress the specific virtues by which the pious gained Paradise, to guide the living and to admonish. Malik b. Dinar saw al-Hasan al-Basrl in a dream and asked him about his experiences in the other world. Al-Hasan told him that he was guided by God's grace to the abode of the righteous in reward for his sorrow and weeping in this world. He accordingly said: "The Ionger the man's saddness in this world the longer is his joy in the Iife to come."67 Ibn Qutayba remarks that this utterance is expressed in a manner which resembles al-Hasan's own style.68 Malik b. Dinar also saw Muslim b. Yasar69 in a dream. Muslim told him that he had been subjected after his death to dreadful experiences, but that later God had forgiven him his sins and accepted his good deeds. Malik sobbed and fainted. After a few days he died.7o 62 "Ibiira, fol, 36a; see the different versions of this story: Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fols. 152b-153a; Muhammad Fu'ad 'Abd al-Baql, op. cit., III, 42-43, no. 1462; Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., III, 357, no. 2113; Ps. Ibn Stnn, op. cit., p, 130; al-Hanafl, op. cit., II, 265; al-Qastallanl, op. cit., X, 160-161; al-Muhibb al-Tabart, al-RiyiirJ, I, 107; Abu Bakr Ibn al-'Arabl, op. cit., p. 189; cf. al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. 120b. 63 'Ibiira, fol. 15a; al-Khatlb ai-BaghdadI, op. cit., XI, 410, 414. 64 Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, majmii'a. 65 D. 280 H. F. Meier's statement "Die Welt der Urbilder bei 'Ali Hamadani", (Eranos Jahrbuch, 1950), p. 125, that the earliest collection of such stories is in the Risdla of alQushayrI must thus be altered. 66 Ibn AbI l;Iatim, Taqdimat al-ma'rifa (Hyderabad, 1371/1952), pp. 119-122, 311-312. 67 'Ibara, op, cit., fol. 12b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 301; comp. a similar dream of Ibn Strln in al-Dhahabl's Ta'rikh al-Isliim (Cairo, 1367), IV, 198. 68 Ibid., ... atwalu l-ndsi huznan atwaluhum farahan ft I-iikhirati; qiila abu muhammadin: wa·hiidhii kamii tarii ashbahu bi-jayyidi kaldmi l-hasani. 69 See on him Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 186. 70 'Ibdra, fol. l3a, ult. - I3b sup.; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 299, ll. 5-12; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 294 inf. 82 The interpretation of dreams Malik b. Dinar appeared after his death in a dream to Suhayl Akhu Hazm"! and informed him that he had come to the presence of God with many sins, but that God had forgiven him because of his confidence in God (I)usnu /zanni bi-lliihi).72 Sufyan al-Thaurl appeared in a dream to Abu Khalid al-Ahmar and informed him that he had found rest from the troubles of this world and came at the Mercy of God. According to another story Sufyan said that God had forgiven him his sins because of his talab al-hadithl» ~iilil,1 aI-Barrad saw in a dream Zurara b. Aura.74 Zurara told him that the best things by which to reach Paradise are trust in God and hope of Iittle duration.t> Another class of dreams contain predictions about the death of pious men and how they will enter Paradise. A pious woman in Mecca dreamt about maid-servants, dressed in yellow clothes and holding sweet basil in their hands, encircling the Ka'ba, She was shocked by what she saw and said to herself: "Such a thing around the Ka'ba?" She was told in her dream that 'Abd a1'Azlz b. Abl Rawwiid76 was getting married. That night, when she woke up, she was informed that he had died the same night. 77 A woman saw in her dream a beautiful garden in which there was placed a goiden throne. On this throne sat a man surrounded by servants with cups in their hands. She was told that the man was Marwiin al-Muhalliml, When 71 72 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 261, no. 449. 'Ibdra, fol. 13b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at rasd'il (Cairo, 1354/1935), p. 41, no. 7 (Kitab husni l-zanni bi-lIiihl). 73 'Ibdra, fol. 14a; Ibn AbI Hatim, op. cit., p. 121; comp. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 351: A man saw YazId b. Hartin after his death in a dream and asked him whether God forgave him his sins because he studied Qur'an, "No", said YazId, "because (my study of) hadith", And see al-Fasawl, Kit. al-ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh; Esad Ef. 2391, foJ. 190b inf.: 'Amr b. Murra hesitated whether to choose /:tadith or Qur'an, He saw in a dream a man granting gifts to the readers of Qur'an, not to the transmitters of hadith' and he decided to prefer Qur'an, See about talab al-hadith: Goldziher, Muslim Studies, II, 164 seq.; 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak told his friend in a dream that God forgave him his sins because of talab al/:tadith (Majmu'at rasii'if Ii 'uliim al-hadith, ed. Subhl al-Badrl al-Samarra'I, al-MaclIna alMunawwara 1389/1969, p. 47). 74 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al-quddt, ed. 'Abd al-'AzIz MU$tafa al-Maraghl (Cairo, 1366/1947), I, 292-297; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 150. 75 'Ibara, fol. l3a; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 298, cf. al-Tha'labl, Kitiib qatlii I· Qur'on, Ms. Leiden, Or. 9981 (majmu'a), fol. 9a-b. 76 See on him al-Sha'rant, al-Tabaqdt al-kubrii (Cairo, [n.d.]), p. 52; AbU Nu'aym, op, cit., VIII, 191. 77 'Ibdra, Col. lib; al-Yafi't, Mir'iit al-jindn (Hyderabad, 1338), I, 339 ult.-240 sup.; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 76. 83 she woke up in the morning, she was informed that the funeral of Marwan al-Muhalliml passed by her door at that time.78 Hafsa bint Rashid was moved by the death of her neighbour Marwan a1Muhallirnl. She then saw him in a dream and asked him what God's decision about him was. He told her that he had been introduced into Paradise, that he had then joined the "People of the Right" (a$l;iib ai-yamin) and been finally raised to "those near the Presence" (al-muqarrabin). When asked whom he had met in Paradise, he answered that he had seen there al-Hasan (al-Basrl), Maymiin b. Siyah,79 and Muhammad b. Sirin.80 The stories adduced above may give an idea about the dreams recorded by Ibn Qutayba concerning the pious in Paradise. Yet another group of dreams contain injunctions, warnings and forebodings. Isma'Il al-Hadrami became blind. In a dream he was taught a supplication and, having recited it, he regained his eyesight.s! Wahb b. Munabbih fell into destitution. One night he dreamt that a man brought him a thing resembling an almond or a pistachio nut. Having opened it, he found a piece of silk on which there was an inscription saying that it was not fitting for a man who knows the justice of God, or his affair by God's mercy, to consider the sustenance given by God as too slow. Later God gave him indeed plentiful sustenance.82 A pious man from Hamdan saw in a dream a piece of paper on which an injunction was written ordering him to practise submission and fear of God in order to reach the rank of the righteous.F' A secretary of al-Hasan b. Sahl84 resigned from his post and became a pious man. In his dream he saw a man who told him that his Lord called 78 "Ibiira, fo1. lOa-b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Maniim, p. 300, ll. 10-16; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 70; al-Khargiishl, op. cit., fo1. 62b. 79 See on him Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., III, 106; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 152. 80 'Ibara, fo1. lOa; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 300, ll. 7-10; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., pp. 69-70; al-KhargiishI, op. cit., fo1. 62b. 81 "Ibiira, fo1. IIa. Cf. Ibn l;IanbaI, Kit. al-'ilal, ed. T. Kacyigit and I. Cerrahoglu (Ankara, 1963), I, 68, no. 401: Simak became blind. He saw in his dream Abraham who stroked his eyes, ordered him to enter the Euphrates and to open his eyes in the river. He did it and regained his sight. 82 "Ibiira, fo1. 13a; al-Tantikhl, al-Faraj ba'da l-shidda (Cairo, 1357/1938), I, 168; comp, Ibn Nasir al-Dln al-Dimashql, Jiimi' al-iithiir fj maulidi l-mukhtiir, Ms. Cambridge Or. 913, fo1. 75a sup. (It was the Prophet who saw the inscription in his dream; the story is transmitted on the authority of Wahb. b. Munabbih). 83 "Ibdra, fo1. 12b. 84 See on him al-Jahshiyarl, al-Wuzarii' wa-l-kuttiib, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyart, ShalabI (Cairo, 1357/1938),pp. 230-231. 84 The interpretation of dreams him. He understood the hint, made the necessary preparations and set out for a pilgrimage to Mecca. He died in fact on his journey.V 'Umar saw in a dream a cock which pecked him once or twice. He interpreted it that an alien (a Persian) would kill him.86 'A'isha bint Talha (and another man) saw Talha in a dream. He complained of dampness discomforting him in his grave and asked to be removed into another place. When his grave was opened, the people found it exactly as described by Talha. His body was found unchanged except for some of the hair in his beard.s? A woman saw her deceased daughter in a dream. The daughter ordered her mother to divide walnuts amongst the poor. Ibn Slrin interpreted the dream as follows: the woman should take out her hidden treasure and divide it among the poor. The woman admitted that she had buried this treasure at the time of a plague.ss A woman told Ibn Sirln that she dreamt the moon was entering into the Pleiades; a herald from behind her ordered her to go to Ibn Slrln and to tell him the story. Ibn Sirin's interpretation was that he would die within seven days; he died in fact on the seventh day.89 A man saw in a dream a bird coming down from heaven, alighting on a shrub of jasmin and picking it, then flying back towards heaven. Ibn Slrln explained it as referring to the death of scholars. In fact a number of scholars died in that year, among them al-Hasan and Ibn Sirin.90 Layla bint Aufa al-Harashiyya, the wife of Furat al-Bakka'l, had a daughter who saw in her dream that she would break three banners. Her mother asked Ibn Slrln about it, and he interpreted the dream by saying that three of her husbands would be killed. In fact Yazid b. al-Muhallab, 'Amr b. Yazld a1Tayrni, and al- 'Abbas b. 'Abdallah b. al-Harith b. Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd 85 'Ibara, foJ. 14a. 86 'Ibdra, fol. 19a; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 335-336; al-Hakim, op. cit., Ill, 90; Ibn alJauzi, Ta'rikh 'Umar, ed. Hasan al-Hadl Husayn (Cairo, [n.d.]), p. 166; al-Muhibb al- Tabart, op. cit. (Cairo, 1372/1953), II, 99; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 201; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 231; Fahd, op. cit., 291; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 355; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml, op. cit., fols. 5b, 8a, lOb, 12b. 87 "Ibdra, fol. lib; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Ms. Murad Molla 604, fol. 60b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p, 332; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 11, 768-769; al-Muhibb al-TabarI, op. cit., II, 348 (quoted on the authority of Ibn Qutayba); Fahd, op. cit., p. 290; Cf. Ibn Abl Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghanl (Hyderabad, 1388/1968), III, 389. 88 "Ibiira, fol. 18b; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 274. 89 "Ibdra, fol. 18b; al-Safadt, al-Wafi bi-l-wafayiit, ed. Sven Dedering (Damascus, 1953), m, 146, no. 1095; al-Dhahabt, Ta'rikh al-isliim, IV, 196; Abu Nu'ayrn, op, cit., II, 277; al-Ibshlht, op. cit., II, 79; Ps, Ibn Sirin, op. cit., p, 221; Cf. Ibn Hanbal, 'Ilal, I, 6, no. 17: Sa'Id b. Jubayr was told in his dream that al-I:Iajjaj would kill him. 90 'Ibara, fol. 20b; Ibn Kathlr, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya (Beirut-Riyad, 1966), IX, 275. 85 al-Muttalib were killed. Al-Hasan b. 'Uthman b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf succeeded to divorce her when he heard about the story of her dream and saved his Iife.91 'A:isha saw in a dream three moons falling in her bossom. Her father, Abu Bakr, interpreted it by saying that three men, the best people in the world, would be buried in her home.92 Of special interest are sections of the manuscript reporting about dreams in which verses unknown to the dreamer were recited. These verses, underlining the true Arabic-Islamic character of these sections, serve in some cases as predictions, in others for recording some gharib versions, or for purposes of admonition. It may be of some interest to gain more insight93 into the dreams of Ibn Qutayba himself, he being a man of outstanding knowledge in Arabic literature, language and religious lore. Ibn Qutayba reportss- that he saw in his youth a dream in which there were many books containing many gharib expressions. He remembered some of them, but Iater forgot them except the expression wa-balaghat ilayhi sallatu l-hawii'i. At that time he did not know the meaning of salla; afterwards he Iearnt that it meant dryness.Pf Ibn Qutayba describes another dream which he dreamt as "a marvel" (u'}ilba). A man asked him one day about the word junahiyy, which he did not know. In a dream a person explained to him the word as a synonym of khayzuriin (bamboo). After a while Ibn Qutayba heard a man reciting: fi kaffihi junahiyyun rihuhu 'abiqun min kaffi arwa'a fi 'irninihi shamamu idhii ra'athu qurayshun qiila qii'i!uhii ilii makiirimi hiidhii yantahi l-karamu96 Ibn Qutayba knew before that this verse in the version: Ii kaffihi khayzuriinun; when he heard it in the new version he understood that the explanation in the dream was right.?? 91 "Ibdra, fol, 21a; see Ibn Habfb, al-Mubabbar, .ed. lIse Lichtenstaedter (Hyderabad, 1361/1942),p. 443; Ps. Ibn SirIn, op. cit., p. 152; cr. al-Khargtishl, op. cit., fol. 142b, penult. 92 'Ibiira, fol, 29a; al-Raghib al-I$rahanI, op. cit., I, 150; al-Suyutt, Ta'rlkh al-khulafii'; p. 105; ai-HaythamI, op. cit., VII, 185; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, op. cit., p. 220; al-Ibshtbt, op. cit., II, 79; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XII, 176, no. 927; Al-Mandsik, ed.. Hamad al-Jasir (alRiyac;l,1389/1969),p. 374. 93 See Ibn Qutayba's dream in connection with a badtth, above, note 55. 94 'Ibiira, fol. 16b. 9S See VA, s.v, ~ II. 96 'Ibiira, fol, 16b; cr. Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-ZubayrI, op. cit., p. 164; Rijiil al-Kashshl, ed. Ahmad al-Husaynl (Karbala', [n.d.l), p. 119; Sadr al-Dln 'AU Khan al-Shirazi al-Madanl, al-Darajdt al-rafi'a (al-Najaf, 1382/1962), p. 549. 97 See VA, s.v.j n h. 86 The interpretation of dreams A man from Ghassan dreamt that he saw on the wall of Damascus a person who recited verses predicting the death of 'Amr b. Sa'Id who "considered the fortress as a place of rescue from death, sought refuge in the fortress, but the fate of death visited him in the fortress." The Ghassanl recounted the dream to 'Abd aI-Malik who asked him to keep the dream in secret. After some time the dream was fulfilled: 'Abd aI-Malik killed 'Amr b. Sa'id (al-Ashdaq) in the fortress of Damascus.sf At the time of 'Uthman a man saw in a dream a person reciting verses predicting the death of 'Uthman, A short time afterwards 'Uthrnan was killed.99 A man saw in a dream 'Ali b. Hisham. He played a Iute and sang: By my life, if Khurasan causes me to forfeit my head so I was indeed far from the gates of Khurasan, After some time al-Ma'mun sent aI-'Ujayf and ordered to kill 'Ali b. Hishiim.IOO Ascetic poetry is represented in verses recited by girls in Paradise (buris) whom a man saw in his dream: God of men, the Lord of Muhammad, created us for people standing on their feet sleepless (praying - K) Whispering to their God, the Lord of all Being the worries of this people, circulate during the night, while (other) men sleep.tv! Of the same character are the verses recited in a dream to Rabi'a al'Adawiyya, when she was ill: Your prayer, when people sleep, is Iight 98 'Ibdra, fol. 15b; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Mandm, p. 347; Ibn Kathtr, al-Biddya, VIII, 311 (all the sources recording the verses: alii yii la-qaumi li-l-safdhatl wa-l-wahni wa-li-l- 'iijizi l-mauhiini wa-l-ra'yi dhi l-afni. wa-li-bni sa'Idin baynamd huwa qa'imun 'alii qadamayhi kharra Ii-l-wajhi wa-l-batni. ra' ii l-hisna manjdtan fa-ltajd ilayhi fa-ziirathu l-maniyyatu fi l-I;!i~ni.) and see the story of his killing al-Tabarl, Ta'rikh (Cairo, 1358/1939), IV, 598-600. See ibid., p. 598: 'Amr b. Sa'Id saw in a dream 'Uthman on the night before he was murdered; 'Uthman dressed him in his gown. 99 'Ibdra , fol. 15b; Ibn Abl l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 347: la-' amru abika fa-Iii ta'jalan laqad dhahaba l-khayru tua qalilii wa-qad safiha l-ndsu fi dinihim wa-khallii bnu 'affiina sharran tawtld. 100 'Ibara, fol. 20b; see the story of his execution al-Tabart, Ta'rikh, VII, 192-193. 101 'Ibdra, fol. 15b, inf. - 16a sup. 87 your sleep is diverse, opposed to prayer. Your life is a plunder and a respite it goes on and passes away steadily and ceases. 102 Different in content is a story about a couple who promised each othe r to refrain from marriage in case one of them should die. The husband was the first to die. The widow kept her promise, but was persuaded by some wo men to remarry. On the night of her second marriage she saw in a dream her first husband who said: "How quickly did you forget the obligation, 0 Rab fib!" He recited the following verses: I greeted the dwellers of this house, all of them except Rabab, for I am not greeting her. She became married, while my abode became a grave, indeed graves hide people who dwell in them. 103 Besides the prognostic interpretations of dreams, a great number of interpretations are concerned with unknown facts of the past or the present, mainly details of private Iife, which would never have come to the person's knowledge without the help of the oneirocritic. A man dreamt that he drank from a bottle with two heads, one sweet and one salty. Ibn Sirln said in his interpretation that he sought the favours of his wife's sister and bade him desist. The man admitted that the interpretation was a true one. 104 A man saw in a dream that he drank from a bottle with a narrow neck. Ibn Sirln interpreted it by saying that the man was enticing a girl. 105 A man dreamt a dream that he owned an ostrich that was grinding. Ibn Slrin said that it denoted that the man bought a slave-girl and hid her amongst the tribe of Banu l;Ianifa.106 A man dreamt a dream that his hand was cut off. Ibn Slrln interpreted it that he was a carpenter and changed his occupation.w? A man dreamt a dream that a pebble fell into his ear and he shook it off. Ibn Sirln interpreted it by saying that the man was associated to people of unorthodox innovations and heard vicious words, which his ear shook Off.l08 'Ibtira, fol. 16a; al-Sarraj, Masiiri' al- 'ushshiiq, Cairo, 1325/1907,pp. 146-147. 'Ibara, fol. 15a-b; Ibn AbI l-Dunya, al-Mandm, p. 344; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Akhbar al-nisii', ed. Niziir Rida, Beirut 1964, pp. 127-128. 104 'Ibara, fol. 17a; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 276-277; al-Khargilshl, op. cit., fol. 125b. 105 'Ibara, fol. 17b. 106 'Ibiira, fol. 17b; and see the version of al-Jahiz, al-Hayawiin, IV, 368-369 (Parts of the Banu Hanifa were peasants [they supplied Mecca with their agricultural products]. See EJ2, s.v. Hanlfa b. Ludjaym. And see Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., XIII, 92, no. 7355; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 170). 107 'Ibara, fol. 18b; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., p. 115; al-Khargushl, op. cit., fol. l06b. 108 'Ibiira, fol. 20a. 102 103 88 The interpretation of dreams A man saw in a dream Qatada swallowing small pearls and spitting them out Iarger than those which he swallowed. Qatada, according to Ibn Sirln's interpretation, transmitted more haditli than he heard,I09 A similar symbolism underlies Abu Bakr's interpretation of a dream, in which a man saw a big bull who came out from a small hole and could not enter it when he tried to return. Abu Bakr interpreted it as a grievous expression which cannot be taken back. I 10 A man heard in a dream a child shouting in his house. Ibn Sirln ordered him to stop playing on the guitar; it was in fact a singer. I II Drinking from a vessel symbolizes, as we have seen above, 112sexual intercourse. The same interpretation is applied by Ibn Sirln in the following dream: a man saw in a dream a woman from his family lifting to her mouth a vessel of milk, but, outspeeded by a pressure to urinate, she had to put down the vessel at every attempt to drink. The woman, according to Ibn Slrln, was a righteous woman who longed for a man. Ibn Sirln advised to find for her a husband.l13 A similar subject is dealt with in another story: Khalid b. Yazld (or Yazld) dreamt that he put three times a knife on the neck of a {i!awd-bird trying unsuccessfully to slaughter it; 114he managed to slaughter it only on the fourth time. An interpreter of dreams was summoned and explained that it refers to a virgin girl whom the dreamer failed to deflower three times, but succeeded on the fourth time. The interpreter added that the girl broke wind during the intercourse, which he deduced from the name of the bird "titawd", Khalid admitted the facts.115 Sagacity was shown by Ibn Slrln in the interpretation of the following dream: A man saw in a dream that Yazid b. al-Muhallab put up an arch between his house and that of the dreamer. Ibn Sirin asked the man: "Did your mother cohabit with Ibn al-Muhallab?" The man asked his mother and she admitted that she had been a slave-girl of Ibn al-Muhallab (scil. his concubine - K), later marrying the dreamer's father. I 16 109 'Ibdra, fol. 20b. Cf. al-Safadl, al- Wiifi bi-l-wafaydt, ed. S. Dedering (Damascus, 1953), p. 146. 110 'Ibiira, fol. 20a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 183; al-Kharglishl, op. cit., fol. 168a. 111 'Ibiira, fol. 20b; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 277; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 75. 112 See above notes 104, 105. 113 'Ibiira, fol. 21a; Ps. Ibn Sirln, op, cit., p. 105. 114 See slaughter as symbol of sexual intercourse in the story recorded by al-Ibshtht, op. cit., II, 79 (a man saw in a dream a woman, who was his neighbour, slaughtered ... ); and see 'Ibiira, fol. 54a, 1. 10: wa-man dhabaha zabyan iftadda jdriyatan ... ; and see ibid, fol. 57b,1. 9: ... wa-man dhabaha dajdjatan iftadda jdriyatan 'adhrd'a. 115 'Ibdra, fol. 21b; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 12;al-Damiri, op. cit., II, 102; Abdel Daim, op. cit., p. 85. 116 'Ibdra, fol. 21a; Ps. Ibn Strln, op. cit., p. 253. 89 A significant dream of Abu 'Amr al-Nakha'I reflects the feeling of the victory of the Arabs over the Persians in the early period of Islam and their sense of self-identification with the past. Abu 'Amr saw al-Nu'rnan b. alMundhir, the king of al-Hlra, in a dream, wearing two earrings and bracelets. When he informed the Prophet about his dream, the Prophet said: "This indicates that the kingdom of the Arabs returned to its splendour and beauty." 117 The "Arab-character" of an object helps Sa'Id b. a1-Musayyab to give an interpretation of a dream. A man saw in a dream on the battlements of the mosque a beautiful white pigeon, which was snatched away by a falcon. Ibn al-Musayyab interpreted it by saying that al-Hajjaj married the daughter of 'Abdallah b. Ja'far, His explanation as to how he reached his conclusion is as follows: the pigeon denotes a woman, the whiteness denotes her pure pedigree; the falcon is an Arab bird, not an alien one (laysa min tayri l-a'iijim); among the Arabs he did not find anyone more closely resembling a falcon than aI-I;Iajjaj.118 The Islamic character of Ibn Qutayba's compilation is underlined by the frequent quotations from Qur'an and hadith, which serve as the basis for the interpretations. Abundance of mushrooms denote sustenance and wealth without fatigue, according to the utterance of the Prophet that mushrooms stem from 111anna.119 The mouse denotes a profligate woman, because the Prophet called the mouse "al-fuwaysiqa" (the small profligate).120 According to this utterance, Ibn Sirin interpreted a dream in which a man saw himself having sexual intercourse with a mouse which gave birth to a date. Ibn Sirln asked the man whether he had at home a profligate wife. "Yes", the man answered. Further he asked: "Is she pregnant?" "Yes", the man answered. Ibn Sirtn predicted that she would give birth to a righteous boy. He based his prognostic on the utterance of the Prophet about the mouse and his favourable saying about dates.U! 117 'Ibiira, fol. 45b; Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, III, 8, no. 2789; al-Zurqant, op. cit., VII, 194; Fahd, op. cit., p. 286, note I. 118 'Ibiira, fol. 57a; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, op. cit., I, 150; al-Damlrt, op. cit., II, 181; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 196; Fahd, op. cit., p. 311, no. 6. 119 'Ibara, fol. 39b; al-Damlrl, op. cit., II, 345-346; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zad alma'iid (Beirut, [n.d.]), III, 181, 183; al-Hanaft, op. cit., II, 366; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihiiya, IV, 199; al-'Azizi, op. cit., III, 109; Ibn al-Athir, Jiimi' al-usid, VIII, 327, nos. 5636-5637. 120 'Ibara, fol. 5b ult.; al-Damlrl, op. cit., II, 201 inf.; Ps. Ibn SirIn, op. cit., p. 209; Ibn al-Athlr, Jdmi' al-usid, XII, 367, no. 9449; about black and white mice denoting days and nights see 'Ibara, fol. 8a; al-Darnlrl, op. cit., 11,202; Ps. Ibn SIrIn, p. 209. 121 'Ibara, fol. 19a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 209; cf. Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidiiya, IX, 275. 90 The interpretation of dreams The raven symbolizes, according to a hadith, a profligate man.l22 Bottles denote women, according to the utterance of the Prophet to Anjasha.123 A Iong right hand in a dream is to be interpreted as a generous helping person, as the Prophet said, addressing his wives: "The first of you who will join me (i.e. to die after me - K) will be the one with the Iongest hand." The first who died after the Prophet was Zaynab bint Jal)sh.124 A rib seen in a dream denotes a woman according to the recommendation of the Prophet to treat woman gently because woman was created from a crooked rib and cannot be set aright. 125 The Iiver denotes a treasure according to the saying of the Prophet about the troops of Mecca: hddhihi makkatu qad ramatkum bi-aflddhi akbiidihii.126 Watering a garden and seeds denotes sexual intercourse, according to the prohibition of the Prophet to water the seeds of another man (referring to sexual intercourse with pregnant women). 127 Many interpretations of dreams arc based on verses of the Qur'an, on expressions of the Qur'an or meanings attached to them. Eggs denote women according to Sura xxxvii 49, in which the women in Paradise are compared to hidden eggs. 128 Timber denotes hipocrisy according to Sura Ixiii 4: "... but when they speak thou listenest to their speech, and it is as if they were propped up timbers." 129 Stones in a dream symbolize hardness according to Sura ii 74.130 Water denotes sometimes trial and allurement (fitna) according to Sura Ixxii 16.131 A king entering a locality not suiting his rank and honour (because of its smallness) denotes that the locality will be afflicted by humiliation or calamity, op. cit., II, 180; al-Majlisl, LXI, 173. Hajar, al- "Isdba, I, 68, no. 259; al-Bukharl, al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. Muhibb al-Dln al-Khatib (Cairo, 1379), p. 305, no. 883; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., I, 140; al-Jurjanl, al-Muntakhab min kindyiit al-udaba', ed. Muhammad Badr al-Dln al-Na'sanl (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 7; al-Tha'iilibi, al-Kindyiit, ed. al-Na'sant (Cairo, 1326/1908), p. 4. 124 'Ibara, fol. 7a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., IV, 1850, no. 3355; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 108; al-Haytharnt, op. cit., IX, 248; al-Hanafl, op. cit., II, 250; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, p, 389; Ibn al-Athlr, Jiimi' al-usid, XII, 66, no. 8850; al-Suylitl, al-Khasii'is al-kubrii, II, 462. 125 'Ibiira, fols. 6a, 31a inf.; al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba, Jerusalem 1954, p. 82, note 245; al-Majlisl, op. cit., LXI, 173. 126 'Ibiira, fol, 31a; al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, op. cit., p. 22, no. 1 (and see ib., p. 226, no. 231) 127 'Ibiira, fol, 37b. 128 'Ibiira, fol. 5a. 129 'Ibiira, fol. 5a; and see al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XVIII, 125; al-Sharlf al-Radiyy, op. cit., p. 293, no. 320. 130 'Ibiira, fol, 5a. 131 'Ibdra, fol, 5a. 123 'Ibiira, fol. 6a; Ibn 122 'Ibiira, fols. 5b, 24a; al-Damirl, 91 according to Sura xxvii 34: "Kings when they enter a city disorder it and make the mighty ones of its inhabitants abased."132 Dress denotes women according to Sura ii 187: "Permitted to you upon the night of the fast is to go to your wives; they are a vestment to you and you are a vestment for them." 133 A wood-carrier denotes a slanderer, according to Sura cxi 5: " ... and his wife, the carrier of the firewood" (i.e. the sianderous woman - K).134 The rope denotes a pact according to Sura iii 103, 113: "And hold you fast to God's bond together. .. "; "Abasement shall be pitched on them wherever they are come upon except they be in a bond of God and a bond of the people." 135 Scattered pearls denote servants according to Sura Iii 24: " ... and there go round them youths, their own, as if they were hidden pearls." 136 Fresh dates (rutab) denote good and pleasant sustenance, according to Sura xix 24: "Shake also to thee the palm-trunk, and there shall come tumbling upon thee dates fresh and ripe."137 Drunkenness in a dream, without drinking intoxicants, denotes fear, according to Sura xxii 2: " ... and thou shalt see mankind drunk, yet they are not drunk, but God's chastisement is terrible." 138 Washing with cold water symbolizes repentance, recovering from disease, being freed from prison, paying a debt, or being freed from fear, according to Sura xxxviii 42: "This is a laving-place, cool and a drink." 139 Rain in a restricted place (a house or Iocality) denotes pains and calamities, according to Sura xi 82: " ... and rained on it stones and baked clay." 140 The tongue symbolizes a (convincing) argument or fame, according to Sura xxvi 84: " ... and appoint me a tongue of truthfulness among the others."141 Praying with the back to the Ka'ba symbolizes renouncing Islam, according to Sura iii 187: " ... but they rejected it behind their backs." 142Praying above the Ka'ba also denotes renouncing IsIam, according to Sura ii, 144, 150: "From whatsoever place thou issuest, turn thy face towards the Holy Mosque ... "; the man praying above the Ka'ba has no qibla.w) Eating fruits in Paradise (or getting women there) predicts welfare in this world and improvement of belief, knowledge and piety, according to Sura xv 46: "Enter you there in peace and security." 144 132 134 136 138 140 142 143 144 fol. fol. fol. fol. fol. fol. 'Ibara, fol. 'Ibdra, fol. "Ibiira, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, "Ibdra, 5b. 133 "Ibdra, fol. 5b. 135 'Ibiira, fol. 5b. 6b. 45b. 137 'Ibdra, fol. 40b. 38a. 139 'Ibdra, fol. 36b. 36a. 141 'Ibara, fol. 30a, 27a. 27a; Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 56, ll. 14-16. 26a. 92 The interpretation of dreams Manacles (aghliil) constitute a bad omen, according to Sura v 67: " ... their hands are fettered and they are accursed for saying so ... " and Sura xxxvi 8: "Surely We have put on their necks fetters." 145Another interpretation stresses the difference between manacles and shackles (qayd): manacles denote unbelief, but shackles denote firm belief. 146 'Umar withdrew the nomination of his governor to Syria when the latter told him his dream. He saw the sun and the moon fighting each other; some of the stars aided the sun, some of them the moon. "With which of them were you?" asked 'Umar. "With the moon", answered the man. 'Umar withdrew his appointment, basing his decision on Sura xvii 12: " ... then We have blotted out the sign of the night." 147 Two different interpretations of an identical dream, both based on the Qur'an, were issued by Ibn Sirin. Two different persons dreamt that they were calling to prayer as mu'adhdhins. Ibn Slrln predicted to the first one that he would perform the hajj; to the other he foretold that his hand would be cut off (as punishment for theft). When asked about this opposite interpretation of the same dream, he said: "In the first person I noticed marks of good countenance and based my interpretation on Sura xxii 27: "And proclaim unto mankind the pilgrimage." I was not pleased with the countenance of the other man and I interpreted according to Sura xii 70: " ... then a herald proclaimed: Ho, cameleers, you are robbers."148 A considerable number of verses enhance, the Arabic character of the compilation. It is indeed not surprising to find so many verses in a book by Ibn Qutayba, given his profound knowledge of Arabic poetry. In a Iengthy passage, in which he discusses the meanings of spirit (ruM and soul (nafs) and the differences between them, Ibn Qutayba quotes a verse of Dhu l-Rumma, who said at the point of his death: fol. 8b (but if a pious man sees manacles in a dream it is a good omen). fol. 47a, inf. - 47b sup.; see Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 152a inf.; alTibrlzi, op. cit., p. 394; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, III, 312. Of interest is the interpretation of the following dream: A man saw in a dream that his son tied him with a black rope and then started to slaughter him. Ibn Sirin interpreted the dream by saying that the son is pious in his attitude towards his father and that he would pay a debt owed by his father (,lbiira, fol. 31b inf.; and see a more detailed report of this story Ibn Abt l-Dunya, al-Ishriif fi mandzil al-ashriif, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 32a). 147 'Ibdra, fol. 17a; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 285, no. 1353; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., I, 279, no. 378; aI-Ibshihi, op. cit., II, 79; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishriif, fol. 49a; Ps. Ibn Slrin, op. cit., p. 291; al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., XI, 340, no. 1341; Muhammad b. AI,unad alTamIml, op. cit., fol. 35a. 148 'Ibara, fol. 9a; Bland, op. cit., p. 133; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Tamlml, op. cit., fol. 22a; al-Khargushi, op. cit., fol. 36a. 145 'Ibiira, 146 'Ibiira, 93 0, He Who takes my spirit from my soul at the point of death and He Who forgives the sins, remove me from fire (of Hell). 149 and an anonymous verse: I remain the whole day maddened by love, and there meet at night in dream my spirit and her spirit. 150 The interpretation of the quince (safarjat) and the iris (susan) are derived from the components of these words (su-san = su' sana; safarjal = safar-jat) and illustrated by the following anonymous verses: She sent him as gift a quince and he drew a bad omen and remained the whole day contemplating. He was afraid of departure, as the first of it is journey (safar); right be was in that he drew a bad omen. and about the iris: You gave me an iris and you did not do well in (choosing your) gifts, The first of it is evil and its end, is evil of a (barren) year. 151 A surveyer (of Iand) is interpreted as a traveller; this is expounded by two anonymous verses: May God render the people of Barmak ugly, for I became associate in their journeys because of them. If Dhu l-Qarnayn did survey the Earth then I am indeed a keeper of the dust. 152 Two verses of Khidash b. Zuhayr are quoted attesting that the word dajjdla denotes a caravan; an anonymous verse conveys that the word denotes camels smeared with tar. 153 The verb ramo, to throw arrows, denoting also calumniation, siander (for 149 'Ibdra, fol. 3b, I. 1; Diwdn, ed. C. H. H. Macartney (Cambridge, 1919), p. 667 (no. 47); L'A, s.v. z b b; the variants pertinent to the discussed problem may be mentioned: yii qiibit!a I-rubi min nafst idhd bturfirat wa-ghiifira l-dhanbi zahzihn! min al-nari. Diwdn: yii mukhrija I-rubi min jismi idhii btarfarat wa-fdrija I-karbi ... L'A: yii qiibirfa I-rubi 'an jismin 'a~ii zamanan wa-ghdfira l-dhanbi ... 150 'Ibara, fol. 3b, I. 10. See this verse in the Diwdn of Jamil Buthayna, ed, Bashir Yamiit 'Ibdra: (Beirut, 1352/1934),p. 18. 151 "Ibdra, fol. 5a; Ps. Ibn Sirln, op. cit., p. 311, 9; Bland, op. cit., p, 135; al-Khargilshl, op. cit., fol. 217b. 152 "Ibiira, fol. 6b; Ibn al-Faqlh, al-Buldiin, ed. de Goeje (Leiden, 1885), p. 52 ("muwak· kalun bi-I· 'iyiiri", not "bi-l-ghubdri"}, 153 "Ibdra, fols. 6b-7a. 94 The interpretation of dreams its interpretation of dreams in the Iatter connotation) is attested by Sura xxiv 4, 6, and two verses of Labid.154 The symbol of a falcon ($aqr) as a courageous man is attested by a verse of Abu Ta1ib: The courageous men (falcons) came one after the other, as if everyone of them clad in over-long mail (were a warrior) walking heavily.!S5 Honour is symbolized in dreams by the sky. This is attested by a verse of al-Nabigha al-Ja'di, recited during his meeting with the Prophet: Our glory and our greatness reached the sky and we hope to gain an elevated place above that.! S6 The sun symbolizes in dreams the power of the king. A verse of al-Nabigha al-Dhubyani is quoted: So you are the sun and the kings are the stars when it appears, no star from among the stars appears.t>? Stars denote the noblemen from among the people. An anonymous verse testifies it: Whomever you will meet from amongst them you will say: "I me-t their chief" they are like the stars by which the travellers travel.!58 A rib symbolizes, as already mentioned, a woman. A verse of an anonymous poet attests it: She is a hooked rib, you will not set her aright Io, setting aright the ribs means breaking them.!59 Lice in dreams symbolize the welfare of the family. A verse about it is quoted: Up to the time when your clans grew full of Iice (i.e. grew large - K) and you saw that your sons grew up ... !60 154 "Ibdra, fol. 7a; see the verses Diwdn, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas (al-Kuwayt, 1962), pp. 194195 (nos. 72, 74); and see these verses analysed by Ibn Qutayba in his Kit. al-ma'iini l-kabir (Hyderabad, 1368/1949), pp. 818, 1046-1047. 155 'Ibara, fol. 7b, I. 8; Ibn Hisharn, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi (Cairo, 1355/1936), II, 18, 1. 8 ('Ibiira: tatiiba'a JiM; Sira: a'tina 'alayhdy; cf. Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayrl, op. cit., p. 431. 156 'Ibiira, fol. 26a; Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Nabiga al-Ga'di (Roma, 1953), pp. 60 (v. 66, and see the references of the editor), 70 (v. 22); Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Tabiitaba al-IAlawi, 'Iydr al-shi'r, ed. Tahiial-l;IajirlandMubamrnadZaghIUlSalfun(Cairo, 1956),p. 45. 157 'Ibiira, fo1. 28b, 1. 10; al-'Askart, Dtwdn al-ma'iini (Cairo, 1352), I, 16; Dtwdn alNiibigha, p. 17, I. 4. 158 "Ibiira, fo1. 28b, 1. 13; al-'Askart, op. cit., I, 23 ult., 41; al-Jurjani, op. cit., p. 99 ult. 159 'Ibiira, fol. 31a ult., al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya, al-Jalis al-$alib al-kiift, Ms. Topkapi Saray. Ahmet III, no. 2321, fol. 103a; Ibn Abl l-Hadld, Sharh nahj al-baldgha, ed. Muhammad Abu I-FaQI Ibrahim (Cairo, 1964), XVIII, 199. 160 "Ibdra, fol. 32a (in text: qabilat; correct reading: qamilat); L'A, s.v. q m I. 95 A hand-mill in a dream symbolizes war. An anonymous verse and a verse of Zuhayr b. abl Su1ma161 are quoted. 162 A cloth-tent in a dream symbolizes royal power. This is based on the verse of al-A'sha (about the killing of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundhir): He introduced al-Nu'rnan into a house the roof of which were the chests of the elephants after (he dwelt in) the cloth tent. 163 and on an anonymous verse: o Hakam b. al-Mundhir b. Jarud the cloth-tent of glory is pitched upon you.164 There is an oneirocritical utterance which says: "He whose affairs have been accomplished in a dream and who, in a dream, has got hold of this world, has to expect decline and change of state, because everything accomplished is about to decay. This is supported by the following verse: If a thing is accomplished, its decrease is near expect decline if people say: "it is accomplished". 165 A tent denotes sometimes a woman. The explanation for this interpretation is based on an expression in Arabic: "he pitched a tent upon his wife." The origin of this expression, records Ibn Qutayba, is a custom according to which people used to pitch a tent upon the man who married and slept with his wife; consequently a man sleeping with his wife on the night of his marriage was called "the pitcher of the tent". This is illustrated by a verse of 'Amr b. Ma'dtkarib: Have'nt you remained sleepless watching this yemeni lightening it looks as if it were a candle of a pitcher of a tent. 166 Wearing silk brocade not in the usual way forebodes that the dreamer will be whipped or afflicted by small-pox. Two verses of a man afflicted by smallpox expound this meaning: Hasn't she got the tidings that I clothed myself after her (i.e. after my departure from her) with a white stripped cloth, the dyer of which is not foolish. I was bare of it before I wore it and my wearing it was for me bitter and hard. 167 161 162 163 164 Diwdn, 'Ibdra, '[bora, 'Ibara, ed. fo1. fo1. fo1. 'Urnar al-Suwaydi (Leiden, 1306/1889), p, 85. 37b. 40b, I. 6; Diwiin, ed. R. Geyer (London, 1928), p. 251 (no. 169). 40b, 1. 8. 165 "Ibiira, fol. 62a inf. 62b sup.; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. dhamm l-dunyii, Ms. Zahiriyya, Damascus, fo1. 22a, no. 187 (The edition of the manuscript is being prepared by Mrs. E. Almagor); Al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuMc/arat al-udaba', IV, 388. 166 'Ibdra, fo1. 40b ult.; L'A, S.v. b n y (the second hemistich); al-Jurjani, op. cit., p. 16. 167 "Ibara, fol, 41b, penult.; the first verse is recorded in the Diwdn of Dhu l-Rurnma, p, 670, I. 4 (quoted from Aghtini, XVI, 122); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iini l-kabir, I, 486 (only 96 The interpretation of dreams According to the hadith: "the man fearing God is bridled", it seems to be a good omen to see oneself bridled in a dream. A verse is quoted in connection with this interpretation: Free from vices is only he who controlled his mouth with a bridle.168 The milk of hare denotes paucity, subsequently it symbolizes paucity of means of sustenance. This is attested by an anonymous verse: Your evil is present and your welfare is (small like) the milk of a hare after her first parturition.tv? Girding a sword in a dream denotes being appointed as governor; what happens in a dream to the sword or to the sword-belt (I:zama'i!) will happen to the man in his post as governor. The sword-belt takes the position of a cloak; the Arabs called it therefore "the cloak". A verse attesting this is quoted: And in many a calamity brought about by a culprit you turned your cloak into a muffler. Ibn Qutayba adds: you turned your sword in it into a muffler, i.e. you beat with it (i.e. with your sword) their heads.t"? The mare symbolizes a noble woman. This is illustrated by a verse of the wife of Raul). b. Zinba", in which she scoffs at her husband: Am I not merely an Arab filly born from (noble) horses, mounted by a mule.!"! A horse with a blazon on his forehead, or white in the lower parts of his legs (mul:zajjal) denotes in a dream a noble man; a verse of al-Nabigha aIJa'di attests it: Greet you both Layla and say to her: "be calm" as she set out for fame and an eminent deed. 172 These verses current in the circles of philologists and lexicographers, some of them recorded by the udabd' and transmitters of akhbiir, became thus a means of interpreting dreams. the first verse; anonymous); for the expression amarru wa-a'Iaqu see al-A'sha, Diwiin, p. 148, I. 1 (XXXIII, 31). 168 "Ibiira, fol. 62b, penult.; see Abii Nuwas, Diwdn, ed. Mahmud Kamil (Cairo, 1933), p. 287, I. 2; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbiir, Cairo 1924, II, 177. 169 'Ibara, fol. 38a, ult.; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iinll-kabir, I, 710 (with a commentary on the verse); VA, s.v. kh r s; al-Jahiz, Rasii'il, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hartin (Cairo, 1385/1965), II, 358 (attributed to 'Amr b. Qaml'a); al-Jurjanl, op. cit., p. 129. 170 "Ibdra, fol. 44b, 1. 5; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iint l-kabir, I, 480 (with a commentary); VA, s.v. r d y; cf. al-A'sha, Diwdn, p. 39 (Y, 47); al-Khansa', Diwdn (Beirut, 1888), p. 31. 171 "Ibiira, fol. 50a, 1. 3 from bottom; al-Jahiz, Rasa'i/ (Kitiib af-bighaf), II, 358; Ahmad b. Abl Tahir, Balagllat al-nisa', al-Najaf 1361, p. 97, I. 1; al-Bakrl, Simt al-la'ali, ed, 'Abd al-'Azlz al-Maymanl (Cairo, 1354/1936), p. 179 (see the references of the editor ibid.). 172 'Ibdra, fol. SOa; M. Nallino, op. cit., p. 94; Ahmad b. Abl Tahir, op. cit., p. 185. 97 The examples of verses of poetry, hadiths, Qur'an-verses and pious stories adduced above, may convey some idea about the richness of the material provided by Ibn Qutayba in this compilation. Many of the stories are recorded with isndds in which the names of the scholars from whom Ibn Qutayba directly transmitted, are mentioned: Ishaq b. Rahawayh.Ut Ahmad b. Khalll.I?" Abu J:fatim,175who transmitted a great number of stories from al-A~ma'i,176 al-Husayn b. al-Hasan al-Marwazi,l77 Abu I-KhaHab178 and others. Ibn Qutayba's l"? detailed and elaborate compilation gives information about the different methods of interpretation: the symbolical, the reciprocal and antithetical, the etymological, the interpretation by addition and subtraction and the interpretation based on Qur'an and /:zadith.180 The c1assiffication of dreams according to jins, sinf, tab' is recorded as well. 181 Instruction and advice are given to the oneirocritics about their duties, methods and practices.182 Ibn Qutayba's compilation is, in fact, the continuation of an earlier tradition of oneiromancy already approved of by orthodox circles and drawing on a rich treasury of historical anectodes, adab stories, zuhd traditions, poetry, haditb and Qur'an, The numerous stories about dreams in Ibn Ishaq's Sira, the chapter about interpretation of dreams in Ma'rnar b. Rashid's Jiimi', the hadiths about dreams in Ahmad b. Hanbal's Musnad, the compilation of Ibn Abl l-Dunya about the dreams of the righteous and pious, Kitdb al-mandm, (with a special chapter about verses recited in dreams) bear evidence to the wide currency of this material among the orthodox and pious. It is obvious that there existed another kind of oneiromancy based on nonIsiamic and non-Arabic sources. This is indicated by a remark of al-Shafi'I (d. 204): "I left in a1-'Iraq a thing which was invented by the zanddiqa; they call it "ta'bir" and they occupy themselves with it, being distracted by it from the study of Qur'an."183 One may suppose that al-Shafi'I referred to some Lecomte, op. cit., pp. 52-53, no. 3. Lecomte, op. cit., p. 57, no. 9; Ibn Abl Hatim, al-Jarh wa-l-ta'dil (Hyderabad, 1271/1952), h. 50, no. 49. 175 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 50, no. 1; al-Marzubanl, Nur al-qabas, ed. R. Sellheim (Beirut, 1964), I, 225-228. 176 See e.g. 'Ibara, fols. 3b, 4b, 9b, 17b, 20a, 21b, 14b, 38a, 27a, 40a, 23a, 54b, 55a.' 177 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 64, no. 21; Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh, In, 49, no. 219. 178 Lecomte, op. cit., p. 56, no. 8; Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh, In, 549, no. 2479. 179 See Fahd, op. cit., p. 317. 180 'Ibiira, fols. 4a-8b; see Fahd, op. cit., pp. 317-328; .Joseph de Somogyi, "The Interpretation of Dreams in ad-Darntrt's Hayat al-Hayawan", JRAS, 1940, 1-20. 181 "Ibdra, fol. 23b; see Bland, op. cit., p. 136. 182 See e.g. "Ibiira, fol. 23a. 183 Abu Nu'aym, op, cit., IX, 146. 173 174 98 The interpretation of dreams compilations or traditions of Greek oneiromancy. In fact the translation of Artemidoros' The Interpretation of Dreams was done by Hunayn b. Ishaq (d. 260).184 Ibn Qutayba's compilation seems to have been intended as a response to the unorthodox trend of oneiromancy. It was addressed to the orthodox scholar of hadith, to the kdtib, to the adib, to the pious believer. It differs from the work of Artemidoros in that it has at its core the notion that the interpretation of dreams should be subjected to the Arabo-Islamic tradition. The duty of the oneirocritic is to explain the symbols according to these principles, to admonish and to guide. Nowhere in the compilation of Ibn Qutayba is Artemidoros mentioned, although Ibn Qutayba who died in 270, ten years after the death of Hunayn, might have seen Hunayn's translation, or at Ieast have been acquainted with its contents; no hint is given in the compilation of the opinions of philosophers. Some of the quotations from Artemidoros recorded by Abdel Daim (compared with the text of Ps. Ibn SIrln)185 can in fact be found in the compilation of Ibn Qutayba. But these interpretations of dreams might have been already current in 'Iraq in the first centuries of Isiam and might have lost their foreign character; they were probably absorbed at a very early period into the Iore of Muslim oneiromancy. In fact Muslim oneiromancy seems to have absorbed some elements of the oneiromancy of the Ancient Near East. A vestige of this kind seems to be the story of the dream of "Abd a1-Malik.186 The interpretation of this dream tallies with one used for an identical case in an Assyrian tablet.I''? The idea of classifying dreams by the time of night or day188 is echoed in Muslim oneiromancy.189 Traces of Jewish lore are conspicous. The idea of interpretation based on the Qur'an, followed by Ibn Qutayba, is reminiscent of Talmudic interpretation which is based on the Torah. Edited by Toufic Fahd (Damascus, 1964). Arabe d'apres Ibn Sirin, pp. 151-165. 186 'Abd al-Malik saw himself in a dream urinating four times in the mihriib. Ibn alMusayyab interpreted it, saying that four of his sons will rule as Caliphs. The dream was in fact fulfilled, and four of his sons were Caliphs (al-Quda'I, Ta'rikh, Ms. Bodleiana, Pococke 270, fol. 70a; al-Raghib al-Isfahant, op. cit., I, 151; Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Mandqil al-durar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 88a; al-Qalqashandl, Ma'athir al-indfa, cd. 'Abd al-Sattar Farraj (al-Kuwayt, 1964), 1,128; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 123; al-Ibshtht, op. cit., II, 80; Fahd, op. cit., p, 310, note 2). 187 See A. L. Oppenheim, "The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East", Transactions 0/ the American Philosophical Society, vol. 46, part 3, p. 265. 188 See Oppenheim, op. cit., pp. 240 inf, - 241. 189 "Ibiira, fol. 8b: ... wa-asdaqu auqiiti l-ru'yd bi-l-Iayli l-ashdru wa-bi-l-nahiiri l-qii'ikuu ... This is recorded as an utterance of the Prophet by al-Hakim (al-Mustadrak IV, 392: asdaqu 1-I"II'ya bi-l-ashiirit and al-Zurqanl (Shar/:l al-mawdhib VII, 166 1. I); see Oppenheim, op. cit., p, 241 (quoting Bland, op. cit., p. 129). 184 185 L'Oniromancie 99 Furthermore, some passages from the Talmud are almost verbally quoted in the Muslim compilations. A man came to Ibn Slrin, according to a story and told him the dream of one of his acquaintances: the man had dreamt that he split the heads of eggs, Ieft the yolk and took the outer parts of the eggs. Ibn Sirln refused to interpret the dream and insisted that the dreamer come to him personally. The man admitted that it was he who had had the dream. Ibn Sirin stated that the dream indicated that he was a grave-digger, plundering the graves, ransacking the shrouds of the dead and Ieaving their bodies. The man admitted and promised to refrain from doing it again.190 This very dream, with an identical interpretation, is recorded in the story of Rabbi Yishma'el talking with the heretic.191 The passage in Berakhot contains also the story of another dream: the man saw himself pouring oil into an olive tree. Rabbi Yishma'el stated that the man had had sexual intercourse with his mother. The same story is recorded in the Muslim sources with an identical interpretation attributed to Ibn Sirin.l92 The principle, related in the Talmud,193 whereby the dream is fulfilled according to its interpretation is recorded as an utterance of the Prophet.tvThis principle is illustrated in the Talmud by a story of a woman, who saw twice in her dream that a beam broke down from her roof. She came twice to Rabbi El'azar and he interpreted it saying that she would give birth to a male child; so it happened in fact in both cases. Then she dreamt again that the beam of her roof broke down; she came to RabbI El'azar but did not meet him. His students interpreted the dream by saying that her husband would die. When Rabbi El'azar heard about it, he accused his students of having caused the death of the man by their interpretation, because dreams are fulfilled according to their interpretation.195 Closely reminiscent is the story recorded in Muslim sources about a woman who came to the Prophet and told him that she saw in a dream a beam of the roof of her house breaking down; he interpreted it by saying that her husband would return; so it happened. After some time she saw in her sleep the same dream; she came "Ibiira, fols. 22b, 23b, 11.5-8; al-Ibshlhf, op. cit., II, 79. 56b. 192 Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 305; al-Ibshlhl, op. cit., II, 79; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 206. 193 Berakhot, 55b; see Lowinger, op. cit., p. 25, note 9; Kristianpoler, op. cit., p, XII, and p. 37, no. 107, note I. 194 Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., fol. 152b sup.; al-Hakim, op. cit., IV, 391; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 173, 175 (al-ru'ya 'ala mii tu'abbanq. 195 Kristianpoler, op. cit., pp. 51-52, nos. 164-165; Lowinger, op. cit., pp. 25 inf. - 26 sup. 196 According to another version she told her dream to 'A'isha. See al-Zurqanl, op. cit. VII, 171. 190 191 Bab. Berakhot, 100 The interpretation of dreams to the Prophet but did not meet him, and related the story of her dream to Abu Bakr.196 He interpreted it by saying that her husband would die.197 The stories, recorded in Jewish sources, about the pious in Paradisel98 and about gaining knowledge of religious precepts and guidance in dreams,199 are closely reminiscent of similar passages in Muslim oneiromancy. The continuity of the Hebrew oneiromancy2oo can be gauged from the story of a man who found a book on oneiromancy written in Hebrew in the ruins of a house in al-Basra.P! The various elements of oneiromancy were successfully absorbed and combined in the Muslim Iiterature on dreams. Enriched by genuine Arabic and Isiamic materiaI, thoughtfully developed by Muslim scholars, it reflects the various ideas and trends in Muslim society and became a popular topic of Arabic Iiterature. Ibn Qutayba's compilation is the earliest extant composition in the field of Muslim oneiromancy, a fine and rich specimen of this genre of Iiterature. 197 'Ibiira, fol. 9a inf. - 9b sup. (Ibn Qutayba attempts to justify the two different interpretations by the fact that either the countenance of the woman changed or the times of the two dreams were different); the version recorded by al-Zurqanl (see above note 196) ends with the Prophet's admonition to 'A'isha to give good interpretations to the dreams of the Muslims, because dreams are fulfilled according to their interpretations. This reminds closely the account of the story in Jewish sources. And see al-Zamakhshari, op. cit., I, 243244; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXI, 164-165 (quoted from al-Kiift. The woman came twice to the Prophet; in both cases he interpreted the dream by saying that her husband would return safely. At the third time she met an unlucky man [A'sar] who predicted that her husband would die. AI-Majlisi eagerly gives the Sunnl version identifying the "unlucky man" as Abu Bakr). 198 Kristianpoler, op. cit., p. 31, no. 93 and p. 32, no. 96. 199 Cf. Kristianpoler, op. cit., pp. 29-30, nos. 88-91. 200 About the dependence of the Talmudic material on Greek sources see S. Liebermann, Greek and Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (Jerusalem, 1962), pp. 202 seq. [Hebrew]. 201 Ps. Ibn Slrln, op. cit., p. 274. 101 APPENDIX A. List of chapters of the Jerusalem Ms.: 1. ta'wil ru'yati lliihi ta'iilii 2. ta'wilu l-qiyiimati wa-l-jannati wa-l-ndri 3. ru'yatu l-malii'ikati 4. ru'yatu l-samii'i 5. ru'yatu l-anbiyd'i 6. ru'yatu l-ka'bati wa-l-qiblati 7. man tahawwala kdfiran 8. man tahawwala smuhu 9. man qara'a l-qur'iina au adhdhana au band masjidan 10. al-qiidt 11. mathalu l-qii¢i fi l-maniimi 12. al-imiimu 13. al-shamsu wa-l-qamaru wa-l-nujiimu 14. ru'yatu l-insiini wa-a' ¢ii'ihi 15. al-tazwiju wa-l-nikdhu wa-l-taldqu wa-l-waladu 16. ru'yatu l-amwiiti 17. al-araduna wa-l-abniyatu 18. ta'wilu l-tildli wa-l-jibdli 19. ta'wilu ru'yati l-amtdri wa-l-andii'i wa-mii ttasala bi-dhiilika 20. al-ashribatu 21. ta'wilu l-ashjdri wa-l-thimiiri wa-l-nabiiti 22. ta'wilu 1-l;zubUbi 23. al-surddiqdtu wa-l-fasdtitu wa-mii ashbahahii 24. al-thiyiibu wa-l-libiisu 25. al-farshu 26. al-sildhu 27. al-huliyyu 28. ta'wilu I-niiri wa-mii yunsabu ilayhd 29. al-sahdbu wa-l-mataru wa-md yakimu bihimii 30, al-tayardnu wa-I-wathbu 31. ta'wilu l-khayli wa-I-bariidhini wa-ashbiihihii 32. ta'wilu l-bighdli wa-l-hamiri 33. ru'yatu l-himdri 34. al-ibilu 35. al-thirdnu wa-I-baqaru 36. ta'wilu l-da'ni wa-l-kibiishi 37. al-ma'izu 38. ta'wilu l-wahshi 102 fol. 25a fol. 25b foJ. 26a foJ. 26a foJ. 26a foJ. 26b fol. 27a fol. 27a fol. 27b fol. 27b fol. 28a fol. 28a fol. 28b fol. 29a fol. 32b fol. 33b fol. 34b foJ. 35b fol. 36a fol. 38a fol. 38b fol. 39b fo1. 40b fo1. 41a fol. 42b fo1. 43b fo1. 45a fo1. 47b fo1. 49a fol. 49a fo1. 49b fol. 50b fo1. 51a fol. 51b fol. 52a fol. 52b fol. 53b fol. 53b The interpretation of dreams fo1. fo1. fo1. fol. fo1. fol. fo1. 54b 55a 55a 56b 58b 59a 59b 39. al-filu wa-l-jdmiisu wa-l-khinziru 40. 42. al-hashardtu 41. al-sibii'u It ta'wili l-tayri 43. baniitu I-mii'i min al-samaki wa-ghayrihi 44. al- 'aqdribu wa-l-hayyiitu wa-I-hawiimmu 45. ta'wilu l-sunnii'i 46. ta'wilu l-nawiidiri B. List of chapters of the Ankara 1. Dhikru I-nafsi wa-l-riii: 2. Al-ta'wil bi-I-asmii' 3. Al-ta'wil bi-l-ma'nd Ms.: fol, 62a 4. 5. 6. 7. Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil Al-ta'wil bi-l-Qur'iin bi-l-ahiidith bi-I-mathal al-sd'ir bi-l-didd wa-l-maqliib 8. Ta'biru l-ru'yii bi-l-ziydda wa-l-nuqsdn 9. Ta'biru l-ru'yii bi-l-auqdt 10. Ta'biru I-ru'yii bi-khtildfi I-hay'iit 11. 'Ajii'ib al-ru'yii 12. Wa-min "ajibi l-ru'yii 13. Intihii'u I-ru'yii 14. Wa-min nawddirihi md rawii Jiibiru bnu Damra 15. Wa-min nawddirihi md rawii Marwdnu bnu Mu'iiwiyata 16. Wa-nawiidir a$Qiibihi 'alayhi l-saldm 17. Nddira fi l-ru'yd 18. Wa-min nawiidir al-ru'yd 19. Wa-min nawiidirihi 'alii ghayri aslin 20. Wa-min nawddirihi wa- 'ajii'ibihi 21. Wa-min nawddirihi fi I-ru'yii 22. Amthilat al-ru'yii 23. Wa-min 'ajii'ibi bni Sirin 24. Adab al-ta'wil 103

On 'Concessions' and Conduct. A Study in early Ḥadīth

concessions.pdf On 'Concessions' and Conduct A Study in Early Hadith Traditions about early ritual practices and customs reported on the authority of the Prophet, of his Companions isahaba) or their Successors (tabi'un) are often divergent and even contradictory. Early compilations of haditb occasionally record these traditions in separate chapters with headings which point out their differences; they also enumerate the scholars who held these divergent views. So, for example, the chapter Man kana yutimmu l-takbir is followed by the chapter Man kana la yutimmu l-takbir ; the chapter Man qala laysa 'ala man nama sajidan wa-qa'idan w u d u' is followed by Man kana y aqisl u i d h a nama ta-t-yatawaddo'. Traditions arranged under headings Man kariha ... followed by Man rakhkhasa [i ... are of a similar type. It is obvious that these diverse traditions reflect differences in the opinions of various circles of Muslim scholars and indicate that in the early period of Islam many ritual prescriptions were not yet firmly established. The rukhas or "concessions," i.e., the changes in ritual prescriptions designed to soften their harshness, were indeed an efficient tool in adapting the prescriptions to the real conditions of life and its changing circumstances. They established practices that were in keeping with the new ideas of Islam. Yet it is evident that the concession, rukhsa, had to acquire authoritative sanction and legitimacy; this could be achieved only through an utterance of the Prophet. As a matter of fact, the following haditb is attributed to the Prophet: "Truly, God desires that His concessions be carried out [just] as He desires His injunctions to be observed" tinna llaha 2 yuhibbu an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu an tuta 'azaimuhui: This tradition was interpreted in manifold ways. According to one interpretation it implies a whole view of life; al-Shaybani (died 189/805) states that the believer who restricts himself to the most basic means of subsistence acts according to the prescriptions, whereas pleasant life and delights are for him a concession, a rukhsa? The purchase of the arable kharaj land in Iraq by Muslims was approved by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz on the ground of a rukhsa interpretation of a Qur'anic verse; grants of land in the Sawiid, given to Muslims, were also based on rukhsa precedents? 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], ed. Habib al-Rabman al-A'zami (Beirut: 11: 291, no. 20569 i=Liimi' Ma'rnar b. Riishid: ... an yu'mala bi-rukhasihi); Ibn Balban, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni Hibban, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 90a; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-taf sir bi=l=ma'thur (Cairo: 1314), 1: 193; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al=awliyh' (Beirut: 1387/1967, reprint), 6: 191 inf., 276, 2: 101 info C, an tuqbala rukhasuhu); al-Miiwardi, al-Amthal wa-l-bikam, MS Leiden, Or. 655, fol. 87b c.. an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kama yuhibbti an yu'khadha bi=farii'i dihi), al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1279/1960), 2: 261, no. 1541 (and see ibid. no. 1539: ._ an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yakrahu an tu'ta masiyatuhu ; another version: ... kama yuhibbu an tutraka masiyatuhu); al-Muniiwi, Fayd al=qadlr; sharb al- jami' al-saghir (Beirut: 139111972),2: 292, no. 1879, 293, no. 1881(; an tuqbala rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu l+abdu maghfirat rabbihi ; 2: 296, no. 1894: ... Kama yakrahu an tu'ta ma'siyatuhu); al-Daylami, Firdaws al=akhbiir, Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 53a; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, M uq.ib awham at-jam' wa-l-tafriq (Hyderbad: 1379/1960), 2: 10 c.. an tu'ta mayasiruhu kama yuhibbu an tu'ta 'azdimuhu); cf. al-Kulayni al-Kiifi, ed. Najm al-Din al-Amuli (Tehran: 1388),1: 208-209, no. 4. 2 al-Shaybiini, al-Ikiisab [i l-rizqi l-mustaiab, Talkhis Muhammad b. Sama'a, ed. Mahrnud 'Arniis (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 81: ... fa-sara l-basilu anna l-iqtisara 'ala adna ma yakfihi 'azimatun, wa-ma zada 'ala dhaiika min at-tana''umi wa-l-nayli min al-ladhdhiui rukhsatun, wa-qala sallii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: inna llaha yuhibbu an yu'ta bi-rukhasihi _. 3 Abu 'Ubayd, Kitab al-amwal, ed. Muhammad l:liimid al-Fiqi (Cairo: 1353), pp. 84-85; cf. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra (Hyderabad: 1356), 9: 140-1: "... bab man kariha shiraa ardi l-khara] ._" And see the traditions against buying of khara] land: Ibn Zanjawayh, al-Amwat, MS. Burdur 183, fols. 1392/1972), 3 The Prophet is said to have denied believers perrmssion to enter baths, but later granted them a rukhsa to enter them, provided they wore loincloths, ma'iuir: There were in fact two contradictory attitudes in the matter of baths: the one disapproving' and the other 29a-32a (and see e.g. ibid., fol. 3Oa, inf., ''; sami'a l=hasana yaqidu: man khalda ribqata muiihidin fa-jdaiaha [i 'unuqihi [a-qad istaqala hijraiahu wa-walla l-islama zahrahu wa-man aqarra bi-shayin min al-jizyati [a-qad aqarra bi-babin min abwabi l-kufri'). 4 al-Shawkani, Nayl ai-awrar, sharb muntaqa l-akhbar min ahadithi sayyidi i-akhyar (Cairo: 1372/1953), 1: 299; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Khan al-Atghani (Hyderabad: 1386/1966), 1: 109-110; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 290-296, nos. 11l6-1136; l-Fakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, MS. Leiden a Or. 463, fol. 412a; al-Mundhiri, 1: 118-122,nos. 267-278; al-Sharishi, Sharb maqiimiu al-Hariri, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafaji (Cairo: 1372/1952), 3: 74; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz al-tummii! (Hyderabad: 138111962),9: 231-234, nos. 1978-2010;cf. al-Hakim, Marifai 'uiion ai-hadith, ed. Mu'azzam I;Iusayn (Cairo: 1937),p. 98. 5 See e.g. al-Munawi, 2: 54, no. 1311: ... uffin li-l-hammam ..." enjoins husbands " to forbid their wives to enter baths, stresses the filthiness of their water and confines the entrance of men to those wearing the ma'Iizir ; cf. al-Tayalisi, Musnad (Hyderabad: 1321), p. 212, no. 1518:'A'isha reproaches the women from Hirns for entering baths. And see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majmd al-zawdid wa-manbd a/-fawa'id (Beirut: 1967, reprint), 1: 277-278 (the prohibition for women to enter baths; and see ibid., p. 114:the bath is the abode of the Devil); al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal (Cairo: 1353/1934), 10: 246; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-Itidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajawi (Cairo: 1382/1963), 3: 631, no. 7889; al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 90b (the prohibition to enter baths by women is preceded by a prediction of the Prophet that the Muslims will conquer the lands of the 'ajam and will find there "buildings called baths"; a concession at the end of the haditn is granted to women who are ill, or after confinement). And see al-Kattani, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 9b ("; bi'sa l-bayt al-hammam'; the Prophet permitted, however, men to enter the bath wearing the maazir, after being told of the importance of the bath for the cleanness of the body and the treatment of the sick). Cf. Ahmad b. I;Ianbal, al-Tlal wa-marifat ai-rijai, ed. Talat Kocyigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu (Ankara: 1963), I: 266, no. 1716 (the prayer in a bath is disliked), 271, no. 1745 ("ai-arq.u kulluha masjidun illa l-hammam wo-l-maqbara'), And see the story of Ibn 'Umar who was shocked when he saw the naked men in the bath (Ibn Sa'd, 4 recommending them," Accordingly scholars are divided in their opinion as to whether the water of the bath can be used for ritual washing, ghus/, or whether, on the contrary, ghusl has to be performed for cleaning oneself from the very water of the bath? The knowledge of rukhas granted by the Prophet is essential for the proper understanding of the faith and its injunctions. The misinterpretation of the verse: "Those who treasure up gold and Tabaqiu (Beirut: 1377/1957), 4: 153-154);and see the various Shi'i traditions in Yiisuf al-Bahrani's al-Haddiq ai-nadira [i ahkam al-'itra al-tahira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawani (Nadjaf: 1378),5: 528-540. 6 See al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, 2: 311, 11.4-5; Ibn al-Sunni, 'A mal ai-yawm wa-Hayla (Hyderabad: 1358),p. 85: "ni'ma l-bayt al-hammam yadkhuluhu l-rajulu l-muslim ..."; al-Daylarni, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 174b; al-Wassabl al-Habashi, al-Baraka fi [adli l-sdyi wa-l-haraka (Cairo: n.d.), p. 268; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 279 (a bath was built on the spot approved of by the Prophet). The tradition that the Prophet used to frequent the bath is vehemently refuted by al-Qastallanl, as recorded in a l-Zurqani's Shari) ai-mawiihib al-laduniy ya (Cairo: 1327), 4: 214. Al-Qastallanl, quoting the opinion of Ibn Kathir, states that there were no baths in the Arabian peninsula in the time of the Prophet. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, discussing the tradition of Umm al-Darda' about her entering a bath in Medina (Muq.ilJ 1: 359), states that there were no baths in Medina in the period of the Prophet; in that period baths existed only in Syria and Persia (Muq.ii) 1: 362-364). Cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li=l=i atiiwi, ed. Muhammad MulJyi I-Din 'Abd al-I:Iamid (Cairo: 1378/1959), 1: 526-528; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikn (Tahdhib) (Damascus: 1329), 3: 380; Murtada al-Zabidi, ItlJiif al-siida al-muttaqin bi-sharh asrar iIJy1i 'ulum al-din (Cairo: 1311) (reprinted Beirut), 2: 400. On the building of baths in Basra in the early period of Islam and the profits gained from them see al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], 1, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Cairo: 1959): 502; al-Tha'alibl, Thimar al-quliib, ed. Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1384/1965), p. 318,no. 476. 7 See Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 107-108; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 295-298 (see e.g. the answer of Ibn 'Abbas, "innama ja'ala llahu l-mii'a yutahhiru wa-la yutahharu.' ibid., no. 1142; and see the answer of al-Sha'bi when asked, on leaving the bath, whether one is obliged to perforn the ghusl (to clean oneself) from the water of the bath: "So why did I enter the bath?", ibid., no. 1146); and see the outspoken answer of Ibn 'Abbas when he entered a bath in the state of ihriim: "Mii ya'ba'u lliihu bi-awsakhinii shay'an.' al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 63 info 5 silver, and do not expend them in the way of God -- give them good tidings of a painful chastisement ..." (Qur'an 9:34) by Abu Dharr is explained by the fact that Abu Dharr met the Prophet and heard from him some injunctions of a severe character (yasma'u min rasidi llahi [s] l-amra fihi l-shiddatur; he then left for the desert. The Prophet, in the meantime, alleviated the injunction (yurakhkhisu [ihi) and people adopted the concession. But Abu Dharr, unaware of this, came back and adhered to the first (scil, severe) injunction," In later periods of Islam the practice of rukhas was presented as the attitude of the first generations of Islam. The righteous predecessors (ai-saiat), argues Abu Talib al-Makki, were in the habit of alleviating (yurakhkhisitna) the rules of ritual impurity, but were strict in the matter of earning one's li ving by proper means alone as well as in the moral aspects of behavior like slander, futile talk, excessive indulgence in rhetoric etc., whereas contemporary scholars, Abu Talib continues, are heedless in problems of moral behavior, but are rigid tshaddadii) with regard to ritual impurity," Sufyan al-Thawri speaks about rukhsa in the following terms: "Knowledge in our opinion is merely [the knowledge of] a rukhsa [reported on the authority] of a reliable scholar; the rigid, rigoristic practice can be observed by everyone?" The pious 'Ata' al-Sulaymi asked for the traditions of rukhas ; they might relieve his grief, he said." The rukhas-traditions were of great importance for the strengthening of belief in God's mercy for the believers thusnu l-zanni bi-llah).12 Sulayman b. Tarkhan asked his son to tell him rukhas-traditions in order to come to the Presence of God (literally: to meet God) with hope for God's mercy," 8 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 3: 243. 9 Abii Tiilib al-Makki, QUt al-quliib (Cairo: 1351/1932),2: 46. 10 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jami' b ayii» ai-t ilm wa-f adlihi (a l+Mad ina al-munawwara: n.d., reprint), 2: 36: innama l-'ilmu 'indana l-rukhsatu min thiqatin ; [a-amma l-tashdidu [a-yuhsinuhu kullu ahadin. 11 Abii Nu'aym, 6: 217. 12 See Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at al-rasiiil (Cairo: 1354/1935), pp. 39-72: kitabu husni l-zanni bi-llah. 13 Ibid., p. 45, no. 29; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 31. 6 In a wider sense rukhas represent in the opinion of Muslim scholars the characteristic way of Islam as opposed to Judaism and Christianity. The phrase "... and he will relieve them of their burden and the fetters that they used to wear" (Qur'an 7:157) is interpreted as referring to the Prophet, who removed the burden of excessively harsh practices of worship'? and of ritual purity," The rigid and excessive practices of worship refer to Jews and Christians alike. The Prophet forbade his believers to follow the harsh and strict way of people who brought upon themselves destruction. The remnants of these people can be found in the cells of monks and in monasteries; this, of course, refers to Christians." These very comments are coupled with the haditb about the rukhas mentioned earlier: inna llaha yuhibbu ... It is thus not surprising to find this rukhas tradition together with an additional phrase: ... ia-qbalic rukhasa llahi wa-Ia takiinic ka-bani israila hina shaddadii 'ala anfusihim ta-shaddada llahu 'alayhiml' The ruk hs a tradition is indeed recorded in chapters condemning hardship in the exertion of worship and ritual practices," stressing the benevolence of God for His creatures even if they commit grave sins, reproving cruelty even towards a cat," 14 ... al-t athqitu lladhi kana [i dinihim ... al-tashdl du fi l-'ibadati ... al-shadii'idu llati kiinat 'alayhim ... tashdidun shuddida 'ala l-qawmi, [a-iao Muhammadun (s) bi-l-taiawuzi 'anhum. 15 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthlir, 3: 135; al-Tabari, Taf sir, ed. Mahmiid and Ahmad Shakir (Cairo: 1958), 13: 167-168; al-Qurtubi, Tat sir. (Cairo: 1387/1967), 7: 300; Hashim b. Sulayman al-Bahrani al-Tawbali al-Katakani, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'an (Qumm: 1393),2: 40, no. 3. 16 al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ol-manthia, 1: 193. 17 al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 221. 18 See Ibn Balban, fol. 90a-b, the headings: ... dhikru t-ikhbari 'amma yustahabbu li=lrmari min qubidi ma rukhkhisa lahu bi-tarki l-tahammuli 'ala l-naf si ma la tuiiqu min aHa'ati _ ; ai-ikhbaru bi-anna 'ala l-mar'i qubida rukhsati llahi lahu fi ta'atihi diina l-tahammuli 'ala l-najsi ma yashuqqu 'alayha hamluhu ... ; ... mii yustahabbu li-l-mar'i l-tarafiuqu bi-l-taiui wa-al-amru bi-l-qaSdi fi Ha'ati diina an yuhmala 'ala l-naisi ma la tutiqu. 19 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 11, no. 20549. The authenticity of the story of the woman who was put in Hell because she caused the death of a cat, was 7 and recommending leniency, moderation and mildness towards the believers. Rukh sa is rukhsatu llah; God's concession for His community; it imposes on the believers kindness and moderation towards each other. Rukhsa is in this context associated with riiq, yusr, samaha and qasd?" In a different context a concession, rukhsa, is meant to ease the burden of the decreed prescription (al-hukm) for an excusable reason ilir'udhrin hasala); the acceptance of rukhsa is almost obligatory in such a case (yakiidu yulhaqu bi-l-wujub); the believer must act according to the rukh sa, subduing his pride and haughtiness." Breaking the fast of sawm al-dahr is such a rukhsa ; continuing the fast is stubborness." Commenting on the haditb "The best of my people are those who act according to the rukhas,' al-Munawi stresses that the rukhas apply to specific times only; otherwise one should follow the incumbent prescription." The haditb "He who does not accept the concession of God will bear a sin as heavy as the mountains of 'Arafat" 24 was quoted in connection with a concession according to which it is recommended 20 21 22 23 14 questioned by 'A'lsha, She asserted that the woman was an unbeliever, a kalira. The believer is more respected by God iakramu 'inda [[jihi) than that He would chastise him because of a cat, she argued. She rebuked Abii Hurayra, the transmitter of the hadlth, and bade him to transmit the tradition more accurately. See al-Zarkashi, al+l jaba li-Iriidi rna st adrakat-hu 'A'ishatu 'ala I-sahaba (Cairo: n.d.), p. 61; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 116; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh misr, ed. C. Torrey (Leiden; 1920), p. 292; Hanniid b. al-Sariyy, Kitab al-suhd, MS. Princeton, Garret 1419,fo!. lOla, inf. -lOlb. See 'Abd al-Razziiq, 11: 282-288, nos. 20546; 20559 (Bab al-rukhas wa-l-shadiiid) and 11:290-292, nos. 20566-20574 (Bab al-rukhas [i l-'amal wa-l-qasd). al-Muniiwi, 2: 296-297; and see ibid., pp. 292-293 (see the commentary: the 'azima, injunction, order, has an equal standing with the rukhsa. According to the circumstances the ordained wu4u' is as obligatory as the rukhsa 0 f tayammum). And see ibid., p. 293: the concessions have to be carried out according to the circumstances for which they were given. Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 1: 11l. al-Muniiwi, 2: 51, no. 1300;al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo!. 94b. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 292; al-Muniiwi, 6: 225, no. 9031; al-Daylami, MS. 8 to break the fast when on a journey. The core of the discussion was whether the breaking of the fast during a journey is obligatory or merely permitted. Some scholars considered it as a rukhsai? The phrase in Qur'an 2:187 "... and seek what God had prescribed for you" (fa-i-i.zna bashiriihunna wa-btaghii ma kataba llahu lakum) indicates, according to one interpretation, God's concession concerning the nights of Ramadan." The phrase in Qur'an 2:158 .,. io-ta junaha 'alayhi an yattawwaja bihima ... ("... it is no fault in him to circumambulate them ..."), referring to the circumambulation of al-Safa and Marwa, gave rise to the discussion whether it indicated an order or a concession." The bewailing of the dead by hired women, the niyaha, is forbidden; but the Prophet granted the afflicted relatives the rukhsa to mourn the dead and to weep over a dead person's grave," Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 158b. 25 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 193; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 265; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Shakir (Cairo: l368/1949), 8: 238, no. 5392; al-Dhahabi, 2: 483; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir (Beirut: l385/1966), 1: 382; cf. al-Tabari, Tafsir 3: 461-469 (see p. 460: al-iftaru [i l-maradi 'azmatun min alliihi wajibatun wa-laysa bi-tarkhis ; and see p. 464: al-iitaru fi l-saf ari rukhsatun min allahi tdala dhikruhu, rakhkhasaha li=ibadihi wa-l-fardu l-sawmu ...); Ibn Balban, fol. 9Ob, sup; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqin al-anwar (Cairo: 138111961), p. p 716-717; al-Mundhiri, 2: 258-262; Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukht ali] al-badith (Cairo: 1326), pp. 307-308; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwatta (Cairo: 1381/1961), 2: 415-420. 26 al-Tabari, Tafsir, 3: 500 ult., 508; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1: 390, line 5 from bottom; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 199, line l. 27 See al-Tabarl, Tafsir, 3: 230-246; al-Qurtubi, 2: 182 (and see ibid., about the reading: fa-lii junaha 'alayhi an la yattawwaf ar; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar (Tehran: 1388),99: 235, 237-8, 239 line 2; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 78-9; al-Fakihi, fols. 374b-380a; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 5: 96-8; Amin Mahmiid Khattjib, Fatb al-malik at-mabiid, takmilat al-manhal al-'adhb al-mawriid, sharh. sunan abi dawitd (Cairo: 1394/1974), 1: 243-50, 2: 15-16. 28 al-l;Iakim, al=Mustadrak (Hyderabad: 1342), 1: 203; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Mit(j.ih, 2: 12 sup.; al-Zajjjiji, Amali, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hariin (Cairo: 1382), p. 181 L wa-kadhalika al-naqu: raf'u l-sawti bi-l-bukiii ; wa-hadha kana manhiyyan 'anhu [i awwali l-islami+ani l-bukita 'ala l-mayyit, thumma rukhkhisa [ihi ... ; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuhMarat al-udabd (Beirut: 1961), 9 In some cases the choice between the prescription and the rukhsa has been left to the believer: such is the case of the ablution of the junub. Three traditions about how the Prophet practised wudu' ablution, when in the state of janaba contain contradictory details: two of them state that he, being a junub, performed the wudu' before he went to sleep, while the third one says that he went to sleep without performing wudu'. Ibn Qutayba, trying to bridge between the contradictory traditions, states that in a state of janaba washing before one goes to sleep is the preferred practice (afejal); by not washing the Prophet pointed to the rukhsa?" The believer may choose one of the two practices. In some cases the rukhsa completely reverses a former prohibition. The Prophet forbade the visiting of graves, but later changed his decision and granted a rukhsa to visit them: naha rasidu llahi [S] 'an ziyaraii l-qubkri thumma rakhkhasa fihlz bddu/" Cupping during a fast was forbidden by the Prophet; both the cupper and the person whose blood was drawn were considered to have broken their fast. The Prophet, however, changed his decision and granted a rukhsa ; cupping did not stop the fast," Lengthy chapters contain discussions of the problem as to whether kissing one's wife while fasting is permitted. Some scholars considered kissing or touching the body of the wife as breaking the fast, others considered it permissible. Both parties quote traditions in support of their arguments. The wives of the Prophet, who 4: 506; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 389-395; al-Tabarani, al-Mujam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina al-munawwara: 1388/1968), 2: 82 (noteworthy is the report of Ibn Abi Shayba 3: 391 about the faqih Abu I-Bakhtari: ... kana rajulan [aqihan wa-kana yasmau l-nawh); Mahrniid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al-Manhal alradhb al-mawriid, 8: 281-4; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 34, 50-1. 29 Ibn Qutayba, pp. 305-6. 30 a l+Hji z i m I, at-F't ibiir f i b a yiini l=niisikh' wa-l=mansickk min al-akhbar (Hyderabad: 1359),pp. 130-1, 228; al-Fakihi, fol. 478b, 479 penult. 31 Ibn Daqiq al-'Id, al-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam, ed. Muhammad Sa'Id al-Mawlawi (Damascus: 1383/1963), p. 244, no. 592; al-Zurqani, Shorb al-muwatta, 2: 428-30; al-Hazimi, pp. 137-42. 10 testified as to their experience, were not unanimous about the problem. 'A'isha's evidence was in favor of kissing. The statement that old and weak people may kiss their wives, while men may not, is an obvious attempt at harmonization." A similar problem was whether kissing one's wife imposes wudu, Scholars were divided in their opinions. 'A'isha testified that the Prophet used to kiss his wives and set out to pray without performing ablution. Many scholars stated that kissing or touching one's wife does not require wudu', but others argued that it does. Some scholars found a compromise: wucj.u' is required if the kiss is accompanied by a feeling of lust," The rukhas, apparently, were exploited by scholars attached to rulers and governors. As usual precedents of wicked court-scholars in the period of banii isra'il were quoted: they frequented the courts of kings, granted them the required rukhas and, of course, got rewards for their deeds. They were happy to receive the rewards and to have the kings accept their 32 al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhar, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjir (Cairo: 2: 88-96; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 59-64; al-Bayhaqi, Mc'rif at al-sunan wa-l-iuhar, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo: 1969), 1: 21 sup.; Ibn Qutayba, pp. 308-9; al-Dhahabi 2: 398 sup.; Abu Nu'aym, 7: 138;al-Zarkashi, al-[ jaba, p. 54; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-muwatta, 2: 410-15; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 4: 182-94, nos. 8406-8456. See e.g. nos. 8412, 8418; kissing during the fast was considered as rukhsa ; against the rigid prohibition to look at a woman (see e.g. nos. 8452-8453) there are traditions permitting much more than kissing (see e.g. no. 8444 and the extremely permissive tradition no. 8439); and see Abu Nu'ayrn, 9: 309 (kuliu shay'in laka min ahlika haliilun [i l-siyami ilia ma bayna l-rijlayn); and see this tradition al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 120b, 1.1;al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 8: 384-5, nos. 2787-2793; Ibn Daqiq aI-'id, pp. 243-4, nos. 590-1; al-Kattiini, MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 3a; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm (Cairo: 1321 reprint), 2: 84 sup.; Mahmiid Muhammad al-Subki, al-Man hal al-tadhb al-mawrisd, sharb sunan abi dawud (Cairo: 1390), 10: 109-13, 115-16;Ibn Abi l:liitim, 'Ilal al-I;!adith (Cairo: 1343 reprint), 1: 47, no. 108. 33 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 44 (man qala: laysa fi l-qubla wu4u'), 45 (man qala: fiha l-wudli'); 'Abd al-Razziiq, 1: 132-6, nos. 496-515; al-Hakirn, al+Must adrak, 1: 135; al-Shawkani, Nayl, 1: 230-3; al-Zurqani, Sharh ai-muwauo', 1: 129-30; Ibn Abi l:liitim, 1: 48, nos. 109-110,63 no. 166. 1388/1968), 11 concessions. The verse in Qur'an 3:189 "Reckon not that those who rejoice in what they have brought, and love to be praised for what they have not done -- do not reckon them secure from chastisement ..." refers, according to one tradition, to these scholars," Orthodox, pious scholars fiercely criticized the Umayyad court-jurists and muhaddithiin= The [uqaha' seem to have been liberal in granting rukhas, as can be gauged from a remark of the pious Sulayman b. Tarkhan (who himself very much appreciated the granted rukhas, see above note 13) that anyone who would adopt every rukhsa of the [uqaha would turn out a libertine." In order to assess the actions of rulers it became quite important to find out to what extent they made use of rukhas. 'Umar is said to have asked Muhajirs and Ansaris in his council what their opinion would be if he applied rukhas in some problems. Those attending remained silent for a time and then Bishr b. Sa'id said: "We would make you straight as we make straight an arrow." 'Umar then said with approval: "You are as you are" (i,e, you are the proper menl.'? When al-Mansur bade Malik b. Anas to compile the Muwatta' he advised him to stick to the tenets agreed upon the Muslim community and to beware of the rigoristic opinions of Ibn 'Umar, the rukhas of Ibn 'Abbas and shawadhdh (readings of the Qur'an) of Ibn Mas'iid.38 34 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ai-manthia, 2: 109 inf. 35 Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 218: ... [a-ataw l-umara'a [a-haddathiihum [a-rakhkhasii lahum, wa-atawhum [a-qabilii minhum ...; al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madarik, ed. Ahmad Bakir Mahmiid (Beirut: 1387/1967), 1-2, 616 (Sahniin): ... wa-baiaghani annahum yuhaddithunahum min al-rukhas ma yuhibbiina, mimma laysa 'alayhi l-'amalu ...; al-Dhahabi, 1: 14 inf.: '" ila kam tuhaddithu l-nasa bi-l-rukhasil ... and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ol-mamhia, 3, 139. ; 36 Abii Nu'aym, 3:32; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, 1: 133:... man akhadha bi-rukhsati kulli [aqihin kharaja minhu fasiq. And See Ahmad b. Hanbal, 'Ilal, 1: 238, no. 1499: Malik, asked about the rukhas of singing granted by some people of Medina, said: "In our place the libertines behave in this way." 37 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4 (majmu'a), fol. 44b, inf.-45a (the text: antum idhan antum); al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, 5: 405 inf., no. 2414 (the text: antum idhan antum idhan). 38 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Tarikh, MS. Bodley. Marsh. 288, p. 167: ... wa-qala 12 Many a rukhsa indeed served to regulate relations between people, establish certain privileges for the weak and disabled, to alleviate some rigorous practices and finally, in some cases, to turn Jahili practices into Muslim ones by providing them with a new theoretical basis. Al-Hakim al-Naysabiiri" says that the Prophet's command to Zayd b. Thabit to learn the writing of the Jews ikitaba; al-yahiui) in order to be able to answer their letters, serves as the only rukhsa permitting the study of the writings of the People of the Book. Weak and disabled people were given special instructions on how more easily to perform certain practices during the pilgrimage.'? The Prophet enjoined that the ritual ablution (wutju') should start with the right hand; but a rukhsa was granted to start from the left." The cutting of trees and plants was forbidden in the haram of Mecca, but the Prophet allowed as a rukhsa the idhkhir rush ischoenanium) to be cut since it was used in graves and for purification." A special rukhsa was given by the Prophet to take freely the meat of animals sacrificed by him; the nuhba (plunder) of sugar and nuts at weddings was also permitted by the Prophet," A rukhsa was issued by the Prophet allowing use of gold and silver for the embellishment of swords, for the repair and fastening of damaged cups and vessels, for a treatment in 39 40 41 42 43 abi: ja'farin al-mansiiru li-maliki bni anasin hina amarahu bi-wad'i muwauaihi: ya abii 'abdi lliihi ttaqi shaddida bni 'umara wa-rukhasa bni 'abbasin wa-shawadhdha bni mas'iidin wa+alayka bi-l-amri l-mujtamdi 'alayhi. al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 75. al-Tahawi, Sharb mdani, 2: 215-218. al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 86-87. al-Baliidhuri, Futul; al-buldiin, ed. 'Abdallah and 'Umar al-Tabba' (Beirut: 1377/1958), p. 58, 1.3. Abu 'Ubayd, Gharibu l-hadltl: (Hyderabad: 1384/1965), 2: 54; al-Tai)iiwi, Sharb mdani, 3: 49-50; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib ; 4: 325 inf. -326; al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-tarikh; MS. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 32a, sup. ('an ibni mas'iidin annahu kariha nihaba l-sukkar). 13 dentistry and for the restitution of a cut nose." The Prophet uttered a r uk h s a about the nabi dh of jars;45 the use of jars for nabidh (steeping of dates) was forbidden before that. The muttering of healing incantations, the ruqya, a current practice in the Jahiliyya period, was forbidden by the Prophet. Later he fixed the formulae of these healing incantations for various kinds of illnesses, bites from snakes and scorpions, and the evil eye, giving them an Islamic character." This was, of course, a rukhsa of the Prophet. It is also a rukhsa to denounce Islam in case of danger to one's life. Two Muslims were captured by a troop of Musaylima and were ordered to attest the prophethood of Musaylima. One of them refused and was killed; the other complied and saved his life. When he came to the Prophet, the Prophet said that he had chosen the way of the rukhsa:" The discussion of a rukhsa could, in certain circumstances, turn into a bitter dispute. 'Uthman disapproved of the tamattu' pilgrimage." 'Ali, who was at the council of 'Uthman, opposed this opinion fiercely, arguing that tamattu' was a sunna of the Prophet and a rukhsa granted by God to his servants. 'uthmdn 44 al-Tahawl, Mushkil al-iuhiir (Hyderabad: 1333), 2: 166-179; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 5: 147-151;al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 28-30. 45 al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, p. 196 sup.; al-Hazimi, pp. 228-230. 46 Ibn Wahb, Jami, ed. 1. David-Weill (Cairo: 1939), pp. 103-106; al-Tahawl, Sharb mdiini, 4: 326-329; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 5: 109-114;al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', 6: 348-350; idem, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 68-82; al-Wa$$iibi, al-Baraka; pp. 268-270; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, al-Tibb al-nabawi, ed. 'Abd aI-Ghani 'Abd al-Khaliq, 'Adil al-Azharl, Mahrniid Faraj al-'Uqda (Cairo: 1377/1957), pp. 127, 131 inf.-147; idem, Zad al-ma'Iid (Beirut: n.d.), 3: 116-125; al-Damiri, Hayiu. al-I;ayawan (Cairo: 1383/1963), 2: 139-140;al-Tha'alibi, Thimar oi-quliib, pp. 126, no. 672, 431, no. 690. 47 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 4: 133. 48 On the tamauu pilgrimage see e.g. Ibn Hazm, Haj]at al-wada', ed. Mamdiib Baqqi (Beirut: 1966), pp. 49, 89, 90, 102; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 236; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 15-26. . 14 excused himself saying that he had merely expressed his personal opinion which anybody could accept or reject. A man from Syria who attended the council and disliked 'Ali's argument said that he would be ready to kill 'Ali, if ordered to do so by the Caliph, 'Uthman, He was silenced by Habib b. Maslama'" who explained to him that the Companions of the Prophet knew better the matter in which they differed." This remark of Habib b. Maslama is a projection of later discussions and represents the attitude of orthodox circles which recommend refraining from passing judgement on the contradictory arguments of the sahaba. However the passage also reflects the contrasting ways in which the pilgrimage was performed. It is noteworthy that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya wrote lengthy passages in which he examined in a thorough manner the contradictory opinions of the scholars about the tamattu' pilgrimage," Close to the concept of rukhsa was the idea of naskh. abrogation, total change, referring to hadith. Such a case of naskh is the practice of wudii' after the consumption of food prepared on fire. The Prophet is said to have uttered a hadith: tawadda'ii mimma massat al=nar. A great number of traditions assert that the Prophet later used to eat cooked food and immediately afterwards prayed without performing the wudii, The traditions concerning this subject are found in some of the compendia arranged in two separate chapters, recording the opinions and deeds of the righteous predecessors who respectively practised wudu' or objected to it.52 49 See on him al-Fasi, al-T qd al-thamin [i tarikhi l-baladi l-am in, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo: 1384/1965), 4: 49-52; Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at Siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harlin (Cairo: 1382), index; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1392/1972), 2: 24-26, no. 1602. 50 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jiimi' bayan, 2: 30; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwaua; 3: 52 (and see pp. 48-51); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 83, no. 678, 88, no. 704. 51 Zad ol-maad. 1: 188-191,203-18. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq 1: 163-171(man qala ia yutawaddau mimma massat al-nar), pp. 172-174 (ma ja'a fimi: massat al-nar min al-shidda); Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-52 (man kana ia yatawadddu mimma massat ai-nar ; man kana yara lrwudiia mimma ghayyarat al-nar); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 153-158; al-Hazimi, pp. 46-52; Nlir ai-Din al-Haythami, 1: 248-249 (ai-wu4u' 15 The arguments brought forth by the partisans of both groups and toe traditions reported by them may elucidate some aspects of the problem under discussion. According to a tradition, reported by al-Hasan b. 'Ali, the Prophet was invited by Fatima and was served the shoulder of a ewe. He ate and immediately afterwards started to pray. Fatima asked him why he had not performed the wudii' and the Prophet answered, obviously surprised, "[To wash] after what, 0 my daughter?" She said, "[To wash] after a meal touched by fire." Then he said, "The purest food is that touched by fire."53 A similar tradition is recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, When she asked the Prophet why he did not perform the wudu' after eating meat and bread he answered, "Shall I perform the wudis' after the two best things: bread and meat?"54 There is a tradition on the authority of Umm Habiba, the wife of the Prophet, who had ordered the performance of wudii' after having eaten gruel of parched barley tsawiq) on the grounds of the hadith: Tawaddaii mimma massat al-nari? but traditions recorded on the authority of Safiyya, Umm Salama and the Companions of the Prophet affirm that the Prophet prayed after eating cooked food without performing the wu4it'.56 The scholars who deny the obligation of wudis' after the consumption of meals state that the principle established by the Prophet was that wudii' is obligatory 53 54 55 56 mimma massat al-nar), pp. 251-254 (tarku I-wut/u' mimma massat al-nar); al-Tahawi, Sharb maani, 1: 62-70; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al+Llal, 1: 305, nos. 1984-1985, 317, no. 2062, 366, no. 2424; al-Shawkani, N ayl, 1: 245-247, al-Fasawi, fo1. 229a; Abu Yiisuf, Kiiab al-iuhar, ed. Abu I-Wafii (Cairo: 1355), pp. 9-11, nos. 41-50; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, pp. 30, 217; al-Bayhaqi, Mo'rif at al=sunan, 1: 401; Ibn Sa'd, 7: 158; al-Bukhiiri, at-Ta'ri kb al-kabir (reprint), I, 2 no. 1543, III, 2 nos. 2361, 2805; Abu Nu'ayrn, 5: 363; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 125, 174, 321;al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad (Cairo: 135111931), 3: 100; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isaba, 3: 263, no. 3701, 8: 248, no. 12125;Ibn 1 l;Iibbiin, Kitab al-majriihin; ed. 'Aziz aI-Qiidiri (Hyderabad: 1390/1970), 2: 173. Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252 inf.-253. al-Dhahabi, 3: 243, no. 6270. Ibn Abi l-Jawsa', Hadith; al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 64b. al-Tabiiwi, Shark mdiini, 1: 65. 16 after what comes out (of the body) not after food taken in.57 Ibn 'Abbas, who authoritatively stated that there is no injunction of wuqil after food prepared on fire, argued that fire is a blessing; fire does not make anything either forbidden or permitted." On the authority of Mu'adh b. Jabal, a Companion of the Prophet and a very indulgent person in matters of ablutions, who stated that no ablution is needed in case of vomiting, bleeding of the nose or when touching the genitalia, the following philological explanation is given: people had indeed heard from the Prophet the utterance: tawaddaii mimma massat ai-niir, but they did not understand the Prophet's meaning. In the time of the Prophet people called the washing of hands and mouth wudk' ; the Prophet's words simply imply the washing of hands and mouth for cleanliness (ii-i-tan?if); this washing is by no means obligatory (wiijib) in the sense of ritual ablution." There are in fact traditions stating that the Prophet ate meat, then rinsed his mouth, washed his hands and started to pray." Another tradition links the abolition of the Prophet's injunction of this wudu' with the person of Anas b. Malik, the servant of the Prophet, and puts the blame for the persistence of wudii' after the consumption of cooked food on authorities outside Medina. Anas b. Malik returned from al-Iraq and sat down to have his meal with two men of Medina. After the meal he came forth to perform the wudii'. His companions blamed him, asking: "Are you 57 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan ai-kubra, 1: 157 inf.; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170-171,nos. 658, 663; al-Tabawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 69. S8 'Abd al-Razzjiq, 1: 168-169, nos. 653, 655-656; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158, lines 4-5; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 1: 70 sup. 59 al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 1: 141; Niir ai-Din al-Haytharni, 1: 252 ult.-253, line 1; al-Sharif al-Murtada, Amali, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1373/1954), 1: 395-3%. 60 al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 66, 68; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 157; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252, lines 12-15, 254, line 8 and line 18; Muhammad b. Sinan al-Qazzaz, Hadith, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 18, fol. 2a; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Qattan, al-Fawdid, al-Zahiriyya, Majrnii'a 18, fol. 24a info 17 following the Iraqi way?,,61This story implies that in the practice of Medina no wudii' was observed after eating cooked meals. The emphasis that Anas's practice was Iraqi is noteworthy. It can hardly be conceived that the Iraqis stuck to the earlier practice of the Prophet which was later abrogated by him. It is more plausible to assume that Anas adopted an Iraqi usage observed there since the Sasanian period. The severe reproach which Anas faced seems to indicate that it was a foreign custom, considered as a reprehensible innovation by the Muslim communityf? The lenient character of the abrogation of wu(jil after eating food prepared on fire is exposed in a tradition reporting that the Prophet ate roast meat, performed the wu(ju' and prayed; later he turned to eat the meat that was left over, consumed it and set to pray the afternoon prayer without performing wu(ju' at all.63 It is evident that his later action (akhiru amrayhi) is the one to be adopted by the community, as it constitutes an abrogation, naskh, of the former tradition, although some scholars consider it as rukhsa. The problem of wudii' mimma massat al-nar was left in fact to the inventiveness of the [uqaha' of later centuries; it becomes still more complicated by an additional hadith according to which the Prophet enjoined wu(ju' after the consumption of the meat of camels, but did not regard wudii as necessary after eating the meat of small cattle (ghanam).64 The two chapters in the Musannai of Ibn Abi Shayba about wuQ.u' after consuming meat of 61 al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 69; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158 (Anas regrets his mistake and wishes he had not done it: laytani lam af'al); 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659; al-Zurqiini, Sharf) al-muwaud, 1: 88 inf.-89. 62 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659: ... ma hiidhihi l-'iraqiyyatu llatl ahdathtaha ._? 63 al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 247; al-Hakim, Marif at 'uliim, p. 85; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 156; al-Tahawi, Sharf) mo'ani, 1: 67; al-Bayhaqi, Marifai al-sunan, 1: 395, 401, lines 1-2; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 321. 64 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-7; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 70-1; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 237-9; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 158-9; idem, Ma'rifat al-sunan, 1: 402-6; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, I'lam al-muwaqqiin 'an rabbi l-'alamin, ed. Tiihii 'Abd al-Ra'iif Sa'd (Cairo: 1973), 2: 15-16, 106; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 250. 18 camels, contradictory as they are, bear additional evidence to the diversity of practice and usage, and to the divergencies in opinions held by the scholars of hadith. 'No less divergent are the views of the scholars about the wuq.u: before the consumption of food, 65 the confinement of wudii', as an obligatory act, before prayer only, the question whether ablution before every prayer was obligatory for the Prophet only,66 and whether the wuq.u' may be replaced as a concession by cleaning the mouth with a toothpicks? The great number of diverse traditions, merely hinted at above, clearly indicate that the formation of a normative code of ritual and usage began relatively late. A survey of some traditions about the t aw at, the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, and certain practices of the haji may shed some light on the peculiar observances and customs followed in the early period and may explain how they were later regulated, transformed or established. The tawaf was equated by the Prophet with prayer isaliu). In an utterance attributed to him the Prophet said, ''The tawai is indeed like a prayer; when you circumambulate diminish your talk."" In another version of this haditb the Prophet, making 65 See al-Zurqani, Shorb al-mawahib, 4: 352 barakat al-tdiim al-wuq,u' qablahu ; and see the interpretation). 66 See al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 247, lines 24-30 [aaltuhu ya 'umaru-rydni li-bayani I-jawazi Ii-I-nasi wa-khawfa an yu'taqada wujiibu mii kana yaf'alu min al-wudiii li-kulli saiiuin ; wa=qila innaha nasikhun li-wujiibi dhiilika, wa-taaqqaba bi-qawli anasin: kana khassan bihi diina ummatihi wa-annahu kana ya(aluhu li-I-faq,ila _). 67 Ibid., 7: 248, line 1 seq. Concerning the concept of Sufi rukhas cf. M. Milson, A Sufi Rule for Novices, Kitab adab al-muridin (Harvard: 1975), pp. 72-82; and see his discussion on the subject in the Introduction, pp. 19-20. 68 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496; al-Qastallani, [rshad al-sari, (Cairo: 1323),3: 173-4; al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan al-Mas'iidi (Beirut: n.d.), 5: 222; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 5: 85; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad: 1362), 1: 174; al-Muniiwi, 4: 292-3, nos. 5345-5347; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 24, nos. 220-222; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 258; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mustafa I-Saqii (Cairo: 1390/1970), pp. 306, 331;al-Tabiiwi, SharI) c.. c.. 19 tawat equal to prayer, bade the faithful confine their conversation to good talk. During the tawai the Prophet invoked God saying, "Our Lord, give to us in this world and in the world to come and guard us against the chastisement of Fire" (Qur'an 2:201).This verse was recited as an invocation by some of the Companions," Some of the invocations were extended and included praises of God, assertion of His oneness and omnipotence as they were uttered by the angels, by Adam, Abraham and the Prophet while they went past various parts of the Ka'ba during the tawai?" The pious Ibn 'Umar and Ibn 'Abbas are said to have performed the tawat refraining from talk altogether." Tawfis and Mujahid circumambulated in solemnity and awe "as if there were birds on their heads."> This was, of course, in the spirit of the imitatio prophetarum; Wahb b. Munabbih reported on the authority of Ka'b that three hundred Messengers (the last among whom was Muhammad) and twelve thousand chosen people tmustaian) prayed in the hi jr facing the maqam, none of them speaking during the tawa], except to mention the name of God.73 When 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr approached Ibn 'Umar during the tawat, asking him to give him his daughter in marriage, Ibn 'Umar did not reply. After some time 'Urwa came to Medina and met 'Abdallah b. 'Umar. The latter explained that he had not been able to answer him because mdiini , 2: 178 info 69 al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fiikihi, fols. 292a, 296a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, 52; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 5: 90, nos. 717-719, 722; al-Waqidi, Maghazi, ed. M. Jones (London: 1966), p. 1098; al-Bayhaqi, at-Sun an al-kubra, 5: 84; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-latif (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 124; Ibn Kathir, Tajsir, 1: 432-3. 70 See e.g. al-Fiikihi, fo. 296a, sup. (The Prophet urges the people to praise God and to extol Him during the tawiif ; and see ibid., similar reports about some Companions); al-Azraqi, pp. 259 inf.-26O; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 51, nos. 8964-8965; al-Qastallani 3: 170; al-Harbl, ai-Manasik wa-amakin turuqi l-haj], ed. Hamad al-Jasir (al-Riyiid: 1389/1969), pp. 431-3; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, pp. 305-6; al-Shawkiini, Nayi, 5: 53-4. 71 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, no. 8962. 72 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a-b; cf. Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 73 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a, inf. 20 he "conceived that he faced God" during the tawat (wa-nahnu natakhayalu llaha 'azza wa-ialla bayna dyunina). Now he replied and gave him his daughter in marriage." Merriment and joviality were, of course, forbidden and considered as demeaning. Wahb b. al-Ward," while staying in the hiir of the mosque of Mecca, heard the Ka'ba complain to God and Jibril against people who speak frivolous words around it.76 The Prophet foretold that Abii Hurayra would remain alive until he saw heedless people playing; they would come to circumambulate the Ka'ba, their iawat would, however, not be accepted." The concession in the matter oj speech granted during the tawai was "good talk."" Pious scholars used to give guidance, exhort, edify and recount hadiths of the Prophet." Common people made supplications during the tawai, asking God to forgive them their sins and to grant them Paradise, children, and wealth. It was, however, forbidden to stand up during the (awiif, and to raise one's hands while supplicating. "Jews in the synagogues practise it in this way," said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'As) and advised the man who did it to utter his invocation in his council, not to do it during the fawiif.80 The fact that large crowds were gathered during the t awat was, however, exploited by the political leaders. Ibn al-Zubayr stood up in front of the door of the Ka'ba and recounted before the people the evil deeds of the Umayyads, stressing 74 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 160b; al-Fakihi, fol. 292b; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 270. 75 See on him Abii Nu'aym, 8: 140-61; al-Pasl, al-Tqd, 7: 417, no. 2678. 76 al-Azraqi, p. 259; Abii Nu'aym, 8: 155 (the tafakkuh is explained as talking about women and describing their bodies during the (awaf); Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 77 al-Fakihi, fol. 292b. 78 See Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 271, line 1: ... wa-anna hukmahu hukmu l-saliui, ilia fima waradat [ihi l-rukhsaiu min al-kalam. 79 See e.g. al-Fakihi, fols. 311a-312a;'Abd al-Razzaq, 3: 377, no. 6021. &0 al-Fakihi, fol. 296b; and see al-Azraqi, p. 257; Amin Mahrniid Khattab, Fat/:! al-malik al-mdbiid, 1: 200-2; Ibn Abi Shayba, 4:96; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 72-3. 21 especially the fact that they withheld their payment of fay'.8! 'Ali b. al-Husayn cursed al-Mukhtar, after his death, at the door of the Ka'ba.82 Some traditions narrate details of the behavior of certain persons in the tawat who did not conform to this requirement of awe and solemnity in the holy place. Sa'id b. Jubayr used to talk during the (awllf and even to laugh," 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf was seen to perform the tawaf wearing boots and singing hida' tunes. When rebuked by 'V mar he replied that he had done the same at the time of the Prophet and so 'V mar let him gO.84 Al-Fakihi records certain frivolous conversations which took place during the tawat, which may indeed be considered coarse and were certainly out of place in the sanctuary." But groups of people engaged in idle talk during the tawat were reprimanded. 'Abd al-Karim b. Abi Mukhariq" strongly reproved such talk; al-Muttalib b. Abi Wada'a" was surprised when he came to Mecca after a period of stay in the desert and saw people talk during the tawat. "Did you turn the tawaf into a meeting place," he asked," The "arabization" of the tawat is evident from an utterance attributed to the Prophet making it unlawful to talk in Persian during circumambulation. 'Vmar gently requested two men who held a conversation in Persian during the tawat to turn to Arabic," Reciting verses of the 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 al-Fiikihi, fol. 296b. al-Fakihi, fol. 296b. al-Azraqi, p. 259; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari p. 273; al-Fakihi, fol. 293b, sup. Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 3: 244. See al-Fakihi, fol. 293a (the remark of Husayn b. 'Ali about the buttocks of Mu'awiya during the (awaf ; and see fol. 294a: al-Sa'ib b. Sayfi and his talk with Mu'awiya about Hind). See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhlb, 6: 376-378, no. 716; aI-Fast, al-Tqd, 5: 480, no. 1856. See on him al-Fasi, al-'/qd, 7: 218, no. 2469. al-Azraqi, p. 260; Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 278. al-Fakihi fol. 291b (dhikru karahiyati l-kaliimi bi-l-farisiyyati [i l-(awaf); see the tradition about 'Umar: 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496, no. 9793; cf. al-Turtiishl, al-Hawaditb wll-l-bida', ed. Muhammad Talbi (Tunis: 1959), p. 104. 22 Qur'an during the t awaf in a loud voice was disliked and considered a bad innovation tmuhdath): the Prophet is said to have asked 'Uthman to turn to dhikru llah from his qirixa. Nevertheless certain groups of scholars permitted the recitation of verses from the Qur'an.?" The problem of the reciting of poetry during the tawat is complicated. The Prophet is said to have told Abii Bakr who recited rajaz verses during the circumambulation to utter allahu akbar instead. This injunction of the Prophet seems to have been disregarded. Ibn 'Abbas, Abii Sa'id al-Khudri and Jabir b. 'Abdalliih used to talk during the (awaf and recite verses," A report on the authority of 'Abdallah b. 'Umar says that the Companions used to recite poetry to each other ty at an ash adicn) during the circumambulation/" The argument in favor of the lawfulness of the recitation of poetry during (a wa] was based on the precedent of 'Abdallah b. Rawaha who had recited his verses during the Prophet's tawat in the year A.H. 7 ('umrat al-qadii): Khallii bani Lrkutfiu: 'an sabilih ...3 Also during the fawaf 'A'isha discussed with 9 some women of Quraysh the position of Hassan b. Thiibit and spoke in his favor, mentioning his verses in defense of the Prophet; 94 Hassan, some traditions say, was aided by the angel Jibril in composing seventy verses in praise of the Prophet." Al-Nabigha al-Ja'di recited his verses in the mosque of Mecca, praising Ibn al-Zubayr and asking for his help at a time of drought." Ibn al-Zubayr asked, during the tawat, a son of Khiilid 90 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 10; Al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fakihi, fols, 295b-296a; and see the survey of the different opinions: Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 129-30; al-Majlisi, 99: 209, no. 19. 91 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 92 al-Fakihi, Col.307b. 93 al-Wiiqidi, p. 736; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 8: 130; al-Fiikihi, Col. 307a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 95, no. 745. 94 al-Azraqi, p. 257; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al=l stl'ab, ed. 'Ali al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 347; al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 95 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 96 Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Niibigah al-Ga'di (Rome: 1953), p. 137 (IX) (and see the references of the editor); al-Fakihi, Col.307b inf, 308a. 23 L. Ja'far al-Kilabi to recite some verses of his father against Zuhayr (b. Jadhima al-'AbsD. "But I am in a state of ihram; argued the son of Khiilid. "And so am I," said Ibn al-Zubayr and urged him to recite the verses. He responded and quoted the verse: "And if you catch me, kill me _" tPa-tmma takhudhiini ja-qtuliini: wa-in aslam [a-laysa ilii l-khuliaii). Ibn al-Zubayr sadly remarked that this verse suited his position in relation to the Banii Umayya,?? Sa'id b. Jubayr recalled having heard during the iawa] the verses of a drunkard who prided himself on the fact that he would not refrain from drinking wine even in old age," An old woman recalled verses composed about her beauty in her youth." There are moving verses composed by devoted sons, who carried on their backs their old mothers during the tawat and supplications by women asking God to forgive them their sins. Poets had the opportunity to watch women doing their tawa] and composed verses extolling their beauty.l'" The wearing of a veil by women performing the fawiit was the subject of a heated discussion among scholars who used as arguments the contradictory utterances attributed to the Prophet and quoted as precedents the fawiit of his wives.'?' Another important problem was whether men and women could lawfully perform the tawat together. According to one tradition women used to perform the fawiit together with men in the early period. The separation of women from men was first ordered by Khiilid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri.l'? Al-Fakihi remarks that this injunction was aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 307b; and see a different version of this verse Aghani (Biiliiq), 10: 12. 98 al-Fakihi, fo1. 308a; and see the verses: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buldan, s.v. Amaj; and see Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Dhamm al-muskir, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 8a (Sa'Id b. Jubayr changes the text of the verse from wa-kana kariman fa-lam yanzi into wa-kana shaqiyyan fa-lam yanzi). 99 aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 308a. 100 aI-Fiikihi, fols. 307b-3IOa. 101 al-Shiifi'i, 2: 127; al-Azraqi, p. 260; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 296a-297a; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 219-20; Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 133 uIl-I34. 102 aI-Azraqi, pp. 265-6; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 299a ult.-299b; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, pp. 319-20; al-Qastallani, 3: 172-3; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 384-5; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 127; al-Fasi, al-T qd, 4: 273. 97 24 received with approval and people conformed to it until al-Fakihi's own time. Two other decrees of al-Qasri continued to be observed by the people of Mecca: takbir during the ceremony of tawai in the month of Ramadan and a special arrangement of rows of men around the Ka'ba.103 The separation between men and women in the mosque of Mecca was carried out by the governor 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Hashimi as late as the middle of the third century by drawing ropes between the columns of the mosque; the women sat behind the ropes,'?' At the beginning of the third century (about 209) the governor of Mecca under al-Ma'miin, 'Ubaydallah b. al-Hasan al-Tiilibi.l'" ordered a special time to be set apart for the women's tawilf after the afternoon prayer; men were not allowed to perform the tawa] at that time. This regulation was implemented again by the governor of Mecca, Ibrahim b. Muhammad about A.H. 260.106 These changes in the ceremony of the iawat seem to point to a considerable fluctuation of ideas and attitudes among the rulers and the orthodox in connection with the sanctuary and the form of the tawa]. The new arrangements, which were apparently meant to grant the haram more religious dignity and sanctity and to turn the tawilf into a solemn ceremony with fixed rules, may be compared with some peculiar customs practised in the early t awa], as recorded by al-Fakihi, The passage given by al-Fakihi begins with 103 al-Fakihi, fol. 432a (and see ibid., fol. 439b, lines 5-7 and fol. 354b: dhikru idiirati l-saffi [i shahri ramadana wa-awwalu man [dalahu wa-awwalu man ahdatha l-takbira bayna t-t ariiwibi hawla l-bayti fi shahri ramadana wa-tatsiru dhiilika); al-Zarkashi, I'lamu l-saiid bi-ahkami l-masiiiid, ed. Abii I-Wafii Mustafa I-Mariighi (Cairo: 1385),p. 98; al-Fiisi, al-'Jqd, 4: 272, 276 sup; al-Shibli, Mal;lasin al-wasdll [i mdrifaii I-awa'il, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 1530,fols.38b-39a, 41b-42a. 104 al-Fakihl, fol. 443a; al-Fiisi, al-'J qd, 6; 151, no. 2050 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); idem, Shifa' al-gharam (Cairo), 2: 188 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); Ibn Zuhayra, p. 300 inf. (quoted from al-Fakihi), 1J5 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al=qudiu, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Mustafa al-Mariighi (Cairo: 1366/1947), 1: 257-258; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 297. 106 al-Fiikihi, fol. 443a; al-Fasi, al-Tqd, 3: 247-8, no. 720 (quoted from al-Fiikihn. 25 a rather cautious phrase: wa-qad zaama badu ahli makkata, which clearly expresses a reservation on the part of the compiler. In the old times (kanu fima mada) when a girl reached the age of womanhood her people used to dress her up in the nicest clothes they could afford, and if they were in possession of jewels they adorned her with them; then they introduced her into the mosque of Mecca, her face uncovered; she circumambulated the Ka'ba while people looked at her and asked about her. They were then told "This is Miss so and so, the daughter of so and so," if she was a free-born person. If she was a muwallada they said: "She is a muwallada of this or that clan." Al-Fakihi remarks in a parenthetical phrase that people in those times had religious conviction and trustworthiness iahlu dinin wa-amanatin) unlike people of his day, whose manner of belief is obnoxious (laysu 'ala ma hum 'alayhi min al-madhahibi l+makriiha), After the girl had finished her tawat she would go out in the same way, while people were watching her. The purpose of this practice was to arouse in the people the desire to marry the girl (if she was free-born) or to buy her (if she was a muwallada). Then the girl returned to her home and was locked up in her apartment until she was brought out and led to her husband. They acted in the same way with slave-maidens: they led them in the tawa; around the Ka'ba clad in precious dresses, but with their faces uncovered. People used to come, look at them and buy them. Al-Awza'I asked 'Ala' (apparently Ibn Abi Rabah) whether it was lawful to look at maidens who were led in tawaf around the Ka'ba for sale; 'Ala' objected to this practice except for people who wanted to buy slave-girls,"? This report is corroborated by a story recorded by Ibn Abi Shayba, according to which 'A'isha dressed up a maiden, performed the iawat with her and remarked: "We may perhaps succeed in catching (literally: hunting) a youth of Quraysh" (scil, for 107 al-Fiikihi. fol. 309b. 26 the girO.los 'Umar is said to have encouraged the selling of slave-maidens in this manner.l'" All these reports - al-Fakihi's reference to "people with religious conviction and trustworthiness," al-Awza'i's inquiry, 'Ata"s answer, 'A'isha's story - seem to reflect t awai customs prevailing in the early period of Islam, in all likelihood during the first century of the Hijra. The reports indicate a certain informality and ease of manners. All this was bound to change if the haram was to acquire an atmosphere of sanctity and veneration. The early informality and intimacy can be gauged from a number of traditions concerned with the daily behaviour of the faithful in the mosque of Mecca. Ibn al-Zubayr passed by a group of people who were eating their meal in the mosque and invoked upon them his benediction. Abu Nawfal b. Abi 'Aqrab"? saw Ibn 'Abbas there eating roasted meat with thin bread; the fat dripped from his hands. A broth of crumbled bread used to be brought to Ibn al-Zubayr in the mosque. One day a boy crawled towards it and ate from it; 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr ordered the boy to be flogged. The people in the mosque, in their rage, cursed Ibn al-Zubayt/" A similar problem was whether it is lawful to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. Scholars arguing for it quoted the precedent of the Prophet whose isrii took place (according to the report of Anas b. Malik) from the mosque of Mecca where he had slept'" Another 108 al-Musannaf, 4: 410; Lisan al+Arab, s.v. sh-w-f; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya, s.v. sh-w-f. 109 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 411 ('Umar remarks, however, that girls should not be compelled to marry ugly [or mean; in text dhamim ; but probably damiml men; "the girls Iike in this matter what you like," he said}, cf. Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil al-durar Ii mana bit al-zahar, MS. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 19b: qala 'umaru: ia yuzawwijanna l-rajulu bnatahu l-qablha [a-innahunna yarghabna lima targhabiin. 110 See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhib, 12: 260. Ill al-Fiikihi, fo!. 355b: dhikru l-akli fi l- masjidi l-harami wa-l-ghada flhi ; and see al-Turtfishl, pp. 106-8; al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, pp. 329-30. 112 al-Fiikihi, fol. 355b. 27 argument in favor of sleeping in mosques was mentioned by Sulayman b. Yasar,"" when questioned by al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Dhubab: 114 "How do you ask about it, said Sulayman, knowing that the ashab al-suita slept in the mosque of the Prophet and prayed in it." 115 Ibn 'Umar used to sleep in the mosque (of Medina) in the Prophet's Iifetime.'" When Thabit (al-Bunani) consulted 'Abdallah b. 'Ubayd b. 'Umayr"? whether to turn to the amir in the matter of the people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca, 'Abdallah bade him not to do that, quoting the opinion of Ibn 'Umar who considered these people as 'akifun, people praying in seclusion. The pious Sa'id b. Jubayr used to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah spent forty years in the mosque of Mecca, sleeping there, performing the tawat, and prayingJ" In a conversation with his student Ibn Jurayj he expressed a very favourable opinion about sleeping in mosques. When 'Ata' and Sa'id b. Jubayr were asked about people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca who have night-pollutions they nevertheless gave a positive answer and advised them to continue to sleep in the mosque. In the morning, says a tradition, Sa'id b. Jubayr used to perform the tawiif, wake up the sleepers in the mosque, and bid them recite the talbiya. These reports quoted from a chapter of al-Fakihi entitled Dhikru l-nawmi fi I-masjidi l-harami wa-man rakhkhasa iihi wa-man karihahu'" give some insight into the practices in the 113 114 115 116 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 4: 228, no. 381. See on him ibid.• 2: 147, no. 249; al-Dhahabi, 1: 437, no. 1629. al-Turtiishi, p. 105. al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, p. 307; al-Turtiishi, p. 105;al-Mariighi, Tahqiq ai-nusra bi-talkhis mdiilim diiri l-hijra, MS. Br. Mus.• Or. 3615, fo1. 50a. 117 See on him al-Bukhiiri, al-To'rikn al=kablr, 31, no. 430; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 5: 308, no. 524. 118 Cf. al- Turtiishi, p. 105. 119 Ta'rikh Makka, fo1. 355b-356a; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-saiid, pp. 306-8, 317-18; Mubibb al Din al-Tabari, pp. 659-60, nos. 30-31; al-Majlisi, 99: 240, no. 1; about the odious impurity which causes bad smells see al-Fakihi, fo1. 357b, ult.-358a idhikru irsiili l=rihi [i l-masiidi l-harami); al-Zarkashi, l'lam ai-sajid, pp. 313-14; cf. about a superstitious belief 28 mosque of Mecca in the early period of Islam and help us to understand the ideas about ritual and the sanctity of the haram current at the time. Of special interest are some customs of t aw a] and include hardships, rigid self-exertion and self-castigation. Tradition tells about people who vowed to perform the fawaf while crawling's? or fastened to each other by a rope,'?' or being led with a rope threaded through a nose-ring.F' Tradition reports that the Prophet and his Companions unequivocally condemned these practices, prohibited them and prevented the people from performing the tawat in this way. It is obvious that these usages reflected the Jahiliyya ideas of self-imposed harshness, of vows of hardship and severe practices. These went contrary to the spirit of Islam which, while transforming it into an Islamic ritual, aimed to give the tawat its own religious values. Ibn Hajar is right in tracing back the prohibited forms of (awat to their Jahili source,'> Similar to these vows of self-exertion during the tawa! are the vows of hardship during the hajj. The traditions tell about men who vowed to perform the hajj on foot. Some women vowed to perform the hajj walking, or with faces uncovered, or wearing coarse garments, or keeping silent.124 The Prophet passed censure on h a i j which 120 121 122 123 124 among common people in Egypt: 'Ali Mahffiz, al-Ibdii' fi (Cairo: 1388/1968), p. 454. al-Fakihi, fol, 297a; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 457, no. 15895. al-Pakihi, fol, 297b; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, no. 15862; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5:88; al-Qastallani, 3: 173-4; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 460; Ibn l;Iajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 386-7; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 319, no. 73. al-Fakihi, fo!. 297b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, nos. 15860-15861,11:292, no. 20572; Lisan al-'Arab, s.v. z-m-m-, kh-z-m. Fath al-bari, 3: 386. al-Tabawi, Sharb maani, 3: 128-132; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-l;Ianafi, 1: 260-2; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 351-2; idem, Ta'rikn al-khulaia', ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1371/1952), p. 99; al-Shatibl, al-I'tisam (Cairo: n.d.), 2: 52; Bahshal, Ta'rikn Wasil, ed. current madarr al-ibtidii 29 these practices, emphasizing that God does not heed (literally: does Lot need) vows by which people cause harm and suffering to themselves. These practices recall certain customs observed by the Bums which therefore had to be abolished in Islam. It may however be remarked that some early Muslim ascetics or pious men used to perform the hajj on foot, or vowed not to walk under a shade during their hajj.125 It is true that the outer form of these practices recalls the old Jahiliyya ones; there is however a clear line which has to be drawn between them: the devotional practices of the pious Muslims are different in their content and intention; they are undertaken out of a deep faith and performed for God's sake. These practices of the pious gained the approval of the orthodox circles and were considered virtuous. This attitude is clearly reflected in a haditb attributed to the Prophet: 'The advantage of the people performing the hajj walking over those who ride is like the advantage of the full moon over the stars."126 Fasting on the Day of 'Arata gave rise to another important controversy. The contradictory traditions and reports are arranged in Fakihi's compilation in two chapters: the one encouraging the Gurguis 'Awwiid (Baghdad, 1387/1967), p. 231; Ibn Sa'd, 8: 470; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 10: 76; al-Fasawi, fol. 157b; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakarn, p. 294; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 341, no. 2265, 449, no. 2507; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, 11: 7, no. 6714; al-Tayalisi, p. 112, no. 836; al-Tahawl, Mushkil at-iuhar, 3: 37-41; 'Abd al-Razziiq, 8: 438, no. 15825, 448, no. 15863; al-Fiikihi, fols. 315a-b; Ibn Daqiq al-'ld, pp. 310-11,nos. 791-793. (And see al-Fiikihi, fol. 511b:the story of the woman who vowed to perform the pilgrimage in silence if God would help to reconcile the fighting factions of her tribe. Abu Bakr, ordering her to discontinue her silence, remarked: takallami, fa-inna I-islam a hadama ma kana qabla dhalika); al-Tusi, Amali (Najaf: 1384/1964),1: 369. 125 Ibn Abi I-Dunyii, al-Tawba, MS. Chester Beatty 3863, fol. 17b; Bahshal, p. 167; al-Khuwiirizmi, Mukhtasar ithiirati l-targhib wa-l-tashwiq ila l-masiijidi l-thaliuhati wa-ila l-bayti l-'atiq, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 8a-b. 126 al-Fiikihi, fols. 321b-322a idhikru l-mashyi fi I-hajji wa-f adlihi): al-Khuwiirizmi, fol. 8b: wa-li-l-mashi [adlun 'ala l-rakibi ka-fadli laylati l-qadri 'ala sa'iri l-layali, 30 faithful to fast on this day, the other reporting about Companions who refrained from fasting,'?" According to a tradition of the Prophet the sins of a man who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa will be remitted for a year;128 another version says two years,"? a third version a thousand days.130The list of persons who did fast includes also 'A'isha, who emphasized the merits of fasting on that day. The opponents who forbade fasting on that day based their argument on accounts and evidence that the Prophet had broken the fast on the Day of 'Arafa,!" 'Umar,132 his son 'Abdallah and Ibn 'Abbas prohibited fasting.l" In another version Ibn 'Umar stressed that he performed the pilgrimage with the Prophet and the three first caliphs; none of them fasted on the Day of 'Arafa, He himself did not fast, but did not explicitly enjoin either eating or fasting.P' The 127 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a-529a (dhikru sawmi yawmi 'araf a wa-f adli siyamihi ; dhikru man lam yasum yawma 'arafa makhiifata l-du'fi 'ani l-du'a); Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 1-3, 21, 3: 104; al-Tahawi, Mushkil, 4: lll. 128 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528a, ult.; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236, no. 1463; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 97; al-Tahawi, Shorb maiini, 2: 72; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283. 129 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a, inf., 528b; al-Tabaranl, I: 255, 2: 71; Bahshal, p. 276; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236; 7 nos. 1461-1462,1464-1465, 1467-1468; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 96-97; al-Tahawl, Sharb maiini, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil, 4: 112; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 2; al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283, 130 al-Mundhiri, 2: 237, no. 1466; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Suyiltl, al-Durr ai-manthia, 1: 231 (another version 1,000 years). 131 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4, fol. 4Oa; Abu 'Umar, GhuIiim Tha'Iab, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 3495, fol. 97a; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 4; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283-4; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231. 132 al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir, 32, no. 1600. 133 al-Fakihi, fol. 529a; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 286, nos. 1849, 1852; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 2: 338-9; al-Pasawi, fol. 61a; cf. Abu Nu'aym, 7: 164; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 404. 134 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-haditn 3: 4; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 1: 434; al-Tahawl, Shorb mdiini. 2: 72; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 404 (and see ibid., p. 405 inf.); al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 268; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya (Beirut, al-Riyad: 1966), 5: 174. 31 conciliatory interpretation assumed that the prohibition of fasting referred to the people attending 'Arafa; but people not present on that Day of 'Arafa may fast, and are even encouraged to fast.!35 The reason given for not fasting on that day in 'Arafa was the care for the pilgrims, who might be weakened by the fast and prevented from properly performing the du'ji' and dhikr, which are the most important aims of the pilgrims staying at 'Arafa.136 The transfer of some rites performed at 'Arafa to the cities conquered by the Muslims is of special interest. This practice was introduced in Basra by 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas'" and by 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan in Fustat.138 the Day of 'Arafa people used to gather On in the mosques to invoke and to supplicate. When Ibn 'Abbas summoned the people to gather in the mosque he argued that he wished that the supplications of the people may be associated with those attendant at 'Arata and that God may respond to these supplications; thus they would share God's grace with the attendants 135 al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil 4: 112; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 347; al-Fasawi, fol. 32b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 3; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 4: 289; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, 1: 152; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, I: 231. 136 al-Fakihl, fol. 529a; cf. Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, p. 405, lines 3-7 '(fasting on the Day of 'Arafa is not favored for people performing the pilgrimage; it is however encouraged for people not performing the hajj. See the compromise-recommendations of al-Mundhiri, 2: 238: "; there is nothing wrong in fasting, if it does not weaken him in his du'a' ... for the pilgrims it is preferable to break the fast ...•.See the story of Ibn Wahb, who broke the fast at 'Arafa because he was occupied by the thought of breaking the fast: al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madiuik, 1, 430; and see on this subject: al-Shawkiini, Nayl 4: 269). 137 See al-Quda'i, Ta'rikh, MS. Bodley, Pococke 270, fol. 67b (quoted from al-Jahiz's Nazm al-qur'iinr; al-Qalqashandi, Ma'athir ai-inaia [i maalim al-khilafa, ed. 'Abd al-Sattiir Ahmad Farriij (Kuwait: 1964), 1: 129; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabarl, pp. 387 inf.-388 sup; al-Fasawi, fol. 16a: ._ haddathanii abu 'awana, qiil a: ra'aytu I-has an a kharaja yawma 'oraf a min al-maqsiirau ba'da I-'asri [a-qaada fa-'arrafa; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 5: 117 inf.; see S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden; 1966),-p. 137. 138 al-Kindi, Wulat ut», ed. Husayn Nassar (Beirut: 1379/1959),p. 72. 32 at 'Arafa.P" Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr introduced this innovation in Kiifa.140 Some pious Muslims participated in these gatherings, others considered them as bid'ar" The tarit in Jerusalem is linked in some sources with 'Abd al-Malik, who is accused of having built the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem in order to divert the pilgrimage from Mecca to Jerusalem, since 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, the rival caliph in Mecca, forced the pilgrims to give the oath of allegiance. When the Dome of the Rock was built people used to gather there on the Day of 'Arafa and performed there the wuqufr" So the bid'a of wuqid in Jerusalem arose. Al-Turtiishi describes a gathering of the people of Jerusalem and of its villages in the mosque, raising their voices in supplications. They believed that four "standings" twaqafiu) in Jerusalem were equal to a pilgrimage to Mecca.r" Ibn Taymiyya, of course, strongly censured this innovation.r" It is evident that the idea behind the ta'rit is that it is possible to transfer sanctity from 'Arafa to another sanctuary where the rites of 'Arata are being performed on the same day, or that one may share in the blessing of 'Arafa through the performance of certain devotions at the same time as they are done at 'Arafa (as is the case with the supplications in the tdrit mentioned in note 139 above), or the notion that two sanctities may be combined as indicated in the tradition about Zamzam visiting Sulwan on the night of 'Arafa.!" The idea of transfer of sanctity is clearly reflected in a 139 al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasiiil ila mdrifati l-awail, MS. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fol. 153a. 140 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231 inf. 141 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya, 9: 307; al-Turtiishi, pp. 115-16;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231 info 142 al-Quda'I, fol. 67b; al-Qalqashandi, 1: 129. 143 al-Turtiishi, pp. 116-17. 144 Majmu'at al-rasall al-kubrii (Cairo: 1323), 2: 57; Jamiil a-Din al-Qiisimi, I slab- al-masaiid min al-bidd wa-l-'awa'id (Cairo: 1341), p. 215 (from Ibn Taymiyya), 145 al-Muqaddasi, line 11. Ab-san al-taqasim, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1906), p. 171, 33 Shi'i tradition in which a Shi'i adherent asks the imam Ja'far al-Sadiq whether he may perform the to'rii on the grave of Husayn if the opportunity to perform the hajj (scil, to Mecca) escapes him. The imam enumerates in his answer the rewards for visiting the grave of al-Husayn on common days and those for visits on feasts, emphasizing that these rewards are multiplied for a visit on the Day of 'Arafa, This visit is equal in rewards with a thousand pious pilgrimages to Mecca and a thousand 'umr a accepted by God and a thousand military campaigns fought on the side of a prophet or a just imam. The adherent then asked, how he could get a reward similar to that of the mawqii (of 'Arata), The imam looked at him as if roused to anger and said: "The believer who comes to the grave of al-Husayn on the Day of 'Arafa, washes in the Euphrates and directs himself to the grave, he will be rewarded for every step as if he had performed a hajj with all due rites." The transmitter recalls that the imam did say: "and [took part in] a military campaignr" Some changes of ritual were attributed to the Umayyads and sharply criticized by orthodox scholars. A number of innovations of this kind are said to have been introduced by Mu'awiya, It was he who refrained from the takbir on the Day of 'Arafa, because 'Ali used to practise it.147 He forbade the loud recitation of the talbiya at 'Arafat, and people obeyed his order; then Ibn 'Abbas ostentatiously came forth and uttered the talbiya loudly,':" It was Mu'awiya who transformed a place where the Prophet had urinated into a place of prayer.v" and invented iahdatha) the adhan in the saliu a[-'idayn.150 He changed the order of the ceremony of the 'id peculiar 146 Ibn Biibawayh, Amali i-sadiu; (Najaf: 1389/1970),pp. 126-7. 147 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 529a. 148 Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 464 inf.-465; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 79, nos. 646, 648. 149 Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 417; Amin Mahmiid Khattab, Fatb al-malik al-mdbisd, 2: 59 inf.-60, lines. 1-7; aI-Fiikihi, ·fol. 531a,sup. 150 al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafa', p. 200. 34 al-adha and ordered the khutba to be delivered before the prayer.P' He was also the one who banned the tamattu' pilgrimages.P? Changes of this kind were recorded as wicked innovations of the impious Umayyad rulers. The inconsistencies of the usages, customs and ritual practices of the early period of Islam are reflected in almost every subject dealt with in the early sources of hadith. Opinions divergent and contradictory are expressed about the sutra which has to be put in front of the praying Muslim and whether a dog or a donkey or a woman passing by invalidates the prayer-" Scholars differ in their opinions as to whether the form of sitting during the prayer called iq'a' is permitted.P' whether the prayer by a believer clad in one garment ithawb) is valid.!" and whether counting of the tasbib by pebbles is allowed!" Some of the subjects dealt with in the early hadiths lost their actuality and relevance. It is however a special feature of Muslim haditn literature and haditn criticism that some of these themes reappear and are discussed even in our days. Thus, for instance, the contemporary scholar Nasir al-Din al-Albani examines 151 al-Shibli, Maf)asin al-wasdil, fol. 120a; al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafd, p. 200. 152 al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 88, no. 708; al-Shibli, MahQsin al-wasdil, fol. 119b (and see above notes 48, 50); and cf. the wicked innovations of al-Hajjij Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 2: 53-4. 153 al-Hakirn, al=Mustadrak, 1: 251-2; Niir al-Din al-Haytharni, 2: 59-62; al-Fakihi, fol. 481a inf.; al-Fasawi, fol. 217b; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 276-83; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 9-38, nos. 2272-2396; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 458-64; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 8: 132-8, nos. 946-989; al-Zarkashi, al=l iaba, pp. 66, 84. 154 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 285; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 190-7, nos. 3024-3053; and see Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. q-'-a, '-q-b. 155 al-Tal)iiwi, Sharf) maani, 1: 377-83; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 2: 83-4; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 310-15. 156 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 389-91; Ibn Abi I-ijadid, Sharf) nah] al-balagha, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibriihim (Cairo: 1964), 18: 164; and cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Ttal, 1: 325, no. 2122; Sa'Id b. Jubayr throws out the pebbles with which a woman counted her circlings during the the tawa]. 35 the tradition prohibiting fasting on the Day of 'Arafa for people attending 'Arata,"? He carefully analyzes the isnads, finding out their faults; he harshly reprimands al-Hakim for his heedlessness in considering the haditb sound and states that the haditb is in fact weak. He argues that the haditb about the forgiveness of sins for a period of two years for him who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa is a sound tradition; but the attached phrase about the rewards for fasting on every day of Muharram is a forged one.ISS An exhaustive scrutiny of hadiths about the counting of tasbih by pebbles is included by al-Albani in the examination of the haditb about the rosary (ai-subha).IS9 Of interest are certain traditions in which some social and cultural, as well as religious, trends are exposed. Of this kind are the traditions in which the Prophet predicted that his community would erect sumptuous mosques in the manner of Jewish synagogues and Christian churches, adorn them richly and embellish them with inscriptions. This will be the sign of decline of the Muslim community and portend the End of the Days. Traditions of the very early period of Islam reflect the opposition against arched mihrab« "Beware these altars" tittaqii hadhihi l-madhabih), followed by an explanatory comment, "he meant the mahiirib' (ya'ni l-maharib), says a tradition attributed to the Prophet,"? "My people will fare well as long as they will not build in their mosques altars 157 Na s ir aI-Din aI-AIbiini, Silsilat al=ah a d i t n al+d a'Lf a wa-l-mawdiia (Damascus: 1384),no. 404. 158 Ibid., no. 412. 159 Ibid., no. 83. 160 al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 27a (al-Daylami adds: wa-kana ibriihlmu l-taymi la yusalli [i (aqi l-mihrab); al-Suyiiti, ai-Khasii'is ai-kubrii; 3: 189; al-Muniiwi, 1: 144-5, no. 153 reviews the different meanings of the word mihrab. And see the peculiar story of the Christian youth in the mihrab: al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, To'rikh Baghdad, 9: 45; al-Turtiishl, p. 94; al-Bahranl, 7: 281-5; Mahmiid Mahdi al-Miisawi al-Khawansiiri, Tuhfat al-siijid fi ahkiim al-masiijid (Baghdad: 1376), pp. 111-16.And see R.B. Serjeant, "Mii)riib," BSOAS (1959):pp. 439-53. 36 like the altars of the Christians," the Prophet foretold/?' Pious men usually refrained from praying in these mihrabs.162 Of the same kind were traditions against the adornment of mosques.'" prayers in the maqsiaa of the mosque,164 and against writing Qur'an verses on the walls of the mosque, or in the qibla of the mosque.'" These traditions should, of course, be studied against the background of the reports about the sumptuous buildings which were erected by the impious rulers and their governors and the richly decorated [ami' mosques in which delegates of the rulers led the prayer. Many a time a pious Muslim had to ask himself whether he should pray behind them, as can be deduced from the numerous traditions dealing with this subject. The few traditions reviewed in this paper clearly demonstrate the fluidity of certain religious and socio-political ideas reflected in the early compilations of hadith; as already proved by I. Goldziher. The diversity and divergence of traditions expose the different opinions of various groups of Muslim scholars. The divergent traditions are faithfully recorded in the compilations 161 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubra; 3: 188-9; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59; and see the careful evaluation of this hadith' by Albiini, Silsila, no. 448. 162 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 412, no. 3898-3902; the tradition about the altars of the Christians, no. 3903; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59-60 (ai-saiat Ii i-taq, man rakhkhasa l-saliu Ii Haq); Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 64, no. 373. 163 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, 3: 56-7; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 309; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ai-manihiir, 3: 217 inf.; al-Shaybani, pp. 77-8; Abii 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 4: 225; al-Shawkanl, No yl, 2: 167-70; idem, al-Fawii'id al-majmiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latif (Cairo: 1960), pp. 25-7; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf; Ibn Abi Jamra, Bahjat al-nufiis (Beirut: 1972 reprint), 1: 183; al-Sarnarqandl, Bustan ai-'arilin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin) (Cairo: 1347), pp. 127-8; Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Radi, Thimar al-maqasid [i dhikri t-masaiid, ed. As'ad Talas (Beirut: 1943), pp. 166, 170; al-Bahrani, 7: 277; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-siijid pp. 335-8; Muhammad Mahdi al-Miisawi, pp. 87-92. 164 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 414-16, nos. 3907-3913; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 3: 238; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf.; Ibn Sa'd, 7: %. 165 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 46; al-Turtiishi, p. 97; al-Zarkashi, I'lam al-saiid, p. 337; cf. Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadi, p. 170. 37 of the second century of the Hijra with no obligatory conclusions imposed and no prescriptions issued. This activity reflects a sincere effort to establish the true path of the Prophet, the Sunna, which the believer should follow.

The Expedition of Biʾr Maʿūna

bir_mauna.pdf THE EXPEDITION OF BI'R MA'UNA The character of the expedition sent by the Prophet in the month of Safar 4 H., 1 which ended in the killing of the participants at Bi'r Ma'una, is rather obscure. Traditions about this expedition are contradictory: 2 the aim of the expedition can hardly be determined; the number of the participants is variously stated in the divergent traditions; the tribal composition of the participants is disputed; the details about the attackers are few; the reason for their attack on the Muslim party is not clear. It may therefore be useful to present a survey of some of the traditions concerning this encounter, in course of which a version apparently hitherto unknown is presented. I The traditional account of the story as reported by Ibn Ishaq (d. 151 H.) 3 forms a composite narrative, based on the authority of a number of Muslim traditionists. According to this account, one of the chiefs of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Abu Bara' 'Amir b. Malik, 4 nicknamed "Mula'ib al-Asinna" ("The Player with the Spears"), 5 came to the Prophet and was invited by him to accept Islam. Although he did not embrace Islam, he was not far removed from it. He asked the Prophet to send some of his Companions to Najd to summon its people to embrace Islam, and expressed the hope that they would respond. He assured the Prophet of his protection of the Companions. The Prophet sent forty of his Companions with al-Mundhir b. 'Amr 1 Cf. J. M. B. Jones, "The Chronology of the Maghazl-a textual survey," in BSOAS (Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies XXI,1957), 249, 267: the anonymous tradition fixing the date of the expedition in Muharram(p. 249 n. 10) is quoted as well in Samhifdi's IfTafd' al-wafd', I, 211. 2 See Max v. Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, rev. and ed. W. Caskel, III, 9. 3 In Ibn Hisham's Sira. 4 See his biography in Ibn Bajar, /fdba nO4417. 6 For this nickname, see Ibn al-Kalbi, Ansdb al-Khail, ed. Al:J.madZaki Pasha (Cairo, 1946), 77; Aus b. Bajar, Diwdn, ed. Geyer, XVII, 7, 8; XXI, 3; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, '/qd, III (Cairo, 1935), 335; Yaqiit, Bulddn, s.v. "Sullan"; alZurqani; Sharp 'aId 'I-mawdhib, 11(1325 H.), 75; al-Suhaili: al-Rauq al-unuf, II (Cairo, 1914), 174. - 338 aI-Sa'idi, 1 When the party reached Bi'r Ma

The Massacre of the Banū Qurayẓa: A Re-Examination of a Tradition

banu_qurayza.pdf THE MASSACRE OF THE BANU QURAYZA A re-examination of a tradition The story of the massacre of the Banu Qurayza (April 627 A.D./Dhu l-Qa'da 5 A.H.), l as recorded in various compilations of the Sira-literature, is concerned with the final blow which the prophet Muhammad struck at the last Jewish tribal group in Medina. According to the widely current tradition, transmitted by the early Muslim scholars of hadith, biographers of the Prophet, jurists and historians, Qurayza are said to have concluded a pact with the Prophet in which they committed themselves not to help the enemies of the Prophet. But when the enemies of the Prophet (i.e. the Confederates, Quraysh and their Allies, the Ahzab - K.) besieged Medina the Banu Qurayza are alleged to have aided the forces of the Prophet's enemies, the Ahzab. Huyayy b. Akhtab, a former leader of the exiled Jewish tribe of the Banu Nadlr is blamed for having instigated Ka'b b. Asad, the leader of Qurayza, to violate the agreement with the Prophet and for having pressed him to negotiate with the leaders of the Ahzab. The Prophet succeeded by stratagem to undermine the mutual confidence between Qurayza and the Ahzab and to spoil their strategic plans against him and against the Muslim community at Medina. The failure of the siege of Medina by the Ahzab and their disordered and hasty retreat marked a manifest victory for the Prophet and left Qurayza in a precarious position, facing the forces of the Prophet in isolation. Immediately after the withdrawal of the Ahzab the Prophet was actually summoned by the angel Jibril to march out against the Banu Qurayza. The siege laid by the forces of the Prophet on the stronghold of Qurayza brought about a deterioration of the situation of the besieged shortly afterwards. Their leader, Ka`b b. Asad put forward three proposals as solution: (a) that they should convert to Islam, (b) that they should kill the women and children and march out from the stronghold to fight courageously the besieging force of the Muslims, or (c) that they should l See J.M.B. Jones, The Chronology ofthe Maghazi, BSOAS XIX, 1957, pp. 274, 251. 62 surprise Muhammad and his troops by a speedy and unexpected attack on the eve of Saturday. All the proposals were, however, rejected by the Banu Qurayza. When the situation deteriorated Qurayza sent their messenger to negotiate with the Prophet the terms of their surrender. They proposed to surrender and depart leaving behind their land and property and taking with them movable property only, the load of a camel per person. When this proposal was rejected, the messenger returned asking that Qurayza be permitted to depart without any property, taking with them only their families; but this proposal too was rejected and the Prophet insisted that they surrender unconditionally and subject themselves to his judgment. Qurayza asked for Abu Lubaba, a Companion of the Prophet whom they trusted, to be sent to them in order to have his advice. Abo Lubaba indiscreetly pointed with his hand to his throat, a movement which clearly conveyed slaughter; he regretted his treason towards God and the Prophet, repented and the Prophet was glad to convey to him the joyous tiding of God's forgiveness, as it was revealed to him. The Banu Qurayza, compelled to surrender, descended from their stronghold and were led to Medina. The men, their hands pinioned behind their backs, were put in a court (dar) in Medina; the women and children are said to have been put in another one. When the Prophet was asked by people of Aus, who were allies of Qurayza, to show leniency towards their allies the Qurayza, he proposed to appoint as arbiter a man from Aus, Sa=d b. Mu-adh. Qurayza consented and so did the attending Muslims; among the Muslims were, of course, the Aus who in turn began to intercede with Sa-d for Qurayza; Sa-d's harsh answer was a bad omen for the fate of Qurayza. When all the parties agreed to abide by the judgment of Sa'd he gave his concise verdict: the men shall be put to death, the women and children sold into slavery, the spoils divided among the Muslims. The Prophet ratified the judgment and stated that Sa-d's decree had been issued as a decree of God pronounced from above the Seven Heavens. Accordingly some 400 (or 600, or 700, or 800, or even 900) men from Qurayza were led on the order of the Prophet to the market of Medina; trenches were dug in the place, the men were executed and buried in the trenches. The Prophet attended the executions, which were carried out by CAlI and al-Zubayr. Youths who had not reached maturity were spared. Women and children were sold into slavery; a number of them were distributed as gifts among the Companions. 63 The story of the massacre of Qurayza, of which a short summary has been given above, was thoroughly studied and analysed by several western scholars, who severely criticized the Prophet for it. 2 Although not unanimous in their assessment of certain details of the story, the scholars are in agreement concerning the cruelty of the judgment of Sa-d b. Mu'adh, Some Muslim scholars didn't deny the merciless character of Sa-d's judgment, but justified it pointing out that the Bam} Qurayza had yielded to the treacherous activities of Huyayy b. Akhtab and had committed deeds of treason. Sa-d's decree, although severe and harsh, was a vital necessity as he regarded the fate of the Jews as a question of life and death for the Muslim community. The responsibility for the killing of Qurayza should be placed on Huyayy b. Akhtab who instigated the war-activities against the Prophet.' 2 See e.g. Martin Hartmann, Der Islam, Leipzig 1909, p. 16: "Ein ewiges Schandmal bleibt die Ruchlosigkeit mit der Muhammed gegen den Stamm Quraiza verfuhr: 600 Manner erlitten den Tod durch Henkershand, die Weiber und Kinder wurden verkauft." W. Muir, Mahomet and Islam, London 1895, p. 151: "The massacre of Banu Coreitza was a barbarous deed which cannot be justified by any reason of political necessity... " "But the indiscriminate slaughter of the whole tribe cannot be recognized otherwise than as an act of monstrous cruelty, which casts an indelible blot upon the Prophet's name... " J. Andrae, Mohammed. Sein Leben und sein G1aube, G6ttingen 1932, p. 126: "Es war der letzte Jundenstamm in Medina, Banu Kuraiza, den er nun exemplarisch zu strafen beschloss wegen der Unzuverlassigkeit, die er wiihrend der Belagerung gezeigt hatte. Bei dieser Gelegenheit zeigte er wieder den Mangel an Ehrlichkeit und moralischem Mut, der einen weniger sympathischen Zug seines Charakters bildete... " F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, Trans!. H.H. Schaeder, Heidelberg 1955, p. 275: "... Diesmal war Muhammad jedoch zu erbittert urn Schonung zu gewahren: aber die Art wie er seinen Willen durschsetzte. hatte etwas in hohem Grade Raffiniertes und zeigt wieder seinen Charakter in einem sehr abstossenden Licht..." M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Mahomet, Paris 1969, p. 145: "L'incident des B. Qoraiza est une vilaine page de l'histoire de Mohammed, mais c'est un acte qui fut tres profitable a la gloire d'Allah et de son prophete ... " W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford, 1956, p. 214: "Some European writers have criticized this sentence for what they call its savage and inhuman character ... " Maxime Rodinson, Mohammed, New York 1974, p. 213: "It is not easy to judge the massacre of the Qurayza. It must be remembered that the customs of the time were extremely primitive ... " F. Gabrieli, Muhammad and the Conquest of Islam, London 1968, p. 73: "This dark episode, which Muslim tradition, it must be said, takes quite calmly, has provoked lively discussion among western biographers of Muhammed, with caustic accusations on the one hand and legalistic excuses on the other... In this case he was ruthless, with the approval of his conscience and of his God, for the two were one; we can only record the fact, while reaffirming our consciousness as Christians and civilised men, that this God or at least this aspect of Him, is not ours." 3 Muhammad Husayn Hayka!, Hayiu Muhammad, Cairo 135g, p. 321. And see e.g. Hafiz Ghulam Sarwar, Muhammad the Holy Prophet, Lahore 1967, p. 247: "No one can dispute the justice of the sentence on the Quraiza ... Traitors are always executed unless they ask pardon and circumstances justify the pardon being granted... Muhammad was absolutely 64 I Odd assumptions appear in W.N. Arafat's article on this subject.' Arafat tries to prove the unreliability of the account of the events of the massacre of Qurayza as recorded by Ibn Ishaq (d. 151 A.H.) and transmitted by later Muslim scholars, historians and biographers of the Prophet. The later historians "draw, and in most cases depend on Ibn Ishaq", states Arafat and comments: "But Ibn Ishaq died in 151 A.H., i.e., 145 years after the event in question".' Arafat's severe criticism refers first of all to the way in which Ibn Ishaq collected his information: his sources were untrustworthy, uncertain and late; his account is in Arafat's opinion "a sum-total of the collective reports, pieced together". Arafat quotes thrice the opinion of Malik b. Anas (from Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyun al-athar) about Muhammad b. Ishaq: "he was a liar", "an impostor" who "transmits his stories from the Jews'" and stresses twice that "against the late and uncertain sources on the one hand, and the condemning authorities on the other must be set the only contemporary and entirely authentic source, The Qur'an." (Sura XXXIII, 26: "He caused those of the People of the Book who helped them (i.e. the Quraysh) to come out of their forts. Some you killed, some you took prisoner." [as quoted by Arafatj).? If 600 or 700 people were killed there would have been a clearer reference to it in the Qur'an; as only the guilty leaders were executed the reference in the Qur'an is very brief - argues Arafat. He rejects without hesitation the widely circulated story about the massacre of the Banii Qurayza and reiterates his argument: the verse of the Qur'an indicates clearly that only those men of Qurayza who were actually fighting were free from blame. The real culprit in this tragedy, for it was a most horrible tragedy... was Huyayy b. Akhtab... " Ameer Ali, A short history of the Saracens, London 1961, p. 13: "It was considered unsafe to leave the traitorous Banu Koraiza so near the city, as their treachery might at any moment lead to the destruction of Medina... This was a severe punishment according to our ideas, but it was customary according to the rules of war then prevalent." Muhammad Hamidullah, Muslim Conduct of State, Lahore 1961, §443: "... The females and children of the Jewish tribe of Banu Quraizah were, by the decision of the arbitrator nominated by themselves, enslaved and distributed as booty. This arbitral award was in conformity with the Jewish personal Jaw... "; §497: "... In the case of the Banu Quraizah, it was the arbitrator of their own choice who awarded exactly what Deuteronomy provided... " 4 W.N. Arafat, "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina," JRAS (1976), 100-107. 5 Arafat, op. cit., pp. 101, U. 1-2. 6 Arafat, op. cit., pp, 10I, 1. 8, 102 ult. -103 1.1, 106 U. 2-3. 7 Arafat, op. cit., pp. 1011. 20, 103 1I. 11-15. 65 executed; according to the rule of Islam only those responsible for the sedition were punished. Killing a large number of people is opposed to the Islamic sense of justice and the Qur'anic rule regarding prisoners, argues Arafat. Why should the Qurayza have been slaughtered, asks Arafat, while other Jewish groups which surrendered both before and after the Banu Qurayza were treated leniently and were allowed to go. If so many hundreds of people were indeed put to death in the market-place and trenches were dug for the operation, why, asks Arafat, is there no trace of all that and no sign or word to point to the place? "Had this slaughter actually happened", contends Arafat, "the jurists would have adopted it as a precedent"; "in fact exactly the opposite had been the case" - asserts Arafat. Arafat stresses further that the details of the story imply inside knowledge, i.e. from the Jews themselves. Both the descendants of the Banii Qurayza and the descendants of the Medinan Muslims were eager to glorify their ancestors; it was one of the descendants of Sacd b. Mu-adh who transmitted the judgment of Sa-d and the saying of the Prophet to Sad: "You have pronounced God's judgment upon them [as inspired] through Seven Veils"." Finally Arafat raises some additional questions: how could many hundreds of persons be incarcerated in a house belonging to a woman of the Banu l-Najjar, and how can one explain the fact that some Jews are mentioned as remaining in Medina after the alleged expulsion of all the Jewish tribes? Arafat draws a comparison between the story of Masada as recorded by Josephus Flavius and the story of the Banu Qurayza. Arafat's conclusions are surprising: the descendants of the Jews who fled to Arabia after the Jewish wars superimposed details of the siege of Masada on the story of the siege of the Banu Qurayza. According to Arafat, the mixture provided the basis for Ibn Ishaq's story. Arafat's article was followed by another one by a certain Zaid. In his article entitled "The Masada Legend in Jewish and Islamic Tradition"? the author reiterates Arafat's arguments, arrives at the same con- 8 Arafat's rendering of this sentence is erroneous: min fauqi sao Cati arqi ' The references quoted above from the compilations of al-Shaybant, al-Shafi'T, Abu bought by Mu-awiya]; and see ib. p. 86, no. I; and see e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 744, sup.: the court (dar) known as dar bani nasr in Damascus was a church (kanisat al-nasaray; Malik b.

Ḥaddithū ʿan Banī Isrāʾīla Wa-Lā Ḥaraja: A Study of an Early Tradition

bani_israil.pdf Haddithu 'an bani isra'ila wa-Ia haraja A Study of an early tradition This widely current tradition was variously interpreted by Muslim scholars. They differed in their opinions about the significance of the words of this hadith, its intent and its implications. The core of the discussion lay in fact in the problem whether it was lawful to turn to Jewish and Christian sources for guidance, to study Jewish and Christian compilations and to incorporate certain aspects from them into the Muslim cultural tradition and belief. Scrutiny of some of these discussions may help to elucidate the tendencies of the various religious groups in Islam and assist us in gaining a deeper insight into the attitudes of Muslim scholars. I The tradition Haddithu 'an bani isra'il was considered by Goldziher as one which is opposed to the trend of Muslim orthodox scholars who watched with reluctance the influence of Jewish Aggada and of Christian legends on Muslim tradition.1 The transmission of this hadith, says Goldziher, serves as evidence of the controversy among the scholars of the second century about the transmission of Jewish lore. The earliest source in which this tradition is recorded is the Risala of al-Shafi'i (d. 204).2 This tradition is also reported in the Jami' of Ma'mar b. Rashid (d. 154),3 and in 'Abd al-Razzaq's Musannafwith the following isnad: 'Abd al-Razzaq > aI-Auza'I4 > Hassan b. 'AtiyyaS > Abu Kabsha6 > 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. aI'As. The Prophet said: "Transmit on my authority, be it even one verse (from the Qur'an), narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and there 1 Muhammedanische Studien (Halle, 1890), II, 137, note 3; and see G. Vajda, "Juifs et Musulmans selon Ie Hadit", JA CLXXIX (1937), 115-120; S. D. Goitein, Banu [sra'i1, E[2. 2 Melanges Judeo-Arabes, IX, "Isra'iliyyat", REJ XLIV (1902) 64, note 2. 3 Ms. FeyzuIlah 541, fo1. 59b, inf. (See F. Sezgin, GAS, I, 291). 4 See on him F. Sezgin, GAS, I, 516. 5 See on him Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib (Hyderabad, 1327), II, 251, no. 460; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, ed. 'Ali Mul;!arnmad al-Bijawi (Cairo, 1382/1963), I, 479, no. 1809. 6 See on him Ibn I;Iajar, Tahdhib, XII, 210, no. 974. is nothing objectionable (in that); he who tells a lie on my authority - let him take his place in Hell."? In the Musnad of Ahmad b. Hanbalf this tradition is recorded with the same chain of transmitters; it contains however a slight variant: wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan, "intentionally't.? 7 Ms. Murad Molla 604, fol. 113b: ballighii 'annt wa-lau iiyatan wa-haddithii 'an bani isra'tla wa-ld haraja fa-man kadhaba 'alayya kadhibatan fa-l-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-niiri. And see this tradition: al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (Cairo, 1388/1968), I, 166; al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol, 162b; al-Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-arab (Cairo [reprint] 1964), XIV, 182; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyii' (Cairo, 1351/1932), VI, 78. 8 Ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1953), XI, 127, no. 6888; cf. al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rifat al-sunan wa-l-dthiir, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1389/1968), I, 48-51. 9 See about the tradition man kadhaba 'alayya: Ibn al-Jauzi, Kitdb al-maur/u'at, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (Cairo, 1386/1966), I, 55-98; and see ibid., p. 63 the remark of Wahb b. Jartr: wa-lldhi, md qdla "muta'ammidan", wa-antum taqalana "muta'ammidan"; cf. al-Khattb al-Baghdadl, Taqyid al-'ilm, ed. Youssef Eche (Damascus, 1949), p, 29: waman kadhaba 'alayya; qiila hammiimun: ahsibuhu qdla "muta'ammidan" ... fa-l-yatabawwa' ... ; cf. J. Goldziher, Muh. St., II, 132 (see notes 3-4); and see Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., IV, nos. 2675, 2976; V, nos. 3694, 3801, 3814, 3847; II, nos. 584, 629, 630, 903, 1()()()"'1001, 1075, 1291; I, nos. 326, 469, 507; VI, nos. 4338, 4742; VII, nos. 5232, 5291; IX, nos. 6309, 6478; X, nos. 6592, 6593. And see an interesting setting of this utterance ibid., VI, no. 4156: jama'ana rasidu Ildh! (s) wa-nahnu arbaiina, fa-kuntu fi dkhiri man atiihu, qdla: innakum mansiiriina wa-musibuna wa-maftiihun lakum, fa-man adraka dhiilika fa-l-yattaqi llaha wa-lya'mur bi-l-ma'rufi, wa-l-yanha an al-munkari, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan ... ; and see a remarkable version ibid., V, no. 3025: ittaqii l-haditha 'annt ilia md 'alimtum; qdla: wa-man kadhaba 'ala l-qur'dni bi-ghayri 'ilmin fa-l-yatabawwa' ... ; cf. al-Daylaml, al-Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 27a: ittaqu l-hadttha 'anni ilia md 'alimtum, fa-innahu man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan ... ; cf. Ahmad b.Hanbal, op. clt., IV, no. 2976: ... man kadhaba 'alayya ... wa-man kadhaba fi l-qur'iini ... ; and see ibid., III, no. 2069: ... man qiila ft l-qur'iini bi-ghayri 'ilmin ... ; and see Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1957), II, 337: ... man qiila 'alayya md lam aqul fa-qad tabawwa'a ... ; cf. al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafd' wa-muzil al-ilbiis (Cairo, 1352), II, 275, no. 2593; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. al-Zawl-al- Taniil)l (Cairo, 1963), I, 159; al-Tirmidhi, $a/.zi/.z (Cairo, 1934), XIII, 167 where this utterance is connected with the story of khiisif al-na'l; al-Qundiizl, Yaniibi' al-mawadda (Kazimiyya, 1385), pp. 59, 209; al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, Ta'rtkb Baghdad (Cairo, 1349/1931), I, 265; al-Safarlni, Ghidha' al-albdb (Cairo, 1324), I, 118; Yusuf b. Musa al-HanafI, al-Mutasar min al- mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 261-262; al-Tabaranl, op. cit., II, 55;al-Fasawi op. cit., fol. 158a; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak (Hyderabad, 1342), II, 401; al-Dhahabt, Mizdn, IV, 393 sup.; AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 369; cf. Abu 'Ubayd, Farla'if al-qur'iin, Ms. Leiden, Or. 3056, fol. 3b: ... anna rasiila lldhi ($) 'ahida ilaynd fi hajjati l-wadd'i fa-qdla: 'alaykum bi-l-qur'iini fa-innakum sa-tarji'iina ilii qaumin yashtahiina l-haditha 'anni fa-man 'aqifa shay'an fa-l-yuhadditk 'annt bihi, wa-man qdla 'alayya md lam aqul fa-l-yatabawwa' bay tan au maq'adan It jahannam; and see al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-kabtr, Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, I, 351: haddithi; 'anni kama sami'tum we-ld haraja, ilia man akhbara 'ala lldhi kadhiban muta'ammidan li-yudilla bihi l-ndsa bighayri 'ilmin fa-I-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futu/.z Misr, ed. 216 Haddithii 'an bani isra'ila The tradition haddithii 'an bani isrii'il forms, as we see, a part of a combined hadith in which the Prophet bids the faithful to transmit verses (of the Qur'an), urges them to narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and warns them not to lie while transmitting traditions on his authority. In some versions only two parts of the combined tradition are recorded: "Transmit on my authority be it even one verse and narrate concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable (in that)."10 The same version as given in the Jiimi' of Ma'mar b. Rashid, consisting of three parts, is recorded by al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya (d. 390) in his al-Jalis al:;alil,lal-kiifi wa-l-anis al-na$il,lal-shdfi.t) and is accompanied by a comprehensive comment by the author. The Children of Israel, al-Mu'afa argues, were specified in this tradition because of the miraculous events which had happened to them, just as the sea was specified because of the miraculous features which are in it; the permission was granted to narrate about (the wonders of) the sea with keeping away from sin of lie. 12 The tendency apparent in this tradition to emphasize the miraculous and wonderful aspect of the stories about the Children of Israel is reflected in an enlarged version of this saying: haddithu 'an bani isrd'ila fa-innahu kdnat fihim a'iijibu.s> Al-Mu'afa records two views about the syntax of wa-lii haraja. These views give two quite different interpretations of the expression. According to one opinion ld haraja is a khabar, a predicate; the meaning of the expression is thus: there is nothing objectionable in telling these stories. As many people, argues Mu'afa, are reluctant to listen to these stories, this hadith' grants permission to transmit them, for refraining from transmitting them might bring about the disappearance of wisdom and might cause the roads of thought to be closed up, the means of knowledge to be interrupted, the doors of consideration and exhortation to be shut. The other view considers the phrase wa-ld haraj as denoting a prohibition. It is equivalent with wa-lii tahruju, do not commit sin by telling stories which you know are lies deceiving peopie by telling these stories. 14 C. Torrey (New Haven, 1922),273 inf.-274: man kadhaba 'alayya kadhibatan muta'ammidan ... associated with: ala, wa-man shariba l-khamra ... 10 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jdmi' bayiin al-'ilm wa-fadlihi (Cairo, 1346), n, 40; al-Quda'], Shihab al-akhbiir, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6496, fo1. 39a. 11 Ms. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, 2321, foIs. 3a-4a. 12 Fo1. 4a: ... wa-khassa bani isrii'ila bi-hiidhd li-ma madd fthim min al-a'ajibi kama khassa l-bahra bimd fihi min al-a'ajibi ... (the allusion refers apparently to the well known utterance, or proverb: haddith 'an al-bahri wa-ld haraj; see al-Jarraht, op. cit., I, 352, no. 117). 13 Al-Daylaml, op. cit., fo1. 72a; L 'A, s.v. /:I r j. 14 Al-Mu'afa, op. cit., fo1. 4a: ... wa-lii haraja yattajihu fihi ta'wilani, ahaduhumd an yakiina khabaran mahdan fi mandhu wa-lafzihi, ka-annahu dhakara bani isra'tla wa-kiinat fihim 217 The two grammatical constructions reflect in fact two conflicting interpretations of the tradition. Taking la haraja as khabar implies that there is no objection whatsoever to tell the stories about the Children of Israel whether true or invented. The motivation adduced for this permission is of interest: refraining from transmitting these stories would bring to a stop the transmission of the hikma, the wisdom, and of thoughtful scrutiny of stories concerning past people and prophets. Further it brings to Iight the fact that some orthodox circles disliked stories about the Children of IsraeI, which must have been widely current. On the other hand Iii haraja, taken as prohibition, implies an interdiction to transmit popular stories similar to those of the qU$$ii$. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi records the same hadith. in a different context altogether. "Do not write anything on my authority except the Qur'an" - says the Prophet. "Let one who writes anything else efface it. Narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable (in that). He who tells lies on my behalf shall take his place in Hell."15 In this version of the hadith the permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel is coupled with the interdiction to record in writing the utterances of the Prophet. A certain difference is noticeable in the intent of a tradition recorded on the authority of Abu Hurayra. The Prophet, the tradition says, saw people writing his utterances. He rebuked them and forbade to write his hadith. "Do you desire a book besides the book cf God"? - the Prophet asked. "The only thing that Ied astray the peoples preceding you was the fact that they put down in writing (things) from books beside the Book of God." Then people asked the Prophet: "Shall we transmit (traditions) on your authority?" "Transmit on my authority, said the Prophet, and there is nothing objectionable (in that); and he who lies about me intentionally let him take his seat in Hell." Those present asked: "Shall we tell the stories about the Children of IsraeI"? The Prophet answered: "Narrate concerning them and there is nothing objectionable (in that). Whatever you tell about them, there are always a'ajibu, wa-kiina kathirun min al-ndsi yanbis sam'uhum 'anha, fa-yakunu hiidha maqta'atan Ii-man 'indahu 'i1mun minhii an yuhadditha l-niisa biha; fa-rubbamd addii hiidha ilii durusi l-hikmati wa-nqitti'i mawiiddi I-fa'idati wa-nsidddi tariqi i'mali l-fikrati wa-ighliiqi abwdbi l-itti'iizi wa-l-ribrati, fa-ka-annahu qdla: laysa fi tabadduthikum bi-md 'alimtumuhu min dhdlika harajun; wa-l-ta'wtlu l-thdni an yakima l-ma'nd It hadha l-nahya; fa-ka-annahu qdla: wa-lii tahrajti bi-an tatahaddathii bi-md qad tabayyana lakum I-kadhibu fihi, muhaqqiqina lahu au gharrina abadan bihi. 15 Taqyid ai-iilm, pp. 30-31: Iii taktubii 'anni shay'an ilia l-qur'iina, fa-man kataba ghayrahu fa-l-yamhuhu, wa-haddithii 'an bani isrii'ila wa-la baraja, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya fa-l-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri. 218 Haddithii 'an bam isra'ila things which are more wonderful."16 The permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel is here put in opposition to the prohibition to record the traditions of the Prophet in a written form. It is however established as being on a par with the oral transmission of Prophetic traditions. Even the wording is identical: haddithii 'anni wa-lii haraja and haddithii 'an bani isrii'ila wa-lii haraja. Of quite a different content is the tradition reported by Zayd b. Aslam and recorded in Ma'mar b. Rashid's Jiimi',17 The Prophet said: "Do not ask the people of the Book about anything, because they will not show you the right path having already led themselves astray." We asked: "0 Messenger of God, may we not narrate (stories) concerning the Children of Israel" ? The Prophet answered: "Narrate, there is nothing objectionable (in that)." In this tradition the setting and the circumstances of the utterance are quite different. Here a clear line is drawn between the problem whether to consult the people of the Book in religious matters and the question whether to narrate stories from their history. It is forbidden to ask the people of the Book about problems of religion and belief; they cannot guide anyone because they themselves went astray. But it is permitted to narrate stories about them. Ibn al-Athlr recordstf some of the interpretations already mentioned, in which the miraculous character of the stories is stressed, and he further mentions some additional ones. Haraj denotes narrowness l? and is applied to denote "sin" and "forbidden deeds." Ld haraja has to be glossed: Iii ithma, Iii ba'sa.2o The expression indicates that there is no sin, there is nothing objectionable in narrating the wonderful events which happened to the Children of Israel, even if these events might not happen to the Muslims; this does not mean, however, that one is permitted to tell lies. Slightly different is another interpretation quoted by Ibn al-Athlr that there is no sin or objection to narrate about the Children of Israel stories as they 16 Ibid., p. 34: kharaja 'alaynd rasidu lldhi (s) wa-na(znu naktubu l-ahiiditha, fa-qdla: mii hiidhd l/adhi taktubiina'l qulnii: aluidithu nasma'uhii minka. qiila: kitiibun ghayru kitdbi lldhi ], atadriina md [a] dalla l-umama qablakum? ala bi-ma ktatabii min al-kutubi ma'a kitiibi lldhi ta'ala? qulnd: a-nuhaddithu 'anka ya rasida lliihi'! qdla: haddithii 'anni wa-la haraja, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan fa-I-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri. qulnd: fanatahaddathu 'an bani isrii'lla'l qiila: haddithii wa-ld haraja, fa-innakum lam tuhaddithii 'anhum bi-shay'in ilia wa-qad kdna fihim a'jabu minhu ... 17 Fol. 59b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Ms. fol. I13b: bab hal yus'alu ahlu l-kitdbi 'an shay'in ... 'an zaydi bni aslama anna I-nabiyya ($) qa/a: la tas'alu ahla l-kitiibi 'an shay' in fa-innahum Ian yahdiikum, qad adalla anfusahum. qi/a: ya rasida lldhi, ala nuhaddithu 'an bani isrd'ila ? qdla: (zaddithu wa-ld haraja. 18 Al-Nihiiya, I, 361. 19 See Raghib al-Isfahanl, al-Mufraddt It gharib al-qur'iin (Cairo, 1324), p. llI, S.v. (z r j. 20 See al-Majlisi, Bihdr, IV, 495 (new ed.). 219 were told, whether these stories are true or not; the remoteness of time (i.e. between the period of the Children of Israel and the time of Islam - K) makes it impossible to verify the story and the transmitter cannot be responsible for its reliability. This is set in opposition to the traditions about the Prophet: a haditb should only be transmitted after one has made sure about the soundness of the transmission and the righteousness of the transmitters.s! This interpretation was adopted by al-'AzIzI (d. 1070) who is even more explicit in his comment. "Narrate concerning the Children of Israel" glosses aI-'AzIzI by "tell about them the stories and exhortations" (ballighii 'anhum al-qisasa wa-l-mawii'izai. La haraja is explained by the statement that there is no sin incumbent upon a transmitter who records these stories without isndd. Because of the remoteness of time it is enough to make an assumption that the tradition concerns them (fa-yakfi ghalabatu l-zanni bi-annahu 'anhum). This tradition is followed by a hadith, which urges people to transmit traditions about the Prophet and warns against invention and lie in such traditions.22 Here the expression haddithii 'anni bimd tasma'iina is explained by the recommendation to observe sound isndds and to refrain from the transmission of hadiths with faulty isndds. The reasons for the permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel as opposed to con suIting them concerning their religious tenets is expounded by al-Munawl (d. 1031). There is no contradiction between the haditli which allows the transmission of stories and the one which interdicts the transmission of tenets and rules, al-Munawl argues. The transmission of their religious law is in fact forbidden because their rules were abrogated.23 Al-'AlqamI (d. 969) considers the permission to narrate stories in the light of the changes which took place in the Muslim community. The Prophet, al'Alqami argues, disapproved of studying the books of the Children of Israel and deriving knowledge from them. Later the situation improved and the prohibition was lifted. The prohibition was issued when the prescriptions of M uslim law and the foundations of the Islamic religion had not been firmly established, out of fear of e fitna (allurement). When that which was apprehended ceased, permission to narrate was granted, because listening to accounts of past events 21 Al-Nihdya, I, 361; and see al-Jazarl, Qi$a$ al-anbiyii' (al-Najaf, 1964), p. 522 (quoting Ibn Athir); and see ibid., p. 522 supra, a ShI'i permission to transmit the stories of the Children of Israel. 22 Al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo, 1957), II, 223: baddithu 'anni bimd tasmaana wa-la taqidt; illd haqqan, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya buniya lahu bay tun fi jahannama yarta' u fihi. 23 Al-'Azizi, op. cit., II, 145: ... wa-idhnuhu Iii yunaft nahyahu ft khabarin dkhara li-anna l-ma'dhiina fihi l-tahdithu bi-qisasihim wa-l-manhiyyu 'anhu l-'amalu bi-ahkdmihim li-naskhihd, 220 Haddithii 'an bani isrilila entails edification.24 Al-'Alqaroi seems thus to consider the saying haddithii 'an bani isrii'i/a as an utterance abrogating an earlier prohibiting utterance. Al-Jarrahl (d. 1162) quotes this interpretation among other interpretations recorded by him. As proof of the prohibition to narrate stories concerning the Children of Israel al-Jarrahi mentions the story of 'Umar who was forbidden by the Prophet to copy from the Torah. Later, says al-Jarrahi, the permission to narrate such stories was granted, and this is why the utterance was issued. 25 Some of the interpretations reflect a tendency to limit this permission or even to cancel it. The Iii haraja, "there is nothing objectionable", may be complemented by a phrase: "if you do not narrate". 26 The hadith thus stresses the obligatory character of the transmission of a tradition of the Prophet, but leaves it to the discretion of the faithful whether to narrate about the Children of Israel. A restricting interpretation asserts that the term Banii Isra'Il refers to the sons of Jacob; the haditn urges their story to be narrated together with that of Joseph. This interpretation is rejected by al-'AzIzI with the remark: wahddhd ab'adu l-aujuhi.tt A peculiar interpretation explains the reason for this permission by stating that the stories about the Children of Israel contain some distasteful expressions and therefore it was necessary to stress that their transmission was not objectionable.28 But these restricting interpretations were not effective. The saying haddithii 'an bani isrd'ila wa-ld haraja, attached to various other traditions, became widely current among Muslims in the first half of the second century. This permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel caused the door to be opened widely to Jewish lore and traditions transmitted by Muslim scholars. II The themes covered by the stories about the Children of Israel are very extensive. They include stories about prophets and their warnings, about sins committed by the Children of Israel and the punishment inflicted on them, 24 Ibid.,: ... wa-qdla I-'alqamiyyu: ay la 4iqa 'alaykum l-tahdithi 'anhum li-annahu kana taqaddama minhu (~) al-zajru 'an al-akhdhi 'anhum wa-l-nazari ft kutubihim thumma basala l-tawassu'u Ii dhdlika; wa-kdna l-nahyu waqa'a qabla istiqrdri l-ahkdmi l-isldmiyyati wa-lqawd'idi l-diniyyati khashyata l-fitnati; thumma lammii ziila l-mahdhiau waqa'a l-idhnu Ii dhdlika lima sima'! l-akhbdri llatt kiinat fi zamanihim min al-i'tibdrt. 25 Al-Jarrahr, op. cit., I, 353. 26 Ibn al-Athtr, op. cit., I, 361: ... wa-haddithu 'an bani tsrii'tla wa-ld haraja, ay: lii haraja 'alaykum in lam tuhaddithii 'anhum; and see al-Jarraht, op. cit., I, 353, Il. 11-12; ai-'Azizi, op. cit., II, 145. 27 Al-Siriij al-munir, II, 145. 28 Ibid. n n 221 about the sufferings of the righteous and pious and the reward granted to them by God, about utterances and sayings of sages and wise men, about supplications of prophets and pious men, about speeches and wills of nobles, saints and martyrs. These stories usually called "Lsrii'iliyydt" included predictions of the early prophets about the appearance of the Prophet and descriptions of the Muslim community, about Caliphs and rebels, about decline of dynasties, about the Mahdi and the signs heralding the Day of Judgement. This lore was transmitted by Jews and Christians or by members of these two religions who studied their Scriptures and embraced the faith of Islam. In the widely current tradition about the supplications of Moses,29 he implored the Lord to grant his people, the Children of Israel, the excellent qualities and merits which were enumerated in the Torah; God preferred however to choose the Muslim community and to grant them these qualities and merits.sv The Torah also contains the description of the Prophet.s! God revealed to Moses that the Prophet would be sent and bade him inform the Children of Israel to obey him and embrace his faith,32 God also disclosed in the Psalms to David the appearance of the Prophet and recorded the qualities of his people.v Isaiah predicted in his prophecy the appearance of Jesus and Muhammad.ss God bade Jesus urge his people to embrace the faith of Muhammad and told him about the latter's personality.V Accordingly, it is evident that Muhammad is the heir of the preceding prophets and that the Muslim community inherited the rank and position of the Chosen People. A ShI'I tradition tells a story about a talk of the Prophet with a Jew in which the Prophet said that the first passage in the Torah stated: Muhammad is the Messenger of God; in Hebrew it is Tab (Tov - K); the Prophet then quoted other passages in which the wa$iyy 'Ali, his children Hasan and Husayn (Shubbar and Shubbayr) and Fatima were explicitly mentioned,36 It may be See Miskawayh, al-Hikmatu l-khiilidatu, 29 ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Badawl (Cairo, 1952), p, 133 imundjdt musa). 30 AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., V, 385-386; Ibn Zafar, Khayru l-bishar bi-khayri l-bashar ([n.p.), 1280), pp. 25-34; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafd bi-ahwdl al-mustafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1966), I, 38-42; al-Tha'labI, Qisa« al-anbiyii' (Cairo [n.d.]), p. 27; al-Suyiltl, al-Hdwi li-l-fatiiwi, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1387/1959),II, 281, 282 ult.-283; Ibn Kathlr, Shamii'il al-rasid, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1967), 114-115; al-BayhaqI, Dald'il al-nubuwwa, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fo!' 64b. 31 See AbU Nu'ayrn, op. cit., V, 387; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, pp. 111-115; al-Suyiitl, all;ltiwi, II, 282-283. 32 AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., VI, 33-35; al-Majlisl, Bihdr, XIII, 332-333, 340-341 (newed.). 33 Al-Suyutt, al-Hdwi, II, 281 inf.-282; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, p. 115. 34 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 32. 35 Al-Suyiitl, al-Hdwi, II, 114; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Wafd, I. 60. 36 AI-Majlisi, op, cit., XIII, 331-332 (new ed.). 222 Haddithii 'an bani isra'ila mentioned that the names of the two sons of 'Ali, Hasan and Husayn, were given by the Prophet himself. The angel Gabriel revealed to the Prophet the names of the two sons of Aharon, Shubbar and Shubbayr, which are written in the Torah and ordered him to give these names to the two children of 'AlI. The rendering of these names is al-Hasan and al-Husayn-? (probably Hebrew: Shefer and Shaflr - K). Taking into account the fact that at first the name intended to be given to the children was Harb and that the Prophet stated in the well known haditli that 'Ali was in relation to the Prophet like Aharon to Moses, one can assess the political implication of the story. Scholars of the Holy Scriptures, Jews and Christians, were supposed to have the ability to foretell future events: they were thought to derive their knowledge from the Torah or other Holy Books. Ka'b standing at Siffin put his leg on a stone and said: "Woe to you Siff'in! The Children of Israel fought here with each other and left on the battle-field seventy thousand killed; so it will be with the Muslims." It really happened at the battle of Siffin between 'Ali and Mu'awiya, "There is no space on earth the events of which were not recorded in the Torah" - said Ka'b.38 In a talk with 'Umar, Ka'b is stated to have said: "Were it not for a sentence in the Qur'an (Sura xiii, 39), I would foretell to you everything which will happen until the Day of Judgement."39 Ka'b was accordingly able to tell 'Umar that the description of his personality is given in the Torah as qarn min hadid, and he could further predict that 'Umar would be killed; then the following Caliph will be killed by an unjust faction; afterwards disasters will prevail.w A bishop consulted by 'Umar could assert that he found 'Umar's description in his Scriptures as qarn min hadid (glossed 37 Al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'liim al-nubala', ed. As'ad Talas (Cairo, 1962), III, 165; Yawdqilt al-siyar, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3771, fol. 141a; al-Tabarl, Dald'il al-imdma (al-Najaf, 1383/1963), pp. 63, 73; Ibn Maktila, al-Ikmdl, (Hyderabad, 1381/1962),IV, 378; al-Tfisl, A mali (al-Najaf, 1384/1964), I, 377; Rijal al-Kashshi (al-Najaf [n.d.]), p. 26; al-Majlisi, op. cit., XII, 113; XXXIX, 63; XLIII, 237-242 (new ed.). 38 Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishrdf [i mandzil al-ashriif, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'db, ed. 'Ali MuO. al-Bijawi (Cairo [n.d.]), III, 1287; al-Suyiitl, atHawt, II, 283-284; al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira, ed. Ahmad MuO. Mursi (Cairo [n.d.l), p, 543; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba (Cairo, 1325/1907), V, 250, no. 7157; al-Suyutl, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd, ed. Muhammad KhalU Haras (Cairo, 1386/1967),I, 80. 39 Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Mahmud Muh, Shakir (Cairo, 1969), XVI, 484, no. 20485; alQurtubt, Tafsir, ed. Ibrahim Itfish (Cairo, 1387/1967),IX, 330; a ShY'!source (al-t.Ayyashl, To/sir, II, 215, no. 54) attributes this saying to 'Ali b. al-Husayn, 40 AI-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id (Beirut, 1967), IX, 65 infra.-66; cf. Abii Nu'aym, op. cit., V, 387 ult.-388 supra.; Muh, b. Yahya al-Ash'art al-Malaqi, al-Tamhid wa-l-bayiin fi maqtal al-shahid 'uthmdn, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zayid (Beirut, 1964),p. 21 ; Ib;J.Ra's Ghanama, Mandqil al-Durar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 23a; Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kit. al-fitan, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 9449, fol. 22a-b; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is, I, 77. 223 by him as qawiyyun, shadidun) and predict that he will be followed by a man, who has nothing objectionable in him (Iii ba'sa bihi), but he will prefer his relatives; 'Umar recognized forthwith that it would be 'Uthman, Afterwards, said the bishop, there will be "a crack in the rock" which he explained as "a sword drawn and blood shed." Later there will be a united congregation (jama'atun).41 'Abdallah b. Salam reported that the description of 'Uthman in the Book of God was: "the Commander of those who forsake and kill,"42 and foretold that he would be murdered.O Ka'b foretells the rule of Mu'awiya.s+ 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr stated that everything foretold by Ka'b about his rule really happened to him.45 It is a Jew who foretells the just rule of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz;46 and it is from the Torah that the prediction that heaven and earth will bewail the death of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz is quoted.s? Ka'b foretells the appearance of the black banners of the 'Abbasids,48 gives the names of the descendants of 'Abbas who will rule the Muslim community-? and emphasizes in a separate statement: al-mansiiru mansiiru bani hiishimin.50 It is, of course, an utterance with important political implications. Who was the person the YemenIs believed to be al-Mansiir, can be gauged from the refutation of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'A~): yii ma'shara l-yamani, taqidiina inna l-mansiira minkum.fa-lii; wa-lladhi nafsi bi-yadihi, innahu la-qurashiyyun abiihu, wa-Iau ashii'u an ansibahu i/ii aqsii jaddin huwa lahu fa'altu.s) Tubay', the stepson of Ka'b, quoted from the Torah the name of Saffal). and predicted that he would live forty years.52 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A~ quoted from the Books which he found after the battle of Yarmuk the names of the 'Abbasid Caliphs who would rule the Muslim community: Saffah, Mansur, al-Amln etc.53 Ka'b Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 28a; al-Suyutt, al-Khasii'is, I, 78-79. Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 41b; but al-Malaqi, al-Tamhid, p. 113 has instead of "amirun 'ala l-khddhil wa-l-qatil" "amtrun 'alii l-qatil al-amir" (erroneous) and "amirun 'ala l-qdtil wa-l-dmir" (correct); al-Suyiitl, al-Kh~ti'i$, I, 78-79. 43 AI-MiilaqI,op. cit., p. 113, 135-136, 176-177; al-Qurtubt, Tadhkira, p. 534; al-Haythamt, op, cit., IX, 92-93. 44 Nu'ayrn b. Harnmad, op. cit., fol. 28b. 45 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Atif Ef. 602, fol. 4a, 1. 5 from bottom; al-Suyutt, al-Khasa'is, I, 80 ult.-81. 46 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 9449, fol. 28a; al-Suytitl, al-Khasii'is, I, 81. 47 Al-Suyiitl, al-Hdwi, II, 284. 48 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Br. Mus., fol. 53a. 49 Ibid., fol. 27b: .. .'an ka'bin qdla: yamliku thaliithatun min wuldi l-'abbasi al-mansiiru 41 42 wa-l-mahdiyyu 50 wa-l-saffdbu. Ibid., fol. 27a. 51 Ibid., fol. 27a. 52 Ibid., fol. 27a. 53 Ibid., fol. 25b; and see about the books and these traditions Ibn KathIr. al-Bidiiya, II, 298 infra.- 299 supra. 224 Haddithii 'an bani isra'/la predicts the signs which will announce the end of the 'Abbasid rule,54 gives details about civil wars which will occur in the different provinces of the Muslim Empire,55 and foretells the appearance of the SufyanI.56 Farqad aISabakhi predicts from the Holy Scriptures cruel battles in Judda.s? Jews and Christians predicted the appearance of the Prophet'f and it was Jews and Christians who knew the exact date of his death: two Jewish scholars from Yemen informed Jarlr b. 'Abdallah al-Bajali on the day of the death of the Prophet about the sad event. 59 A monk could fix precisely the date of the death of the Prophet for Ka'b b. 'Adiyy according to what he found in his Book.6o A Jew from 'Uman informed 'Amr b. al-'A~ on the day of the death of the Prophet about this; 'Amr recorded the date, checked it later and found it accurate.s! The opinion that the Holy Books of Jews and Christians include information about the life and actions of prophets of the period preceding Islam, about the Prophet and the fate of his community and the events which will occur became widely accepted.v- It was further a common belief that the contents of the Qur'an are included in the Books of the prophets preceding Muhammad.cThe Qur'an, on the other hand, includes the contents of the Books revealed to the earlier prophets. "What is contained in the Qur'an is contained in the earlier Books", formulates it al-Suyutl.e+ Nu'ayrn b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 56a-b, 57a-b, 58b, (SOb, 1b. 6 Ibid., fols. 34b, 61b, 62a, 63a-b, 65a-b, 69b, 71a-b, 72a-b. 56 Ibid., fols. 74a-b, 81a. 57 Al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Leiden, Or. 463, fol. 414a. 58 See e.g, al-Nuwayri, op. cit., XVI, 136, 143, 149-153; al-Haythami, al-Ni'ma l-kubra (l;Ialab [n.d.]), pp. 28-29, 52-53, 62. 59 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya, Y, 278. 60 Ibid., Y, 278-279. 61 Ibn Hubaysh, al-Maghdzi, Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, p, 24. 62 See al-Suyuti, al-Hiiwi, II, 283: ... wa-waradat al-iithdru aydan bi-anna lldha bayyana li-anbiyd'ihi fi kutubihim jami'a md huwa wiiqi'un tt hddhihi l-ummati min ahdiithin wa-fitanin wa-akhbdri khulafa'iha wa-muliikihd ... And see 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dald'ili l-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd aI-Karim 'Uthmiin (Beirut, 1966-68), II, 413: innamd lam yatammanau I-mauta li-anna l-yahiida wa-l-nasdrii kanu yu'miniina bi-miisd wa-ghayrihi mimman kana yadda'i l-nubuwwata, . wa-qad akhbara ha'ula'i fi kutubihim bi-nubuwwati muhammadin (s) fa-lam yuqdimii 'ala l-tamanni li-hiidhii . 63 Al-Suyutl, al-Hiiwt, II, 284: wa-qad u'turida 'alayya fi hddhd l-tariqi bi-annahu yalzamu 'alayhi an yakima kullu rna tt l-qur'iini mudammanan fl jami'i l-kutubi l-sabiqati; wa-aqidu: la mdni'a min dhalika, bal dallat al-adillatu 'ala thubiai hddhii l-lazimi ... 64 Ibid., II, 285: ... wa-qad nassa 'ala hddhii bi-t aynihi l-imdmu abu hanifata haythu stadalla bi-hddhihi l-ayati 'ala jawiizi qirii'ati l-qur'iini bi-ghayri l-lisiini l-'arabiyyi, wa-qdla; inna 1qur'iina mudammanun It l-kutubi l-siibiqati, wa-hiya bi-ghayri l-lisiini l-'arabi, akhdhan bihadhihi l-dyati (i.e. Siiraxxvi, 197-98), wa-mimmd yashhadu bi-dhdlika wasfuhu la'ala li-l54 55 225 The idea of identity of contents led consequently to the identification of some passages of the Holy Books with those of the Qur'an. The beginning of the Torah is identical with the beginning of Siirat al-An'iim, the end of the Torah is identical with the end of Siirat Hud.65 The Siirat Ya Sin is called in the Torah al-Mu'amma/o God urged Moses to read the verse of the Throne (Sura ii 256) after every prayer and mentioned the reward for this reading.s? Muhammad b. Ka'b al-Qurazi could identify a quotation from some Holy Books mentioned by Abu Sa'Id al-MaqburI with Sura ii 204.68 The first sentence in the Torah was Sura vi 152: "Say: Come, I will recite what your Lord has forbidden you ... etc.69 "Hiidhd" in Sura lxxxvii, 18: inna hddhd lafi l-suhufi l-iild, suhufi ibrdhima wa-miisii was interpreted as referring to the whole sura; the whole sura, the commentators maintained, was included in the Holy Books of the earlier prophets.v Another tradition states explicitly that the sura was copied from the Books of Moses and Abraham."t Some commentators tried to limit the extent of inna hddhii ... to some verses (ayat) of the sura.72 The Prophet is said to have given an utterance about the suhuf of Ibrahim and Musa: the suhuf of Ibrahim were proverbs, the suhuf of Musa were exempla ('ibar).73 Quotations from these suhuf are in fact uttered by the Prophet.IA very early compilation containing wise sayings, stories and exhortations of Ibrahim, Musa, Ayyub, Dawud, Sulayman, 'Isa, Yahya b. Zakariyya and Luqman is the Kitiib al-mawii'iz of AbU 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam (d. 224).75 The numerous traditions, sayings and stories, provided with chains of isndd and recorded by one of the greatest scholars of the second century of the Hijra, attest that in this period knowledge of Jewish and Christian tradition qur'iini yadayhi 'iddati mawiidi'a bi-annahu musaddiqun (text vowelled: rnusaddaqun) li-ma bayna min al-kutubi; fa-lau-ld anna rna fihi maujiidun fihii lam yasihha hiidlui l-wasfu ... 65 Abu Nu'aym, op, cit., V, 378. 66 Al-Suyuti, al-La'iili al-masnira, I, 234. 67 Al-Suyuti, al-La' ali al-masnu:a, I, 232-233; idem, al- Durr al-manthur, I, 325; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir, I, 546. 68 Al-Tabarl, Tafslr, IV, 231-232, nos. 3964-65; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, I, 238. 69 Al-Mausill, Ghdyat al-wasii'il ila ma'rifati l-awd'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 33, fol. 41a; al-Tabari, Tafsir, XII, 227, no. 14157 (and see nos. 14158-59); Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., V, 383. 70 Al-Shaukanl, Pat/:l al-qadir (Cairo, 1383/1964), V, 427; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, VI, 341. 71 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr, VI, 341; al-Shaukant, Fatk al-qadir, V, 427: nusikhat hddhihi 1suratu min suhufi ibrdhlma wa-miisii; Cf. al-Suyuti, al-Hdwi, II, 285: hiidhihi l-siiratu fi suhufi ibriihima wa-miisii; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XX, 24: inna hddha ... qiila: hiidhihi l-silratu. 72 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr, VI, 341; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XX, 24: min qaulihi qad aflaha i1a dkhiri l-siirati : Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, VII, 273. 73 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, VI, 341. 74 Ibid. 75 It M~. Hebrew University, Collection Yahuda, Ar. 95. 226 If addithii 'an bani isrd'ila was widely current and was without serious opposition incorporated into the Muslim religious tradition. "It is written in the Torah", says Khaythama b. 'Abd al-Rahman, "0 man, exert yourself in My service and I shall fill up your heart with sufficiency and I shall supply your want; but if you do not do it, I shall make your heart busy and shall not supply your wants. "76 "God revealed to Ibrahim," Wahb b. Munabbih reports, "0 king who undergoes trials, I did not send you in order to collect the goods of this world, nor to erect buildings; I sent you in order to answer on My behalf the call of the oppressed, because I shall not drive it back, even if it comes from an unbeliever."77 This utterance is recorded by al-Suyuti as a hadith.t» Ka'b quotes from the Torah, according to the early Jdmi' of Ibn Wahb, a commandment to obey one's parents.I? A saying about the disobedience of sons to their fathers is transmitted by Ka'b from the "Book of God."8o Ka'b asserts that the invocation of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr in connection with augury is found in the Torah.s! From the Torah Ka'b also quotes a saying about the contemptous attitude towards the wise on the part of his own people.e? The final sentence in the Torah, says Ka'b, is: al-hamdu li-lldhi lladhi lam yattakhidh waladan wa-lam yakun lahu sharikun Ii l-mulki.s» Maymiin b. Mihran states that on the Tablets of Moses was written: "Do not covet the possessions of your neighbour, nor his wife."84 The Chidren of Israel asked Moses to choose for them a sentence of the Torah, which they could learn by heart. He said: "In the same way you would like people to treat you, treat them." Al-Zamakhsharl remarks: "This phrase is the one chosen best from the Torah."85 Sa'Id b. abl HilaI86 records two commandments in the Tablets of Moses written by God on the tablets "with His own hand" and His injunction: "Like for the people what you like for yourself and dislike for them what you dislike for yourself. "87 In the first tablets given to Moses by God there was written: "Thank Me and thank your parents, then I shall keep you from danger of decay and I shall 76 AbU 'Ubayd, op. cit., f. 9b; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XIII, 357, I. I (new ed.); al-'Amili, alJawdhir al-saniyya, al-Najaf 1384/1964, p. 48. 77 Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 6b; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiin al-akhbdr (Cairo, 1346/1928), II, 263. 78 Al-Durr, VI, 341. 79 Ibn Wahb, Jiimi'; ed. J. David Weill (Cairo, 1939), p. 12, I. 11. 80 Ibid., page 11, I. 10. 81 Ibid., page 98, I. 4. 82 'Abd al-Jabbar al-Khaulanl, Ta'rikb Diirayyd, ed. Sa'id al-Afghanl (Damascus, 1369/ 1950), p, 107. 83 Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., VI, 30. 84 Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 9b, 1. 9. 85 Al-Zamakhsharl, Rabi' al-abriir, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6511, fol. 132b, infra. 86 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IV, 94, no. 159. 87 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 20, I. 18. 227 lengthen your life and I shall give you a good life and transfer you into a better one."88 Tha'laba b. abl Malik89 says that 'Umar invited Jewish scholars and asked them to discuss (religious subjects - K). With them came Tha'laba's father, Abu Malik, who was a Jewish convert to Islam.w He came with a book, opened it and put his hand on a passage of it. When he lifted his hand and the Jewish scholars read: "he who shows filial piety to his father, God will lengthen his life" they admitted that it was revealed by God. People did not know it until that day.91 AI-Tha'iabi records the Ten Commandments revealed to Moses.92 Al-Nuwayri quotes al-Tha'Iabt; he remarks that God revealed to the Prophet the contents of the Ten Commandments in eighteen verses of the Qur'an, which he records.v' The maxim that as a part of filial piety one has to be beneficient to the friends of one's father after his death is quoted from the Torah.P+ Afaqih quoted from the Torah: "Woe to the man who sins, then asks forgiveness from Me ... "95 "In the Torah it is written", a Shi'i tradition says, "0 man, remember Me when you are angry, then I shall remember you when I am angry and I shall not annihilate you among those whom I shall annihilate; if you are unjustly treated be satisfied with My help to you, as My help is better for you than your help for yourself."96 "In the Torah it is written: he who sells landed property or (rights on) water not investing the sum gained in land or water (rights), the money (gained) will be squandered."97 It may be remarked that a similar tradition is reported on the authority of the Prophet: fa biiraka lldhu fi thamani ardin au ddrin Iii yuj'alu Ii ardin au darin.98 Some quotations from the Gospel and "other Books" are transmitted by Thaur b. Yazid.P? He read in the tauriit that Jesus said to the Apostles: Converse much with God, converse with people a little". They asked: "How should we converse with God"? He said: "Be in solitude with Him in your invocations and supplications",lOO Ka'b states that the well 88 AI-Majlisi, 90 91 92 89 See on him Ibn Hajar, op. cit., XIII, 358, no. 63. al-Isdba, I, 209, no, 948; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 169, no. 998. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 15, ll. 9-14. Qisas al-anbiyd'; p. 270. OPt cit., I, 212, no. 277 Nihdyat al-arab, XIII, 215-217. 94 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 14, ll. 14-15; cf. al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba (JerusaJem, 1954), p. 83, nos. 248-249 (and see ibid., the references of the editor). 95 Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. al-tauba, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3863, fo1. 20b. 96 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 358, no. 66. 97 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 360, 73. 98 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bdsim, Leiden Or. 370, fol. 120b; al-Tabari, al-Muntakhab min dhay/i l-mudhayyal (Cairo, 1358/1939), p. 59. 99 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, II, 33, no. 57. 100 Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., VI, 94. 93 228 Haddithii 'an bam isra'i/a of Zamzam is mentioned in "some Books."lOl "I found in the Torah", states Ka'b, that he who prays the five prayers in the mosque of Mecca (al-masjid al-bariim) God will record for him (the reward of) twelve million and five hundred thousand prayers.102 Even the verse of al-Hutay'a man yaf'al al-khayra Iii ya'dam jawiiziyahu: Iii yadhhabu I-'urfu bayna lldhi wa-l-ndsi was stated by Ka'b to be a sentence from the Torah.103 Additional quotations "from the Torah" could easily be muitiplied.l04 Only few of these quotations are in fact derived from that source. 105The majority of the flow of these quotations was derived from popular Jewish and Christian stories, legends, wise sayings and traditions which were introduced by Jewish and Christian converts to Islam and gained wide popularity. The Muslim scholars were however aware of the fact that the expressions "I found in the Torah", "it is written in the Torah", "it is recorded in the Torah" do not necessarily refer to the Pentateuch, or even to the Bible. Al-Jahiz remarks that the expression "maktiibun fi l-taurdti" as told on the authority of Ka'b refers in fact to things found in the Scriptures of the Jews like the books of the prophets and the books of Salomon. 106In a report given by Abu I-Aswad107 the Ra's al-Jdlia explains thst Ka'b lied when he said that his predictions were derived from the Torah; the Torah is a Book like the Qur'an ; Ka'b was in fact quoting from the books of the prophets and their companions, exactly as the Muslims narrate stories of the Prophet and his Companions.108 The sources are often referred to in a vague manner: "maktiibun fi I-kutubi", "qara'tufi ba'ifi I-kutubi", ''fi kitdbi lliihi";109 often the sources are not mentioned at all. 101 102 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol. 342a. Ibid., fol. 453a. 103 Usama b. Munqidh, Lubab al-iiddb, ed. Ahmad Muh. Shakir (Cairo, 1353/1935), p. 424 ult.; and see al-Hutay'a, Diwdn, ed. Nu'rnan Amtn Tiihii (Cairo, 1378/1958), pp, 291-292. 104 See e.g. al-Dhahabl, al-i Uluww li-l-t aliyy I-ghaffar, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muh. 'Uthman (Cairo, 1388/1968),p. 95; AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 48,38,58; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, IV, 182; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishriif, fol. 76a-b; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XIII, 331, 342, 348, 357, 340; al-Tust, Amdli (al-Najaf, 1384/1964), I, 233; al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad alZawl (Cairo, 1380/1961), II, 132, 153. lOS See J. GoIdziher, "Uber Bibelcitate in muhammedanischen Schriften," ZATW XIII (1893), pp. 315-316. 106 Al Hayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiiriin (Cairo, 1385/1966),IV, 202-203. 107 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IX, 307, no. 506. 108 Ibn Hajar, al Isdba, V, 324. 109 See e.g, Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 16b; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 27, 32, 33, 57; VI 16,55. 229 From "Hikmat ai Diiwiid" Abu 'Ubayd quotes the following passage: "It is incumbent upon a wise man not to be neglectful about four hours: an hour in which he exerts himself for his God, an hour in which "he makes accounts for his soul", an hour in which he talks with his friends who speak to him frankly about his vices and bad behaviour and an hour devoted to his lawful pleasures; this (latter) hour is a recreation for his heart and should help him to carry out the obligations of the three (former) hours. It is incumbent upon a wise man to know his time and to set about his matters. It is incumbent upon a wise man to set out on his journey with provision taken only for his life to come, approving the means of Iife and lawful pleasure" .110 In some other sources these utterances are quoted from the Suhuf Ibrdhim.s+) From the /fikmat dl Ddwiid the following saying is quoted: "Good health is a hidden good".112 Some quotations from Hikmat iii Ddwiid are given by al-'Amili113 and al-MajlisI.114 Abu Nu'aym records some quotations from "Mas' alat Diiwiid" .115 Al-'Amili quotes "Akhbiir Diiwiid" twice.1I6 The Psalms of David seem to have been in wide circulation. Qatada and RabI' b. Anas state that the Zabiir contains only invocations and praises of God; there are no commandments, no rules of penaI-Iaw, no statements about what is lawful or forbidden. 117 The first verses of the Psalms are often quoted. Two translations of these verses are recorded by aI-SuyutI,118 a third one by Ibn AbI l-Dunya, I 19 Ibn Tawus copies from the zabiir the following suwar: 110 Al-Mawa'iz, fol. lOb; cf. al-Suyuti, al-Durr, IV, 189, 1. 10; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi- Murjil; auhdm, I, 457 tfi hikmati al dawilda); Ibn Kathrr, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya, II, 15 (fi hikmati al-da'uda). III Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XII, 71; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XX, 25; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, VI, 341. 112 Ibn Abi l-Dunyzr, al-Ishriif, fol. 93a (al-'afiyatu l-mulku I-khafiyyu). 113 Al-Jawiihir al-saniyya, p. 90, I. 3 from bottom, p. 95. 114 Bihar, XIV, 36, 41 (new ed.). 115 Al-Hilya, VI, 56-57; and see Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 14 inf. 116 Al-Jawdhir al-saniyya, p, 94. 117 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, IV, 188. 118 Ibid., IV, 188: a ... tuba Ii-rajulin fa yasluku tariqa l-khattii'tna wa-Iam yujdlis al-battiilina wa yastaqimu 'ala 'ibiidati rabbihi 'azza wa jalla, fa mathaluhu ka mathali shajaratin niibitatin 'ala siiqiyatin ld taziilu fihd l-mti'u yafdulu thamaruhii ft zamdni l-thimiiri wa ta tazdlu khadrti'a fi ghayri zamdni l-thimdri; (cf. Abii Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 62 penult.), p. 189; b ... tuba Ii-man lam yasluk sabila I-athamati wa-Iam yujdlis al-khattii'ina wa-Iam yafi' tt hammi l-mustahzi'ina wa-Iakinna hammahu sunnatu Ilahi wa-iyyiihii yata'allamu bi-I-Iayli wa-l-nahari, mathaluhu mathalu shajaratin tanbutu 'ala shattin tu'ta thamaratahii fi IJiniha wa-ld yataniitharu min waraqihii shay' un, wa-kullu 'amalihi bi-amri, laysa dhalika mithla 'amalt l-mundfiqin ... 119 Kitiib al-tauba, Chester Beatty, 3863, fol. 15b: sal/am b. miskin: sa'altu nasriiniyyan md awwalu l-zabiiri, qdla: tilba Ii-tabdin lam yasluk sabila I-athamati wa-lam yujdlis I-mustahzi'ina wa-I-khiiti'Inai fa-dhakartu dhiilika li-miiliki bni dinarin fa-qdla: sadaqa. 230 lfaddithii 'an bani isrd'ila 2, 10, 17,23,30, 36,46,47,65,67,68,71,84, 100.120The Iast thirty Iines of the zabUr121 and a short passage from this source are given by Wahb.122 These translations are however not accurate; sometimes no similarity with the text can be detected. The wise sayings attributed to Salomon123 can be traced to Ecclesiastes and Proverbs. 124 Al-Muhasibi quotes from Hikmat 'jsii a saying about the love for worldly goods125 and a saying from Risdldt 'jsa.126 Lengthy chapters from $abii'ij Idris and Sunan Idris are recorded by Ibn Tawus.127 It would be needless to add quotations from the prophets Iike Isaiah, Jeremiah, Habaquq or from the Injil of Jesus. The compilation of Abu 'Vbayd may serve as the best proof for the flow of Jewish and Christian traditions which poured into Muslim circles and were gladly taken up by Muslim scholars. Reading the Torah was made lawful by the Prophet's permission. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. a1-'A~ told the Prophet about his dream. He saw that he had on one of his fingers honey and on the other one butter. The Prophet explained the dream and said: "You will read the two Books: the Torah and the Furqan (i.e. the Qur'an - K)". He read in fact both these Books.128 This tradition, transmitted by Ibn Lahi'a,129 was vehemently attacked by al-Dhahabi in the eighth century AH: nobody was allowed to read the Torah after the Qur'an had been revealed. The Torah, argues al-Dhahabi, had been changed and tampered with; truth and falsehood are mixed in this book. It is permissible to read this book for one purpose only: to answer the Jews.130 But opinions about the study of the Torah were quite different in the first century. Ibn 120 Sa'd al-suud (al-Najaf, 1369/1950), pp. 47-63; a great part of the quotations of Ibn Tawus were copied by al-Majlisi, op. cit., XIV, 43--48; and see ibid., pp. 36-37. 121 Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 46-47. 122 Ibid., IV, 67 inf. 123 Usama b. Munqidh, op. cit., p. 444: "wa-min kaldmi sulaymiina bni diiwuda 'alayhi l-saldm": Proverbs xxvii 1, 2, 10; xxix 19; Ecclesiastes xi 1. A'mdl al-qulub wa-l-jawdrih, ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'Ata (Cairo, 1969), p. 45. 126 Ibid., p. 82. 127 Sa'd al-su'ud, pp, 32--40; cf. al-Majlisi, op. cit., XI, 120-121, 151-152, 269, 282-283 (newed.). 128 Al-Dhahabt, Ta'rikh al-isldm (Cairo, 1367), III, 38; Abu l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musii al-Hanaft, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 265; cf. al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (10) fol. 42 inf. 129 See on him Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidiiya, VI, 242 ult. (ga'i); al-Tibrizl, Mishkiit al-masdbtb (Karachi, 1350), p. 160, I. 5 (ga'if); al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tidiil, I, 479, ult.; ibid., III, 267 (wa-bnu lahi'ata mimman qad tabarra'nd min 'uhdatihi); ibid., II, 475--483, no. 4530; al-Fasawt. op. cit., fol. 84a, inf.; Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bdsim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 116a. 130 Siyar a'lam al-nubala', ed. As'ad Talas (Cairo, 1962), III, 57. 124 125 231 Sa'd records a story about 'Amir b. 'Abd Qays and Ka'b sitting in a mosque: Ka'b read the Torah and explained some interesting passages to 'Amir.131 Ab111-Jald al-Jauni used to read the Qur'an and the Torah. He used to celebrate each conclusion of reading of the Torah (he read it during six days) summoning people (for this purpose) and used to quote a saying that Mercy descends at each conclusion of the reading of the Torah.132 sun tradition explicitly stressed the link between the Torah and the true knowledge of the Prophet, 'Ali and the succeeding Imams. The Tablets of Moses reached the Prophet and he handed them over to 'Ali,133 The Tablets of Moses, the Gospel, the $ubuf Ibrahim and the Zabiir are in the possession of the Shi'I Imams.134 The White Jafr contains the Torah, the GospeI, the Zabiir and the first Books of God. 135 The idea that there was identity of contents between Jewish revelation and Isiam was followed by the idea which established identity of fate between these two peoples. Ibn 'Abbas stated that everything which happened among the Children of Israel will happen to the Muslim community. 136The Children of Israel were righteous until the sons of their captive women grew up. They championed ra'y137 and therefore went astray and led other people astray, said the Prophet. 138This tradition is recorded by al-Fasawi and after it comes the following remark: "Sufyan said: 'We examined it and found that the first person to champion ra'y in Medina was Rabi'a, in Kufa Abu Hanifa, in Basra al-Battl; they were the sons of captive women'."139 The Prophet predicted that the Muslim community would follow a path identical with that of the Children of Israel and of the Christians.140 These points of resemblance refer, of course, to pejorative aspects of Jewish history; they are used to point out dangers which the Muslim community is facing. Sometimes, however, the identification is Jone in a laudatory spirit. Tabaqdt, VII, 110. Ibid., VII, 222. 133 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 225 (new ed.); and see al-Saffar al-Qumml, Basii'ir al-darajiit, ([n.p.], 1285), pp. 37-38 sup.; al-'Ayyashi, op, cit., Ms. India Office 4153, fol. 127b. 134 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XXVI, 180-189 (new ed.). 135 Ibid., XXVI, 18. 136 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fo1. 4b: lam yakun [i bani isrii'ila shay'un ilia wa-huwa [ikum kii'inun. 137 Cf. "Ashab al-Ra'y", EI2 (Schacht). 138 Ibn Majah, Sunan (Cairo, 1349), 1, 28; al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rifat al-sunan, I, 110 (and see the references of the editor). 139 AI-Ma'ri/a wa-l-ta'rikh, fo1. 271a. 140 Al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, XI, 123, nos. 555-556; Ibn al-Athrr, al-Nihdya, IV, 28; Ibn Tawas, Sa'd, pp. 64, 65, 116,1. 3; al-'Ayyashi, op. cit., Ms. foI. 93a-b; and see M. TaJbi, "Les Bida", Studia Islamica, XII, 50. 131 132 232 lJaddithii 'an bani isra'i/a The Aus and the Khazraj, says a tradition recorded by Ibn Ishaq, are descendents of four hundred scholars from among the Children of Israel, left by Tubba' in Medina. Abu Ayyub was the descendant of the scholar whom Tubba' entrusted with the keeping of the letter for the Prophet; Abu Ayyub indeed handed it over to the Prophet, 141A late compilation recording the story remarks that this genealogy of the An~ar is a Jewish plot.142 The Prophet states, according to a ShI'I tradition, that his name is Ahmad and Isra'Il and that the obligations Iaid by God upon Isra'Il are incumbent on him as well.l43 By Children of Israel the ('Alid - K) Al Muhammad are meant.t+t The 'Alids in the Umayyad period complained that they were "like the Al Musii in the time of Al Fir'aun".145 Ibn Tawas records many passages from the Torah about Aaron146 in order to stress the importance of the utterance of the Prophet, that 'All is in relation to the Prophet in the position of Aaron in relation to Moses.t-? The role of 'Ali as wa~iyy in relation to the Prophet corresponds to the role of Joshua b. Nun in relation to Moses.148 But the feeling of affinity or identity which Muslims experienced with regard to the righteous from among the Children of Israel did not detract from the latter's faults, sins and vices. The sunna of the Children of Israel should not be followed. In many traditions the Faithful are warned of these sunan and ordered to act contrary to them.149 Even their strictness in observing religious rites was criticized. "Do not be like the Children of Israel; having been strict with themselves, God imposed strictness on them."150 141 AI-Samhiidi, Wafa' al-wafd, ed. MuI;!.Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Hamld (Cairo, 1374/1955), I, 188-189; Mughultay, op. cit., fol. 194a; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-lattf, (Cairo, 1357/1958), pp. 51-54; aI-SaliQ.i, al-Sira al-shiimiya, Ms. Atif 1753, fol. 69a. 142 'Abd al-Hafiz b. 'Uthman al-Qari' al-Ta'if], Jala' al-quliib wa-kashf al-kurub bi-mandqib abi ayyiib, (Istanbul, 1298), pp. 14-15. 143 AI.'Ayyashi, op. cit., I, 44, no. 45 (and see ibid., note 6). 144 Ibid., I, 44, nos. 43, 44 (refers to Siira ii 48). 145 Furat, Tafslr (al-Najaf [n.d.]), p, 47, I. 1. 146 Sa'd al-su'iid, pp. 43-46; Ex. xxix 5, 27,31,44,13; Nurn. xvii 17. 147 Sa'd al-su'iid, pp. 43-46 (and see p. 43: t'lam anna qaula l-nabiyyi (~) li-mauliind 'aliyyi bni abi talibin ('a) anta minnt bi-manzilati hiiruna min musa yashtamilu 'alii kh~ii'i~a 'azimatin nabwi l-khiliifati; wa-qad wajadtu fi l-tauriiti min mandzili hiirUna min masa ma yadtqu mii qasadndhu bi-fusidi hadha l-kitiibt mimmd yantafi'u bi-ma'rifatihii dhawi; (text: dhawi) I-albabi, 148 149 Furat, op. cit., pp. 65-68. Furat, op. cit., p. 42: wa-ld ta'khudhu sunnata bani isrii'tla kadhdhabil anbiyii'ahum wa-qatalii ahla baytihim. 150 AI.'Amm, al-Kashkiil, I, 221: inna lliiha yuhibbu an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kamii yuhibbu an yu'khadha bi-razd'imihi, fa- qbalu rukhasa Iliihi wa-ld takunu ka-bant isra'il btna shaddadii 'ala anfusihim fa-shaddada lliihu 'alayhim; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1,193-194; cf. Samau'a\ la-Maghribl, If/;lam al-yahud, ed. M. Perlmann (New York, 1964), pp. 71-85. 233 III Contrary to the permission to transmit traditions about the Children of Israel concerning their history or stories about their prophets and saints, the early sources point clearly to the tendency of the orthodox circles to prevent the Faithful from learning or copying the Holy Scriptures of the People of the Book, and especially of legal chapters or chapters concerning the tenets of faith. 'Umar, says a tradition, walked past a Jew from Qurayza and asked him to copy for him summary chapters from the Torah. When he came to the Prophet and begged his permission to read these chapters, the face of the Prophet became changed (scil, with anger - K). 'Umar was frightened by this and exclaimed: "I am satisfied by Allah as God, by Islam as religion and by Muhammad as Prophet." When the rage of the Prophet had gone, he remarked: "I swear by Him Who keeps in His hand the soul of Muhammad: were Moses among you and if you followed him, leaving me, you would have gone astray; you are my lot among the peoples and I am your lot among the prophets" .151 It is interesting to note that the Jew in the story is referred to in a favourable manner: marartu bi-akhin li min qurayzata.tst It is also of interest that the Prophet emphasizes the adherence of Moses to his faith. According to a tradition on the authority of Anas, the Prophet met Jesus153 and al-Dhahabi considered Jesus as one of the Companions of the Prophet.154 An utterance of the Prophet similar to the one about Moses is recorded in the story of Hafsa. She brought to the Prophet a shoulder-bone on which was written the story of Joseph. The Prophet became angry, the colour of his face changed and he said: "Were Joseph to come while I am amongst you and were you to follow him, you would have gone astray" .155 Slightly different is the utterance of the Prophet as recorded in another tradition. 'Umar asked the Prophet whether he would be permitted to write down traditions (al;ziidith) heard from Jews, by which he was pleased. The 151 Al-Jiimi'; fol. 60a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, fol. 114a; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, II, 48; cf. another version of this tradition 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., fol. 114a with the utterance: innamd bu'ithtu fatiJ.zan wa-khdtaman wa-u'titu jawdmi'a l-kalimi wa-fawiitihahu wa-khtusira lt l-hadithu ikhtisiiran. And see AbU Da'ud, Mariisil (Cairo, 1310), p, 48; al-Khatib al-Baghdadt, Taqyid, p, 52. 152 See another version of this tradition in Muttaqi al-Hindi's Kanz, I, 334, no. 1629: 'Umar visited Khaybar and was pleased by some sayings of a Jew. The Jew dictated the sayings to 'Umar upon his request and 'Umar wrote them down on a skin which he brought to the Prophet. When 'Umar read it to the Prophet, he became angry and erased the writing. He said: "Do not follow these people because they got confused". 153 Al-Suytitl, al-Hiiwi, II, 288. 154 Ibid., p. 289, sup. 155 Ma'mar b. Rashid, al-Jdmi", fol. 133b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, fol. 114a. 234 Haddithii 'an bam isra'ila Prophet said: "Are you following the Jews and Christians in their confusion? I brought it (i.e. the religion, or the Qur'an - K) white and pure; if Moses were alive he would have to follow me",156 A special dya was revealed in connection with this problem. Some Muslims, the tradition asserts, brought to the Prophet certain books which they had copied from the Jews. The Prophet said: "It is an error grave enough when people prefer a thing brought by someone else to another people over that which their own Prophet brought to them". Then iiya 51 of Sura 29 was revealed: a-wa-lam yakfihim anna anzalnd 'alayka l-kitiiba yutlii 'alayhim ... etc. 157The Prophet finally gave his decisive utterance when asked by 'Umar about studying the Torah: "Do not learn the Torah, you have to learn what has been revealed to you (i.e. the Qur'an - K) and believe in it",158 In fact 'Umar forbade copying or reading the Books of Jews and Christians. According to a tradition a man came to 'Umar and informed him about a wonderful book which he had found in Mada'in when the Muslims had conquered the city. "Is it from the Book of Allah"? (i.e. the Qur'an - K) 'Umar asked. "No", said the man. 'Umar began to beat him with his whip, reciting the first four dyas from Siirat Yiisuf and said: "What caused the peoples who lived before you to perish was that they devoted themselves to the study of books of their scholars and bishops and abandoned the Torah and the Gospel until those two Books became effaced and knowledge of them disappeared",159 In another story a similar case is told. 'Alqama and al-Aswad came to Ibn Mas'ud and showed him a scroll ($abifa) containing a story which they found pleasing. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud ordered to efface the script. "These hearts are vessels (of knowledge - K); engage them with the Qur'an, not with anything else", he said,16o 'Umar seems to have been especially concerned about the Book of Daniel. The book is said to have been found in a grave in Tustar when the Muslims conquered the city. It is said to have been Daniel's grave,161 The book was brought to 'Umar and he sent it to Ka'b who rendered it into Arabic. It is 156 Al-Zamakhshart, al-Fii'iq, ed. 'Ali Muh. al-Bijawi - Muh, Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1367/1948), III, 218; Abu 'Ubayd, Ghartb al-hadith (Hyderabad, 1385/1966), III, 28-29; cf. Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihdya, s.v. h w k; al-Majlisi, op. cit., VIII, 211 (lithogr. ed.). 157 Al-Suyutl, Lubab al-nuqid (Cairo, 1373/1954), p. 170; al-Qurtubl, Tafslr, XIII, 355; Ibn Shahrashub, Mandqib al abi falib (al-Najaf, 1376/1956), 1,48; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' baydn al-tllm, II, 40-41. 158 Al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., I, 333, no. 1627. 159 Ibid., I, 335, no. 1632. 160 Abu 'Ubayd, FarJa'il al-Qur'iin, Ms. Leiden, Or. 3056, fol. 4a-b. Abu 'Ubayd remarks: "We think that this scroll was taken from a man who belonged to the People of the Book, therefore 'Abdallah b. Mas'Iid disliked it". 161 See £12, s.v. "Daniyal" (G. Vajda). 235 said to have contained information about strifes (fitan) which will happen,162 Abu 1-'Aliya163 says about the book: "I was the first Arab to read this book the way I read the Qur'an." It contained, says Abu I-'Aliya, information about your history (siratukum) and your matters, your religion and the ways of your speech (lulziin kaldmikumy and what will happen in the future. 164When 'Umar was informed about a man who copied (or read) the Book of DanieI, he ordered that man to be brought into his presence, beat him with his whip until he promised to burn books of this kind and not to read them. 165 A saying from Kitiib Ddniydl is recorded by Hamd b. Muhammad aIKhattabi.166 A lengthy passage about the campaigns of the Sufyani is quoted from Kitdb Ddniyiil by AbU l-Husayn Ahmad b. Ja'far b. al-Munadi in his Kitdb al-maldhim and recorded by al-Qurtubi.to? A significant passage from Kitiib Diiniydl is recorded by al-Majlisi. It contains predictions about weather during the year, crops, plagues and wars established according to the date of the first day of Muharramtxaturday, Sunday, Monday ... etc.) and the month in which the eclipse of the sun or the moon will occur. Al-Rawandi marks this material as stories of the type of maliil;zim.168 The Book of Daniel seems to have been read by Ka'b and the twenty Jewish scholars in their discourse in Jerusalem. Ka'b gave orders to throw this book, which he described as being "the Torah as revealed by God to Moses, unchanged and unaltered", into the sea of Tiberias. Ka'b feared that people might rely on it (khashitu an yuttakala 'ala mii fihii). When the man sent by Ka'b arrived at the middle of the sea, the waters parted so that he could see the bottom of the sea, and he threw the Book into the sea,169 There was, of course, the danger of the intentional changes and alterations of the Scriptures carried out by the People of the Book. This is reflected in a tradition about Ka'b. He brought a book, whose leaves were torn out, to 'Umar stating that it contained (chapters of) the Torah, and asked permission to Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 4b (= Ms. Atif, fol. 3a). See on him Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 112-117. 164 Al-Bayhaql, Kit. dala'it al-nubuwwa, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fol. 65a; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 40-41. 165 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, Taqyid, p. 51; al-Muttaqt al-Hindt, op. cit., I, 332-333, no. 1626; ibid., 335-336, no. 1633; 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., fol. 114a. 166 Kitiib al-iuzla (Cairo, 1352), p. 80. 167 Al-Tadhkira, ed. Ahmad Muh, Mursl (Cairo [n.d.]), pp. 610--611. 168 Bihiir aI-anwar, LVIII, 346-350 (new ed.). 169 Al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'ldm al-nubald', III, 323-325; and see idem., Ta'rikn al-isldm, III, 99-101, on the bottom of the sea of Tiberias are buried the Ark of the Covenant and the Staff of Moses; they will be raised on the Day of Judgement. See al-Nuwayrl, op. cit., XVI, 43. 162 163 236 Haddithii 'an bani isra'/la read it. 'Umar said: "If you know that the book contains the Torah revealed by God to Moses on Mount Sinai, read it day and night." 170 Ibn Kathir, quoting the traditions which forbid the consultation of scholars from among the People of the Book remarks: "These traditions serve as evidence that they made changes in the Holy Scriptures which they possess ( ... baddalii mii bi-aydihim min al-kutubi l-samiiwiyati), altered them and interpreted them in an improper way." They did not possess comprehensive knowledge of their Scriptures; in their translations into Arabic they made many errors and mistakes. Furthermore, they had bad intentions and erroneous views. One part of the Torah is manifest, publicly revealed, but a great part of it is hidden. The manifest parts of the Torah contain changes, alterations, erroneous expressions and elusive ideas. Ibn Kathir accuses Ka'b of transmitting traditions many of which are not worth the ink with which they are written, and some of which are false. 171"Some of the Isra'iliyyiit were invented by some of their zaniidiqa; some of them may be sound, but we do not need them: what is written in the Book of God (i.e. the Qur'an - K) is sufficient for us and we do not need to look for it in the remaining books (revealed) before it; neither God nor His Messenger caused us to lack their knowledge."I72 The same accusations of lies, alterations, changes and intentional misinterpretations are repeated by Ibn Kathir in the course of a section in which he records the traditions which forbid consultation of scholars from among the People of the Book. 173 Ibn al-Jauzi, the prolific author of the sixth century AH, expresses similar views. The stories concerning the early peoples and especially the Children of Israel rarely contain authentic accounts. The Muslim religious law (shar'), Ibn al-Jauzi says, is sufficient and the Prophet ordered 'Umar to discard certain passages from the Torah which he brought to him. Some stories of the Isra'tliyyat are absurd, like the story about David who sent Uri yah to be killed in order to marry his wife,174 The early sources mentioned in this paper bear evidence of the close contacts between Muslims, Jews and Christians at the end of the first century of the Hijra. The traditions recorded by Ma'mar b. Rashid in his Jiimi' can be estimated as going back to original sources of the end of the first century. The material of Abu 'Ubayd in his Mawii'i? seems to stem from the same 170 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadith, IV, 262; al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fd'iq, I, 651; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, II, 468, s.v. sh r m; J. Goldziher, "Ober Muh. Polemik gegen Ahl al-Kitab", ZDMG XXXII, 345 (read correctly: fa-qra'hii ana'a l-layli). 171 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 132-134. 172 Ibn Kathir, Tafstr, IV, 282. 173 Ibid., V, 329-330. 174 Ibn al-Jauzi, Kit. al-qussd«, Ms. Leiden, Or. 988, fol. 20a. 237 period. The assumption of W. Montgomery Watt175 that the material of the Bible discussed above was directed in the first phase towards illiterate people with no knowledge of the Bible, can hardly be accepted. W. M. Watt takes it that the passage in Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's Jiimi: baydn al-'ilm, II, 40-43 about "Avoidance of information from Jews and Christians" suggests "that it belongs to the first phase" because "it envisages Muslims conversing with Jews and Christians, but not reading their books"; 176 but this argument is in fact untenable. The tradition recorded by al-Bukharti?? reports explicitly that "the Jews used to read the Torah in Hebrew and to interpret it to the people of Islam in Arabic." AI-Suddi reports that some Jews used to compile books, claiming that they are books revealed by God, and used to sell them at cheap prices to the Arabs. 178 The stories about books of Ahl al-Kitdb being copied by Muslims, quoted above and mentioned in the chapter of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr bear evidence that the contacts between Muslims and the People of the Book were not confined to mere consultation. Lastly it may be remarked that the title of the chapter is: Biib mukhtasar fi mutdla' ati kutubi ahli l-kitdbi wal-riwdyati 'anhum. It is plainly stated that the subject discussed in the chapter is the reading of books of the Ahl al-Kitiib and transmission of traditions on their authority, not merely conversing. W. M. Watt's doubts, as to "whether any of it (i.e. the traditions recorded by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr) had its present form at a still earlier period" are unfounded; as far as the "Jdmi" of Ma'mar and the "Musannaf " of 'Abd al-Razzaq are concerned, the traditions and their isndds are copied by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr with accuracy; this can be ascertained by comparing the material of Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr with the Mss. quoted in this paper. As already mentioned there was no serious opposition to the Jewish and Christian traditions transmitted by Jewish and Christians converts, in so far as they concorded with the views of orthodox Isiam. Opposition seems to have appeared in connection with those aspects of the Jewish and Christian tradition which may have some bearing on Muslim belief or practice. In such cases the motives are clear; the stories about the prohibition to copy the Scriptures of Ahl al-Kitiib seem to be connected with cases of this kind. This can be gauged from the tradition about a group of Jews who embraced IsIam, but asked the Prophet's permission to observe the Sabbath and to study the Torah at night. They were, of course, denied this permission. A verse of the Qur'an (Sura ii 208) was revealed about it.179 175 The Early Development of the Muslim Attitude to the Bible (Glasgow Univ. Oriental Society Transactions. XVI. 1955-1956, pp. 50-62. 176 Ibid., pp. 60--62. 177 AI.. al;zil;z $ (Cairo [n.d.l), VI, 25; Ibn Kathlr, Tafstr, I, 329. 178 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 83. 179 Al-Tabarl, Taftir, IV, 255-256, no. 4016; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, I, 439-440; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, I, 271; al-Razt, Tafsir, V, 226. 238 Haddithii 'an bani isra'lla The orthodox solution was that a Muslim had to believe in the Torah and the Gospel, but not to observe the practices enjoined in these Books. The Prophet said: "Believe in the Torah, the Zabiir and the Evangel, but the Qur'an should suffice you."180 This formula, which breathes an air of compromise, enabled indeed the transmission of Jewish and Christian tradition. This tradition, licensed by the utterance haddithii 'an bani isrd'il became part and parcel of Muslim literature as is abundantly reflected in the literature of the tafsir, zuhd and adab.181 180 Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, I, 329-330: qdla rasidu lliihi: dminii bi-l-tauriiti wa-l-zabiiri wa-linjili wa-l-yasa'kumu l-qur'iinu, and comp. ibid.: innamd umirnd an nu'mina bt-l-taurati wa-linjili wa-Iii na'mala bi-md fihimd; and see al-Suyiltl, al-Durr, II, 225-226: Iii dina illd l-isldmu, wa-kitdbunii nasakha kulla kitdbin, wa-nabiyyund khatamu l-nabiyyina, wa-umirnd an na'mala bi-kitiibind wa-nu'mina bi-kitabikum. 181 I wish to thank Dr. M. Nadav and Mr. E. Wust of the National and University Library, Jerusalem; Dr. A. Sj. Koningsveld of the University Library of Leiden; the keepers and staff of the British Museum; Cambridge University Library; Chester Beatty Collection, Dublin; and the Siileymaniye, Istanbul, for granting me permission to peruse manuscripts and providing me with microfilms. 239

The Locust's Wing: Some Notes on Locusts in the Ḥadīth

Locust.pdf THE LOCUST'S WING: SOME NOTES ON LOCUSTS IN THE HADITH To Prof. Moshe Gil with esteem. The question whether one may eat locusts seems to have been a controversial issue already in the first period of Islam. In the following lines we shall attempt to examine the various opinions of the scholars of Islam, as reflected in the collections of hadith, fiqh and adab. Several traditions in the early collections of hadith relate that some of the Companions of the Prophet gave their tacit consent to consume locusts. The Companion of the Prophet, Abu Said al-KhudrIl is said to have seen his sons and his famil-y consuming locusts and did not tell them to desist. He himself, however, refrained from eating locusts. His wife Zaynab bint Ka'b b. 'Ujra2 assumed that he abstained from eating locusts because he considered them unclean3• Abu Huraya behaved in the same way, as attested by members of his family: he himself did not eat locusts, but did not forbid his family to eat them4• As to 'Umar, it is explicitly said that he ate locusts5• He explained that it is permitted to eat locusts because they are not being slaugthered. 'Umar indeed had a great liking to a locusts meal. Ibn 'Umar once saw his father with his mouth flowing with saliva. He asked him about it; 'Umar explained that he was longing for a meal of fried locusts6• In a tradition of Ibn Musayyib7 there is a fairly large number of Companions who used to eat locusts: he saw 'Umar, ~uhayb and Salmiin eating 1 D. anno 74 or 64 H; see on him: Ibn l:Iajar AL-'AsQALANI, al-/~aba fi tamyizi I-~al,!aba,ed. 'A. M. AL-BIJAwI, Cairo, 1970, III, 78-80, no. 3198. 2 See on her: Ibn l:Iajar AL-'ASQALANI, al·/~aba VII, 679, no. 11246; KHATIAB, Fatl,!u I·maliki /·ma'bUd, takmilatu I-manhali I· 'adhbi l-maurUd, sharI,! sunani I·imam abi dawud, RiyaQ, 1394/1974, IV, 346. 3 AL-BAYHAQI, al·Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad, 1355, IX, 258; Ibn l:Iajar AL-'ASQALAM, al·Matalibu I· 'aliya bi-zawa'idi I·masanidi I·thamaniya, ed. 1:1. l-Ral,Jmlin ALA'ZAMl, Beirut, 1392, II, 312, no. 2341, and see M. COOK, Early Islamic Dietary Law, in JSAl,7 (1986), p. 267 (hereafter: COOK). 4 Ibn l:Iajar AL-'ASQALANI, al-Matalibu 1-'aliya, II, 312, no. 2340. 5 'Abd AL-RAZZAQ, a/-Mu~annaf, ed.l:I. l-Ral,Jmlin AL-A'?AMi, Beirut, 1391/1972, IV, 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Isi:laq b. 'Ali AL-MAUSILI Al,!adUh, MS. Hebrew University, Yahuda 409, fo!. 22 a ult.-22 b. sup.; Ibn l:Iajar AL-'AsQALANI, al·Matalibu 1-'aliya, II, 312, no. 2343. 7 See on him: Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, Beirut, 1374/1957, V, 119-143; d. 94 AH. 532, no. 7858. 6 Abu Mui:lammad 347 348 M. J. KISTER locusts'', 'Umar, as mentioned, liked the meal of locusts; when he heard about locusts which appeared in Rabadha he said he wished he had a basket or two of locusts", Anas b. Malik, the servant of the Prophet, relates that a group of companions of the Prophet went out to Khaybar; among them was 'Umar. 'Umar put a basket of locusts behind his saddle (i/:ttaqaba), and he used to take out a handful of them and hand it over to the men of the group. The Prophet watched the deed (and did not disapprove of it K.). Anas adds that when the group returned to Medina they used to buy locusts, dry them on the roofs (ajajir) and consume them!", 'Abdallah b. AbI Aufa!' relates that he fought on the side of the Prophet in six or seven raids (ghazawat) and the warriors used to eat locusts as their foOOl2• A significant version recorded by al-Damlri'! has an additional sentence: "and the Prophet too ate locusts" (... na'kulu 1jarad ... wa-ya'kuluhu rasidu llahi ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam). Another tradition, which seems to point vaguely to the fact that the Prophet used to eat locusts, is recorded in 'All b. Balaban's al-lhsan bi-tartibi ~aJ:tll,li ni hibban'", The tradition of Ibn AbI Aufa about the six b or seven raids with the Prophet says: "and we used to eat locusts with him" iwa-kunrui na'kulu ma'ahu l-jariida). Al-Shaukani, commenting on this tradition in his Naylu l-autdr, sharh muntaqd l-akhbar min ahiidithi sayyidi l-akhyiir>, expresses doubt over the question whether the tradition referring to the Prophet - "we ate the locusts with him (ma'ahu) - denotes that the Prophet ate the locusts 'Abd AL-RAZZAQ, al-Musannaf, IV, 532, no. 7859. AL-BAYHAQI, al-Sunan al-kubrii, IX, 258; 'Abd AL-RAZZAQ, al-Musannaf, IV, 530, no. 8751. 10 AL-BAYHAQi, al-Sunan al-kubrd, IX, 258. 11 See on him: Ibn Hajar, al-Isdba, IV, 18-19, no. 4558. 12 'Abd AL-RAZZAQ, al-Musannaf, IV, 532, no. 8762; AL-BAYHAQi, al-Sunan alkubra, IX, 257, sup.; IBN KATHiR, Tafsir, Beirut, 1385/1966, III, 211; Nur al-Din ALHAYTHAMI, Majma' al-zawa'id wa-manba' al-fawd'id, Beirut, 1967, IV, 39; AL-JA~~AS, Al)kiimu l-qur'dn, Qustantiniyya, 1335, reprint Beirut, I, 110; AL-I:fUMAYDI,al-Musnad, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman AL-A'~i, Beirut-Cairo, 1382, II, 311, no. 713 - and see the references of the editor; AL-QURTUBI, Tafsir :: al-Idmi' li-ahkdmi l-qur'dn, Cairo, 1387/1967, VII, 268 inf.; AL-'AYNI, 'Umdatu l-qdri, sharh sahihi l-bukhdri, al-Muniriyya print., 1348, repr. Beirut, XXI, 109-110, no. 27; Ibn Hajar AL-'AsQALANi, Taghliqu l-ta'liq 'alii ~al)ll)i l-bukhdri, ed. S. "Al-Rahman Miisa L-QAZAQi, 'Amman, 1405/1985, IV, 511-512; Ibn Hajar AL-'AsQALANi, al·Matii1ibu l-'iiliya, II, 312, no. 2344; Muhammad b. Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hadi al-MaqdisI AL-I:fANBALi, al-Muharrar fi l-haditti, ed. Y. 'Abd al-Rahman AL-MAR'ASHLi, M. S. I. SAMARA, J. H. AL-DHAHABi, Beirut, 1405/1985, II, 430, no. 761. 13 Haydtu l-hayawan, Cairo, 1383/1963, I, 189. 14 Ed. K. Y. AL-HOT, Beirut, 1407/1987, VII, 337, no. 5233. 15 Cairo, 1380/1960, VIII, 153. 8 9 THE LOCUST'S WING 349 with us or whether it says merely that the Prophet was in our company while we ate the locusts. The son of 'All b. AbI Talib, Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, used to eat a meal of locusts prepared for him by Umm Fatima". It is said of the wives of the Prophet that they used to eat locusts and to send each other trays of locusts as gifts'? 'A'isha reports that she used to eat locusts and attests that the Prophet also used to eat them". In contrast, there are traditions stating that the Prophet permitted the believers to eat locusts, but he himself abstained from eating them!". This very tradition about the permission granted the believers to eat locusts, coupled with the tradition that the Prophet abstained from eating them, is recorded by Ibn Kathir in his Ta/sfr20, it is however followed by a clear explanation of the reasons: the Prophet abstained from eating locusts because he disliked (kana ya'dfu) them, in the same way that his noble soul disliked to eat lizards tal-dabb), although he permitted the believers to eat it. A similar explanation is recorded on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas: the Prophet abstained from eating locusts, kidneys and lizards. However, he did not forbid the believers to eat this food. He did not eat locusts because they point to chastisement and pain", he refrained from eating kidneys because of their location near the (organs of - K.) urination, he did not eat lizards because he was afraid that they might be metamorphosed creatures=. It is obvious that there was a lively discussion between scholars who considered the eating of locusts permissible and those who abstained AL-BUKHARi, al·Ta'rikh al-kabiri, Hyderabad, 1384/1964, IV, 215, no. 2548. 'Abd AL-RAZZAQ, al-Musannaf, IV, 533, no. 8763; IBN KATHiR,Tafsir, Beirut, III, 211, penult.; AL-BAYHAQI, al-Sunan al-kubrd, IX, 258; al-Khatib AL-BAGHDADi, MutjiJ:1U auham, II, 131, 132,259; AL-DAMiRi, Haydtu l-hayawan, 1,189; AL-QURTUBi, Tafsir = al Jdmi' li-ahkiimi l-qur'dn, Cairo, 1386/1967, VII, 269. 18 AL-JA~~A~, Ahkdmu l-qur'dn, I, 110: ... 'an 'a'ishata annahii kiinat ta'kulu l-jariida wa-taqiilu: kiina rasiilu lliihi salldlliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam ya 'kuluhu. 19 See M. M. L-ZABIDi, 'Uqudu l-jawdhiri l-munifa, ed. W.O. L-ALBANi,Beirut, 1406/1985, II, 124, ult.: aktharu jundi lliihi ta'dlii fi l-ardi l-jarddu Iii iikuluhu wa-la uharrimuhu. And see AL-JA~~A~, Al;kiimu l-qur'an, I, 110; M. N. I-DIn AL-ALBANi, Silsilatu l-ahadithi l-maudii'a, al-Riyad, 1408/1988, IV, 43-44, no. 1533; and see a tradition permitting the believers to eat lizards with a peculiar addition: wa-l-jariidu mithlu dhalika: Ibn 'Adiyy AL-JURJANi, al-Kiimil fi tju'afa'i l-rijdl, Beirut, 1405/1985, II, 521; and see COOK,p. 267, note 413. 20 III, 211. 21 This seems to refer to the plague of locusts in Egypt, as reported in the Qur'an - K. 22 IBN KATHiR, afsir, III, 211; and see AL-ZVRQANI, T Sharhu l-mawdhibi l-laduniyya, Cairo, 1327, IV, 329 ult. - 330: the Prophet disliked to eat kidneys because they are placed near the organs of urination. 16 17 350 M. J. KISTER from eating them. In this context the utterance of Muhammad b. SIrIn23 "Somebody better than me and you used to eat locusts't-" gets its meaning. People who abstained from eating locusts acted according to the opinion of the Prophet who refrained from eating them because they are unclean (because they contain filthy material in their intestines - K.) and intimate chastisement and suffering". The traditions on the authority of 'A'isha, which say that the Prophet rebuked the boys (#byanana) for eating locusts, fit in with the latter traditions". Malik b. Anas was against "hunting" locusts in Medina; he remarked, however, that there was nothing bad in driving the locusts away from the palm trees". Al-Suyiiti records in his al-Rahma fi l-tibb wa-l-hikma two efficient charms to expel (tarl;zU) the locusts; if the charms are written according to prescription, the locusts will leave the place". Al-Zamakhshari recorded the following thought about locusts: they are beneficial because they are eaten and help people to make a living (yu 'dshu bihii, if the locusts hit a cultivated land the owner of that land will be rewarded if he perseveres patiently". This idea is reflected in the story of the inscription on the wings of the locust. Al-Hasan b. 'AlI sat at a table in the company of his brother Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya and his cousins 'Abdallah, Qutham and al-Fadl, the sons of al- 'Abbas. A locust fell on the table and 'Abdallah asked al-Hasan concerning the inscription on its wings. The latter answered that he had asked his father, 'AlI, about it; 'AlI in tum had asked the Prophet, who disclosed to him the text of the inscription: "I am God and there is no god except Me. I am the Lord of the locust granting sustenance to it. If I wish (in shi'tuy 23 See on him: IBN l:fAJAR,Tahdhibu l-tahdhib, Hyderabad, 1326, IX, 214-217, no. 336. 24 AL-BUKHARI, al-Ta'rtkn al-kabir, IV, 216, no. 2553 and p. 372, sup.; the saying of Ibn Sirin points evidently to the Prophet; it represents the opinion of the scholars who considered the eating of locusts permissible. 25 See Qur'an, siirat al-a'rdf, verse 133. 26 YaI}.yiiB. MA'IN, al-Ta'rikh, ed. A. M. Nur SAYF, Mecca al-mukarrama, 1399/ 1979, I, 279, no. 4592-4593 and IV, 321; AL-'AYNI, 'Umdatu l-qdri, XXI, 110; and cf. 'Abd AL-RAZZAQ, al-Musannaf, IV, 410, no. 8249: ... 'ani l-walidi bni 'abdilliih qiila: ra'aytu sa'ida bna jubayrin bi-makkata yakhruju fa-yard fi aydi l-sibydni l-jariida fa-yaflituhu; - in text: fa-yaqtuluhu; the correction is of the editor - min aydihim, wa-kana yardhu saydan. 27 'Abdallah b. AbI Zayd AL-QAYRAWANI, al-Jdmi'ft I-sunan wa-l-addb wa-l-maghdzi wa-l-ta'rikh, ed. M. Abu L-AJFAN and 'U, BfITlKH,Beirut, 1402/1982, p. 142. 28 Cairo, n.d., p. 255; cf. AL-DAMIRI, Haydtu l-hayawdn, I, 189. 29 AL-ZAMAKHSHARI, Rabi'u l-abrdr wa-nusiisu l-akhbdr, ed. S. AL-NU'AYMI, Bagdad, 1982, IV, 459. THE LOCUST'S WING 351 I send the locust as sustenance for certain people (rizqan li-qaumin), and if I wish I send it as a trial of misfortune for other people". 'Abdallah confirmed that that was indeed a piece of hidden knowledge.", There is a tradition that goes together with the idea that the locust was created by God and that God determines whether it harms or not: the Prophet prohibited the killing of locusts; Iii taqtulu l-jariida fa-innahu jundu lldhi l-a 'zamu, said the Prophet". According to a tradition of the Prophet there is an inscription on the locust's chest that says: "The greatest army of God" (jundu lldhi l-a ',?am)32.Al-Tha'labi records a tradition concerning the origin of this expression: when God expelled Iblis from Paradise He asserted that He would establish a force of locusts twa-ana muttakhidhun min khalqi jundan huwa l-jariidu). Iblis replied that his army would consist of women, who would make up a net (such as used by a hunter or a fisherman - K.) which will never fail33• Qurtubi records the arguments of those scholars who hold the view that one should abstain from killing locusts even though they cause harm and destroy plants and trees. The opponents stressed that the locusts must be driven away from the cultivated fields which they destroy, and must even be fought against and killed=. A peculiar tradition attributed 30 AL-DAMIRI, Haydtu l-hayawdn, I, 188; Abu Bakr al-Bakri b. Muhammad Shatta alDirnyati AL-MAKKI, l'dnatu l-tdlibin 'alii halli alfiizi fathi l-mu'in, n.p., 1319, repr. Beirut, 11,353, AL-SUYUTi, al-Durr al-manthur fi l-tafsiri bi-l-ma'thur, Cairo, 1314, repr. Tehran, III, 110 reports about two versions of the inscription, one in Syriac and one in Hebrew; AL-BARQI, al-Mahasin, ed. M. S. Bahr AL-'ULUM, Najaf, 1384/1964, pp. 399-400, nos. 501-502; but in this version the inscription was in Syriac and was recorded in Arabic as follows: inni and lliihu qtisimu l-jabbarin, khalaqtu l-jariida wa-ja'altuhu jundan min juniidi, uhliku bihi man shi'tu min khalqi; Anonymous, Qisas al-anbiyd', MS. Leiden Or. 14027, fo!. 16 b.; AL-MAJILISI. Bihar al-anwiir, Tehran, 1392, LXV, 192-193, nos. 7-9, 206, no. 34, 212-213, nos. 59-60; AL-MulTAQI L-I:IINDI, Kanz al- 'ummdl, Hyderabad, 1390/1970, XVII, 146-147, nos. 481-483. 31 AL- TABARANI, Musnad al-shdmiyyin, ed. 1:1. 'Abd al-Majid AL-SILAFI, Beirut, 1409/1989, II, 438, no. 1656; and see ibid. the references of the editor; AL-SUYUrI, Jam'u l-jawiimi', Cairo, 1978, I, 899; IBN KATHIR, Tafsir, III, 212 with the version Iii tuqdtilu 1jariid: Shirawayh b. Shahridar AL-DAYLAMI, Firdaus al-akhbtir, ed. F. A. AL-ZIMIRL! and M. al-Mu'tasim bi-llahi L-BAGHDADI, Beirut, 1407/1987, V. 192, no. 7577; and see ibid. the references of the editor; Nur al-Din AL-HAYTHAMI, Majma' al-zawa'id, IV, 39; AL-MuNAwI, Faydu l-qadir, VI, 416, no. 9842; see the explication of Munawi ibid.; AL-SUYDTI, al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 109 inf.; N. al-Din AL-ALBANI, $aJ;lJ;u l-jiimi' l-saghir, Beirut, 1406/1986, II, 1232, no. 7388; AL-MAJLISI, Bihar al-anwdr, LXV, 192, no. 8. 32 AL-THA'LABI, Qisasu l-anbiyd', Cairo. n.d., p. 256. 33 In catching by seduction the sinner - K.; AL-THA'LABI, Qisas al-anbiyd', p. 256. 34 AL-QURTUBI, Tafsir, VII, 268; and see AL-SUYUTi, al-Durr al-manthiir, III, 109, inf.; AL-SAMARQANDI,Bustdn al- 'drifin, p. 126, inf. 352 M. J. KISTER to the Prophet and apparently given circulation by the scholars who advocated abstention from the killing of locusts, says: "He who kills a locust is like a man who kills a dweller of the low Iand':". The sin of killing a locust is thus equated with that of murder. Finally, let us quote an anecdote of Bedouin character, typical of the sense of honour of the Arab nomad. It tells of a group of Bedouins who came to one of their neighbours informing him that a swarm of locusts had invaded his land. He was their jar (granting them protection - K.) and they came asking his permission to kill the locusts in order to eat them. The Bedouin, however, refused. He argued that as a jiir he was obliged to protect his guest. He went out from his tent with a sword and attacked the crowd, thus securing the immunity of the locusts". Some traditions emphasize the qualities of the locusts and display an appreciation for them: God, according to one tradition, created the locust from the clay which remained after He created Adam37. A tradition reported on the authority of 'Umar b. al-Khattab and attributed to the Prophet says that the first creature to perish will be the locust". This tradition is embedded in an utterance of the Prophet containing predictions about the End of the World: God created a thousand kinds of creatures (alf ummatin), six hundred of them live in the seas and four hundred on the land; the first of these kinds to perish will be the locust. When the locust perishes all the other kinds will follow to their doom like a string of pearls which breaks Up39. It thus happened that in one of the years of 'Umar's rule he noticed that no information was forthcoming about appearances of the locusts in the Muslim empire. He became concerned about that and sent 35 AL-SuyDTI, al-Durr al-maruhiir, III, 109, penult.: man qatala jaradatan fa-kaannama qatala ghauriyyan. 36 Ibn AL-'ARABI, al-Wa~aya, Beirut, n.d., pp. 55 inf.-56 sup. The Bedouin allowed however to go after them when they were in the air: AL-DAMIRI, Haydtu l-hayawan, I, 190; he was nicknamed mujiru l-jarad, "the protector of the locusts"; his name was Mudlij b. Suwayd al- Ta 'I; see on him and on the proverb ahnui min mujiri l-jartid: Hamza AL-I$FAHANI, al-Durra al-fiikhira fi l-amthdli l-sa'ira, ed. 'Abd AL-MAJiD QUTAMISH, Cairo, 1966, 1,166, no. 191; AL-MAYDANi, Majma' al-amthdl, ed. M. MUJ:iyI I-DIn 'Abd AL-HAMiD, Carro, 1379/1959, I, 221, no. 1184. 37 AL-DAMrRr, Haydt al-hayawan, I, 188; AL-SUYVT, al-Durr al-manthur, III, 110; and see COOK, p. 267, sup. 38 I1;m AbI 'A~im AL-SHAYBANI, al-Awa'il, ed. M. b. Nasir AL-'AjamI, al-Kuwayt, 1405, p. 90 ult.-91, no. 111; and see the references of the editor. 39 AL-QURTUBI, Tafsir, VII, 269; AL-DAMiRI,/fayatu l-hayawdn, I, 188; AL-ZAMAKHSHARI,Rabi'u l-abrd, IV, 459; AL-THA'LABI, Qisas al-anbiya', p. 256. THE LOCUST'S WING 353 messengers to the Yemerr'? and to Syria to get information about locusts. The messenger that was sent to the Yemen came back with a handful of locusts. 'Umar exclaimed three times alldhu akbar and quoted the prediction of the Prophet as to the locust being the first creature to perish, with all other creatures following in its suir". The virtue of the locust was enhanced by stories according to which prophets, saints and ascetics used to eat locusts. One such story is told about Zaynab'". One day she was serving her guests, Wahb b. 'Abdallah al-Ma'afirr" and 'Abdallah b. 'Umar, roasted locusts in butter (samn). She said: "0 Egyptian", you probably prefer the meal of salted fish. But eat, 0 Egyptian, (scil. the locusts - K.) because one of the prophets asked God to grant him the meat of a bird which was not slaughtered; and God granted him locusts and fish'". Yahya b. Zakariyii is said to have had as food locusts and the marrow of trees". Maryam, the mother of Jesus, asked God to feed her with a kind of meat that did not contain blood; God nourished her with locusts". There is indeed a tradition that records a supplication by Maryam in which she invoked God to grant life and sustenance to locusts". 40 About the prediction concerning the devastation of lands and countries see ALQALYUBl,al-Nawiidir, Carro, 1374/1955, p. 114: Mecca will be destroyed by the Abyssinians, Medina and Bukhara through hunger, Kiifa and 'Iraq will be destroyed by the Turks, Yemen will be destroyed by locusts ... ; a list of other cities and countries which will be destroyed and the information as to who will carry out the destruction is provided in the passage. 41 IBN 'ARAQ, Tanzin al-shari'ati l-marfii'a 'ani l-akhbdri l-shani'ati l-maudii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd AL-LATIF and 'A. M. AL-~IDoIQ, eirut, 1399/1979, I, 189; M. b. B I:Iibbiin al-Tamlmi AL-BUSTl, itab al-majriihin, ed. M. I. ZAYID,Beirut, 1396, II, 256K 257, and see the references of the editor; AL-SHAUKANl, al-Fawa'idu l-majmii'a fi l-ahddithi l-maudii'a, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. YaI}.yaAL-Mu'ALLAMI -YAMANI, eirut, L B 1392, pp. 458-459, no. 1302; cf. Ibn Hamza al-Husayni al-Hanafi AL-DIMASHQl, al-Bayan wa-l-ta'rif fi asbabi wurudi l-hadithi l-sharif, ed. H. 'Abd AL-MAJloHASHIM, evised by r 'Abd AL-I:IALIM MAHMuo, Beirut, 1400/1980, II, 202-203, no. 988 - and see the references given by the author; AL-SAMARQANOI, Bustdn al- 'drifin, on margin of Samarqandi's Tanbin al-ghdfilin, Carro, 1347, p. 127. 42 Most likely the wife of the Prophet - K. 43 His correct name is Wiihib b. 'Abdallah al-Ma'afin: see on him: Ibn Hajar AL'AsQALANl,Tahdibu l-tahdhib, Hyderabad, 1327, XI, 105, no. 188. 44 She addressed Wiihib b. 'Abdallah, who lived in Egypt - K. 45 AL-BAYHAQI, al-Sunan al-kubrd, IX, 258. 46 AL-DAMlRI, aya: al-hayawdn, I, 188. H 47 IBNKAmm, Tafsir, III, 212, sup.; Nur al-Din AL-HAYTHAMi, Majma' al-zawa'id, IV, 39; AL-BAYHAQl, al-Sunan al-kubrii, IX, 258; Ibn Hajar AL-'AsQALANi, Lisdn al-mizdn, Hyderabad, 1331, VI, 163-164, no. 574; AL-DHAHABl, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, ed. 'A. M. AL-BuAwI, Cairo, IV, 259, no. 9071; AL-'AYNl, 'Umdatu l-qdri, XXI, 110; AL-THA'LABI, Qisasu [. anbiyd', p. 256; M. N. I-DIn AL-ALBANl, Silsilatu l-ahddithi l-da'ifa, IV, 456-457, no. 1533. 48 Ibn AL-ATHIR, l-Nihdya a fi gharibi l-hadith, ed. M. M. AL-TANAI:II T. A. ALand ZAwI, Cairo, 1383/1963, II, 520; L'A, s.v. "shy"'. 354 M.1. KISTER The literature contains some very complimentary descriptions of the locust. The components of its body share in the qualities of ten of the strongest beasts: its face is like that of a horse, its eye like that of an elephant, its neck like that of a bull, its horn (qarn) like that of a deer, its chest like that of a lion, its belly like that of a snake, its wings like that of an eagle, its thighs like that of a camel, its legs like that of an ostrich and its tail like that of a scorpiorr'", Early poetry contains many verses where attractive descriptions of locusts and their swarms are given'". A tradition reported by Abii Hurayra on the authority of the Prophet says that when Ayyub was one day washing his naked body he was faced by a swarm of golden locusts; Ayyiib tried hastily to catch the locusts and put them in his garment. When asked by God whether he did not get enough from God's bounty so as to be in no need of additional wealth, Ayyiib replied that he wanted to have more of God's blessing (baraka). Al-Shafi'i is said to have commented on this tradition: ni'ma l-malu l-~iilll; rna 'a 1-'abdi 1-~iiliI;51. A tradition recorded in some commentaries of the Qur'an says that during his isra' the Prophet saw the farthest Lote-treef under which a swarm of golden locusts sought refuge'", In one of his speeches 'All gives a lovely description of the elaborate and fine creation of the body of the locusr'". The role of the locusts in the rescue of the prophet Muhammad is depicted in a miraculous story recorded in the commentary of the Qur'an of al-Katakani'". It was an unusual kind of locusts which annihilated the enemies of the Prophet, while the locusts sent by God against the Copts in Egypt did not harm the Copts and their families and only devastated their property". 49 AL-QALYUBI, al-Nawddir, p. 119; and see ibid three verses on these similarities; AL-DAMIRI, Haydtu l-hayawan; I, 188, and see ibid two verses on this subject. 50 See e.g. IBN QUTAYBA, Kitdbu l-ma'dni l-kabir, Hyderabad, 1368/1949, II, 610-615, I, 45; Abu Hiliil AL-'ASKARI, Diwan al-ma'iini, Cairo, 1352, II, 151; AL-JA.l:iIZ,alHayawdn, V, 558-561. 51 AL-DAMIRi, Haydtu l-hayawdn I, 187; see the tradition ni'ma l-mdlu /·.fiili~ in ALDAYLAMI, Firdausu l-akhbiir, V, 14, no. 7023. 52 Siiratu l-najm, verses 14-15: wa-laqad ra'iihu nazlatan ukhrd * 'inda sidrati l-muntaha. 53 AL-TABARA.NI, Musnad al-shdmiyyin, II, 420; AL-SUYDTI. al-Durr al-manthur, VI, 126. 54 AL-ZAMAKHSHARI, Rabi'u l-abrdr, IV, 459; Ibn AbI L-I:IADID, Sharn nahji l-baliigha, ed. M. Abu L-FAPL IBRA.HIM, airo, 1964, XIII, 65 ult. -66; AL-MAJUSI, Bihar C al-anwdr, LXIV, 44-45. 55 Al-Burhdn fi tafsiri l-qur'dn, Qumm 1393, II, 30-31. 56 See e.g. MUJA.HID, afsir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman T al-Tahir b. Muhammad AL-SORATI. Islamabad, n.d., repr. Beirut, I.244; IBN KATHlR. Tafsir, III, 212. THE LOCUST'S WING 355 When the Prophet was on one of his journeys, on his retum from Syria to Mecca, he was followed by two hundred Jews who intended to kill him in order to prevent him from destroying the power of the Jews. He was in a caravan and they did not have the courage to carry out their plan. When, however, he went out in a distance for his natural needs, the Jews surrounded him and drew their swords against him. Then God sent, from a sand-hill at the feet of the Prophet, a swarm of locusts that sorrounded the Jews and attacked them; they were prevented from launching their attack by the distraction caused by the stings of the locusts. When the Prophet had been through with his natural needs, he returned to the caravan and was asked about the fate of the group who had followed him. The Prophet said that they had been annihilated by the locusts. The people of the caravan went out and found that the Jews had been eaten by the locusts. * * * The legal licence to eat even dead fish and dead locusts is based on a widely circulated utterance of the Prophet: "You have been permitted to eat two species of dead and two kinds of blood: fish and locusts, liver and spleen'P". There are some reports saying that the Prophet was reluctant to eat spleen and was followed in this matter by 'A1I58. But the haditli giving permission to eat liver and spleen caused Zayd b. Thabit to show ostentatiously that he ate spleen in order to manifest that there is nothing bad in eating it59• b. 'AlI b. 'Abd al-Wahid Ibn al-Naqqash AL-MAGHRlBI,lhkamu 57 Muhammad l-ahkami l-sadirati min bayni shafatay sayyidi l-andm, ed. R. F. 'Abd AL-MuITALIB, Cairo, 1409/1989, p. 630, no. 948; AL-'AYNI. 'Umdatu l-qdri, XXI, 110; AL-MuNAwI, Faydu l-qadir, I, 200, no. 273; IBN KATHIR, Tafsir, III, 211; Ibn AL-'ARABI,Ahkdmu l-qur'an, ed. 'A. M. AL-BIJAWI, Cairo, 1387/1967, I, 52, and see ib. the evaluation of the utterance; AL-QURTUBI, Tafsir, VII, 268; AL-DARAQUTNI,Sunan, ed. 'A. H. Y. AL-MADANI, aIMadina al-munawwara, 1386/1966, IV, 271-272; A. b. 'Abdallah b. Miisa l-Kindi ALSAMDIL-NAZWI, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd AL-MuN'IM 'AMIR and J. A/:IMAD,'Uman, printed in Cairo, 1980, III, 97; AL-SHAUKANI, Naylu l-autar, sharn muntaqd l-akhbdr min ahddithi sayyidi l-akhydr, Cairo, 1380/1961, VIII, 152; Ibn Qayyim AL-JAUZIYYA, Zadu l-ma'dd fi hadyi khayri I· 'ibdd, Beirut, n.d., III, 170, 188; Murtada L-ZABIDI,lthafu l-sadati l-muttaqin bi-sharhi asrdri ihyd'! 'uliani l-din, Cairo, 1311, repr. Beirut, VII, 122; Ibn Qayyim AL-JAUZIYYA,al-Tibbu l-nabawi, ed. 'Abd al-Ghani 'Abd AL-KHALIQ, 'Adil AL-AZHARI, M. F. AL-'UQDA, Cairo, 1377/1957, p. 298. 58 'Abd AL-RAZzAQ, al-Musannaf, IV, 536, no. 8773: kana rasiilu lliihi ya'afi; l-tihal and no. 8774: ... anna 'aliyyan kana yakrahu mina l-shati l-tihal ...; cf. AL,ZABIDI,lthdfu l-sada, II, 121, info 59 'Abd AL-RAZzAQ, al-Musannaf, IV, p. 536, no. 8776; Murtada L-ZABIDI, Ithafu l-siida, VII, 122, inf. 356 M. J. KISTER That game hauled from the sea need not be ritually slaughtered is expressed by the following tradition: "God has already slaughtered the game of the sea for mankind", said the Prophet'", Based on the Prophet's saying to the effect that the locust was a creature originating in the sea, the locust, like the fish, was allowed to be consumed either alive or dead. The legal definition stated that water was not polluted by the death of fish, and dead fish was thus allowed to be consumed. The Prophet is said to have defined it suecintly: "Its water is pure, its dead creatures (like fish and locusts - K.) may be consumed"?'. The commentators of the Qur'an assume in various traditions that the permission regarding game from the sea includes dead fish brought to shore by the sea. Such an interpretation was given on the authority of 'Umar: Abu Hurayra told 'Umar that he had given such a decision when asked concerning this matter by the people of Bahrayn during his stay in that province. 'Umar approved of his verdict, as it conformed with the injunctions of the quoted verse'". Locusts were included in the category of "game from the sea" and consequently, it was permissible for pilgrims to consume them without any reservation. The case of Ka'b alAhbar was an instructive precedent in this case: he was appointed by 'Umar to proceed with a group of pilgrims from Syria to Mecca. On their way they were faced by a swarm of locusts; Ka'b issued a decision according to which they could catch the locusts and consume them. When asked by 'Umar about the reason for his decision, Ka'b answered that the locust is a creature that originates from the sneeze of a fish; the 60 AL-SHAUKANI, Naylu l-autiir, VIII, 152, inf.: inna llaha dhabaha rna fi l-bahri Ii· bani adam; according to another vesion ibid, p. 154 inf.: "everything in the sea is (already) slaughtered", kullu shay'in fi l-bahri madhbiih, And see this tradition: Ibn Hajar AL-'ASQALANI, Taghliqu l-ta'liq 'ala ~abibi l-bukhdri, ed. S. 'Abd al-Rahman Musa AL-QAZAQI, 'Amman, 61 1405/1985, IV, 505 penult.-506 sup. Huwa l-tahiau ma'uhu l-hillu maytatuhu. Seel AL-BAYHAQI, al-Sunanu l-kubra I, 254; Ibn AL'ARABI, Tafsir, 1,52 ult.-53; AL-QURTUBI, Tafsir, VI, 319, and see ibid. pp. 318, 320: locusts and fish may be considered as if they have been ritually slaughtered, kulluhu; 'Abd AL-RAZZAQ, al-Musannaf, I, 532, no. 8761: ... al-jarddu wa-l-hitdnu dhakiyyun. And see the utterance of Abu Bakr: inna lldha ta'dld dhabaha lakum rna fi l-bahri fa-kuliihu kullahu: AL-DARAQUTNI, Sunan, IV, 270. no. 16; AL-KHATIBU L-BAGHDADI, Talkhisu l-mutashdbib fi l-rasm, ed. S. AL-SHIHABI, Damascus, 1985, II, 723; AL-NAzwl, al-Musannaf, III, 110; and see ibid.: ... wa-ajma'ii anna mauta l-samaki fi l-ma'i la yunajissuhu wa·anna l-mauta l-hdsila fi l-samaki ta yujibu fihi tanjisan; ... Nur al-Din AL-HAYTHAMI, Majma' al-zawti'id, IV, 39. 62 AL-TABARj, Tafsir = Jdmi'u l-bayiin 'an ta'wil ayi l-qur'an, ed. M. M. SHAKIR and A. M. SHAKIR, Cairo, 1957, XI, 61, no. 12687. al-jarddu wa-l-hitdnu dhakiyyun THE LOCUST'S WING 357 fish sneezes twice a year=. 'Umar himself is further said to have faced a swarm of lucusts while in a state of ihram and to have attacked them, killing many of them. He argued that the locusts belonged to the category of game coming from the sea (saydu l-bahrii, and the struggle against them was therefore permitted 64. Finally, certain traditions claimed that the Prophet himself confirmed that locusts belong to the category of game from the sea". This utterance is clearly exposed in the story of Abu Hurayra=, Abu Hurayra went out for a hajj or an 'umra with a group of believers. On their way they faced a swarm of locusts. They hit them with sticks; the Prophet expressed his approval by saying that locusts belonged to the category of game from the sea'", A further proof for the assertion that locust is of the same category as game from the sea is found in another haditli of the Prophet. The Prophet is said to have invoked against locusts. When asked about his invocation against an army of the armies of God (tad'u 'alii jundin min ajniidi lldhibi-qat'i diibirihi?) he replied that the locust had been created from the sneeze of a fish in the sea'". The scholars of Law and hadith, however, were not unanimous about the method of preparing and consuming locusts; the majority of scholars were of the opinion that there was no need to establish the cause of death of a locust. But some of them considered it necessary to know the cause of death of a locust: it may be consumed only if killed by cutting the head, or the feet, or the wings, or by boiling, or roasting. They considered locusts as creatures of the land and were of the opinion that eating dead locusts, without knowing the cause of death, is not allowed'". 63 M. b. al-Hasan al-SHAYBANI, Kitdbu l-hujja 'ala ahli l-madina, ed. M. H. AL-KILANI AL-QADIRI, Beirut. 1403/1983, II, 169-170; AL-MuTfAQI L-HINDI, Kanzu l-tummal, V, 146, no. 1051; M. al-Din AL-TABARI, al-Qird li-qdsidi ummi l-qura, ed. M. L-SAQQA, Cairo. 1390/1970, p. 231; 'Abd AL·RAZZAQ, al-Musannaf, IV, 531, no. 8752. 64 AL-SUYUTI, al-Durr al-manthur, II, 332. 65 AL-BAGHAwl, Masabihu l-sunna, ed. Y. 'Abd al-Rahman AL-MAR'ASHLI, M. S. I. SAMARA, J. H. L-DHAHABI, Beirut, 1407/1987, II, 287, no. 1966; and see ibid. the references of the editors. 66 It was AbU Hurayra who transmitted this tradition in the Masdbih, 67 Muhibb al-Din AL-TABARI, al-Qird, p. 230; AL-SuYOTI, al-Durr al-manthur, II, 333; IBN KATHIR, Tafsir, III, 212; AL-'AYNI, 'Umdat al-qdri, XXI, 110. 68 Ibn Hamza AL-I:IUSAYNI,al-Baydn wa-l-ta'rif, II, 265-266, no. 936; AL-QURTUBI, Tafsir, VII, 268; IBN KATHIR, Tafsir, III, 212; AL-MUNAwl, Faydu l-qadir, III, 355, no. 3615-3616; Ibn al-Dayba' AL-SHAYBANI,Tamyizu l-tayyib mina l-khabith fimd yadiiru 'ala alsinati l-ndsi mina l-hadith, Cairo, 1382/1963, p. 62. 69 AL-QURTUBI, Tafsir, VII, 269; and see Ibn AL-'ARABI, Ahkdmu l-qur'dn, I, 53; Ibn I:IAZM, al-Muhalld, ed. A. M. SHAKIR, Cairo, n. d., VII, 437, no. 1042; and see Ibn Qayyim AL-JAUZIYYA, Zddu l-ma'dd, III, 189: ... wa-fi ibiihati maytatihi bild sabab 358 M.l KISTER A concise definition of the problem discussed by scholars is given by Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Dimashqi al-'Uthmani al-Shafi'I in his Rahmatu I-umma fi khtildfi l-a'imma'? .... wa-minhd l-jarddu wa-yu 'kalu may tan 'ala kulli halin; wa-qdla malik: 10.yu 'kalu minhu md mdta hatfa anfihi min ghayri sababin yusna'u bihi. Some scholars held the view that locusts are coming from the sea as well as from the land". 'Umar is said to have objected to Abu Hurayra's position that locusts originated from the sneeze of a fish'". Consequently 'Umar imposed special payments for killing locusts by the pilgrims to Mecca". Scholars of Muslim law were often questioned as to the ways of preparing locusts for food. Ahmad b. Hanbal is said to have permitted to cook living locusts in boiling water and salt or to throw living locusts into the fire in order to have them roasted?", Some scholars, however, did not permit boiling or roasting living locusts". Locusts were consumed hot or cold, cooked, fried or prepared on burning coals; they were sometimes arranged on strings. A food much sought after were the eggs of locusts. Locusts were sometimes served as condiment (idam), sometimes as dessert (nuql). Bedouin locusts tal-a'rdbi) were considered best". qauldni, wa-ld khilafa fi ibahatihi idha mata bi-sababin ka-l-kabs wa-l-tahriq. wa· l-jumhur 'alii hillihi, wa-harramahu mdlik; and see Ibn Qayyim AL-JAUZIYYA. al-Tibb al-nabawi, p. 298, inf. 70 71 ... wa-lani l-hasani annahu qala: aljaradu min saydi l-barri wa-l-bahri. 72 Muhibb al-Din AL-TABARI, al-Qird, p. 231: ... fa-kariha 'umaru qaulahu ... 73 'Abd AL-RAZZA.Q, al-Musannaf, IV, 410-411; AL-MUTIAQI L-HINDI, Kanzu I· 'ummal, V, 138, no. 1006; Muhibb al-Dln AL-TABARI, al-Qird, pp. 231-232; AL-JARRA.J:lI, Kashfu l-khafa'i wa-muzilu l-ilbds 'amma shtahara mina l-ahadithi 'alii alsinati l-ruis, Beirut, 1351, I, 317, no. 1019; AL-ZURQA.NI,Sharh muwatta'i l-imdmi mdlik, ed. I. 'A. 'AWAD, Cairo 1381/1961, III, 245; AL-SUYCJTI,al-Durr al-manthiir, II, 328. 74 Ahmad b. I:IANBAL, Masd'il ahmad b. hanbal, riwdyatu bnihi 'abdi lldh, ed. 'A. S. AL-MuHANNA., al-Madina al-munawwara, 1406/1986, III, 883-884, no. 1189 - and see the references of the editor; Ahmad b. I:IANBAL,Masa'il ahmad b. hanbal, riwdyat ibnihi abi l-fadl sdlih, ed. F. l-Rahman DIn MUJ:lAMMAD,Delhi, 1408/1988, II, 245, no. 839 and see the references of the editor; Abu Bakr b. Muhammad Shatta AL-DIMYA.TI,I'anatu l-tiilibin, II, 354. 75 Ahmad b. Ahmad b. Isma'Tl al-Hulwani al-Khaliji AL-KHALWATI, al-Wasm fi 1washm, Cairo, 1323, pp. 34-35. 76 AL-JA.HI~, Kitabu l-hayawan, ed. 'Abd al-Salam HA.RUN,Cairo, 1386/1966, V, 565567, IV, 43; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr AL·QURTUBI, Bahjat al-majdlis wa-unsu l-mujdlis, ed. M. M. L-KHULI and 'Abd al-Qadir xt-Qrrr, Cairo, 1967, II, 81-82, quoted from al-Jahiz, Beirut, 1407/1987, p. 120. Muhibb al-Din AL-TABARI, al-Qird, p. 232: THE LOCUST'S WING 359 * * * The three treatises mentioned by the late L. Kopf in EI-2 in the article djardd are not extant; a fourth one collected by Ibn 'Asakir under the title Iuz' fi l-jariid seems also to be 10st77. Joseph Qafih gives in his book, Halikhot teyman, Jerusalem, 197878, a detailed description of the custom of collecting locusts by the Jewish population in the Yemen and the ways of cooking and frying them. Important facts concerning the international campaigns for fighting the invasions of locusts into the different regions of the Arab peninsula are given in the publication of the Naval Intelligence Division, Geographical Handbook Series, Western Arabia and the Red Sea, June 1946, pp. 495-498. In some regions of Arabia locusts provide food for the poorer nomads, having been collected and then cooked, dried, or roasted?". The Hebrew University Institute of Asian and African Studies Mt. Scopus Jerusalem 91905 (Israel) M. J. KISTER 77 78 79 See IBN KATHIR, Tafsir, III, 211, 1. \0 bot. ed. Israel Yeshayahu, pp. 218-221. Ibid, p. 424.

Land Property and Jihād: A Discussion of Some Early Traditions

Land_Property.pdf Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. XXXIV LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD A discussion of some early traditions BY M.J. KISTER In memory of Prof. M. M. Plessner Traditions which deal with agriculture and the possession oflanded property, or with the question whether the acquisition of farms and estates in the territiories conquered by the Muslim forces in the early period is permitted or not, are often divergent and even contradictory. The diverse utterances seem to reflect ideological differences in the attitudes of Muslim scholars as to whether the Holy War, the conquests and the expansion of Islam go on, or whether there is to be a shift towards sedentarization, the cultivation of land and the setting up of a new class structure within the Muslim community. A study of some of these traditions may give us a clue for a better understanding of certain aspects of these problems and may help us in gaining some insight into the perceptions and views of the conflicting groups of hadith scholars, jurists and pious ascetics. I At a very early period reports attribute to the Prophet an instruction to the effect that farms or estates are not to be acquired in order to avoid wordly inclinations towards goods. This utterance: La tattakhidhu L-day'ata fa-targhabu fi L-dunya1) is fol~ 1) Abmad b. l;Ianbal, Musnad, ed. Abmad Mubammad Shakir, Cairo 1370/1950, V, 201, no. 3579 (and see the references of the editor and his comments); al-Bukhari, al-Ta)rfkh al-kabfr, Hyderabad 1377/1958, IV, 54, no. 1935; all;Iakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, IV, 3221; al-Daylami, Firdaus al-akhbiir, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 185b; al-Tibrizi, Mishkiit al-mafiibf!t, Karachi 1967, LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD 271 lowed in certain sources by an enigmatic note of the transmitter, the Companion of the Prophet, (Abdallah b. Mas'fid 2): uia-bi-rddhdna mii bi-riidhiina wa-bi-l-madinati mii bi-l-madinati=[. The meaning of the utterance is clarified in another tradition transmitted by the selfsame (Abdallah b. Mas'fid: fa-kayfa bi-miilin bi-riidhiina wa-bi-kadhii wa-bikadhii4), "so what about the property at Radhan and such and such (a location)"? (Abdallah b. Mas'fids rebuke is actually addressed at himself, because he acted contrary to the word of the Prophet and acquired for himself abundance of family and wealth"). al-Zuhd, Beirut 1398/1978, p. 29; al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-Bijawi, Cairo 1382/1963, II, 119, no. 3103; Ibn Abi cA~im. Kitiib al-zuhd, ed. cAbd al-CAliyy cAbd al-Harnid Hamid, Bombay, 1408/1987, pp. 101-102, no. 202 (and see the references of the editor). 2) See on him the detailed entry in EI2, s.v. Ibn Mas'fid a.-C. Vadet). 3) Al-Humaydi, al-Musnad, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-Aizami, Beirut-Riyad, 1382, I, 67, no. 122; al-Tayalisi, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, p. 50, no. 379; Yahya b. Adam, al-Khariij, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1347, p. 80, no. 354. 4) Abu CUbayd, al-Amwiil, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, Cairo 1353, p. 84, no. 221 inalui rasiilu lliihi bJ 'oni l-tabaqqurifi l-ahli wa-l-miilz); al- Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, ed. Hamdi cAbd al-Majid al-Silafi, n.p. 1400/1980, X, 259, no. 10493 (on the authority of cAbdaliah b. Mas'iud); and see the explanation of tabaqqur in Ibn al-Athir's al-Nihiiyafi gharibi l-hadith, ed. al-Zawi and al-Tanahi, Cairo 1383/1963, I, 44; and see al-Tayalisi, al-Musnad, p. 50, no. 380 (with the comment of the author: yaCnz al-kathrata fi l-mdli wa-l-wuldz); al-Munawi, Fayrj al-qadir, sharli al-jiimi': ai-saghir, Beirut 1391/1972, VI, 303, no. 9336 (and see the comments of al-Munawi on the tradition). 5) It is worthwile noting that there was a tendency to limit the number of children in the family in the period of early Islam. cAli is alleged to have said: "Anxiety is half way to decrepitude, and having a small family is one of the two manners of ease in life" (al-hammu nisfu l-harami wa-qillatu l_ciyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni), and comp. Ibn Said, al-Tabaqiit al-kubrii, Beirut 1377/1957, V, 136 (qillatu l_ciyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni attributed to Sa'fd b. al-Mussayyab; and see al-Suyuti, Jamcu 1jaiodmi", Cairo 1978, I, 608); al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-i'tiddl, II, 481. The following utterance is attributed to the Prophet: "An extensive family and paucity of means are an affliction coupled with exertion" (jahdu l-baldri kathratu l_ciyiili maca qillati 1shay'z): al-Daylami, Firdaus, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fo!' 70b; Ibn Hamza alHusayni al-Hanafl al-Dimashqi, al-Bayiin ioa-l-ta'rif fi asbiibi wuriidi l-hadithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1920, II, 264, no. 935; and see al-jarrahi, Kashfu l-khafii'i uia-muzilu l-ilbiis 'ommd shtahara mina l-aluidithi 'alii alsinati l-nds, Beirut 1301 (repr.) 1,335, no. 1080; and see ib. another version: kathratu l_ciyiili ahadu l-faqrayni, wa-qillatu l-'iyiili ahadu l-yasiirayni. A Sufi opinion about the problem is given in the utterance of Abu Sulayrnan al-Darani; according to him he who wants children is a fool: children no. 441; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-i'tidal, ed. cAli Muhammad 272 M. J. KISTER The same tradition is recorded in Abu (Ubayd's Amwiil, in the chapter with the question of whether the acquisition of (or lending of) land in territories conquered by force is legal or not. Radhan was a place in the Sawad of (Iraq conquered by force ((anwatan, without a pact concluded with the conquered people-k); an estate at Radhan was acquired by (Abdallah b. Mas'fid and his name is in fact included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet, who acquired estates in the territories of kharii:J·6). will be helpful to him neither in this, nor in the next world. When one wants to eat, drink, or copulate they interrupt him and when one wants to worship God they distract him. (Abu Nuiaym, Hilyat al-auliyii", Beirut 1387/1967, IX, 264). A peculiar invocation of the believers on behalf of Christians and Jews contained a supplication for an abundance of children and wealth. (See e.g. Ibn cAsakir, Tatrikh. [tahdhib], ed. cAbd al-Qadir Badran, Damascus 1399/1979, IV, 250: Jii)a rajulun yahiidiyyun ild rasiili lldhi fa-qdla: dCu lliiha If, fa-qdla; asahha lliihu Jismaka waaidba harthaka wa-akthara mdlaka. And see: al-Bayhaqi, Shurab al-imiin, MS.Reisiilkiittap Mustafa Efendi [Sulaymaniyya], no. 219, fo1. 147a: can abdi lldhi bni cumara annahu marra bi-rajulin fa-sallama calayhi, fa-qila: innahu nasrdniyyun .. .fa-qala bnu cumara: akthara lliihu mdlaka wa-wuldaka. And see ai-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al'iimmal, Hyderabad 1370/1951, III, 133, no. 1178 [quoted from Ibn 'Asakir]: and see Muhammad b. Hibban al-Busti, Kitiib al-majriihin, ed. Mahmiid Ibrahim Zayid , Beirut 1396, II, 15 ult.-16, 1. 1: qiila rasiilu lldhi [!j idhd da'autum li-ahadin mina l-yahiidi toa-l-nasdrd fa-qiilii: akthara lldhu mdlaka wa-wuldaka; and see this tradition: al-Dhahabi, Mfziin al-i'tiddl, II, 401. Significant are the invocations of the Prophet on behalf of the believers. See e.g. al-Tabari , Tahdhfb al-dthdr, ed. Mahmud Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1402/1982, I, 279, no. 467: lldhumma man ahabbani fa-mna'hu l-mdla uia-l-ioalad ... ; and see ib, p. 282, no. 472: alliihumma man amana bi ioa-saddaqani ioa-Salima anna maJi)tu bihi 1haqqu min 'indika fa-aqilla mdlahu wa-wuldahu toa-habbib ilayhi liqa)aka wa- CajJil lahu 1qadii?«, wa-man lam yu )min bi wa-lam yusaddiqni wa-lam ya'lam anna md Ji)tu bihi l-haqqu min cindika fa-akthir mdlahu uia-ioaladahu uia-atil cumrahu.; [see this tradition: alSuyutt, al-Hdioi li-l-fatduii, ed. Muhyi l-Din cAbd al-Hamid. Cairo 1378/1953, I, 519, inf.; and see ibid. 1,520 sup.]; comp. al-Tabari, Tahdhib, I, 293, no. 475; and see the invocation of Tawus, ib. p. 303, no. 514: alliihumma ajirni min kathrati l-mdli wa-l-waladi. And see al-Daylami, Firda us , Chester Beatty 3037, fo1. 187a, penult.: ... ld tatamannau kathrata l-mdli fa-inna kathrata l-mdli tukthiru l-dhuniib. And comp. Anonymous, Wa!iyyatu l-nabiyyi [!j li-Saliyyin, MS. Cambridge, Dd. 11.7, fol. 69a: ... ya 'aliyyu, idhd maqata lldhu 'obdan lam yanqu! min mdlihi shay/an uia-ld yursilu Jasadihi cillatan toa-ld zallatan ... And see the invocation of the Prophet in Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Tabari , Bishiirat al-mustafd li-shi'ati l-murtadii, Najaf 1383/1963, ... qdla r~siilu lldhi bJ: man ahabbani Ja-rzuqhu 1-caJaJa uia-l-kafdfa, usa-man abghadani faakthir miilahu wa-wuldahu. 6) See Abu Yiisuf, Kitdb al-iithdr, ed. Abu l-Wafa, Cairo 1355, p. 189, no. 859; us LAND PROPERTY AND JIHAD 273 The acquisinon of land and property in these territories was severely criticized by many of the orthodox scholars of Islam. The prevalent idea in the early Muslim community was that the conquered lands were to remain in the hands of the conquered population, who should be ruled by Muslim authorities; the revenues of the land, the jay), belonged to the Muslim community and had to be divided among its members. The transfer of the land of the khardj (or of thejizya-k) from the owner of the land-property to the newcomer (i.e. the Muslim, who arrived with the advancing army-k) was considered a humiliating act of debasement and a kind of regression in the status of the Muslim 7). Some scholars and jurists considered the purchase of land in territories conquered on a basis of a pact (~ul~an) as a concession (rukh~a); they condemned however the purchase of land in territories conquered by force (Canwatan) 8). There were however some scholars who considered the acquisition of khariij land as legitimate arguing that khariij is merely imposed on land, while jizya is imposed on the heads of the unbelievers"). They argued further that CDthman granted fiefs (aq,taCa) to some Companions of the Prophet in the Sawad of clraq 10). and see p. 190, note 1: the people mentioned in the text are:

'... And He Was Born Circumcised ...': Some Notes on Circumcision in Ḥadīth

Circumcised.pdf " AND HE WAS BORN CIRCUMCISED Some notes on circumcision in Hadith by " M.J. Kister Jerusalem To Professor R. Sellheim as a token of esteem and respect The ritual of circumcision, in practice throughout the Muslim world, is traced back to Ibrahim, the ancestor of the Jews and the Arabs. Arab tradition, like that of the Jews, holds that he was the first who circumcised himself on the order of God. His is said to have performed this ritual at the age of eighty and to have lived until the age of two hundred. Another tradition claims that he carried out circumcision at the age of one hundred and twenty, in a place named Qadum. According to another tradition, the tool used by Ibrahim for the circumcision was named qadum, a pick-axel. 1 Abu Hudhayfa Ishaq b. Bishr, Mubtada'u l-dunya wa-qisasu l-anbiya', MS Bodleiana, Huntington 388, fol. 187b. And see Shil'awayh b. Shahridar al-Daylami, Firdausu l-akhbiJr, ed. Fawwaz Al)mad al-Zimirli and Mubammad al-MuCtll$imbi-llllhi I-Baghdadi, Beirut 1407/1987, I, 58, no. 44; and see the references of the editors. Fac;l1ullahiI-Jilllni, Farjlu lI11hi -$amadfi taudil;!i I I-adabi I-mufrad li-abi mul;!ammadi bni ismll'Tla I-bukhllri, Him$ 1388/1969, II, 668, no. 1244, 673, no. 1250. Mubammad b. Al)mad al-An$llrr l-Qurtubi, al-JiJmieIi-al;!kllmiI-qur'lln = TafsiTU I-qurfubi, Cairo 138711967, II, 99. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tul;!fatu l-maudi1d bi-al;!kllmi 1mauli1d, Beirut n. d., pp. 120-124. AI-Tabarllni, Musnad al-shllmiyyin, ed. Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, Beirut 1409/1989, I, 88, no. 124; and see the references provided by the editor. AbU 1Qllsim 'AIi b. al-Hasan, Ibn 'Asllkir, Tabyinu I-imtinlln bi-I-amri bi-I-ikhtitlln, ed. MajdI FatbI 1Sayyid, Tantll 1410/1989, pp. 33-35, nos. 9-12 (he circumcised himself at the age of eighty) and pp. 37, 39, nos. 17-18 (he circumcised himself at the age of hundred and twenty); and see ibid. the references given by the editor. AI-Muttaqi I-HindI, Kanzu I-'ummlll, Hyderabad 1395/1975, XXII, 36, no. 305. Ibn al-Mulaqqin, Tul;!fatu I-mul;!tlljilll adil/ati I-minhlij, eel. 'Abdallah b. Sa'llf al-LaI)yllni, Mecca al-mukarrama 1406/1986, II, 496, no. 1616; and see the references of the editor. Mubammad b. 'Ali b. TOIOn, Ff1$$U I-khawlltim fimll qila fi I-walll'im, eel. Nizllr Ub~, Damascus 140311983, p. 61. Al)mad b. cAlI b. al-Muthannll al-TamlmI, Musnad abi yrrlll 1maU$iI1,ed.Husayn Salim Asad, Damascus 1407/1987, X, 383-384, no. 5981; and see the abundant references of the editor. AI-Munllwi, Fayr!u I-qadir, sharl;!u l-jllmi'i I-$aghir, Beirut 13911 1972, I, 207-208, no. 284; and see ibid. the discussion whether qadi1m or qaddi1m is a name of a place or of a tool of a carpenter; a harmonizing assumption says that he circumcised himself with a tool named qadi1m in a place called qaddam. Badr al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibli, Mal;!lIsinu l-wasl1'ilfi mrrrifati l-awll'il, MS Brit. Library, Or. 1530, fol. 48b-49a: God told Ibrahim that he had already accomplished (the ••. .. and he was born circumcised ... " 11 A slightly divergent tradition about the circumcision of Ibrahim is recorded by Abu Bakr Ahmad b. cAmr b. Abl cAsim al-Shaybani, in his Kitnbu l-awli)i/2: Ibrahim carried out the circumcision at the age of one hundred and thirty yearsl. A peculiar tradition traced back to Abu Hurayra and recorded in Suvntr's al-Durr al-manthur+, says that Ibrahim circumcised himself in Qadum at the age of thirty years. AI-CAyruquotes a tradition recorded by al-Mawardt saying that Ibrahim circumcised himself at the age of seventy; according to Ibn Qutayba, after this event he lived for a hundred years and died at the age of one hundred and seventy'. Noteworthy is a tradition recorded by al-Bayhaqi in his ai-Sun an alkubra'': God ordered Ibrahrm to circumcise himself and he carried out the order using the qadum, the pick-axe. When the pain increased and became too hard for him to bear, he invoked God. God then asked him why was he so hasty in carrying out the order and Ibrahim answered that he did it because he feared to delay the accomplishment of God's injunction". There is, however, one tradition in which the circumcision of Abraham is not linked with an injunction of God. Abraham is said to have waged war with the Amalekites. Since many warriors of both the fighting troops fell in these battles, it was necessary to make a distinction during the burial of the dead between the believing warriors, fighting on the side of Abraham, and the unbelieving Amalekites. Then Abraham introduced the circumcision in order to distinguish by that mark the believing warriors from the unbelievers". The injunctions of-K.) his religious belief, qad akmalta tmanaka, except a bit, ba¢'a, of your body which you whould remove; he then circumcised himself, using for it a pick-axe. Another tradition says that God bade him clean himself on three occasions; at the first time he performed an ablution, at the second time he washed himself, at the third time he carried out the circumcision. And see: al-Baghawl, Maslibl(1u l-sunna, ed. Muhammad SalIm Ibrahim Samara and Jamal Hamdt l-Dhahabl, Beirut 140711987, IV, 18, no. 4428. Muhammad Nasir ai-Din aIAlbant, Silsilatu 1-a(llidIthil-sahtha, Beirut 1405/1985, II, 361, no. 725; and see the references of the author. EF, s. v, khitnn, Shams ai-Din aI-SuyiitJ, [t(lll/u I-akhi$sll bi-/arJll)iJi I-masjidi t-aqss, ed. Ahmad Ramadan Ahmad, Cairo 1984, II, 74 records some technical details of the circumcision: Ibrahim used the pick-axe, qaddum for the circumcision; he drew the pick-axe towards himself and hit it with a stick; then the prepuce fell down without any pain or flow of blood. See these details of the circumcision of Ibrahim in Ibn 'Asikir's Tabylnu l-imtinan, pp. 36-37, no. 15 and in 'Ali' al-Dln 'Ali Dadah aI-SaktawAli aI-Busnawi's MU(lllrJaratal-awll'iI wa-musamarat al-awakhir, Bulaaq 1300, p. 38. 2 Ed. Muhammad b. Ni$ir aI·cAjami, aI-Kuwayt 1405, p. 64, no. 19. 3 See ibid. the references provided by the editor. 4 Cairo 1314, I, 115 sup. S A1-'Ayni, cUmdat al-qllrl shar(l sa(li(li t-bukhsrt, repr, Beirut, n. d., XV, 246. 6 Hyderabad 1355, VIII, 326. 7 See this tradition: aI-SuyiitJ, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 115. Ibn Hajar aI-CAsqalani, Fathu t-bsn shar(l sa(ll(1iI-bukhllrl, Cairo 1301, repr, Beirut, X, 288, pp. 25-26. Ibn Qayyim aI-Jauziyya, Tuhfa: al-maudud, p. 121. A1-Saffilrl, Nuzhatu l-majalis wa-muntakhabu l-najQ'is, Beirut, n. d., p. 490 inf. Ibn 'Asakir, Tabyinu l-imtinan, p. 36, no. 14. 8 Abill;iudhayfa Is\.llq b. Bishr, Mubtada)u l-dunya wa-qisasu t-anbiya', MS fol. 187b. 'Ala) 12 M.J. Kister Muslim tradition is, however, almost unanimous in saying that Ibrahim performed the circumcision on the order of God. As there is no special verse in the Qur-an enjoining the circumcision, commentators of the Qur-an strove to find some indications in the Qur'an implying that God enjoined Ibrahim to carry out the circumcision. Such was the verse 124 in surat al-baqara: ... wa-idhi btala ibrahtma rabbuhu bi-kalimatin faatammahunna ... , "and (remember) when his Lord tried Abraham with certain commands which he fulfilled ... " One of these commands, kalimat, was, according to some scholars, the injunction of the circumcision''. The story of the circumcision of Abraham according to God's injunction and his suffering is confronted by the story of the circumcision of the Prophet. Unlike Abraham, the Prophet was granted the grace of being born circumcised. The tradition of the miraculous circumcision of the Prophet, as transmitted by his servant Anas b. Malik, says that the Prophet stated: "For the sake of my honourable position at God's Presence I was born circumcised and nobody saw my pudendum," min karamatt Callillahi ann] wulidtu makhtiinan wa-lam yara ahadun sau'ati10. Al-Munawt, who recorded this tradition, adduced a remarkable list of reservations and many critical observations of Muslim orthodox scholars. Some al-Dln 'Ali Dadah al-Saktawart al-Busnawi, Mu~iit;faratu l-awli'i1 wa-musamaratu I-awakhir, p. 38; and see ibid. details about Ibrahim as a military leader. AI-Tha'iabi, Q#t1$al-anbiya', Cairo n. d., pp. 129-130. Al-Saffurl, Nuzhatu l-majdlis, p. 491 sup. 9 See e.g. Isbaq b. Bishr, Mubtad"u l-dunya, MS fol. 188b, sup. Ibn Abi Shayba, alMusannaf, (reprint) XI, 521, no. 11877. Shihabu l-Dln I-Khafaji, Naslmu f-riYllt;f i sharhi shiflJ'i I I-qllt;/lciyllt;f, airo 1327, I, 343 inf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhfatu l-maudud, p, 164: ... wa-IC khitan kana mina I-kh#a/i llati btala /lahu subMJnahu biha ibrllhima khalrlahu fa-atammahunna wa-akmalahunna fa-ja'alahu imaman li-t-nasi ... 10 Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Wa/ll bi-ahwali l-mustafa, ed. Mu~~afii cAbd aI-Wiibid, Cairo 1386/1966, p. 97. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahanl, Dalli'ilu l-nubuwwa, ed. Muhammad Rawwas QaIcajI and 'Abd al-Barr 'Abbas, Beirut 1406/1986, I, 154, no. 91. Ibn Nasir al-Dtn al-Dimashqt, Jamieu I-II/hllrIi maulidi l-nabiyyi l-mukhtar, MS Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 192b, quoted from Abu NuCaym's Dalll'il, and fol. 193a, quoted from al-Khatib al-Baghdadl's Ta'rikh and from Ibn cAsAkir, evidently from his Ta'rikh dimashq. Ibn Kathir, al-Slra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~~afa 'Abd aI-Wiibid, Cairo 1385/1966, I, 209. Shihabu l-Dln aI-Khafaji, Nastmu I-riyat;f,I, 363, inf.-364. Al-Zurqant, al-Mawllhibu l-Iaduniyya, Cairo 1326, V, 244. Husayn b. Muhammad al-Diyarbakrl, Ta)rikhu 1khamts Ii a~wali anfasi nafls, Cairo 1283, I, 204 inf. 'Ali b. Burhan aI-Din al-Halabl, Inssnu 1'uyun Ii strati l-amini I-ma'mun = al-Slra al-fralabiyya, Cairo 138211962, I, 59. And see: Muhammad b. Yusuf aI-salil:u, Subulu I-hudll wa-J-rashiJdIi strati khayri I-rTkh-tahdhlb, Beirut 1399/1979, I, 283. Ibn KathIr, al-S1ra al-nabawiyya, I, 208-209. Ibn al-Jauzi, Sifatu l-safwa, I, 52. Ab1l Nu'aym al-Isfahant, DallPii al-nubuwwa, p. 154, no. 92; and see the references of the editor. Al-MaqrIzi, Imtif-u l-asmif- bi-ma li-l-rasuli mina l-anblPi wa-l-amwalt wa-l-l:uz/adati wa-lmats", ed. Mal.un1ldMuhammad Shakir, Cairo 1941, 1,4 inf. Ibn Nl$ir al-Dln al-DimashqI, Jllmi< al-llthllr, MS fol. 192b, quoted from al-BayhaqI's Dalll'il. Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, Beirut 1380/1960, I, 103. Ibn Nasir al-Din al-Dimashql, Jllmie al-tuhar, MS fol. 192; quoted from Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqllt. Al-'Aq1llI, al-Rasf li-ma ruwiya 'ani l-nabiyyi sallllllllhu 'alayhi wa-sallam mina I-Ji'li wa-l-wasf, Cairo 1406/1986, I, 20; quoted from Ibn Sa'd, 36 I, 112. • ••. .. and he was born circumcised ...•• 17 by Amina the night when she bore the Prophet. He took the child and brought it to Hubal, who was placed in the Ka'ba: he invoked God and thanked Him for His precious gift, the birth of the Prophet!", One tradition links the entrance of cAbd al-Muttalib with the child into the Ka'ba with some socio-religious activities practiced in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya, It was cAbd al-Muttalib who invoked in the Sanctuary for the child, it was he who named the child Muhammad and it was he who invited Quraysh and prepared a party for them on the occasion of the birth of Muhammad-". Some traditions say that CAbd al-Muttalib circumcised the child, performing the ritual on the seventh day after his birth39• Mughultay confronts in his al-Zahr al-basim40 the tradition that the Prophet was born circumcised with the tradition that CAbdal-Muttalib circumcised the child on the seventh day of his birth, arranged a party on this occasion and named him Muhammad. Mughultay notes that this tradition seems to be more acceptable than that of the Prophet being born circumcised'", Some of the traditions saying that CAbd al-Muttalib circumcised the child stress that he performed it according to the practice of the Arabs+'. The reliability of the tradition saying that the Arabs practiced circumcision 37 And see Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, 1,208. Ibn 'Asiildr, Tatrtkh -tahdhtb, 1,284. AlBayhaql, Shucab al-tman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy cAbd al-Hamld Hamid, Bombay 140711987, III, 555; and see references of the editor. Abu Hatim Muhammad b. Hibban al-Busti, al-Sira al-nabawiyya wa-akhbaru l-khulafa", excerpted from al-Bustt's Kitabu l-thiqm, ed. 'Aziz Bek and alii, Beirut 140711987, p. 53. 38 See e.g. 'Abd al-Malik al-'I$limi, Simtu l-nujami 1-'awiil1fi anbCI'i l-awl1'i1i wa-l-tawatt, Cairo 1380, I, 263 inf.-264. 39 Al-Maqrtzt, lmtl!'u l-asms-, 1,5. Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 70a, 1.1. Al-Qurtubl, TafsIr, II, 100. Ibn cAsakir, Ttrrtkh-tahdbtb, I, 283. 40 MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 69 b. 41 cr. Ibn 'Aslikir, Tairtkh-tahdhtb, I, 283. 42 See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhfatu l-maudud, p. 158: ... anna jaddahu 'abda 1muttalibi khatanahu 'all1 'lIdati I-'arabi j1 khitani auladihim ... Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zi1du 1ma'iid, I, 19, sup. And see the utterance attributed to Ibn 'Abbas in al-Suyutt's al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 114, inf. .,. 'ani bni 'abblisin qlIla: sab'un mina l-sunnati fi l-sabiyyi yauma l-sl1bi'i:yusamma wa-yukhtanu wa-yumatu 'anhu l-adhl1 wa-yu'aqqu 'anhu wa-yuhlaqu rcrsuhu wa-yultakhu min 'uqiqatihi wa-yutasaddaqu bi-wazni sha'ri ra'sihi dhahaban au flddatan, Al-Halabt, al-Sira al-halabiyya, I, 59. Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajl, Nasimu l-riyiJfl, I, 364: .•. anna jaddahu 'abda 1murtalibi khatanahu yauma Sl1bicihiwa-ja'ala lahu ma'dubatan wa-sammahu muhammadan, wakanati I-'arabu takhtatinu li-annahu sunnatun tawilrathilhil min isma'i1a wa-ibrahtma 'alayhimli l-salamu, And see al-Ya'qnbt, Ta'rIkh, ed. Muhammad Sadiq Bahru 1-'uliim, Najar 1384/1964, I, 224: wa-kanat adyl1nu I-'arabi mukhtalifatan bi-l-mujawarat! Ii-ahli l-milali wa-l-intiqnli tta 1buldilni wa-I-intijl!'ilti. fa-kanat qurayshun wa-'ilmmatu wuJdi ma'addi bni 'adnlIna 'alil ba'f/i dtni ibrahima ya!luijiina l-bayta wa-yuqtmuna l-manasika wa-yaqruna l-dayfa wa-yucauimiina 1ashhura l-huruma wa-yunkirana l-fawill;.isha wa-l-taql1/u'a wa-t-tazsluma wa-yu'l1qibiina 'all1 1jarl1'imi, fa-lam yazillQ 'all1 dhl1lika mil kl1nQwulata l-bayti ... Al-Khafa]! emphasizes that circumcision among the Arabs was not caused by the neighbourhood of the Jews, wa-Iaysa dhillika li-mujawarati l-yahud •..• 18 M.J. Kister in pre-Islamic times is convincingly demonstrated by Uri Rubin in his article: "Hanifiyya and Ka'ba, An inquiry into the Arabian pre-Islamic background of din Ibrahim. ,,43 It is indeed noteworthy that the traditions transmitted by Ibn (Abbas emphasize the role of (Abd al-Muttalib and the continuity of the Jahill customs, according to which (Abd al-Muttalib acted. The practice of circumcision of females in the period of the Jahiliyya is indicated in a verse of Nabigha al-Dhubyani, in which he mentions young girls captured in a raid before they were circumcised+'. A third group of traditions says that the angel Jibril performed the circumcision of Muhammad in the abode of Hallma, when he opened his breast and purified his heart45. Arab sources emphasize the persistence of the Abrahamian beliefs in the Arab peninsula=, A tradition recorded on the authority of (Ikrima asserts that uncircumcised persons were not to perform the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, No uncircumcised person ever circumambulated the Ka'ba since the time of Abraham, the tradition says47. Al-Jahiz is quoted as stating that the practice of female and male circumcision remains continuous since the time of Ibrahim and Hajar until now: ... qiila l-jliJ:ziZ:wa-l-khitanu ft l-sarabi ft l-nisli'i wa-l-rijali min ladun ibrtihima 'alayhi I-salamu wa-hajara Uli yaumina hlidha. Al-Jahiz adds the following observation: ... thumma lam yiilad sabiyyun makhtunan au fl surati makhtunin, wa-nasun yaz-umuna anna l-nabiyya $alla llnhu 'alayhi wa-sallam wa-stsn 'alayhi l-salnmu khuliqd makhtunayniv: The Arab character of the practice of circumcision is reflected in the story 43 JSAI, vol. XIII (1990) 103: " ... The pre-Islamic deity of the Kaalati I-samo<, MS Hebrew Univ. AP Ar. 158, Col. 8b, penult.: ... kana 'umaru bnu I-khaflllbi ratjiya Ililhu 'anhu idhil samtia l-duffa wa-l-ghiniJla ankarahu, fa-idhil qtla khiumun au 'ursun sakata. 106 Al-Shaukant, Naylu l-autsr, I, 136, inC.: ... wa-amma man lahu dhakarani fa-in kilnil 'ilmi/ayni wajaba khitanuhuma, wa-in kilna a/laduhumll 'llmilan dana l-akhar khutina. 107 Al-ShaukanJ, Naylu l-autar, I, 136, penult.: ... ukhtullfa /l khitani l-khuntha, fa-qlla yajibu khittmuhu /l farjayhi qabla I-bulaghi, wa-qtla IIIyaiuzu ~attli yatabayyana, wa-huwa 1azharu, And see R.B. Serjeant, "Sex, Birth, Circumcision: Some Notes from South-West Arabia," Hermann von Wissmann-Festschrift, ed. A. Leidlmair, Tiibingen 1962, p. 206; repr. Variorum 1991, n. XIV. * 30 M.J. Kister, ". " and he was born circumcised ... " The sunan ibrahtm were adopted in Islam and became sunan at-islam, Circumcision became a compulsory condition for converts to Islam. Scholars considered it as a mark of Islam; some of them were of the opinion that it denoted servitude of the believer and his bondage to God, a visible sign that the believer carried out God's injunction. This is reminiscent of the Jewish idea of circumcision, according to which it is a sign of the covenant between God and His people. Circumcision is said to have been imposed on males and females alike. Some scholars advocated, however, the idea that females may be treated with certain leniency, basing their opinion on the utterance of the Prophet: al-khitanu sunnatun li-l-riiali makrumatun li-l-nisa'i, "circumcision is an obligatory ritual practice for men, a virtuous deed for women." As to the circumcision of males, there was a clear tendency to avoid any thought that it had been influenced by the Jewish practice. The early reports concerning circumcision state plainly that the Arabs were not influenced by their Jewish neighbours in that ritual practice. Similarly scholars bade to refrain from following the Jewish date of the circumcision on the seventh day after the birth of the child. A heated discussion concerning the problem whether the Prophet was born circumcised indicates that some scholars assumed that his circumcision was a miraculous event, following in this matter the traditions about other prophets who were born circumcised. It is noteworthy that in some lists of these prophets the names of some prophets from the Arab peninsula were added. Other scholars maintained that the Prophet's grandfather, CAbd al-Muttalib, took the newborn child from his mother, brought him to the Ka'ba, circumcised him and named him Muhammad, The tradition which maintains that he acted according to the Arab usage bears evidence that the tendency of the tradition is to stress the Arab custom of circumcision and the activity of the Prophet's grandfather in a framework of the old Arab tradition. The simple and modest celebrations of the circumcision in early Islam turned into popular and sometimes sumptuous festivities in the various countries of the Muslim empire 108 • See e.g. El2, s.v. khitan, 108

Call Yourselves by Graceful Names

Call_yourselves.pdf "CALL YOURSELVES BY GRACEFUL by NAMES ... " M. J. KISTER The transition from Jahiliyya to Islam was acompanied by considerable changes in the ideas and perceptions of the traditional tribal society of the Arabs. Some concepts of the Jahiliyya did, however, survive among the Arab tribes who conquered the territories of the Persian and Byzantine empires. The struggle between the new ideas of Islam, often enriched by the adoption of the cultural values of the conquered peoples, with the persistence of concepts of the old Arab tradition left its traces in the prolific literature of the Hadith. The hard contest between these diverse ideas and trends is reflected by the conflicting utterances attributed to the Prophet or to his Companions. One of the topics for discussion was the problem of personal names. The contradictory traditions on this theme reflect the divergent attitudes of diff,erent groups in Muslim society. Goldziher dealt with some aspects of this problem in his "Gesetzliche Bestimmungen uber Kunja-Namen im Islam," study: 1 Brau scrutinized the cultic personal names in his detailed kultischen Personennamen" 2 "Die altnordarabischen and Bar- bara Stowasser-Freyer touched upon it in her Ph. D. thesis, "Formen des geselligen Umgangs und Eigentumlichkeiten des Sprachgebrauchs in der fruhislamischen stadtischen Gesellschaft Arabiens" (Nach Ibn Sa'd and Bukharil.3 The perusal of some additional data about proper names may help us to ,elucidate certain aspects of this problem. The Muslim concept of names is defined in an utterance of the Prophet recorded by Abu Dawud: 1 2 3 4 "You will be called on the Day 4 ZDMG 51 (1897), 256-266. WZKM 32 (1925), 31-59, 85-115. Der Islam 42 (1965), 26-40. Sahih sunan al-Mu$!afa, Cairo 1348, II, 307; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, Hyderabad 1355, IX, 306; al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1381/1962, IV, 139, No. 2890; al-'Ayni, 'Umdat al-qari, [Istanbul 1308-111 x, 451; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, Cairo 1325, x, 438. [3 ] of Resurrection by your names and the names of your fathers, therefore call yourselves by graceful names." The same emphasis on graceful names is apparent in two other traditions: "When you send to me a 5 messenger, send a man with a pleasant face and a beautiful name," and "He whom God granted a pretty face and a graceful name and put him in a place which is not disgraceful, he is the choicest man of God among His creature." 6 As is to be expected, tradition credited names into the Prophet with the changing of ugly and unpleasant to change it into a pretty one," rity of 'Urwa. 7 pleasant ones. "The Prophet, when he heard an odious name, used says a tradition reported on the authorecord a The collections of hadith and the Tabaqat compilations good deal of the changes of names performed by the Prophet. The first to be changed, as one would expect, were the names indicating worship of idols. 'Abd al-'Uzza was changed by the Prophet to 'Abd al-Rahman 8 or 'Abd Rabbihi 9 or 'Abdallah 10 or 'Abd al-'Aziz.ll 'Abd 5 Ibn Abi Hatim, 'Ilal al-hadith, Cairo 1343, Il, 329, No. 2508; al-Munawi, Fayd al-qadir, sharh al-jami' al-saghir, Cairo 1391/1972, I, 311, No. 511; 'Ali al-Qari, al-Asrar al-marfu'a fi I-akhbar al-maudu'a, ed. Muhammad al-Sabbagh, Beirut 1391/1971, 437; al-Samarqandi, Bustan al-'arifin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin), Cairo 1347, 155 inf.; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, Insan al-'uyun (= al-Sira al-halabiyya), Cairo 1351/1932, I, 94; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal, Hyderabad 1377/1958, VI, 22-3, Nos. 196-7; alSuyUti, al-La'ali al-m~nu'a fi l-ahOdith al-mau{iu'a, Cairo n. d., I, 112-3; al-Nawawi, Kit. al-adhkiir al-muntakhab min kaliim sayyid al-abriir, Cairo 1323, 127. 6 7 8 9 Al-Shaukani, al-Fawa'id al-majmu'a, ed. 'Abd al-RaJ,unin al-Mu'allami alYamini, Cairo 1380/1960, 221; :AIi I-Qari, op. cit., 437; al-Raghib alI~fahani, Muhii{iarat al-udaba', Beirut 1961, III, 336. Al-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 451; al-Munawi, op. cit., v, 144, No. 6727; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 140, No. 2895. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, Beirut 1377 /1957, III, 474; al-Balidhuri, Futiih al-buldan, ed. 'Abdallah Anis al-Tabba' and 'Umar al-Tabba', Beirut 1377/1957, 125; al-Fisi, al-'Iqd al-thamin, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid, Cairo 1385/1966, V, 371, line 1; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, al-Isti'ab, ed. 'Ali MuI;1ammadal-Bijiwi, Cairo 1380/ 1960, p. 832, No. 1408 and 838, No. 1432; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, Majma' al-zawa'id, Beirut 1967, VIII, 50, 54; Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, al-Istibsar fi nasabi I-SaJ:raba in al-~ar, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhic;!, eirut 1392/1972, 319. m B Ibn Hajar, al-ISaba, Cairo 1328, II, 388, No. 5074. [4 ] Shams was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah." 'Abd Kulal was changed to 'Abd al-Rahman," 'Abd al-Jann to 'Abdallah." 'Abd alKa'ba to 'Abd al-Rahman IS or 'Abdallah." The Banii 'Abd ManAf were renamed by the Prophet and called Banii 'Abdallah." 'Abd alHajar (or al-Hijr) was altered to 'Abdallah," 'Abd 'Amr into 'Abd al-Rahman.> The substitution of 'Abdallah for Bujayr 20 as recorded 10 AbU Nu'aym al-Isfahani, lJilyaJ al-auliya', Beirut 1387/1967 (reprint), I, 365; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 871, No. 1480; Anonymous, History 01 the prophets (Ar.), Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 234a; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, II, 280, No. 4557. 11 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1006, No. 1700; Ibn l;Iajar, al-lsiiba, II, 428, Nos. 5240-41. 12 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 884, No. 1496; Ibn l;Iajar, al-l$aba, II, 292, No. 4602 and 293, No. 4606. 13 N1ir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 55; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'ari/, ed. al-Sawl, Cairo 1390/1970 (reprint), 132. 14 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Iamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh. 384, fo1. l06b; MughultiiY, al-Zahr al-bdsim ii sirat Abi l-Qiisim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 145a; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh ol-muhkam Ii man intasaba ilii l-nabiyyi ~alla lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fols. 115b, ult.-1l6a sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, II, 325, No. 4753; Ibn al-Kalbi, lamhara, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 27b inf 15 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 844, Nos. 1446-7 and 824, No. 1394; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms., fol. 112b; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah alZubayri, Nasab Quraysh, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1953, 265, line 17 (his name was 'Abd 'Amr); 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 312 ('Abd 'Amr, or 'Abd al-Ka'ba, or 'Abd al-Harith). 16 Al-Fasi, op. cit., V, 208; Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'iiril, 73; al-Majlisi, BiMr alanwar (lithogr. ed.) VIII, 272, line 5. 17 Niir al-Din aI-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 53; comp. Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 431, No. 5263 ('Abd Manif changed into 'Abdallah). 18 Fadlullah l-Jilani (= al-Jilani), F adlu lliihi l-samad ii tau{ii~ al-adab 01muirad, 1;I~ 1388/1969, II, 283, No. 811; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 943, No. 1596,and 895, No. 1524. 19 Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; al-Mu'ifa b. Zakariya, al-Jalis al-~iilil;!al-If.ali wa-l-anis al-nii#b al-shiifi, Ms. Ahmet III, No. 2321, fol. 113a; al-Fasawi, al-Mctrila wa-l-tarikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 134b, sup.; al-Waqidi, al-Maghiizi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, 82 (he was however addressed 'Abd al-Ilah, because the name of Musaylima was al-Rahman), 20 See Goldziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 257, line 7. [ 5] by al-Baladhuri the idol Biijir.22 21 may have been connected with the odious name of It was deemed equally desirable to change the names of persons and tribes in which mention of devils or demons could be found. The name of the Banii Shaytan was changed to Banii 'Abdallah; b. QUI1 was altered to 'Abdallah b. QUI1. 24 23 Shaytan 'Umar changed the name al-Ajda', he of Masriiq b. al-Ajda' to Masrfiq b. 'Abd al-Rahman; said, is the name of the Devil. 25 Another man was called Hubab; the Prophet changed his name to 'Abdallah, stating that Hubab is the name of the DeviJ.26 It apparently denotes an idol, as assumed by Wellhausen." A rather humorous story narrates another version by which the name Hubab was changed unintentionally: A man called Hubab negotiated with a bedouin for the purchase of two camels; he succeeded in getting the camels and set off with them. When he was later brought into the presence of the Prophet, the Prophet address.ed him as "Surraq," "the thief." The man refused to change this name, because it was the Prophet who granted it to him." The name of 'Abd al-Harith 21 Ansiib al-ashriii, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 233; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, Cairo 1358/1939,59. 22 See L'A, s. v. bjr; and see Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Asniim, ed. Ahmad Zaki Pasha, Cairo 1343/1924,63. 23 Ibn Wahb, Jami', ed. J. David-Weill,Cairo 1939,11, lines 4-6. 24 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51 sup.; Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 358,No. 4890. 25 Ibn Hanbal, 'I/al, ed. Talat Kocigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu, Ankara 1963, I, 9, No. 31; Ibn Majah, Sunan, Cairo 1349, II, 405; L'A, s. v. jd'; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, III, 492, No. 8406;Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., v, 76. 26 Al-Baladhuri, Futiih, 125; Nirr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 50; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 6, lines 12-1~; 7, lines 5-7; 9, lines 11-13, 16-19; 10, lines 1-2; al-Fasawi, op. cit., fol, 134b sup.; Ma'rnar b. Rashid, Iiimi' (attached to 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahman al-A'zami, Beirut 1392/1972), XI, 40, No .19849; Anonymous, History, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol, 233a; L'A, s. v, hbb; and see al-Suytiti, al-Durr al-manthiir ii l-tafsir bi-l-ma'thia, Cairo 1314, I, 48 (the name of Iblis at the time when God created Adam was Hubab), 50 (the name of Iblis was al-Harith; in other traditions his name was 'Azazil), 27 J. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums, Berlin 1887,171,n. 2. 28 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 683, No. 1132; Ibn l;Iajar, al-lsiiba, II, 20, No. 3122. [6] was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah; Heaven was al-Harith.?'' He frightened 29 the name of Iblis in when she became Hawwa' pregnant by telling her that she would give birth to a beast and promised that she would have a normal human baby if she gave it his name; he lied, claiming that his name was 'Abd al-Harith (not al-Harith), The baby born was indeed normal, was named 'Abd al-Harith, but died as a child." It is of interest that this very name, al-Harith, the name of Iblis and apparently the name of an idol, survived in the period of the Prophet and was even recommended by the Prophet, according to one tradition." widest circulation. It was not only the name of the Devil which was prohibited. His kunya, Abu Murra,v was also considered disagreeable and was changed It subsequently became one of the names with the by the Prophet to Abu Hulwa." God, 3~ Murra is the name most disliked by stated th.e Prophet. The name of a jinni who embraced Islam, 29 Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 374, No. 4983; 388, No. 5068; and see ibid, 387-8. 30 AI-Majlisi, Bi~iir al-anwiir, Tehran 1390, LXJII, 241, 247; Anonymous, History, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 4b; aI-ShibIi, Akiim al-mariiin n gharii'ibi l-akhbiir wa-ahkiim al-idnn, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1376, 156; aI-'I~mi, Simt al-nuiiim al-iawiili, Cairo 1380, I, 35; Brau, op. cit., 56. 31 Muqatil, Toisir, Ms. Ahrnet III, 741, fol. 140a; and see al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, Hyderabad 1342, II, 545; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh (Tahdhib), Damascus 1349, VI, 353; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, III, 151-2 (in one of the reports, 151 ult., the Devil advised Hawwa' to name the baby 'Abd Shams); al-Nuwayri, Nlhiiyat ol-arab, Cairo n.d., XIII, 30; al-Shatibi, al-Iumdn Ms. Br.Mus., Or. 1555, fol. 8b (Adam tries in vain to convince Hawwa' to name the child 'Abdallah); Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya wa-l-nihiiya, Beirut-e-al-Riyad 1966, I, %; al-Tabari, Taisir, ed. Mahmud and Ahmad Shakir, Cairo 1958, XIII, 306-314, Nos. 15510-15525; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 353; Muhammad N~ir al-Din al-Albani, Silsilat al-ahiidit]: al-da'ija wa-l-maudii'a, Damascus 1384, No. 342. 32 Ibn Hajar, al-lsiiba, II, 288, No. 4588; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 6, lines 1617; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 169, No. 207; Abu Dawtid, op. cit., II, 307; alJilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814 ... ; etc. 33 See Ibn al-Athir, al-Murassa' ed. C. F. Seybold, Weimar 18%, 97: .. , abii murrata huwa ashharu kunii iblis ... ,' and see al- Majlisi, op. cit., LXIII, 226; al-Zarnakhshari, Rabi' al-abrdr, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 6511, fol. 104a, sup. 34 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8 ,line 10. 35 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., page 6, line 17; 8. line 18; 9, line 1,4-7. [7 ] Samhaj, (a mare thin in the belly) was changed by the Prophet to 'Abdallah." Durays is mentioned as a name of the Devil," but this is not recorded in any other source; the name must have been felt to be odious: The Prophet bought a horse named al-Daris and changed its name to al-Sakb." The ominous name Ghaylan, which is reminiscent of the demons, was changed to 'Abdallah; 39 'Abd Sharr was changed to 'Abd Khayr," Haram was altered into Halal." In the overwhelming majority of the cases quoted above the odious name was changed to 'Abd al-Rahman or 'Abdallah. These two names, belonging to the type of ta'bid names, in which the word "t abd" is attached to one of the names of God, were a clear indication of the new Islamic spirit of obedience and submission to Allah. This trend was given expression in the utterance of the Prophet: "In naming fa(your children - K.) use the expression 'abd" (idhii sammaytum 'abbidil).42 Among this group of names 'Abdallah and 'Abd al-Rahman were considered the best. "The names most liked by God are 'Abdallah and 'Abd al-Rahman," says an utterance of the Prophet." This idea brought about changes in the names which served in Islam as attributes of Allah. Jabbar was changed to 'Abd al-Jabbar.v al-Qayyum to 'Abd al-Oayyum," 'Aziz to 'Abd al-'Aziz 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 46 and to 'Abd al-Rahman." An 44 45 46 47 Ibn Na~ir al-Din, Jiimi' al-dthdr, Ms. Cambridge, Or. 913, fol. 358b; alDamiri, Hayii: al-hayawdn, Cairo 1383fl963, I, 208. Rijiil al-Kashshi, Karbala' n.d., 156 inf. L'A, s.v. drs, Nilr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 54. Ibn l.Iajar, al-Isdba, II, 388, No. 5072. Nut al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., Vlll, 51. Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 50. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 834, No. 1419; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., vnr, 49-50; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 139, No. 2891; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, line 3--4; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 168, No. 206; Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 404; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 288, No. 4588. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 387, No. 5063. Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 54. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 428, No. 5242. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 834, No. 1419; Ntir al-Din l-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 49-50; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 50. [8 ] utterance of the Prophet gives explicitly the reason why the name alHakam and the kunya AbU l-Hakam are prohibited. "Do not name (your children) al-Hakam, nor Abu l-Hakam, as God is the hakam," b. Sa'id; Shurayh." The abhorrence which the pious felt with regard to using names attributed to the Prophet: 51 49 48 Consequently, the name of al-Hakam b. Sa'id was changed to 'Abdallah the kunya of Hani', Abu l-Hakam, was changed to AbU denoting the attributes of Allah gave rise to an early tradition, recorded by Ma'mar b. Rashidand "The names most detested by God are Khalid and Malik." Kingdom and eternal exis- tence are, of course, attributes of God and man is not permitted to apply them in his name. It is of interest that another version of this tradition states: takdhabu l-asmai "The most deceiving names are Khalid and Malik" khiilidun wa-malikuns." The kunya AbU Malik is Abu 'Isa, listed among the four kunyas prohibited by the Prophet: when the child is named Muhammad." AbU l-Hakam, AbU Malik and Abu l-Oasim: the last one in the case Contrary to the Bedouin custom to call their slaves by nice names and to call their own children by disagreeable names,5f the Muslims 48 49 Ma'mar b. Rashid. op. cit., XI, 42, No. 19859; al-Majlisi, op. cit., LXXVI, 175; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 457 inf. Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh l-muhkam, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 67b, inf.; Nfir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 355, No. 523; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 14a. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 283, No. 811; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihdya, s.v. hkm; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1688, No. 3031; 'Ali b. Balaban, al-lhsdn [i taqrib $al;Ii~ Ibn I;libbiin, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 117b; Ibn al-I;l1ijj, alMadkhol, Beirut 1972, I, 120; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 49; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 129 sup. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 42, No. 19860; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 457 ult. -8. Ibn Abi l;Iatim, op. cit., No. 2525. Al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 450; about the use of the kunya Abu l-Qasim see e.g. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 44, No. 19867; Abu DawUd, op. cit., II, 309310; al-'Ayni, op, cit., X, 449; al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini l-iithiir, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjar, Cairo 1388/1968, IV, 335-341. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 339; aHlaliJ.1i, Subul al-hudii wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (~ al-Sira al-shiimiyya), ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-Wahid, 50 51 52 53 54 [9 ] were required to give their children graceful names. The Prophet stated that the obligation of a father towards his child is to give him a graceful name and a good education. 55 The Prophet used to ask about the name of a man whom he met and was glad to hear that his name was a nice one. 56 One should be careful to select a beautiful name, as an angel and a devil attend the birth of a child; the angel advises to give him a graceful name, the devil recommends a disagreeable one." The name of the child constitutes a proof for the intelligence of his father. 58 There is a very dose relationship between the meaning of the name and the character of the child who is giv.en it. The name chosen by the father thus has considerable bearing on the fate and life of the child. 59 A name fits the character of the person named, by decree of God. The Prophet was given names which were precisely fitting: Muhammad and Ahmad. The name and the person named. says Ibn Qayyim, were in this case as dosely connected to each other as the body is to the soul." The name Muhammad, for instance is derived from the name of God as attested by the verse of Hassan : wa-shaqqa lahii min ismihi li-yuiillahii : [a-dhii l-tarshi mahmiidun wa-hiulhii muhammadii And He derived (a name) from His name in order to honour him: thus the Owner of the Throne is Mahmud (Praised) and this one is Muhammad." Cairo 1392/1972, I, 326; Ibn Durayd, ol-lshtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam HiirUn, Cairo 1378/1958, 4. Ntir al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., VIII, 47. Ntir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 47; al-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 197. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 336. Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 336. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Ziid al-ma'iid ti hadyi khayri l-'ibad, Beirut n.d. II, 5; Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, Sijr al-sa'dda, Cairo 1382/1962, 88. Ibn Qayyim, op. cit., II, 5. See A. Fischer, Muhammad and Ahmad, die Narnen des arabischen Propheten, Leipzig 1932, 20; al-Suyuti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, ed. Muhammad Khalil Harras, Cairo 1386/1967, I, 194-5; al-Bayhaqi Dalii'il al-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman, al-Madina al-munawwara 1389/ 1969, I, 93, 122; Hassan b. Thabit, Diwan, ed. W. N. 'Arafat, London 1971, I, 306. 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 [ 10] The name of Muhammad was given to the Prophet as a good omen." The name Uhud was given to the mountain by God, pointing to the people who believed in the unity of God and to the Prophet who summoned people to this faith. 63 * The fa'l, the omen, either good or bad, become the leading principle in the choice of names. It had, of course, to be distinguished from tiyara, which was interdicted by Islam as a practice of the Jahiliyya, The Prophet is said to have disliked augury, but was pleased by the use of good omens.v' "There is no tiyara, augury, and the best of it is the [a'l, the good omen." The Prophet was asked about the fa'i and he defined it as "a good ($iili~) word heard by one of you." 65 Ibn Hajar devotes a lengthy and detailed discussion to the problem of the relation betwe.en tiyara and fa'l, stressing that the meaning of tiyara is negative and undesirable while that of fa'l is acceptable." "The truest (kind of) augury is the omen," says the Prophet." The favourable attitude of the Prophet towards omens of names is mirrored in a tradition about the milking of a camel. Three men ~olunteered to milk the camel. The Prophet disapproved of the first because of his name Murra, and of the second because of his name Harb; he ordered the third to milk because of his name: Ya'ish." Another version of 62 63 Fischer, op. ctt., 18. Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, aI-Maghiinim al-mutiiba [i ma'ii1im Tiiba, ed. Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/1%9, 10. 64 Al-Munawi, op. cit., v, 231, No. 7101; Ibn Hajar, FatJ:zal-biiri, x, 167, lines 3-4. 65 Ibn Hajar, Eath, x, 166-7; aI-'Ayni, op. cit., x, 197. 66 Ibn Hajar, Fath, x, 167-8; cf. al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 312, line 10 seq. 67 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 93, line 16 (asdaqu l-tiyarati l-fa'lu); Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., x, 406, No. 19512 (the same version); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 280, No. 379 (asdaqu l-tayri I-fa'lu). This tradition was misread by T. Fahd in E/2, s.v. fa'[ (asdaqa l-tayru l-fa'la) and consequently misinterpreted. 68 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 96, line 10-14; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 41, No. 19854; Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., Vlll, 47; 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 94; Ibn Qayyim, op. cit., II, 5; Majd al-Din al-Fayruzabadi, Siir aI-sa'iida, 88; al-Suyfiti, Tanwir al-hawiilik, sharh 'alii Muwaua: Miilik, Cairo n.d. lll, 140-1; al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 157; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. [ 11] this story reflects the tendency of separation of augury, tiyara, which should be rejected, from ial, acting according to the principle of "omen nomen", which should be permitted. Two persons volunteered to milk a she-camel: al-Musawir and Khaddash, Both were disqualified by the Prophet. Then 'Umar asked the Prophet: "Shall I speak or remain silent?" The Prophet said: "Remain silent and I shall tell you what you wanted (to say)" 'Urnar said: "Then tell me, 0 Messenger of God." The Prophet said: "You thought that is was augury." He (i.e. the Prophet - K.) said: "There is no bird except His bird, there is no good except His good; but I like the good omen." 69 The evident intention of this tradition is to reject augury and to legitimize the practice of fa'i. It may be mentioned that the names Harb and Murra mentioned above as a bad fa'l are included in the list of the names disliked by the Prophet: Harb, Murra, Jamra, Hanzala, 70 Kalb and Kulayb." In another case the Prophet preferred a man called Najiya to two other men (evid.ently with unpleasant names) and let him lead his camel. 72 The Prophet chose the way of "Marhab" for reasons of good omen when on his way to attack Khaybar in preference to all other ways proposed to him (al-Hazn, Shas, Halib).73 When th.e Prophet went out on his hiira to Medina he met Burayda al-Aslami with a group of seventy riders of the clan of Sahm. The Prophet drew the omens from these names: Burayda - barada amrunii wa-soluha, firm and just is our affair; As/am - we are safe; sahm - our arrow came 69 70 71 72 73 cit., 459, No. 694; 1588, No. 2820; Ibn l:Iajar, al-I$iiba, III, 669; cf. Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashju l-tauqi' /i-ahli l-basira, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 3922, fo1. 52b: ... al-asmii'u l-diillatu 'alii l-nuhiisi [a-mithlu harbin wa-jahdin wa-kalbin wa-namirin wa-/;Iimiirin wa-abi lahabin wa-abi /-biirithi wa-abi murrata wa-abi shihiibin wa-mii ashbahahii ... Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 97, lines 1-7; cf. 'Ali b. Burhan al-Din, op. cit., I, 94. Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 122. Al-Munawi, op. cit., VI, 342, No. 9523. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 284, No. 812; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 47; and see about the name Dhakwiin changed into Najiya : Ibn 'Abd alBarr, op. cit., IV, 1522, No. 2650; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, III, 541, No. 8642. Majd aI-Din al-Fayruzabadi, al-Maghiinim, 376. [ 12] out,t- When the Prophet entered Medina he heard a man shouting: "Ya Ghiinim"; the Prophet drew the following omen from the name: "We have earned without effort." 75 When Suhayl came to the Prophet at Hudaybiyya to negotiate peace, the Prophet drew from his name the following omen: "Suhayl has come to you, your affair has become easy." 76 When the Prophet heard a man in his army addressing some- one: "Yii Hasan", he said: "From your mouth we have taken the good omen." 77 When the Prophet once went out for some of his needs he was pleased to hear (incidentally) someone addressing another person: "Ya NajilJ, ya Rashid." 78 Disagreeable names caused, of course, misfortune and had to be altered. When a man came to 'Umar and told him that his name was Jamra (= burning coal), the son of Shihab (= bright blaze), from the tribal group of Hurqa (= fire), staying in Harrat al-nar (= the stony tract of fire), in the part of it called Dhat al-laza (= that of the fiery 74 Al-Samhiidi, Wafii'u l-waiii, ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1374/1955, I, 243; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit., 185, No. 217; al-Kazarimi, Sirat al-nabi, Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 18499, fol. 139a (noteworthy is the formulation of the phrase: kiina Iii yatatayyaru, wa-kii:a yalafii' alu); alZandawaysiti, Rauda: aI-'ulamii', Ms.Br.Mus., Add. 7258, fol, 277a. AI-Riighib al-Isfahani, op. cit., I, 144. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 670 No. 1106; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., I, 144; al-Shaukani, Nay/ al-autiir, shari: muntaqii l-akhbar, Cairo 1380/1961, VIII 47; cf. al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, 17: nabbilii sahlan [a-innahu sahlun. Ibn Abi l-Dunya, aI-lshriif [i maniizil al-ashriii, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 74b; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, op, cit., I, 144; al-Sakhawi, al-Maqiisid aIhasana, ed. 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Sadiq, Cairo 1375/1956, 27, No. 40; al-Munawi, op. cit., I, 212, No. 290 (see ibid, inf. the additional stories about omens drawn by the Prophet: when he went out against Khaybar he heard 'Ali exclaiming "yii khudro"; he said: "we took the omen from your mouth, let us go out against Khudra" (= Khaybar]. No sword was drawn (by the Muslims] in this expedition. And see the opinion of alZamakhshari about the difference between tiyara and flil); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., x, 66, No. 511; al-Shaukani, Nayl, VII, 194. AI-Muniiwi, op. cit., V, 229, No. 7089; Yilsuf h. Musii I-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar min mushkil aI-iithiir, Cairo 1362, II, 206; and see alJilani, op. cit., II, 285; Ibn al-Jauzi al~Wafii bi-ahwdli l-mustaiii, ed. Mu~tafii 'Abd al-WiiQ.id, Cairo 1386/1966, II, 465. 75 76 77 78 r 13 ] blaze), 'Umar ordered him to return to his family because they were caught by fire. It happened as 'Umar foretold." The Prophet indeed changed the name Shihab to Hisham." The rough Jahili character of names is emphasized in a dubious tradition about the conversion of AbU Sufra to Islam. He came clad in a yellow robe and presented himself as ~lim (= the oppressing) b. Sariq (= the thief) b. Shihab (= the blazing fire) ... the scion of Julanda who used to snatch the passing ships. "I am a king," said Abu Sufra. The Prophet advised him gently to "leave the thief and the oppressor" and named him Abu Sufra (= the man of the yellow suit). Thereupon Abu Sufra decided to name his new born female-baby Sufra." AntiMuhallabid traditions wholly refute this story, stating that he did not meet the Prophet at all, that he was captured during he ridda, etc.; one of the traditions claims that he was uncircumcised and did not even know the meaning of circumcision. A man with the name Hazn (= hard, rugged ground) was told by the Prophet to change it to Sahl (plain, easy ground). His answer reflects the Jahiliyya spirit: "The plain is trodden and despised" (or in another version: "I am not going to change a name given to me by my father").82 * 79 Al-Suytlti, Tanw;r al-hawiilik, III. 141; Ibn Qayyim, op, cit., II, 5; alSamarqandi, op. cit., 157; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 275; No. 1294; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19864; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., 10, lines 2-5; alRaghib al-Isfahani, op. cit., III, 340; Ibn al-Jauzi, Sirat 'Umar b. al-Khauiib, Cairo 1342/1924, 63; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahj al-baliigha, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1%1, XII, 103; al-Nuwayri, op. cit., III, 144; al-Mandstk wa-amiikin turuqi l...f;rajj. dv Hamad al-Jasir, al-Riyad 1389/ e 1969, 518; al-Bakri, Mu'jam md sta'jam, ed. Mu~tafli al-Saqa, Cairo 1364/ 1945, I, 436-7. AbU DiiwUd, op. cit., II, 308; al-Mundhiri, op, cit., IV, 141; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 298, No. 825; Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1541, No. 2685; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308. Al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 156; Ibn Hajar, al-l~aba, III, 500, No. 8454, 535, No. 8633; IV, 108, No. 652; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., ff)), 101. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 309, No. 841; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 41, No. 19851; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 401, No. 560; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8, line 80 81 82 [ 14 ] Some names changed by the Prophet are connected with the Meccan aristocracy in the period of the Jahiliyya, The disagreeable name Harb (= war) was changed into Silm." 'Ali intended to name his sons Harb; the Prophet himself named them Hasan, Husayn, Muhassin; these names correspond to the names of Aharon's sons: Shubbar, Shubbayr, Mushabbir, As the position of 'Ali in relation to the Prophet corresponds in Shi'a faith to the position of Aharon to Moses, it is plausible to consider this tradition as a Shi'i one.> According to one tradition the Prophet disapproved of the name Harb and described it as one of the worst names." As one of the ancestors of the Umayyads was Harb, this tradition might have been rather unpleasant for the ruling dynasty. One of the Jahili names changed by the Prophet was al-Walid. This name was a common one among the Bami Makhziim and the Prophet remarked that the Banu Makhztim nearly turned al-Walid into a deity (rna kiidat banii makhziimin ilIii an taj'a!a l-waiida rabban; in another version: hananani. The Prophet changed the name of al-Walid b. abi Umayya to al-Muhajir b. abi Umayya.w the name of al-Walid b. alWiilid b. al-Walid b. al-Mughira into 'Abdallah b. al-Walid." The 83 84 85 86 87 10; Abu Diiwud, op. cit., II, 308; al-'Ayni, op, cit., x, 450, 452; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 319, No. 898; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 345; al-Nawawi, op .cit., 128 inf.; al-Qastallani, Irshiid ai-sari, Cairo 1326, IX, 111; Muhammad Hasan al-Muzaffar, Dalii'i/ alsidq, n.p., 1373, III, II 29 inf. Al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 141; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqi~ al-anwiir, Cairo 1381/1961,756, line 2. Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 296, No. 823; al-Samarqandi, op. cit., 155 inf.; Anonymous, al-To'rikh. al-muhkam, fol. 41a sup.; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op, cit., 384, No. 555; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 52; al-Munawi, op. cit., IV, 111, No. 4710; and see Israel Oriental Studies 2 (1972),223, n. 37. See e.g. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 8, line 18-9; ... wa-sharruhii harbun wa-murra; al-Jilani, op. cit., 755. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 138b; al-Fasi, op, cit., VII, 291-2; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba. III, 465, No. 8253; III, 636, No. 9142; cf. about the name 'Amr changed into Muhajir : Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1454, No. 2506; Ibn Hajar; al-Isiiba, III, 466, No. 8256. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, op. cit., fol. 146a; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VI, 230; Ibn [ 15 ] interdiction of the Prophet was often associated with the statement that al-Walid was a name of one of the tyrannical Pharaohs and with a prophecy that there will come a ruler with the name al-Walid, who will be worse for the community than Pharaoh." The question as to which one of the Umayyad rulers was meant by the Prophet and the problem of the character of the Prophet's interdiction to use the name al-Walid were extensively discussed by scholars of Qadith.89 The disagreeable name al-'A~ (close in association to al-'A~i) was changed into al-Muti' 90 and 'Abdallah."! 'A~iya was changed into Jamila."" It is noteworthy that the names of al-'A~ were common among the 'Abd Shams, the tribal group of the Umayyads; al-'A~, AbU l-·A~. al-Ts, and Abii l-'I~ were the sons of Umayya and were called al-A'yas." It is sufficient to mention al-Hakam b. al-'A~, the stubborn enemy of the Prophet. to understand what the change of the name al-'A~ could mean for the ruling descendants of Marwan b. al-Hakam b. al-'A~. * 88 Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 380, No: 5024; III, 640, No. 9151; Anonymous, al-Tarikh al-mu{lkam, fol, 136a. See al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, op. cit., XI, 237, No. 1074; Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19861; al-Suytlti, al-Ladli al-masnii'a, I, 107-111; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 115; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v, hnn, See al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 454; and see al-Tabarsi, I'liim al-warii bi-a'liim al-hudii, ed, Akbar al-Ghaffari, Tehran 1389, 45; al-Suyuti, al-La'iili al-masnii'a, I, 107-110. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 174b inf.-175a sup.; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 298, No. 826; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, line 15 (and see 8, line 10); al-Fasi, op. cit., VII, 224, No. 2473; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., v, 450; Mu'arrij al-Sadtisi, Hadh] min nasab quraysh, ed. ~alal;l al-Din alMunajjid, Cairo 1960, 83, line 2. Nilr al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53; al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'ldm alnubalii', ed. As'ad Talas, Cairo 1962, III, 138; Ibn Hajar, ol-Isiiba, II, 291, No. 4598. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 266; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, lines 13-14; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 294, No. 820; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1803, No. 3277; Ibn Majah, op. cit., II, 405; al-Mundhiri, op. cit., IV, 140, No. 2896; Ibn 'Asakir, op. cit., VII, 366; Ibn al-Jauzi, al-Waiii, II, 465-6; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 128 inf. Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 54,73, 166. 89 90 91 92 93 [ 16] Further changes of names may be mentioned. Aswad (= black) was changed to Abyad (= white)," Akbar (= the greatest) to Bashir (= the messenger of good tidings)," Jaththama Dhii (= the sleepy) to Hassana," l-shimalayn to Dhii l-yadayn." Asram (= waterless desert) to Zur'a (= seed)," al-Sarm to Sa'id.?" 'Atala (= clod of earth; or iron rod for lifting stones) to 'Utba,100Qrr<;iab (= the thief) to Rashid,'?' (= Ghafil the heedless, the neglectful) to 'Aqil/02 Zalim to Rashid,':" Oalil to Kathir.'> Ghurab (= the crow) to Muslim,':" Dhu'ayb (= the little wolf) to 'Abdallah.t= Kalal) (= a barren year) to Dhu'ayb (= a forelock; he had namely a long forelock),':" Muhan (= despised) to 94 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 138, No. 143; Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 11, lines 1-2; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 55. 95 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 177, No. 209; GoIdziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 257. 96 Ibn Nasir al-Din, op. cit., fo1. 266a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1810, No. 3295; al-Jarrahi, Kashj al-khaidi wa-muzilu l-ilbiis (reprint, Beirut), I, 360, No. 1146. 97 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 478; Ibn Rustah, al-A'liiq al-naiisa, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, 214; al-Mubarrad, al-Kiimil, ed. Abu I-Fa41 Ibrahim, Cairo 1376/1956, IV, 101. 98 Abu Dawud, op. cit., II, 308; Ntir al-Din al-Haytharni, op. cit., VIII, 54; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 308; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit:: 519, No. 816 (and see 141, No. 153). 99 Al-Safadi, Nakt al-himyiin, Cairo 1911, 159-160; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 290, No. 822; Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 627, No. 993 (and see 835, No. 1421); Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 52 inf.-53 sup.; Ibn Hajar, alIsiiba, II, 5l. No. 3291. 100 Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 53: L'A, s.v. 'ail; Ibn l;Iajar, lsiiba, II, 454, No. 5407. 101 Ibn al-Kalbf, al-Iamhara; fo1. 245b; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 495, No. 2516. 102 Al-Mausili, Ghiiyat ol-wasdil ilii ma'rijati l-awii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33(10), fol. 26a; al-Fasi, op. cit., V, 81, No. 1453; Ibn 1:Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 247, No. 3461; Ibn Rustah, op. cit., 228. 103 Ibn 1:Iajar, ai-Isiiba, I, 494, No. 2514. 104 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 9, lines 14-15; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 296, No. 419; 3308, No. 2176. 105 AI-Fasi, op. cit., VII, 194, No. 2454; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 297, No. 824; Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 52 inf. 106 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 464, No. 707; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isiiba, I, 493, No. 2506. 107 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 465, No. 709; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, I, 490, No. 2490 (his name: al-Kilabi - an error). [ 17 ] Mukram.10B Kusayr was changed to Jubayr/09 Khilifa to RAshida,l!O al-Mudtaji' to al-Munba'ith.t= AbO Maghwiyya to AbU lUshid,1l2 Bann l-Ghawiyy to Banu l-Rashad.v" Banu Ghayyan to Banii Rasbdan,1l4 Banu l-Samma' to Banu l-Sami'a,':" Zahm to Bashir,ll8 and Muqsim to Muslim. 11 The Prophet changed the name of al-Sa'ib (= the 1 freely flowing) to 'Abdallah; his people, however, continued to call him al-Sa'ib and he became mad.r= To 'Abdallah were changed the names of the famous Jewish convert al-Husayn (= the small fortress) b. Salam 119 well as those of Dinar 120 as and Nu'm.i= The Prophet gave some names in connection with certain events and occasions. A Persian slave (of whose name some 21 versions are recorded), on whom the Companions of the Prophet loaded their garments when on a walk on a hot day, was granted the name Safina (= the ship).122 A girl, born when Surat Maryam was revealed, was 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 AI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 264, No. 766; Ibn Hajar, al-I1aba, III, 456, No. 8194. Anonymous, al-Dhakhira wa-kashj al-tauqi', fol. 52a. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 11, lines 4-6. Ibn l;Iajar. aJ-I1aba, III, 457-8, Nos. 8103-4. Ma'mar b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 43, No. 19862; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., xv, 290, No. 819. Ibn al-Kalbi, al-Iomhara, fol. 48b. Ibid, fol. 166b. Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, al-Istibsiir, 326. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 173, No. 196; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 51; al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 302-3, Nos. 829-30; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VI, 50; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, op. cit., XV, 272, No. 782; Ibn l;Iajar, aJ-l1iiba, 1, 159, No. 704. Ibn l;Iajar, al-l~iiba, III, 415, No. 7966; Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 54. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 6, lines 5-8; 10, lines 14-17; Ibn I;Iajar, al-l~iiba, II. 385, No. 5047. Anonymous, History 0/ prophets, Ms.Br.Mus., Or. 1510, fol. 18tb; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 921, No. 1561; Ibn l;Iajar, aJ-l~iiba, II, 320, No. 4725; al-Fasawi, op. cit., Iol, 134a inf.; Ibn 'Asiikir, op. cit., VII, 443. Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, II, 370, No. 4957. AI-l;Iakim, Marija: 'uliim aJ-lJadith, ed. Mu'azzam l;Iusayn, Cairo 1937, 101; Nur al-Din al-Hayrhami, op. cit., VIII, 53. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit., 685; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isdba, II, 58, No. 3335. 117 118 119 120 121 122 [ 18] named by the Prophet Maryem."? The slave Fath was granted the name Simj, because he made light in the mosque of the Prophet.'> A baby born on the day of a battle fought by the Prophet was called by him Sinan (= spear head).':" Scholars of I)adith discuss vigorously a special group of names given to slaves and servants. The Prophet is said to have forbidden. or intended to forbid, the names of Rabah, Yasar, Najih, Aflah, Nafi', al·'Ala', Ya'Iii and the female names Baraka and Barra.!" The reason given for it is that if a person asks about a servant whose name denotes success, good luck or blessing and the servant is not there, he may have a feeling of disappointment and failure. Recommended names were Yazid, al-Harith and Hammam, These names might be called "neutral ones". In the explanation given for these names the traditions point out that everybody increases (yaztdu) in good or bad (deeds), that everybody tills tyahruthut for his affairs in this world and in the next one and that everybody cares tyahtammut for his affairs in this world and in the next one.!" Al-Harith and Hammam are called by the Prophet "asdaqu l-asmii','J,o"names most truthful." A recommended name was Hamza.?" The Prophet granted 123 124 Nur al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 55. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 683, No. 1131; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, II, 18, No. 3103. 125 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 657, No. 1071. 126 NUf al-Din al-Haythami, op. cit., VIII, 50; Ibn Miijah, op. cit., I, 405; Abu Diiwiid, op, cit., II, 308; al-Jilani, op, cit., II, 305, No. 834; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306 ('Umar also intended to forbid, but later refrained); aI•. Samarqandi, op, cit., 157; al-Munawi, op. cit., VI, 349, No. 9562; 402, No. 9799; Yusuf b. Musii al-Hanafi, op. cit., II, 206; al-Mundhiri, op. cit; IV, 140, No. 2893; al-Sha'rani, op. cit., 755. On Barra changed into Zaynab or Juwayriya see: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1805, No. 3282; 1849, No. 3355; 1855, No. 3361; 1915-6; No. 4099 (changed into Maymtlna); Ibn Wabb, op. cit., 8, lines 6-7; al-Jilani, op, cit., II, 294, No. 821; 303, No. 831: al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 112; al-'Ayni, op. cit., X, 452; AbU Diiwiid, op. cit., 11,307; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 307; al-Mundhiri, op, cit., IV, 141, Nos. 2897-8; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 127 inf. 127 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 7, lines 7-9. 128 Al-Muniiwi, op. cit., IV, 111, No. 4712; Ibn Wahb, op, cit., 10, lines 9-'-11. [ 19 J a baby the name al-Mundhir (= the warner); 129a slave was given by him the name 'Al1im.130 * The close relation between Muhammad and the former prophets, the idea that Muhammad continued the mission of the preceding messengers found the expression in the domain of names in the utterances attributed to the Prophet: "Call yourselves by the names of the prophets" (tasammau bi-asmii'i l-anbiyai) and "the names most liked by God are the nam,es of prophets." 131Ibn al-Hajj stresses that names conforming to the prescriptions of Islam (al-asmii'u l-shar';yya) contain the name of Allah, or (are - K.) the names of prophets or Companions; he points out the blessing (baraka) which such names impart.':" "There is no family, said the Prophet, in which the name of a prophet is carried by one of its members to which God, the Exalted and Blessed, does not send an angel in the morning and in the evening to bless them." 133The Prophet himself gave his child, born from his femaleservant Mariya, the name Ibriihim.134 The same name was given by the Prophet to the child born to AbU Musil al-Ash'ari.>" The Prophet changed the IJ,ame of Yasar b. Surad to Sulayman b. Surad,186 and gave the son of 'Abdallah b. Salam the name Yusuf.':" Giving the son of Khallad b. Rafi' the name Yahya, the Prophet remarked: "I shall 129 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 288, No. 816; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan, IX, 306; alQastallani, op. cit., IX, 111. 130 Ntlr al-Din al-Haythami, op, cit., VIII, 54. 131 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 286, No. 814; Abu DiiwUd, op. cit., II, 307; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., II, 312, No. 2451; al-Qastallzni, op. cit., IX, 114; al-Nawawi, op. cit., 127. 132 Ibn al-Haj], op. cit., I, 123. 133 Al-Suytiti, al-La'aJi l-masnii'a, I, 100; Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 123. 134 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 54-61. 135 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 308, No. 840; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 114 (see the arguments that Abu Musa was his kunya before his first-born was named Ibrahim); al-'Ayni, op. cit., IX, 711; x, 454. 136 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 650, No. 1056; al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyai, 26, line 12; 73, line 6. [lO] give him a name, by which none was called after Yahya b. Zakariya' ." 138 There were, however, differences in opinion as to whether it is permissible to use name of angels. In a combined tradition the Prophet recommended to give children the names of prophets, but forbade to give them names of angels (sammii bi-asmii'i l-anbiyii' wa-lii tusammii bi-asma'i l-malii'ikatl).139 This opinion was not commonly accepted. Malik disliked naming children by the names of angels.>" but Hammad b. abi Sulayman 141stated that there is nothing objectionable in naming a person Jibril or Mikii'il.142 It is most highly recommended indeed to name the child Muhammad. He who names his child Muhammad hoping for blessing by this, both he and the one who got the name will gain Paradise, says an utterance attributed to the Prophet.>" On the Day of Resurrection the believer bearing the name Ahmad or Muhammad will stand up in the Presence of God and God will rebuke him for his sins committed even though he was named by the name of His beloved Muhammad, The believer will confess his sins and God will order Jibril to introduce him to Paradise, as God is ashamed to chastise with the fire of Hell a believer bearing the name Muhammad.>" It is highly recommended to name 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 Al-Jilani, op. cit., II, 307, No. 838; Ibn 1;Iajar. al-Isiiba, III, 671. No. 9375; Ibn'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1590, No. 2827 (the Prophet gave him the kunya Abu Ya'qtib). Ibn 1;Iajar, al-Isdba, III, 671, No. 9380; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., 1569, No. 2750. AI-Munawi,op. cit., IV, 113, No. 4717. AI-Qastalliini, op. cit., IX, 111 sup.; and see Ibn al-Hajj, op. cit., I, 122 (... malik : la yanbaghi an yusammd I-rajulu bi-yiisin wa-Ia jibril wats mahdi). See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, II, 16, No. 15. Ma'mar.b. Rashid, op. cit., XI, 40, No. 19850. Al-Siili\ti, op. cit., I, 509; al-Jarrahi, op. cit., II, 284, No. 2644; Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, al-Maniir al-munii [i I-~abi~ wa-l-da'i], ed. 'Abd al-Fattah Ghudda, 1;Ialab 1390/1970, 61, No. 94; and see ibid, No. 93. Ibn al-1;Iajj, op. cit., I, 123. [21 ] one of the children in the family Muhammad and to treat the child named by this name with due respect.>" Goldziher quotes in his article, "Gesetzliche Bestimmungen ... " a phrase from Ibn Qutayba's aI-Ma'iirif, according to which 'Umar intended to change the names of all the Muslims to those of prophets. If this were true, it would mean that we have here a continuation and a deepening of the Muslim trend expounded in the saying of the Prophet when he named his child Ibrahim: "I named him with the name of my father (i.e. ancestor) Ibrahim." The passage referred to (as quoted by Goldziher) runs as follows: ariida (i.e. 'Umar) an yughayytra asmii'a l-muslimina bi-asma'i l-anbiyii'i.146 The reading of Wtistenfeld was, however, erroneous and Goldziher was misled by this reading. The correct reading is: ariida an yughayyira asmii'a l-musammayna bi-asma'i l-anbiyii'i "He wanted to alter the names of these who were called by the names of prophets." 'Umar tried indeed to carry out his plan. Ibrahim b. al-Harith b. Hisham entered the court of 'Umar "at the time when he wanted to alter the names of those who were called by the names of the prophets" and he changgd his name to 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Harith.>" 'Umar changed the name of Miisa b. Sa'id to 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sa'id,148 When 'Umar heard how the son of his nephew, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. al-Khattab was slandered by a person, who repeatedly abused his name Muhammad, he vowed not to have the Prophet Muhammad being abused through the name of the son of his nephew anymore; he thereupon changed his name to 'Abd alRal,tman.149 The action of 'Umar seems to have been wider in scope than the 145 146 147 148 149 Al-Munliwi, op. cit., I, 385, Nos. 705-6; VI, 237, No. 9084; and see Ibn Abi l;Ilitim, op. cit., II, 299, No. 2410. Goldziher, Gesetzliche Bestimmungen, 256. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 6; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, III, 66, No. 6199; see Stowasser-Freyer, op. cit., Der Islam, 42(1965), 29. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 51. See Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isiiba, III, 69, No. 6211; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 50; al'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 143; Ibn Hajar, Fat/:! al-biiri, x, 435. r 22] mere changing of some names of persons called by the names of prophets. 'Umar is reported to have written to the people of aI-Kiifa and ordered them not to name their children by the names of prophets; he also ordered "a group of people" at Medina to change the names of their children called Muhammad, They argued that the Prophet permitted them to call their children by this name, and 'Umar let them. AI-'Ayni argues that the reason for 'Umar's action was the case of abusing Muhammad, the bearer of the name of the Prophet; he states that the consensus of the community has been established, that it is permitted to give children names of prophets.>" Who was "the group" who were called by the names of prophets, can be gauged from a very short report, recorded by Ibn Hajar about the attempt of 'Umar to change names of prophets and the name of Muhammad as well. He summoned the sons of Talha, ordering them to change their names. Muhammad b. Talha, the first born, answered that is was the Prophet who had named him Muhammad: 'Umar had to admit that he could not do anything against him. Ibn Hajar concludes that 'Umar withdrew from his plan."" The names of the sons of Talha bear clear evidence for the tendency to name children by names of prophets in the earliest period of Islam. Talha had nine children and he gave them the following names: Muhammad, 'Imran, 152 Miisa, Ya'qiib, Isma'Il, Ishaq, 'Isa, Zakariyya', YaQya. It is not surprising to read in a remarkable story how Talha in a talk with al-Zubayr prided himself with the names of his sons. "The names of my sons are names of prophets," he said; ••the names of your sons are names of martyrs." "I hope that my sons will become martyrs," said aI-Zubayr, "while you don't have hopes that your sons will become prophets." 153 This anecdote points 150 Al-'Ayni, op. cit., VII, 143; x, 449 inf.; cf. Ibn Hajar, Fat/.! al-biiri, X, 435, 440; al-Qastallani, op. cit., IX, 110 inf.-l11 sup. 151 Ibn I;Iajar, Fat/.! al-bdri, X, 435, lines 21-2. 152 See Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., 281 seq.; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansiib al-'arab, ed. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1948, 129 (and see the list of the sons of Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Talha : Ya'qtib, ~ali/;l, Sulayman, YUnus, Diwfid, al-Yasa', Shu'ayb, RarUo - Mus'ab, op. cit., 285; Ibn Hazm, op. cit., 129). 153 Ibn 1;Iajar, Fat/.! al-biiri, x, 440. [23 ] clearly to the importance which was attached to the names in early Islam and to the diverging opinions about this subject. The alleged intervention of 'Umar is justified by 'Umar's care in respecting these names and preventing them from being tarnished. The real reason seems. however, to be quite different. We gain a deeper insight into the motives of 'Umar from a significant passage recorded by Ibn Wahb. A female servant (muwallada) came to'Umar asking for a garment for herself. When asked who her maulii was, she said: Abu 'Isa, the son of 'Umar. 'Umar ordered to bring his son. beat him and said: "Do you know what the names of Arabs are? They are: 'Amir. 'Uwaymir, MAlik, Surma, Muwaylik, Sidra and Murra." He repeated this three times and finally said: "Leave 'lsa! By God. we do not know of 'lsa having a father." 154 The parallel passage, recorded by Ibn Abi l-Hadid gives the name of 'Umar's son: 'Ubaydullah b. 'Umar. 'Umar counts, beating him, the kunyas of the Arabs: AbU Salama, Abu Hanzala, AbU 'Urfuta and AbU Murra.>" Needless to recall that the list of names recommended by 'Umar contains names disapproved of by the Prophet, like Murra, Surma, Hanzala and- Malik. It is evident that this story ascribed to 'Umar reflects a reaction against the naming of. children by the foreign names of prophets. The story affords an insight into the struggle between the effort of introducing Biblical elements already present in the Our'an, and later developed in the hadith, into the sphere of name-giving in Muslim society against the opposition of conservative groups among the Arabs, who persevered in their resistance to this new pietistic trend. It is not surprising that this idea is expressed as coming from the mouth of 'Umar, the representative of Arab conservatism, as is evid.ent from his famous saying: lkhshaushinii wa-tama'dadii=r • 154 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., 7. lines 15 - 8, line 5. 155 Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cit., XII, 44. 156 Al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal, 78 (attributed to the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 31 (traced back to 'Urnar); al-Sakhawi, al-Maqiisid, 163, No. 348; Ibn 'Asiikir, op. cit., VII, 349; al-$iilil}.i,op. cit., I, 346. [ 241 The old ways of naming children and the Jahili names themselves persisted in Bedouin society. The statement of J. J. Hess that names containing the name of Allah and these of specific Islamic nature like Ahmad, TaM etc. were almost wholly missing in the material examined by him, is Instructive.':" Unpleasant names were, like in the Jahiliyya, reserved for children of free Bedouin, while pretty names were given to slaves.!" It is noteworthy that the explanation for this practice given by the shaykh of the 'Oneze("The names of our slaves are for us, our names are for our enemies") corresponds exactly to the answer given by al-'Utbi to Abii Hatim al-Sijistani.!" Accordingly one can find in the list of names supplied by Hess, slaves named Yaqiit, Mabriik, Mubashshir, Sa'Id, and names like Ghurab, Barghiith, Juway'iI. Juraydhi, Jukhaydib, Juhaysh, Jarbii', Shubaytha, Ourada, Hijris borne by free Bedouin. The names disliked in Islam, like Murra, Kalb. Malik and Harb, are recorded in the list of Hess as names of free Bedouin. Names given according to the place, time or conditions of birth of the children 160are reminiscent of similar cases in the Jahiliyya.l6l As in the Jahiliyya, children are called Julaymid, Fihran, Fahra and Hajar,162 and sometimes several children are called by their father by names derived from the same root.':" These vestiges of the Jahiliyya, which can be traced in Bedouin society, clearly underline the considerable changes and developments which took place in Muslim society. 157 I. I. Hess, Beduinennamen aus Zentralarabien, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Heidelberg 1912 (III, 19),4. 158 Hess, op. cit., 7 ("6"). 159 Hess, op. cit., 7; Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 4 (and see n. 54 above). 160 Hess, op, cit., 6-7. 161 See e.g, Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 95a; Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 6-7. 162 See e.g. Ibn Durayd, op. cit., 5, penult. 163 Hess, op. cit., 7 ("8"); cf. e.g. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 175b, line 1 (Khushayn, Khashin, Mukhashin, Khashshan); fol. 154a, (Mu'attib, 'Attab, 'Itban); fol. 107b (Hashim, Hisham, Hushaym, Muhashshim); Ibn Durayd, op. cit; 166 (al-'A4, AbU 1-'A4, al-'i~, Abu l-'i~, 'Uways - the sons of Umayya, called al-A'y~). [25 ]
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