concessions.pdf On 'Concessions' and Conduct A Study in Early Hadith Traditions about early ritual practices and customs reported on the authority of the Prophet, of his Companions isahaba) or their Successors (tabi'un) are often divergent and even contradictory. Early compilations of haditb occasionally record these traditions in separate chapters with headings which point out their differences; they also enumerate the scholars who held these divergent views. So, for example, the chapter Man kana yutimmu l-takbir is followed by the chapter Man kana la yutimmu l-takbir ; the chapter Man qala laysa 'ala man nama sajidan wa-qa'idan w u d u' is followed by Man kana y aqisl u i d h a nama ta-t-yatawaddo'. Traditions arranged under headings Man kariha ... followed by Man rakhkhasa [i ... are of a similar type. It is obvious that these diverse traditions reflect differences in the opinions of various circles of Muslim scholars and indicate that in the early period of Islam many ritual prescriptions were not yet firmly established. The rukhas or "concessions," i.e., the changes in ritual prescriptions designed to soften their harshness, were indeed an efficient tool in adapting the prescriptions to the real conditions of life and its changing circumstances. They established practices that were in keeping with the new ideas of Islam. Yet it is evident that the concession, rukhsa, had to acquire authoritative sanction and legitimacy; this could be achieved only through an utterance of the Prophet. As a matter of fact, the following haditb is attributed to the Prophet: "Truly, God desires that His concessions be carried out [just] as He desires His injunctions to be observed" tinna llaha 2 yuhibbu an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu an tuta 'azaimuhui: This tradition was interpreted in manifold ways. According to one interpretation it implies a whole view of life; al-Shaybani (died 189/805) states that the believer who restricts himself to the most basic means of subsistence acts according to the prescriptions, whereas pleasant life and delights are for him a concession, a rukhsa? The purchase of the arable kharaj land in Iraq by Muslims was approved by 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz on the ground of a rukhsa interpretation of a Qur'anic verse; grants of land in the Sawiid, given to Muslims, were also based on rukhsa precedents? 'Abd al-Razzaq, al=Musanna], ed. Habib al-Rabman al-A'zami (Beirut: 11: 291, no. 20569 i=Liimi' Ma'rnar b. Riishid: ... an yu'mala bi-rukhasihi); Ibn Balban, al-Ihsan [i taqrib sahihi bni Hibban, MS. Br. Mus., Add. 27519, fol. 90a; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-taf sir bi=l=ma'thur (Cairo: 1314), 1: 193; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al=awliyh' (Beirut: 1387/1967, reprint), 6: 191 inf., 276, 2: 101 info C, an tuqbala rukhasuhu); al-Miiwardi, al-Amthal wa-l-bikam, MS Leiden, Or. 655, fol. 87b c.. an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kama yuhibbti an yu'khadha bi=farii'i dihi), al-Mundhiri, al-Targhib wa-l-tarhib, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1279/1960), 2: 261, no. 1541 (and see ibid. no. 1539: ._ an tu'ta rukhasuhu kama yakrahu an tu'ta masiyatuhu ; another version: ... kama yuhibbu an tutraka masiyatuhu); al-Muniiwi, Fayd al=qadlr; sharb al- jami' al-saghir (Beirut: 139111972),2: 292, no. 1879, 293, no. 1881(; an tuqbala rukhasuhu kama yuhibbu l+abdu maghfirat rabbihi ; 2: 296, no. 1894: ... Kama yakrahu an tu'ta ma'siyatuhu); al-Daylami, Firdaws al=akhbiir, Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 53a; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, M uq.ib awham at-jam' wa-l-tafriq (Hyderbad: 1379/1960), 2: 10 c.. an tu'ta mayasiruhu kama yuhibbu an tu'ta 'azdimuhu); cf. al-Kulayni al-Kiifi, ed. Najm al-Din al-Amuli (Tehran: 1388),1: 208-209, no. 4. 2 al-Shaybiini, al-Ikiisab [i l-rizqi l-mustaiab, Talkhis Muhammad b. Sama'a, ed. Mahrnud 'Arniis (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 81: ... fa-sara l-basilu anna l-iqtisara 'ala adna ma yakfihi 'azimatun, wa-ma zada 'ala dhaiika min at-tana''umi wa-l-nayli min al-ladhdhiui rukhsatun, wa-qala sallii llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam: inna llaha yuhibbu an yu'ta bi-rukhasihi _. 3 Abu 'Ubayd, Kitab al-amwal, ed. Muhammad l:liimid al-Fiqi (Cairo: 1353), pp. 84-85; cf. al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra (Hyderabad: 1356), 9: 140-1: "... bab man kariha shiraa ardi l-khara] ._" And see the traditions against buying of khara] land: Ibn Zanjawayh, al-Amwat, MS. Burdur 183, fols. 1392/1972), 3 The Prophet is said to have denied believers perrmssion to enter baths, but later granted them a rukhsa to enter them, provided they wore loincloths, ma'iuir: There were in fact two contradictory attitudes in the matter of baths: the one disapproving' and the other 29a-32a (and see e.g. ibid., fol. 3Oa, inf., ''; sami'a l=hasana yaqidu: man khalda ribqata muiihidin fa-jdaiaha [i 'unuqihi [a-qad istaqala hijraiahu wa-walla l-islama zahrahu wa-man aqarra bi-shayin min al-jizyati [a-qad aqarra bi-babin min abwabi l-kufri'). 4 al-Shawkani, Nayl ai-awrar, sharb muntaqa l-akhbar min ahadithi sayyidi i-akhyar (Cairo: 1372/1953), 1: 299; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. 'Abd al-Khaliq Khan al-Atghani (Hyderabad: 1386/1966), 1: 109-110; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 290-296, nos. 11l6-1136; l-Fakihi, Ta'rikh Makka, MS. Leiden a Or. 463, fol. 412a; al-Mundhiri, 1: 118-122,nos. 267-278; al-Sharishi, Sharb maqiimiu al-Hariri, ed. Muhammad 'Abd al-Mun'im Khafaji (Cairo: 1372/1952), 3: 74; aI-Muttaqi I-Hindi, K anz al-tummii! (Hyderabad: 138111962),9: 231-234, nos. 1978-2010;cf. al-Hakim, Marifai 'uiion ai-hadith, ed. Mu'azzam I;Iusayn (Cairo: 1937),p. 98. 5 See e.g. al-Munawi, 2: 54, no. 1311: ... uffin li-l-hammam ..." enjoins husbands " to forbid their wives to enter baths, stresses the filthiness of their water and confines the entrance of men to those wearing the ma'Iizir ; cf. al-Tayalisi, Musnad (Hyderabad: 1321), p. 212, no. 1518:'A'isha reproaches the women from Hirns for entering baths. And see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, Majmd al-zawdid wa-manbd a/-fawa'id (Beirut: 1967, reprint), 1: 277-278 (the prohibition for women to enter baths; and see ibid., p. 114:the bath is the abode of the Devil); al-Tabari, Dhayl al-mudhayyal (Cairo: 1353/1934), 10: 246; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-Itidal, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajawi (Cairo: 1382/1963), 3: 631, no. 7889; al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 90b (the prohibition to enter baths by women is preceded by a prediction of the Prophet that the Muslims will conquer the lands of the 'ajam and will find there "buildings called baths"; a concession at the end of the haditn is granted to women who are ill, or after confinement). And see al-Kattani, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 9b ("; bi'sa l-bayt al-hammam'; the Prophet permitted, however, men to enter the bath wearing the maazir, after being told of the importance of the bath for the cleanness of the body and the treatment of the sick). Cf. Ahmad b. I;Ianbal, al-Tlal wa-marifat ai-rijai, ed. Talat Kocyigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu (Ankara: 1963), I: 266, no. 1716 (the prayer in a bath is disliked), 271, no. 1745 ("ai-arq.u kulluha masjidun illa l-hammam wo-l-maqbara'), And see the story of Ibn 'Umar who was shocked when he saw the naked men in the bath (Ibn Sa'd, 4 recommending them," Accordingly scholars are divided in their opinion as to whether the water of the bath can be used for ritual washing, ghus/, or whether, on the contrary, ghusl has to be performed for cleaning oneself from the very water of the bath? The knowledge of rukhas granted by the Prophet is essential for the proper understanding of the faith and its injunctions. The misinterpretation of the verse: "Those who treasure up gold and Tabaqiu (Beirut: 1377/1957), 4: 153-154);and see the various Shi'i traditions in Yiisuf al-Bahrani's al-Haddiq ai-nadira [i ahkam al-'itra al-tahira, ed. Muhammad Taqiyy al-Ayrawani (Nadjaf: 1378),5: 528-540. 6 See al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, 2: 311, 11.4-5; Ibn al-Sunni, 'A mal ai-yawm wa-Hayla (Hyderabad: 1358),p. 85: "ni'ma l-bayt al-hammam yadkhuluhu l-rajulu l-muslim ..."; al-Daylarni, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 174b; al-Wassabl al-Habashi, al-Baraka fi [adli l-sdyi wa-l-haraka (Cairo: n.d.), p. 268; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 279 (a bath was built on the spot approved of by the Prophet). The tradition that the Prophet used to frequent the bath is vehemently refuted by al-Qastallanl, as recorded in a l-Zurqani's Shari) ai-mawiihib al-laduniy ya (Cairo: 1327), 4: 214. Al-Qastallanl, quoting the opinion of Ibn Kathir, states that there were no baths in the Arabian peninsula in the time of the Prophet. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, discussing the tradition of Umm al-Darda' about her entering a bath in Medina (Muq.ilJ 1: 359), states that there were no baths in Medina in the period of the Prophet; in that period baths existed only in Syria and Persia (Muq.ii) 1: 362-364). Cf. al-Suyiiti, al-Hiiwi li=l=i atiiwi, ed. Muhammad MulJyi I-Din 'Abd al-I:Iamid (Cairo: 1378/1959), 1: 526-528; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikn (Tahdhib) (Damascus: 1329), 3: 380; Murtada al-Zabidi, ItlJiif al-siida al-muttaqin bi-sharh asrar iIJy1i 'ulum al-din (Cairo: 1311) (reprinted Beirut), 2: 400. On the building of baths in Basra in the early period of Islam and the profits gained from them see al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], 1, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah (Cairo: 1959): 502; al-Tha'alibl, Thimar al-quliib, ed. Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1384/1965), p. 318,no. 476. 7 See Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 107-108; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 295-298 (see e.g. the answer of Ibn 'Abbas, "innama ja'ala llahu l-mii'a yutahhiru wa-la yutahharu.' ibid., no. 1142; and see the answer of al-Sha'bi when asked, on leaving the bath, whether one is obliged to perforn the ghusl (to clean oneself) from the water of the bath: "So why did I enter the bath?", ibid., no. 1146); and see the outspoken answer of Ibn 'Abbas when he entered a bath in the state of ihriim: "Mii ya'ba'u lliihu bi-awsakhinii shay'an.' al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 63 info 5 silver, and do not expend them in the way of God -- give them good tidings of a painful chastisement ..." (Qur'an 9:34) by Abu Dharr is explained by the fact that Abu Dharr met the Prophet and heard from him some injunctions of a severe character (yasma'u min rasidi llahi [s] l-amra fihi l-shiddatur; he then left for the desert. The Prophet, in the meantime, alleviated the injunction (yurakhkhisu [ihi) and people adopted the concession. But Abu Dharr, unaware of this, came back and adhered to the first (scil, severe) injunction," In later periods of Islam the practice of rukhas was presented as the attitude of the first generations of Islam. The righteous predecessors (ai-saiat), argues Abu Talib al-Makki, were in the habit of alleviating (yurakhkhisitna) the rules of ritual impurity, but were strict in the matter of earning one's li ving by proper means alone as well as in the moral aspects of behavior like slander, futile talk, excessive indulgence in rhetoric etc., whereas contemporary scholars, Abu Talib continues, are heedless in problems of moral behavior, but are rigid tshaddadii) with regard to ritual impurity," Sufyan al-Thawri speaks about rukhsa in the following terms: "Knowledge in our opinion is merely [the knowledge of] a rukhsa [reported on the authority] of a reliable scholar; the rigid, rigoristic practice can be observed by everyone?" The pious 'Ata' al-Sulaymi asked for the traditions of rukhas ; they might relieve his grief, he said." The rukhas-traditions were of great importance for the strengthening of belief in God's mercy for the believers thusnu l-zanni bi-llah).12 Sulayman b. Tarkhan asked his son to tell him rukhas-traditions in order to come to the Presence of God (literally: to meet God) with hope for God's mercy," 8 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 3: 243. 9 Abii Tiilib al-Makki, QUt al-quliib (Cairo: 1351/1932),2: 46. 10 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jami' b ayii» ai-t ilm wa-f adlihi (a l+Mad ina al-munawwara: n.d., reprint), 2: 36: innama l-'ilmu 'indana l-rukhsatu min thiqatin ; [a-amma l-tashdidu [a-yuhsinuhu kullu ahadin. 11 Abii Nu'aym, 6: 217. 12 See Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Majmu'at al-rasiiil (Cairo: 1354/1935), pp. 39-72: kitabu husni l-zanni bi-llah. 13 Ibid., p. 45, no. 29; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 31. 6 In a wider sense rukhas represent in the opinion of Muslim scholars the characteristic way of Islam as opposed to Judaism and Christianity. The phrase "... and he will relieve them of their burden and the fetters that they used to wear" (Qur'an 7:157) is interpreted as referring to the Prophet, who removed the burden of excessively harsh practices of worship'? and of ritual purity," The rigid and excessive practices of worship refer to Jews and Christians alike. The Prophet forbade his believers to follow the harsh and strict way of people who brought upon themselves destruction. The remnants of these people can be found in the cells of monks and in monasteries; this, of course, refers to Christians." These very comments are coupled with the haditb about the rukhas mentioned earlier: inna llaha yuhibbu ... It is thus not surprising to find this rukhas tradition together with an additional phrase: ... ia-qbalic rukhasa llahi wa-Ia takiinic ka-bani israila hina shaddadii 'ala anfusihim ta-shaddada llahu 'alayhiml' The ruk hs a tradition is indeed recorded in chapters condemning hardship in the exertion of worship and ritual practices," stressing the benevolence of God for His creatures even if they commit grave sins, reproving cruelty even towards a cat," 14 ... al-t athqitu lladhi kana [i dinihim ... al-tashdl du fi l-'ibadati ... al-shadii'idu llati kiinat 'alayhim ... tashdidun shuddida 'ala l-qawmi, [a-iao Muhammadun (s) bi-l-taiawuzi 'anhum. 15 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthlir, 3: 135; al-Tabari, Taf sir, ed. Mahmiid and Ahmad Shakir (Cairo: 1958), 13: 167-168; al-Qurtubi, Tat sir. (Cairo: 1387/1967), 7: 300; Hashim b. Sulayman al-Bahrani al-Tawbali al-Katakani, al-Burhan [i tafsiri l-qur'an (Qumm: 1393),2: 40, no. 3. 16 al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ol-manthia, 1: 193. 17 al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad al-Zawi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 221. 18 See Ibn Balban, fol. 90a-b, the headings: ... dhikru t-ikhbari 'amma yustahabbu li=lrmari min qubidi ma rukhkhisa lahu bi-tarki l-tahammuli 'ala l-naf si ma la tuiiqu min aHa'ati _ ; ai-ikhbaru bi-anna 'ala l-mar'i qubida rukhsati llahi lahu fi ta'atihi diina l-tahammuli 'ala l-najsi ma yashuqqu 'alayha hamluhu ... ; ... mii yustahabbu li-l-mar'i l-tarafiuqu bi-l-taiui wa-al-amru bi-l-qaSdi fi Ha'ati diina an yuhmala 'ala l-naisi ma la tutiqu. 19 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 11, no. 20549. The authenticity of the story of the woman who was put in Hell because she caused the death of a cat, was 7 and recommending leniency, moderation and mildness towards the believers. Rukh sa is rukhsatu llah; God's concession for His community; it imposes on the believers kindness and moderation towards each other. Rukhsa is in this context associated with riiq, yusr, samaha and qasd?" In a different context a concession, rukhsa, is meant to ease the burden of the decreed prescription (al-hukm) for an excusable reason ilir'udhrin hasala); the acceptance of rukhsa is almost obligatory in such a case (yakiidu yulhaqu bi-l-wujub); the believer must act according to the rukh sa, subduing his pride and haughtiness." Breaking the fast of sawm al-dahr is such a rukhsa ; continuing the fast is stubborness." Commenting on the haditb "The best of my people are those who act according to the rukhas,' al-Munawi stresses that the rukhas apply to specific times only; otherwise one should follow the incumbent prescription." The haditb "He who does not accept the concession of God will bear a sin as heavy as the mountains of 'Arafat" 24 was quoted in connection with a concession according to which it is recommended 20 21 22 23 14 questioned by 'A'lsha, She asserted that the woman was an unbeliever, a kalira. The believer is more respected by God iakramu 'inda [[jihi) than that He would chastise him because of a cat, she argued. She rebuked Abii Hurayra, the transmitter of the hadlth, and bade him to transmit the tradition more accurately. See al-Zarkashi, al+l jaba li-Iriidi rna st adrakat-hu 'A'ishatu 'ala I-sahaba (Cairo: n.d.), p. 61; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 116; and see Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh misr, ed. C. Torrey (Leiden; 1920), p. 292; Hanniid b. al-Sariyy, Kitab al-suhd, MS. Princeton, Garret 1419,fo!. lOla, inf. -lOlb. See 'Abd al-Razziiq, 11: 282-288, nos. 20546; 20559 (Bab al-rukhas wa-l-shadiiid) and 11:290-292, nos. 20566-20574 (Bab al-rukhas [i l-'amal wa-l-qasd). al-Muniiwi, 2: 296-297; and see ibid., pp. 292-293 (see the commentary: the 'azima, injunction, order, has an equal standing with the rukhsa. According to the circumstances the ordained wu4u' is as obligatory as the rukhsa 0 f tayammum). And see ibid., p. 293: the concessions have to be carried out according to the circumstances for which they were given. Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 1: 11l. al-Muniiwi, 2: 51, no. 1300;al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo!. 94b. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 292; al-Muniiwi, 6: 225, no. 9031; al-Daylami, MS. 8 to break the fast when on a journey. The core of the discussion was whether the breaking of the fast during a journey is obligatory or merely permitted. Some scholars considered it as a rukhsai? The phrase in Qur'an 2:187 "... and seek what God had prescribed for you" (fa-i-i.zna bashiriihunna wa-btaghii ma kataba llahu lakum) indicates, according to one interpretation, God's concession concerning the nights of Ramadan." The phrase in Qur'an 2:158 .,. io-ta junaha 'alayhi an yattawwaja bihima ... ("... it is no fault in him to circumambulate them ..."), referring to the circumambulation of al-Safa and Marwa, gave rise to the discussion whether it indicated an order or a concession." The bewailing of the dead by hired women, the niyaha, is forbidden; but the Prophet granted the afflicted relatives the rukhsa to mourn the dead and to weep over a dead person's grave," Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 158b. 25 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 193; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, p. 265; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Shakir (Cairo: l368/1949), 8: 238, no. 5392; al-Dhahabi, 2: 483; Ibn Kathir, Taf sir (Beirut: l385/1966), 1: 382; cf. al-Tabari, Tafsir 3: 461-469 (see p. 460: al-iftaru [i l-maradi 'azmatun min alliihi wajibatun wa-laysa bi-tarkhis ; and see p. 464: al-iitaru fi l-saf ari rukhsatun min allahi tdala dhikruhu, rakhkhasaha li=ibadihi wa-l-fardu l-sawmu ...); Ibn Balban, fol. 9Ob, sup; al-Sha'rani, Lawaqin al-anwar (Cairo: 138111961), p. p 716-717; al-Mundhiri, 2: 258-262; Ibn Qutayba, Ta'wil mukht ali] al-badith (Cairo: 1326), pp. 307-308; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwatta (Cairo: 1381/1961), 2: 415-420. 26 al-Tabari, Tafsir, 3: 500 ult., 508; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1: 390, line 5 from bottom; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 199, line l. 27 See al-Tabarl, Tafsir, 3: 230-246; al-Qurtubi, 2: 182 (and see ibid., about the reading: fa-lii junaha 'alayhi an la yattawwaf ar; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar (Tehran: 1388),99: 235, 237-8, 239 line 2; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 78-9; al-Fakihi, fols. 374b-380a; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 5: 96-8; Amin Mahmiid Khattjib, Fatb al-malik at-mabiid, takmilat al-manhal al-'adhb al-mawriid, sharh. sunan abi dawitd (Cairo: 1394/1974), 1: 243-50, 2: 15-16. 28 al-l;Iakim, al=Mustadrak (Hyderabad: 1342), 1: 203; aI-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Mit(j.ih, 2: 12 sup.; al-Zajjjiji, Amali, ed. 'Abd aI-Salam Hariin (Cairo: 1382), p. 181 L wa-kadhalika al-naqu: raf'u l-sawti bi-l-bukiii ; wa-hadha kana manhiyyan 'anhu [i awwali l-islami+ani l-bukita 'ala l-mayyit, thumma rukhkhisa [ihi ... ; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, MuhMarat al-udabd (Beirut: 1961), 9 In some cases the choice between the prescription and the rukhsa has been left to the believer: such is the case of the ablution of the junub. Three traditions about how the Prophet practised wudu' ablution, when in the state of janaba contain contradictory details: two of them state that he, being a junub, performed the wudu' before he went to sleep, while the third one says that he went to sleep without performing wudu'. Ibn Qutayba, trying to bridge between the contradictory traditions, states that in a state of janaba washing before one goes to sleep is the preferred practice (afejal); by not washing the Prophet pointed to the rukhsa?" The believer may choose one of the two practices. In some cases the rukhsa completely reverses a former prohibition. The Prophet forbade the visiting of graves, but later changed his decision and granted a rukhsa to visit them: naha rasidu llahi [S] 'an ziyaraii l-qubkri thumma rakhkhasa fihlz bddu/" Cupping during a fast was forbidden by the Prophet; both the cupper and the person whose blood was drawn were considered to have broken their fast. The Prophet, however, changed his decision and granted a rukhsa ; cupping did not stop the fast," Lengthy chapters contain discussions of the problem as to whether kissing one's wife while fasting is permitted. Some scholars considered kissing or touching the body of the wife as breaking the fast, others considered it permissible. Both parties quote traditions in support of their arguments. The wives of the Prophet, who 4: 506; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 389-395; al-Tabarani, al-Mujam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Muhammad 'Uthman (al-Madina al-munawwara: 1388/1968), 2: 82 (noteworthy is the report of Ibn Abi Shayba 3: 391 about the faqih Abu I-Bakhtari: ... kana rajulan [aqihan wa-kana yasmau l-nawh); Mahrniid Muhammad Khattab al-Subki, al-Manhal alradhb al-mawriid, 8: 281-4; al-Zarkashi, al-/ jaba, pp. 34, 50-1. 29 Ibn Qutayba, pp. 305-6. 30 a l+Hji z i m I, at-F't ibiir f i b a yiini l=niisikh' wa-l=mansickk min al-akhbar (Hyderabad: 1359),pp. 130-1, 228; al-Fakihi, fol. 478b, 479 penult. 31 Ibn Daqiq al-'Id, al-Ilmam bi-ahadithi l-ahkam, ed. Muhammad Sa'Id al-Mawlawi (Damascus: 1383/1963), p. 244, no. 592; al-Zurqani, Shorb al-muwatta, 2: 428-30; al-Hazimi, pp. 137-42. 10 testified as to their experience, were not unanimous about the problem. 'A'isha's evidence was in favor of kissing. The statement that old and weak people may kiss their wives, while men may not, is an obvious attempt at harmonization." A similar problem was whether kissing one's wife imposes wudu, Scholars were divided in their opinions. 'A'isha testified that the Prophet used to kiss his wives and set out to pray without performing ablution. Many scholars stated that kissing or touching one's wife does not require wudu', but others argued that it does. Some scholars found a compromise: wucj.u' is required if the kiss is accompanied by a feeling of lust," The rukhas, apparently, were exploited by scholars attached to rulers and governors. As usual precedents of wicked court-scholars in the period of banii isra'il were quoted: they frequented the courts of kings, granted them the required rukhas and, of course, got rewards for their deeds. They were happy to receive the rewards and to have the kings accept their 32 al-Tahawl, Sharb maani l-iuhar, ed. Muhammad Zuhri l-Najjir (Cairo: 2: 88-96; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 59-64; al-Bayhaqi, Mc'rif at al-sunan wa-l-iuhar, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo: 1969), 1: 21 sup.; Ibn Qutayba, pp. 308-9; al-Dhahabi 2: 398 sup.; Abu Nu'aym, 7: 138;al-Zarkashi, al-[ jaba, p. 54; al-Zurqanl, Sharh al-muwatta, 2: 410-15; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 4: 182-94, nos. 8406-8456. See e.g. nos. 8412, 8418; kissing during the fast was considered as rukhsa ; against the rigid prohibition to look at a woman (see e.g. nos. 8452-8453) there are traditions permitting much more than kissing (see e.g. no. 8444 and the extremely permissive tradition no. 8439); and see Abu Nu'ayrn, 9: 309 (kuliu shay'in laka min ahlika haliilun [i l-siyami ilia ma bayna l-rijlayn); and see this tradition al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 120b, 1.1;al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 8: 384-5, nos. 2787-2793; Ibn Daqiq aI-'id, pp. 243-4, nos. 590-1; al-Kattiini, MS. Chester Beatty 4483, fol. 3a; al-Shafi'I, al-Umm (Cairo: 1321 reprint), 2: 84 sup.; Mahmiid Muhammad al-Subki, al-Man hal al-tadhb al-mawrisd, sharb sunan abi dawud (Cairo: 1390), 10: 109-13, 115-16;Ibn Abi l:liitim, 'Ilal al-I;!adith (Cairo: 1343 reprint), 1: 47, no. 108. 33 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 44 (man qala: laysa fi l-qubla wu4u'), 45 (man qala: fiha l-wudli'); 'Abd al-Razziiq, 1: 132-6, nos. 496-515; al-Hakirn, al+Must adrak, 1: 135; al-Shawkani, Nayl, 1: 230-3; al-Zurqani, Sharh ai-muwauo', 1: 129-30; Ibn Abi l:liitim, 1: 48, nos. 109-110,63 no. 166. 1388/1968), 11 concessions. The verse in Qur'an 3:189 "Reckon not that those who rejoice in what they have brought, and love to be praised for what they have not done -- do not reckon them secure from chastisement ..." refers, according to one tradition, to these scholars," Orthodox, pious scholars fiercely criticized the Umayyad court-jurists and muhaddithiin= The [uqaha' seem to have been liberal in granting rukhas, as can be gauged from a remark of the pious Sulayman b. Tarkhan (who himself very much appreciated the granted rukhas, see above note 13) that anyone who would adopt every rukhsa of the [uqaha would turn out a libertine." In order to assess the actions of rulers it became quite important to find out to what extent they made use of rukhas. 'Umar is said to have asked Muhajirs and Ansaris in his council what their opinion would be if he applied rukhas in some problems. Those attending remained silent for a time and then Bishr b. Sa'id said: "We would make you straight as we make straight an arrow." 'Umar then said with approval: "You are as you are" (i,e, you are the proper menl.'? When al-Mansur bade Malik b. Anas to compile the Muwatta' he advised him to stick to the tenets agreed upon the Muslim community and to beware of the rigoristic opinions of Ibn 'Umar, the rukhas of Ibn 'Abbas and shawadhdh (readings of the Qur'an) of Ibn Mas'iid.38 34 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ai-manthia, 2: 109 inf. 35 Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 218: ... [a-ataw l-umara'a [a-haddathiihum [a-rakhkhasii lahum, wa-atawhum [a-qabilii minhum ...; al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madarik, ed. Ahmad Bakir Mahmiid (Beirut: 1387/1967), 1-2, 616 (Sahniin): ... wa-baiaghani annahum yuhaddithunahum min al-rukhas ma yuhibbiina, mimma laysa 'alayhi l-'amalu ...; al-Dhahabi, 1: 14 inf.: '" ila kam tuhaddithu l-nasa bi-l-rukhasil ... and see al-Suyiiti, al-Durr ol-mamhia, 3, 139. ; 36 Abii Nu'aym, 3:32; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, 1: 133:... man akhadha bi-rukhsati kulli [aqihin kharaja minhu fasiq. And See Ahmad b. Hanbal, 'Ilal, 1: 238, no. 1499: Malik, asked about the rukhas of singing granted by some people of Medina, said: "In our place the libertines behave in this way." 37 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4 (majmu'a), fol. 44b, inf.-45a (the text: antum idhan antum); al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, 5: 405 inf., no. 2414 (the text: antum idhan antum idhan). 38 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, Tarikh, MS. Bodley. Marsh. 288, p. 167: ... wa-qala 12 Many a rukhsa indeed served to regulate relations between people, establish certain privileges for the weak and disabled, to alleviate some rigorous practices and finally, in some cases, to turn Jahili practices into Muslim ones by providing them with a new theoretical basis. Al-Hakim al-Naysabiiri" says that the Prophet's command to Zayd b. Thabit to learn the writing of the Jews ikitaba; al-yahiui) in order to be able to answer their letters, serves as the only rukhsa permitting the study of the writings of the People of the Book. Weak and disabled people were given special instructions on how more easily to perform certain practices during the pilgrimage.'? The Prophet enjoined that the ritual ablution (wutju') should start with the right hand; but a rukhsa was granted to start from the left." The cutting of trees and plants was forbidden in the haram of Mecca, but the Prophet allowed as a rukhsa the idhkhir rush ischoenanium) to be cut since it was used in graves and for purification." A special rukhsa was given by the Prophet to take freely the meat of animals sacrificed by him; the nuhba (plunder) of sugar and nuts at weddings was also permitted by the Prophet," A rukhsa was issued by the Prophet allowing use of gold and silver for the embellishment of swords, for the repair and fastening of damaged cups and vessels, for a treatment in 39 40 41 42 43 abi: ja'farin al-mansiiru li-maliki bni anasin hina amarahu bi-wad'i muwauaihi: ya abii 'abdi lliihi ttaqi shaddida bni 'umara wa-rukhasa bni 'abbasin wa-shawadhdha bni mas'iidin wa+alayka bi-l-amri l-mujtamdi 'alayhi. al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 75. al-Tahawi, Sharb mdani, 2: 215-218. al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 86-87. al-Baliidhuri, Futul; al-buldiin, ed. 'Abdallah and 'Umar al-Tabba' (Beirut: 1377/1958), p. 58, 1.3. Abu 'Ubayd, Gharibu l-hadltl: (Hyderabad: 1384/1965), 2: 54; al-Tai)iiwi, Sharb mdani, 3: 49-50; al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib ; 4: 325 inf. -326; al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-tarikh; MS. Esad Ef. 2391, fol. 32a, sup. ('an ibni mas'iidin annahu kariha nihaba l-sukkar). 13 dentistry and for the restitution of a cut nose." The Prophet uttered a r uk h s a about the nabi dh of jars;45 the use of jars for nabidh (steeping of dates) was forbidden before that. The muttering of healing incantations, the ruqya, a current practice in the Jahiliyya period, was forbidden by the Prophet. Later he fixed the formulae of these healing incantations for various kinds of illnesses, bites from snakes and scorpions, and the evil eye, giving them an Islamic character." This was, of course, a rukhsa of the Prophet. It is also a rukhsa to denounce Islam in case of danger to one's life. Two Muslims were captured by a troop of Musaylima and were ordered to attest the prophethood of Musaylima. One of them refused and was killed; the other complied and saved his life. When he came to the Prophet, the Prophet said that he had chosen the way of the rukhsa:" The discussion of a rukhsa could, in certain circumstances, turn into a bitter dispute. 'Uthman disapproved of the tamattu' pilgrimage." 'Ali, who was at the council of 'Uthman, opposed this opinion fiercely, arguing that tamattu' was a sunna of the Prophet and a rukhsa granted by God to his servants. 'uthmdn 44 al-Tahawl, Mushkil al-iuhiir (Hyderabad: 1333), 2: 166-179; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 5: 147-151;al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 28-30. 45 al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, p. 196 sup.; al-Hazimi, pp. 228-230. 46 Ibn Wahb, Jami, ed. 1. David-Weill (Cairo: 1939), pp. 103-106; al-Tahawl, Sharb mdiini, 4: 326-329; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 5: 109-114;al-Zurqani, Shorb ai-muwatta', 6: 348-350; idem, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 68-82; al-Wa$$iibi, al-Baraka; pp. 268-270; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, al-Tibb al-nabawi, ed. 'Abd aI-Ghani 'Abd al-Khaliq, 'Adil al-Azharl, Mahrniid Faraj al-'Uqda (Cairo: 1377/1957), pp. 127, 131 inf.-147; idem, Zad al-ma'Iid (Beirut: n.d.), 3: 116-125; al-Damiri, Hayiu. al-I;ayawan (Cairo: 1383/1963), 2: 139-140;al-Tha'alibi, Thimar oi-quliib, pp. 126, no. 672, 431, no. 690. 47 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manihiir, 4: 133. 48 On the tamauu pilgrimage see e.g. Ibn Hazm, Haj]at al-wada', ed. Mamdiib Baqqi (Beirut: 1966), pp. 49, 89, 90, 102; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 236; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 15-26. . 14 excused himself saying that he had merely expressed his personal opinion which anybody could accept or reject. A man from Syria who attended the council and disliked 'Ali's argument said that he would be ready to kill 'Ali, if ordered to do so by the Caliph, 'Uthman, He was silenced by Habib b. Maslama'" who explained to him that the Companions of the Prophet knew better the matter in which they differed." This remark of Habib b. Maslama is a projection of later discussions and represents the attitude of orthodox circles which recommend refraining from passing judgement on the contradictory arguments of the sahaba. However the passage also reflects the contrasting ways in which the pilgrimage was performed. It is noteworthy that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya wrote lengthy passages in which he examined in a thorough manner the contradictory opinions of the scholars about the tamattu' pilgrimage," Close to the concept of rukhsa was the idea of naskh. abrogation, total change, referring to hadith. Such a case of naskh is the practice of wudii' after the consumption of food prepared on fire. The Prophet is said to have uttered a hadith: tawadda'ii mimma massat al=nar. A great number of traditions assert that the Prophet later used to eat cooked food and immediately afterwards prayed without performing the wudii, The traditions concerning this subject are found in some of the compendia arranged in two separate chapters, recording the opinions and deeds of the righteous predecessors who respectively practised wudu' or objected to it.52 49 See on him al-Fasi, al-T qd al-thamin [i tarikhi l-baladi l-am in, ed. Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo: 1384/1965), 4: 49-52; Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at Siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harlin (Cairo: 1382), index; Ibn Hajar, al-Lsiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1392/1972), 2: 24-26, no. 1602. 50 Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, Jiimi' bayan, 2: 30; cf. al-Zurqani, Sharb al-muwaua; 3: 52 (and see pp. 48-51); ai-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 83, no. 678, 88, no. 704. 51 Zad ol-maad. 1: 188-191,203-18. 52 'Abd al-Razzaq 1: 163-171(man qala ia yutawaddau mimma massat al-nar), pp. 172-174 (ma ja'a fimi: massat al-nar min al-shidda); Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-52 (man kana ia yatawadddu mimma massat ai-nar ; man kana yara lrwudiia mimma ghayyarat al-nar); al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 153-158; al-Hazimi, pp. 46-52; Nlir ai-Din al-Haythami, 1: 248-249 (ai-wu4u' 15 The arguments brought forth by the partisans of both groups and toe traditions reported by them may elucidate some aspects of the problem under discussion. According to a tradition, reported by al-Hasan b. 'Ali, the Prophet was invited by Fatima and was served the shoulder of a ewe. He ate and immediately afterwards started to pray. Fatima asked him why he had not performed the wudii' and the Prophet answered, obviously surprised, "[To wash] after what, 0 my daughter?" She said, "[To wash] after a meal touched by fire." Then he said, "The purest food is that touched by fire."53 A similar tradition is recorded on the authority of 'A'isha, When she asked the Prophet why he did not perform the wudu' after eating meat and bread he answered, "Shall I perform the wudis' after the two best things: bread and meat?"54 There is a tradition on the authority of Umm Habiba, the wife of the Prophet, who had ordered the performance of wudii' after having eaten gruel of parched barley tsawiq) on the grounds of the hadith: Tawaddaii mimma massat al-nari? but traditions recorded on the authority of Safiyya, Umm Salama and the Companions of the Prophet affirm that the Prophet prayed after eating cooked food without performing the wu4it'.56 The scholars who deny the obligation of wudis' after the consumption of meals state that the principle established by the Prophet was that wudii' is obligatory 53 54 55 56 mimma massat al-nar), pp. 251-254 (tarku I-wut/u' mimma massat al-nar); al-Tahawi, Sharb maani, 1: 62-70; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al+Llal, 1: 305, nos. 1984-1985, 317, no. 2062, 366, no. 2424; al-Shawkani, N ayl, 1: 245-247, al-Fasawi, fo1. 229a; Abu Yiisuf, Kiiab al-iuhar, ed. Abu I-Wafii (Cairo: 1355), pp. 9-11, nos. 41-50; al-Hakim, Ma'rifat 'uliim, pp. 30, 217; al-Bayhaqi, Mo'rif at al=sunan, 1: 401; Ibn Sa'd, 7: 158; al-Bukhiiri, at-Ta'ri kb al-kabir (reprint), I, 2 no. 1543, III, 2 nos. 2361, 2805; Abu Nu'ayrn, 5: 363; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 125, 174, 321;al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad (Cairo: 135111931), 3: 100; Ibn l;Iajar, al-Isaba, 3: 263, no. 3701, 8: 248, no. 12125;Ibn 1 l;Iibbiin, Kitab al-majriihin; ed. 'Aziz aI-Qiidiri (Hyderabad: 1390/1970), 2: 173. Nur aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252 inf.-253. al-Dhahabi, 3: 243, no. 6270. Ibn Abi l-Jawsa', Hadith; al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 64b. al-Tabiiwi, Shark mdiini, 1: 65. 16 after what comes out (of the body) not after food taken in.57 Ibn 'Abbas, who authoritatively stated that there is no injunction of wuqil after food prepared on fire, argued that fire is a blessing; fire does not make anything either forbidden or permitted." On the authority of Mu'adh b. Jabal, a Companion of the Prophet and a very indulgent person in matters of ablutions, who stated that no ablution is needed in case of vomiting, bleeding of the nose or when touching the genitalia, the following philological explanation is given: people had indeed heard from the Prophet the utterance: tawaddaii mimma massat ai-niir, but they did not understand the Prophet's meaning. In the time of the Prophet people called the washing of hands and mouth wudk' ; the Prophet's words simply imply the washing of hands and mouth for cleanliness (ii-i-tan?if); this washing is by no means obligatory (wiijib) in the sense of ritual ablution." There are in fact traditions stating that the Prophet ate meat, then rinsed his mouth, washed his hands and started to pray." Another tradition links the abolition of the Prophet's injunction of this wudu' with the person of Anas b. Malik, the servant of the Prophet, and puts the blame for the persistence of wudii' after the consumption of cooked food on authorities outside Medina. Anas b. Malik returned from al-Iraq and sat down to have his meal with two men of Medina. After the meal he came forth to perform the wudii'. His companions blamed him, asking: "Are you 57 Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan ai-kubra, 1: 157 inf.; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170-171,nos. 658, 663; al-Tabawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 69. S8 'Abd al-Razzjiq, 1: 168-169, nos. 653, 655-656; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158, lines 4-5; al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 1: 70 sup. 59 al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 1: 141; Niir ai-Din al-Haytharni, 1: 252 ult.-253, line 1; al-Sharif al-Murtada, Amali, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo: 1373/1954), 1: 395-3%. 60 al-Tahawi, Sharb maiini, 1: 66, 68; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 157; Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 1: 252, lines 12-15, 254, line 8 and line 18; Muhammad b. Sinan al-Qazzaz, Hadith, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 18, fol. 2a; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Qattan, al-Fawdid, al-Zahiriyya, Majrnii'a 18, fol. 24a info 17 following the Iraqi way?,,61This story implies that in the practice of Medina no wudii' was observed after eating cooked meals. The emphasis that Anas's practice was Iraqi is noteworthy. It can hardly be conceived that the Iraqis stuck to the earlier practice of the Prophet which was later abrogated by him. It is more plausible to assume that Anas adopted an Iraqi usage observed there since the Sasanian period. The severe reproach which Anas faced seems to indicate that it was a foreign custom, considered as a reprehensible innovation by the Muslim communityf? The lenient character of the abrogation of wu(jil after eating food prepared on fire is exposed in a tradition reporting that the Prophet ate roast meat, performed the wu(ju' and prayed; later he turned to eat the meat that was left over, consumed it and set to pray the afternoon prayer without performing wu(ju' at all.63 It is evident that his later action (akhiru amrayhi) is the one to be adopted by the community, as it constitutes an abrogation, naskh, of the former tradition, although some scholars consider it as rukhsa. The problem of wudii' mimma massat al-nar was left in fact to the inventiveness of the [uqaha' of later centuries; it becomes still more complicated by an additional hadith according to which the Prophet enjoined wu(ju' after the consumption of the meat of camels, but did not regard wudii as necessary after eating the meat of small cattle (ghanam).64 The two chapters in the Musannai of Ibn Abi Shayba about wuQ.u' after consuming meat of 61 al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 69; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 158 (Anas regrets his mistake and wishes he had not done it: laytani lam af'al); 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659; al-Zurqiini, Sharf) al-muwaud, 1: 88 inf.-89. 62 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 1: 170, no. 659: ... ma hiidhihi l-'iraqiyyatu llatl ahdathtaha ._? 63 al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 247; al-Hakim, Marif at 'uliim, p. 85; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubrii, 1: 156; al-Tahawi, Sharf) mo'ani, 1: 67; al-Bayhaqi, Marifai al-sunan, 1: 395, 401, lines 1-2; Ibn 'Asakir, 6: 321. 64 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 46-7; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 70-1; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 1: 237-9; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 1: 158-9; idem, Ma'rifat al-sunan, 1: 402-6; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, I'lam al-muwaqqiin 'an rabbi l-'alamin, ed. Tiihii 'Abd al-Ra'iif Sa'd (Cairo: 1973), 2: 15-16, 106; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 1: 250. 18 camels, contradictory as they are, bear additional evidence to the diversity of practice and usage, and to the divergencies in opinions held by the scholars of hadith. 'No less divergent are the views of the scholars about the wuq.u: before the consumption of food, 65 the confinement of wudii', as an obligatory act, before prayer only, the question whether ablution before every prayer was obligatory for the Prophet only,66 and whether the wuq.u' may be replaced as a concession by cleaning the mouth with a toothpicks? The great number of diverse traditions, merely hinted at above, clearly indicate that the formation of a normative code of ritual and usage began relatively late. A survey of some traditions about the t aw at, the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, and certain practices of the haji may shed some light on the peculiar observances and customs followed in the early period and may explain how they were later regulated, transformed or established. The tawaf was equated by the Prophet with prayer isaliu). In an utterance attributed to him the Prophet said, ''The tawai is indeed like a prayer; when you circumambulate diminish your talk."" In another version of this haditb the Prophet, making 65 See al-Zurqani, Shorb al-mawahib, 4: 352 barakat al-tdiim al-wuq,u' qablahu ; and see the interpretation). 66 See al-Zurqani, Sharb al-mawahib, 7: 247, lines 24-30 [aaltuhu ya 'umaru-rydni li-bayani I-jawazi Ii-I-nasi wa-khawfa an yu'taqada wujiibu mii kana yaf'alu min al-wudiii li-kulli saiiuin ; wa=qila innaha nasikhun li-wujiibi dhiilika, wa-taaqqaba bi-qawli anasin: kana khassan bihi diina ummatihi wa-annahu kana ya(aluhu li-I-faq,ila _). 67 Ibid., 7: 248, line 1 seq. Concerning the concept of Sufi rukhas cf. M. Milson, A Sufi Rule for Novices, Kitab adab al-muridin (Harvard: 1975), pp. 72-82; and see his discussion on the subject in the Introduction, pp. 19-20. 68 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496; al-Qastallani, [rshad al-sari, (Cairo: 1323),3: 173-4; al-Nasa'I, Sunan, ed. Hasan al-Mas'iidi (Beirut: n.d.), 5: 222; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra; 5: 85; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad: 1362), 1: 174; al-Muniiwi, 4: 292-3, nos. 5345-5347; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 24, nos. 220-222; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, p. 258; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, al-Qira li-qasidi ummi l-qura, ed. Mustafa I-Saqii (Cairo: 1390/1970), pp. 306, 331;al-Tabiiwi, SharI) c.. c.. 19 tawat equal to prayer, bade the faithful confine their conversation to good talk. During the tawai the Prophet invoked God saying, "Our Lord, give to us in this world and in the world to come and guard us against the chastisement of Fire" (Qur'an 2:201).This verse was recited as an invocation by some of the Companions," Some of the invocations were extended and included praises of God, assertion of His oneness and omnipotence as they were uttered by the angels, by Adam, Abraham and the Prophet while they went past various parts of the Ka'ba during the tawai?" The pious Ibn 'Umar and Ibn 'Abbas are said to have performed the tawat refraining from talk altogether." Tawfis and Mujahid circumambulated in solemnity and awe "as if there were birds on their heads."> This was, of course, in the spirit of the imitatio prophetarum; Wahb b. Munabbih reported on the authority of Ka'b that three hundred Messengers (the last among whom was Muhammad) and twelve thousand chosen people tmustaian) prayed in the hi jr facing the maqam, none of them speaking during the tawa], except to mention the name of God.73 When 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr approached Ibn 'Umar during the tawat, asking him to give him his daughter in marriage, Ibn 'Umar did not reply. After some time 'Urwa came to Medina and met 'Abdallah b. 'Umar. The latter explained that he had not been able to answer him because mdiini , 2: 178 info 69 al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fiikihi, fols. 292a, 296a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, 52; al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, 5: 90, nos. 717-719, 722; al-Waqidi, Maghazi, ed. M. Jones (London: 1966), p. 1098; al-Bayhaqi, at-Sun an al-kubra, 5: 84; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-latif (Cairo: 1357/1938), p. 124; Ibn Kathir, Tajsir, 1: 432-3. 70 See e.g. al-Fiikihi, fo. 296a, sup. (The Prophet urges the people to praise God and to extol Him during the tawiif ; and see ibid., similar reports about some Companions); al-Azraqi, pp. 259 inf.-26O; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 51, nos. 8964-8965; al-Qastallani 3: 170; al-Harbl, ai-Manasik wa-amakin turuqi l-haj], ed. Hamad al-Jasir (al-Riyiid: 1389/1969), pp. 431-3; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, pp. 305-6; al-Shawkiini, Nayi, 5: 53-4. 71 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 50, no. 8962. 72 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a-b; cf. Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 73 al-Fiikihi, fol. 292a, inf. 20 he "conceived that he faced God" during the tawat (wa-nahnu natakhayalu llaha 'azza wa-ialla bayna dyunina). Now he replied and gave him his daughter in marriage." Merriment and joviality were, of course, forbidden and considered as demeaning. Wahb b. al-Ward," while staying in the hiir of the mosque of Mecca, heard the Ka'ba complain to God and Jibril against people who speak frivolous words around it.76 The Prophet foretold that Abii Hurayra would remain alive until he saw heedless people playing; they would come to circumambulate the Ka'ba, their iawat would, however, not be accepted." The concession in the matter oj speech granted during the tawai was "good talk."" Pious scholars used to give guidance, exhort, edify and recount hadiths of the Prophet." Common people made supplications during the tawai, asking God to forgive them their sins and to grant them Paradise, children, and wealth. It was, however, forbidden to stand up during the (awiif, and to raise one's hands while supplicating. "Jews in the synagogues practise it in this way," said 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'As) and advised the man who did it to utter his invocation in his council, not to do it during the fawiif.80 The fact that large crowds were gathered during the t awat was, however, exploited by the political leaders. Ibn al-Zubayr stood up in front of the door of the Ka'ba and recounted before the people the evil deeds of the Umayyads, stressing 74 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, Marsh 384, fol. 160b; al-Fakihi, fol. 292b; Mubibb ai-Din al-Tabari, p. 270. 75 See on him Abii Nu'aym, 8: 140-61; al-Pasl, al-Tqd, 7: 417, no. 2678. 76 al-Azraqi, p. 259; Abii Nu'aym, 8: 155 (the tafakkuh is explained as talking about women and describing their bodies during the (awaf); Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 271. 77 al-Fakihi, fol. 292b. 78 See Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 271, line 1: ... wa-anna hukmahu hukmu l-saliui, ilia fima waradat [ihi l-rukhsaiu min al-kalam. 79 See e.g. al-Fakihi, fols. 311a-312a;'Abd al-Razzaq, 3: 377, no. 6021. &0 al-Fakihi, fol. 296b; and see al-Azraqi, p. 257; Amin Mahrniid Khattab, Fat/:! al-malik al-mdbiid, 1: 200-2; Ibn Abi Shayba, 4:96; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5: 72-3. 21 especially the fact that they withheld their payment of fay'.8! 'Ali b. al-Husayn cursed al-Mukhtar, after his death, at the door of the Ka'ba.82 Some traditions narrate details of the behavior of certain persons in the tawat who did not conform to this requirement of awe and solemnity in the holy place. Sa'id b. Jubayr used to talk during the (awllf and even to laugh," 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf was seen to perform the tawaf wearing boots and singing hida' tunes. When rebuked by 'V mar he replied that he had done the same at the time of the Prophet and so 'V mar let him gO.84 Al-Fakihi records certain frivolous conversations which took place during the tawat, which may indeed be considered coarse and were certainly out of place in the sanctuary." But groups of people engaged in idle talk during the tawat were reprimanded. 'Abd al-Karim b. Abi Mukhariq" strongly reproved such talk; al-Muttalib b. Abi Wada'a" was surprised when he came to Mecca after a period of stay in the desert and saw people talk during the tawat. "Did you turn the tawaf into a meeting place," he asked," The "arabization" of the tawat is evident from an utterance attributed to the Prophet making it unlawful to talk in Persian during circumambulation. 'Vmar gently requested two men who held a conversation in Persian during the tawat to turn to Arabic," Reciting verses of the 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 al-Fiikihi, fol. 296b. al-Fakihi, fol. 296b. al-Azraqi, p. 259; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari p. 273; al-Fakihi, fol. 293b, sup. Niir al-Din al-Haythami, 3: 244. See al-Fakihi, fol. 293a (the remark of Husayn b. 'Ali about the buttocks of Mu'awiya during the (awaf ; and see fol. 294a: al-Sa'ib b. Sayfi and his talk with Mu'awiya about Hind). See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhlb, 6: 376-378, no. 716; aI-Fast, al-Tqd, 5: 480, no. 1856. See on him al-Fasi, al-'/qd, 7: 218, no. 2469. al-Azraqi, p. 260; Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 278. al-Fakihi fol. 291b (dhikru karahiyati l-kaliimi bi-l-farisiyyati [i l-(awaf); see the tradition about 'Umar: 'Abd al-Razzaq, 5: 496, no. 9793; cf. al-Turtiishl, al-Hawaditb wll-l-bida', ed. Muhammad Talbi (Tunis: 1959), p. 104. 22 Qur'an during the t awaf in a loud voice was disliked and considered a bad innovation tmuhdath): the Prophet is said to have asked 'Uthman to turn to dhikru llah from his qirixa. Nevertheless certain groups of scholars permitted the recitation of verses from the Qur'an.?" The problem of the reciting of poetry during the tawat is complicated. The Prophet is said to have told Abii Bakr who recited rajaz verses during the circumambulation to utter allahu akbar instead. This injunction of the Prophet seems to have been disregarded. Ibn 'Abbas, Abii Sa'id al-Khudri and Jabir b. 'Abdalliih used to talk during the (awaf and recite verses," A report on the authority of 'Abdallah b. 'Umar says that the Companions used to recite poetry to each other ty at an ash adicn) during the circumambulation/" The argument in favor of the lawfulness of the recitation of poetry during (a wa] was based on the precedent of 'Abdallah b. Rawaha who had recited his verses during the Prophet's tawat in the year A.H. 7 ('umrat al-qadii): Khallii bani Lrkutfiu: 'an sabilih ...3 Also during the fawaf 'A'isha discussed with 9 some women of Quraysh the position of Hassan b. Thiibit and spoke in his favor, mentioning his verses in defense of the Prophet; 94 Hassan, some traditions say, was aided by the angel Jibril in composing seventy verses in praise of the Prophet." Al-Nabigha al-Ja'di recited his verses in the mosque of Mecca, praising Ibn al-Zubayr and asking for his help at a time of drought." Ibn al-Zubayr asked, during the tawat, a son of Khiilid 90 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 10; Al-Azraqi, p. 258; al-Fakihi, fols, 295b-296a; and see the survey of the different opinions: Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 129-30; al-Majlisi, 99: 209, no. 19. 91 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 92 al-Fakihi, Col.307b. 93 al-Wiiqidi, p. 736; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 8: 130; al-Fiikihi, Col. 307a; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 95, no. 745. 94 al-Azraqi, p. 257; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al=l stl'ab, ed. 'Ali al-Bajiwi (Cairo: 1380/1960), 1: 347; al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 95 al-Fiikihi, Col.307b. 96 Maria Nallino, Le Poesie di an-Niibigah al-Ga'di (Rome: 1953), p. 137 (IX) (and see the references of the editor); al-Fakihi, Col.307b inf, 308a. 23 L. Ja'far al-Kilabi to recite some verses of his father against Zuhayr (b. Jadhima al-'AbsD. "But I am in a state of ihram; argued the son of Khiilid. "And so am I," said Ibn al-Zubayr and urged him to recite the verses. He responded and quoted the verse: "And if you catch me, kill me _" tPa-tmma takhudhiini ja-qtuliini: wa-in aslam [a-laysa ilii l-khuliaii). Ibn al-Zubayr sadly remarked that this verse suited his position in relation to the Banii Umayya,?? Sa'id b. Jubayr recalled having heard during the iawa] the verses of a drunkard who prided himself on the fact that he would not refrain from drinking wine even in old age," An old woman recalled verses composed about her beauty in her youth." There are moving verses composed by devoted sons, who carried on their backs their old mothers during the tawat and supplications by women asking God to forgive them their sins. Poets had the opportunity to watch women doing their tawa] and composed verses extolling their beauty.l'" The wearing of a veil by women performing the fawiit was the subject of a heated discussion among scholars who used as arguments the contradictory utterances attributed to the Prophet and quoted as precedents the fawiit of his wives.'?' Another important problem was whether men and women could lawfully perform the tawat together. According to one tradition women used to perform the fawiit together with men in the early period. The separation of women from men was first ordered by Khiilid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri.l'? Al-Fakihi remarks that this injunction was aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 307b; and see a different version of this verse Aghani (Biiliiq), 10: 12. 98 al-Fakihi, fo1. 308a; and see the verses: Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buldan, s.v. Amaj; and see Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Dhamm al-muskir, al-Zahiriyya, Majmii'a 60, fo1. 8a (Sa'Id b. Jubayr changes the text of the verse from wa-kana kariman fa-lam yanzi into wa-kana shaqiyyan fa-lam yanzi). 99 aI-Fiikihi, fo1. 308a. 100 aI-Fiikihi, fols. 307b-3IOa. 101 al-Shiifi'i, 2: 127; al-Azraqi, p. 260; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 296a-297a; Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, 3: 219-20; Ibn Zuhayra, pp. 133 uIl-I34. 102 aI-Azraqi, pp. 265-6; aI-Fiikihi, fols. 299a ult.-299b; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, pp. 319-20; al-Qastallani, 3: 172-3; Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 384-5; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 127; al-Fasi, al-T qd, 4: 273. 97 24 received with approval and people conformed to it until al-Fakihi's own time. Two other decrees of al-Qasri continued to be observed by the people of Mecca: takbir during the ceremony of tawai in the month of Ramadan and a special arrangement of rows of men around the Ka'ba.103 The separation between men and women in the mosque of Mecca was carried out by the governor 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Hashimi as late as the middle of the third century by drawing ropes between the columns of the mosque; the women sat behind the ropes,'?' At the beginning of the third century (about 209) the governor of Mecca under al-Ma'miin, 'Ubaydallah b. al-Hasan al-Tiilibi.l'" ordered a special time to be set apart for the women's tawilf after the afternoon prayer; men were not allowed to perform the tawa] at that time. This regulation was implemented again by the governor of Mecca, Ibrahim b. Muhammad about A.H. 260.106 These changes in the ceremony of the iawat seem to point to a considerable fluctuation of ideas and attitudes among the rulers and the orthodox in connection with the sanctuary and the form of the tawa]. The new arrangements, which were apparently meant to grant the haram more religious dignity and sanctity and to turn the tawilf into a solemn ceremony with fixed rules, may be compared with some peculiar customs practised in the early t awa], as recorded by al-Fakihi, The passage given by al-Fakihi begins with 103 al-Fakihi, fol. 432a (and see ibid., fol. 439b, lines 5-7 and fol. 354b: dhikru idiirati l-saffi [i shahri ramadana wa-awwalu man [dalahu wa-awwalu man ahdatha l-takbira bayna t-t ariiwibi hawla l-bayti fi shahri ramadana wa-tatsiru dhiilika); al-Zarkashi, I'lamu l-saiid bi-ahkami l-masiiiid, ed. Abii I-Wafii Mustafa I-Mariighi (Cairo: 1385),p. 98; al-Fiisi, al-'Jqd, 4: 272, 276 sup; al-Shibli, Mal;lasin al-wasdll [i mdrifaii I-awa'il, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 1530,fols.38b-39a, 41b-42a. 104 al-Fakihl, fol. 443a; al-Fiisi, al-'J qd, 6; 151, no. 2050 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); idem, Shifa' al-gharam (Cairo), 2: 188 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); Ibn Zuhayra, p. 300 inf. (quoted from al-Fakihi), 1J5 See on him Waki', Akhbiir al=qudiu, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz Mustafa al-Mariighi (Cairo: 1366/1947), 1: 257-258; Ibn Zuhayra, p. 297. 106 al-Fiikihi, fol. 443a; al-Fasi, al-Tqd, 3: 247-8, no. 720 (quoted from al-Fiikihn. 25 a rather cautious phrase: wa-qad zaama badu ahli makkata, which clearly expresses a reservation on the part of the compiler. In the old times (kanu fima mada) when a girl reached the age of womanhood her people used to dress her up in the nicest clothes they could afford, and if they were in possession of jewels they adorned her with them; then they introduced her into the mosque of Mecca, her face uncovered; she circumambulated the Ka'ba while people looked at her and asked about her. They were then told "This is Miss so and so, the daughter of so and so," if she was a free-born person. If she was a muwallada they said: "She is a muwallada of this or that clan." Al-Fakihi remarks in a parenthetical phrase that people in those times had religious conviction and trustworthiness iahlu dinin wa-amanatin) unlike people of his day, whose manner of belief is obnoxious (laysu 'ala ma hum 'alayhi min al-madhahibi l+makriiha), After the girl had finished her tawat she would go out in the same way, while people were watching her. The purpose of this practice was to arouse in the people the desire to marry the girl (if she was free-born) or to buy her (if she was a muwallada). Then the girl returned to her home and was locked up in her apartment until she was brought out and led to her husband. They acted in the same way with slave-maidens: they led them in the tawa; around the Ka'ba clad in precious dresses, but with their faces uncovered. People used to come, look at them and buy them. Al-Awza'I asked 'Ala' (apparently Ibn Abi Rabah) whether it was lawful to look at maidens who were led in tawaf around the Ka'ba for sale; 'Ala' objected to this practice except for people who wanted to buy slave-girls,"? This report is corroborated by a story recorded by Ibn Abi Shayba, according to which 'A'isha dressed up a maiden, performed the iawat with her and remarked: "We may perhaps succeed in catching (literally: hunting) a youth of Quraysh" (scil, for 107 al-Fiikihi. fol. 309b. 26 the girO.los 'Umar is said to have encouraged the selling of slave-maidens in this manner.l'" All these reports - al-Fakihi's reference to "people with religious conviction and trustworthiness," al-Awza'i's inquiry, 'Ata"s answer, 'A'isha's story - seem to reflect t awai customs prevailing in the early period of Islam, in all likelihood during the first century of the Hijra. The reports indicate a certain informality and ease of manners. All this was bound to change if the haram was to acquire an atmosphere of sanctity and veneration. The early informality and intimacy can be gauged from a number of traditions concerned with the daily behaviour of the faithful in the mosque of Mecca. Ibn al-Zubayr passed by a group of people who were eating their meal in the mosque and invoked upon them his benediction. Abu Nawfal b. Abi 'Aqrab"? saw Ibn 'Abbas there eating roasted meat with thin bread; the fat dripped from his hands. A broth of crumbled bread used to be brought to Ibn al-Zubayr in the mosque. One day a boy crawled towards it and ate from it; 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr ordered the boy to be flogged. The people in the mosque, in their rage, cursed Ibn al-Zubayt/" A similar problem was whether it is lawful to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. Scholars arguing for it quoted the precedent of the Prophet whose isrii took place (according to the report of Anas b. Malik) from the mosque of Mecca where he had slept'" Another 108 al-Musannaf, 4: 410; Lisan al+Arab, s.v. sh-w-f; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihaya, s.v. sh-w-f. 109 Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 411 ('Umar remarks, however, that girls should not be compelled to marry ugly [or mean; in text dhamim ; but probably damiml men; "the girls Iike in this matter what you like," he said}, cf. Ibn Ra's Ghanama, Maniiqil al-durar Ii mana bit al-zahar, MS. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 19b: qala 'umaru: ia yuzawwijanna l-rajulu bnatahu l-qablha [a-innahunna yarghabna lima targhabiin. 110 See on him Ibn I:Iajar, Tahdhib, 12: 260. Ill al-Fiikihi, fo!. 355b: dhikru l-akli fi l- masjidi l-harami wa-l-ghada flhi ; and see al-Turtfishl, pp. 106-8; al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, pp. 329-30. 112 al-Fiikihi, fol. 355b. 27 argument in favor of sleeping in mosques was mentioned by Sulayman b. Yasar,"" when questioned by al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Dhubab: 114 "How do you ask about it, said Sulayman, knowing that the ashab al-suita slept in the mosque of the Prophet and prayed in it." 115 Ibn 'Umar used to sleep in the mosque (of Medina) in the Prophet's Iifetime.'" When Thabit (al-Bunani) consulted 'Abdallah b. 'Ubayd b. 'Umayr"? whether to turn to the amir in the matter of the people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca, 'Abdallah bade him not to do that, quoting the opinion of Ibn 'Umar who considered these people as 'akifun, people praying in seclusion. The pious Sa'id b. Jubayr used to sleep in the mosque of Mecca. 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah spent forty years in the mosque of Mecca, sleeping there, performing the tawat, and prayingJ" In a conversation with his student Ibn Jurayj he expressed a very favourable opinion about sleeping in mosques. When 'Ata' and Sa'id b. Jubayr were asked about people sleeping in the mosque of Mecca who have night-pollutions they nevertheless gave a positive answer and advised them to continue to sleep in the mosque. In the morning, says a tradition, Sa'id b. Jubayr used to perform the tawiif, wake up the sleepers in the mosque, and bid them recite the talbiya. These reports quoted from a chapter of al-Fakihi entitled Dhikru l-nawmi fi I-masjidi l-harami wa-man rakhkhasa iihi wa-man karihahu'" give some insight into the practices in the 113 114 115 116 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 4: 228, no. 381. See on him ibid.• 2: 147, no. 249; al-Dhahabi, 1: 437, no. 1629. al-Turtiishi, p. 105. al-Zarkashi, l'liim al-sajid, p. 307; al-Turtiishi, p. 105;al-Mariighi, Tahqiq ai-nusra bi-talkhis mdiilim diiri l-hijra, MS. Br. Mus.• Or. 3615, fo1. 50a. 117 See on him al-Bukhiiri, al-To'rikn al=kablr, 31, no. 430; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 5: 308, no. 524. 118 Cf. al- Turtiishi, p. 105. 119 Ta'rikh Makka, fo1. 355b-356a; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-saiid, pp. 306-8, 317-18; Mubibb al Din al-Tabari, pp. 659-60, nos. 30-31; al-Majlisi, 99: 240, no. 1; about the odious impurity which causes bad smells see al-Fakihi, fo1. 357b, ult.-358a idhikru irsiili l=rihi [i l-masiidi l-harami); al-Zarkashi, l'lam ai-sajid, pp. 313-14; cf. about a superstitious belief 28 mosque of Mecca in the early period of Islam and help us to understand the ideas about ritual and the sanctity of the haram current at the time. Of special interest are some customs of t aw a] and include hardships, rigid self-exertion and self-castigation. Tradition tells about people who vowed to perform the fawaf while crawling's? or fastened to each other by a rope,'?' or being led with a rope threaded through a nose-ring.F' Tradition reports that the Prophet and his Companions unequivocally condemned these practices, prohibited them and prevented the people from performing the tawat in this way. It is obvious that these usages reflected the Jahiliyya ideas of self-imposed harshness, of vows of hardship and severe practices. These went contrary to the spirit of Islam which, while transforming it into an Islamic ritual, aimed to give the tawat its own religious values. Ibn Hajar is right in tracing back the prohibited forms of (awat to their Jahili source,'> Similar to these vows of self-exertion during the tawa! are the vows of hardship during the hajj. The traditions tell about men who vowed to perform the hajj on foot. Some women vowed to perform the hajj walking, or with faces uncovered, or wearing coarse garments, or keeping silent.124 The Prophet passed censure on h a i j which 120 121 122 123 124 among common people in Egypt: 'Ali Mahffiz, al-Ibdii' fi (Cairo: 1388/1968), p. 454. al-Fakihi, fol, 297a; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 457, no. 15895. al-Pakihi, fol, 297b; al-Azraqi, p. 261; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, no. 15862; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 5:88; al-Qastallani, 3: 173-4; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 460; Ibn l;Iajar, Fath al-bari, 3: 386-7; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 319, no. 73. al-Fakihi, fo!. 297b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 8: 448, nos. 15860-15861,11:292, no. 20572; Lisan al-'Arab, s.v. z-m-m-, kh-z-m. Fath al-bari, 3: 386. al-Tabawi, Sharb maani, 3: 128-132; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-l;Ianafi, 1: 260-2; al-Suyfiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 351-2; idem, Ta'rikn al-khulaia', ed. Muhammad Muhyi I-Din 'Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1371/1952), p. 99; al-Shatibl, al-I'tisam (Cairo: n.d.), 2: 52; Bahshal, Ta'rikn Wasil, ed. current madarr al-ibtidii 29 these practices, emphasizing that God does not heed (literally: does Lot need) vows by which people cause harm and suffering to themselves. These practices recall certain customs observed by the Bums which therefore had to be abolished in Islam. It may however be remarked that some early Muslim ascetics or pious men used to perform the hajj on foot, or vowed not to walk under a shade during their hajj.125 It is true that the outer form of these practices recalls the old Jahiliyya ones; there is however a clear line which has to be drawn between them: the devotional practices of the pious Muslims are different in their content and intention; they are undertaken out of a deep faith and performed for God's sake. These practices of the pious gained the approval of the orthodox circles and were considered virtuous. This attitude is clearly reflected in a haditb attributed to the Prophet: 'The advantage of the people performing the hajj walking over those who ride is like the advantage of the full moon over the stars."126 Fasting on the Day of 'Arata gave rise to another important controversy. The contradictory traditions and reports are arranged in Fakihi's compilation in two chapters: the one encouraging the Gurguis 'Awwiid (Baghdad, 1387/1967), p. 231; Ibn Sa'd, 8: 470; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 10: 76; al-Fasawi, fol. 157b; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakarn, p. 294; aI-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 5: 341, no. 2265, 449, no. 2507; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, 11: 7, no. 6714; al-Tayalisi, p. 112, no. 836; al-Tahawl, Mushkil at-iuhar, 3: 37-41; 'Abd al-Razziiq, 8: 438, no. 15825, 448, no. 15863; al-Fiikihi, fols. 315a-b; Ibn Daqiq al-'ld, pp. 310-11,nos. 791-793. (And see al-Fiikihi, fol. 511b:the story of the woman who vowed to perform the pilgrimage in silence if God would help to reconcile the fighting factions of her tribe. Abu Bakr, ordering her to discontinue her silence, remarked: takallami, fa-inna I-islam a hadama ma kana qabla dhalika); al-Tusi, Amali (Najaf: 1384/1964),1: 369. 125 Ibn Abi I-Dunyii, al-Tawba, MS. Chester Beatty 3863, fol. 17b; Bahshal, p. 167; al-Khuwiirizmi, Mukhtasar ithiirati l-targhib wa-l-tashwiq ila l-masiijidi l-thaliuhati wa-ila l-bayti l-'atiq, MS. Br. Mus., Or. 4584, fol. 8a-b. 126 al-Fiikihi, fols. 321b-322a idhikru l-mashyi fi I-hajji wa-f adlihi): al-Khuwiirizmi, fol. 8b: wa-li-l-mashi [adlun 'ala l-rakibi ka-fadli laylati l-qadri 'ala sa'iri l-layali, 30 faithful to fast on this day, the other reporting about Companions who refrained from fasting,'?" According to a tradition of the Prophet the sins of a man who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa will be remitted for a year;128 another version says two years,"? a third version a thousand days.130The list of persons who did fast includes also 'A'isha, who emphasized the merits of fasting on that day. The opponents who forbade fasting on that day based their argument on accounts and evidence that the Prophet had broken the fast on the Day of 'Arafa,!" 'Umar,132 his son 'Abdallah and Ibn 'Abbas prohibited fasting.l" In another version Ibn 'Umar stressed that he performed the pilgrimage with the Prophet and the three first caliphs; none of them fasted on the Day of 'Arafa, He himself did not fast, but did not explicitly enjoin either eating or fasting.P' The 127 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a-529a (dhikru sawmi yawmi 'araf a wa-f adli siyamihi ; dhikru man lam yasum yawma 'arafa makhiifata l-du'fi 'ani l-du'a); Ibn Abi Shayba, 4: 1-3, 21, 3: 104; al-Tahawi, Mushkil, 4: lll. 128 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528a, ult.; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236, no. 1463; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 97; al-Tahawi, Shorb maiini, 2: 72; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283. 129 aI-Fiikihi, fois. 528a, inf., 528b; al-Tabaranl, I: 255, 2: 71; Bahshal, p. 276; al-Mundhiri, 2: 236; 7 nos. 1461-1462,1464-1465, 1467-1468; Muhibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; Ibn Abi Shayba, 3: 96-97; al-Tahawl, Sharb maiini, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil, 4: 112; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 2; al-Bayhaqi, ai-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283, 130 al-Mundhiri, 2: 237, no. 1466; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Suyiltl, al-Durr ai-manthia, 1: 231 (another version 1,000 years). 131 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Hadith, MS. Chester Beatty 3849/4, fol. 4Oa; Abu 'Umar, GhuIiim Tha'Iab, Juz', MS. Chester Beatty 3495, fol. 97a; aI-Fiikihi, fol. 528b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 4; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 4: 283-4; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231. 132 al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh al-kabir, 32, no. 1600. 133 al-Fakihi, fol. 529a; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 286, nos. 1849, 1852; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 2: 338-9; al-Pasawi, fol. 61a; cf. Abu Nu'aym, 7: 164; Mubibb aI-Din al-Tabari, p. 404. 134 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-haditn 3: 4; aI-Khatib al-Baghdiidi, Mudil), 1: 434; al-Tahawl, Shorb mdiini. 2: 72; Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarl, p. 404 (and see ibid., p. 405 inf.); al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 268; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihaya (Beirut, al-Riyad: 1966), 5: 174. 31 conciliatory interpretation assumed that the prohibition of fasting referred to the people attending 'Arafa; but people not present on that Day of 'Arafa may fast, and are even encouraged to fast.!35 The reason given for not fasting on that day in 'Arafa was the care for the pilgrims, who might be weakened by the fast and prevented from properly performing the du'ji' and dhikr, which are the most important aims of the pilgrims staying at 'Arafa.136 The transfer of some rites performed at 'Arafa to the cities conquered by the Muslims is of special interest. This practice was introduced in Basra by 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas'" and by 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan in Fustat.138 the Day of 'Arafa people used to gather On in the mosques to invoke and to supplicate. When Ibn 'Abbas summoned the people to gather in the mosque he argued that he wished that the supplications of the people may be associated with those attendant at 'Arata and that God may respond to these supplications; thus they would share God's grace with the attendants 135 al-Tahawi, Sharb mdimi, 2: 72; idem, Mushkil 4: 112; Abii Nu'ayrn, 3: 347; al-Fasawi, fol. 32b; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 4: 267, no. 3; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 4: 289; Yiisuf b. Miisii al-Hanafi, 1: 152; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, I: 231. 136 al-Fakihl, fol. 529a; cf. Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, p. 405, lines 3-7 '(fasting on the Day of 'Arafa is not favored for people performing the pilgrimage; it is however encouraged for people not performing the hajj. See the compromise-recommendations of al-Mundhiri, 2: 238: "; there is nothing wrong in fasting, if it does not weaken him in his du'a' ... for the pilgrims it is preferable to break the fast ...•.See the story of Ibn Wahb, who broke the fast at 'Arafa because he was occupied by the thought of breaking the fast: al-Qadi 'Iyiid, Tartib al-madiuik, 1, 430; and see on this subject: al-Shawkiini, Nayl 4: 269). 137 See al-Quda'i, Ta'rikh, MS. Bodley, Pococke 270, fol. 67b (quoted from al-Jahiz's Nazm al-qur'iinr; al-Qalqashandi, Ma'athir ai-inaia [i maalim al-khilafa, ed. 'Abd al-Sattiir Ahmad Farriij (Kuwait: 1964), 1: 129; Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabarl, pp. 387 inf.-388 sup; al-Fasawi, fol. 16a: ._ haddathanii abu 'awana, qiil a: ra'aytu I-has an a kharaja yawma 'oraf a min al-maqsiirau ba'da I-'asri [a-qaada fa-'arrafa; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra 5: 117 inf.; see S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden; 1966),-p. 137. 138 al-Kindi, Wulat ut», ed. Husayn Nassar (Beirut: 1379/1959),p. 72. 32 at 'Arafa.P" Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr introduced this innovation in Kiifa.140 Some pious Muslims participated in these gatherings, others considered them as bid'ar" The tarit in Jerusalem is linked in some sources with 'Abd al-Malik, who is accused of having built the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem in order to divert the pilgrimage from Mecca to Jerusalem, since 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr, the rival caliph in Mecca, forced the pilgrims to give the oath of allegiance. When the Dome of the Rock was built people used to gather there on the Day of 'Arafa and performed there the wuqufr" So the bid'a of wuqid in Jerusalem arose. Al-Turtiishi describes a gathering of the people of Jerusalem and of its villages in the mosque, raising their voices in supplications. They believed that four "standings" twaqafiu) in Jerusalem were equal to a pilgrimage to Mecca.r" Ibn Taymiyya, of course, strongly censured this innovation.r" It is evident that the idea behind the ta'rit is that it is possible to transfer sanctity from 'Arafa to another sanctuary where the rites of 'Arata are being performed on the same day, or that one may share in the blessing of 'Arafa through the performance of certain devotions at the same time as they are done at 'Arafa (as is the case with the supplications in the tdrit mentioned in note 139 above), or the notion that two sanctities may be combined as indicated in the tradition about Zamzam visiting Sulwan on the night of 'Arafa.!" The idea of transfer of sanctity is clearly reflected in a 139 al-Mawsili, Ghiiyat al-wasiiil ila mdrifati l-awail, MS. Cambridge Qq 33 (10), fol. 153a. 140 al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthia, 1: 231 inf. 141 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiya, 9: 307; al-Turtiishi, pp. 115-16;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir, 1: 231 info 142 al-Quda'I, fol. 67b; al-Qalqashandi, 1: 129. 143 al-Turtiishi, pp. 116-17. 144 Majmu'at al-rasall al-kubrii (Cairo: 1323), 2: 57; Jamiil a-Din al-Qiisimi, I slab- al-masaiid min al-bidd wa-l-'awa'id (Cairo: 1341), p. 215 (from Ibn Taymiyya), 145 al-Muqaddasi, line 11. Ab-san al-taqasim, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1906), p. 171, 33 Shi'i tradition in which a Shi'i adherent asks the imam Ja'far al-Sadiq whether he may perform the to'rii on the grave of Husayn if the opportunity to perform the hajj (scil, to Mecca) escapes him. The imam enumerates in his answer the rewards for visiting the grave of al-Husayn on common days and those for visits on feasts, emphasizing that these rewards are multiplied for a visit on the Day of 'Arafa, This visit is equal in rewards with a thousand pious pilgrimages to Mecca and a thousand 'umr a accepted by God and a thousand military campaigns fought on the side of a prophet or a just imam. The adherent then asked, how he could get a reward similar to that of the mawqii (of 'Arata), The imam looked at him as if roused to anger and said: "The believer who comes to the grave of al-Husayn on the Day of 'Arafa, washes in the Euphrates and directs himself to the grave, he will be rewarded for every step as if he had performed a hajj with all due rites." The transmitter recalls that the imam did say: "and [took part in] a military campaignr" Some changes of ritual were attributed to the Umayyads and sharply criticized by orthodox scholars. A number of innovations of this kind are said to have been introduced by Mu'awiya, It was he who refrained from the takbir on the Day of 'Arafa, because 'Ali used to practise it.147 He forbade the loud recitation of the talbiya at 'Arafat, and people obeyed his order; then Ibn 'Abbas ostentatiously came forth and uttered the talbiya loudly,':" It was Mu'awiya who transformed a place where the Prophet had urinated into a place of prayer.v" and invented iahdatha) the adhan in the saliu a[-'idayn.150 He changed the order of the ceremony of the 'id peculiar 146 Ibn Biibawayh, Amali i-sadiu; (Najaf: 1389/1970),pp. 126-7. 147 aI-Fiikihi, fol. 529a. 148 Mubibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 403; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak, 1: 464 inf.-465; al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 79, nos. 646, 648. 149 Muhibb al-Din al-Tabari, p. 417; Amin Mahmiid Khattab, Fatb al-malik al-mdbisd, 2: 59 inf.-60, lines. 1-7; aI-Fiikihi, ·fol. 531a,sup. 150 al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafa', p. 200. 34 al-adha and ordered the khutba to be delivered before the prayer.P' He was also the one who banned the tamattu' pilgrimages.P? Changes of this kind were recorded as wicked innovations of the impious Umayyad rulers. The inconsistencies of the usages, customs and ritual practices of the early period of Islam are reflected in almost every subject dealt with in the early sources of hadith. Opinions divergent and contradictory are expressed about the sutra which has to be put in front of the praying Muslim and whether a dog or a donkey or a woman passing by invalidates the prayer-" Scholars differ in their opinions as to whether the form of sitting during the prayer called iq'a' is permitted.P' whether the prayer by a believer clad in one garment ithawb) is valid.!" and whether counting of the tasbib by pebbles is allowed!" Some of the subjects dealt with in the early hadiths lost their actuality and relevance. It is however a special feature of Muslim haditn literature and haditn criticism that some of these themes reappear and are discussed even in our days. Thus, for instance, the contemporary scholar Nasir al-Din al-Albani examines 151 al-Shibli, Maf)asin al-wasdil, fol. 120a; al-Suyiiti, Ta'rikh al-khulafd, p. 200. 152 al-Muttaqi aI-Hindi, 5: 88, no. 708; al-Shibli, MahQsin al-wasdil, fol. 119b (and see above notes 48, 50); and cf. the wicked innovations of al-Hajjij Abii Tiilib al-Makki, 2: 53-4. 153 al-Hakirn, al=Mustadrak, 1: 251-2; Niir al-Din al-Haytharni, 2: 59-62; al-Fakihi, fol. 481a inf.; al-Fasawi, fol. 217b; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 276-83; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 9-38, nos. 2272-2396; al-Tahawi, Sharf) maani, 1: 458-64; al-Muttaqi l-Hindi, 8: 132-8, nos. 946-989; al-Zarkashi, al=l iaba, pp. 66, 84. 154 Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 285; 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 190-7, nos. 3024-3053; and see Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihiiya, s.v. q-'-a, '-q-b. 155 al-Tal)iiwi, Sharf) maani, 1: 377-83; al-Shawkiini, Nayl, 2: 83-4; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 310-15. 156 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 389-91; Ibn Abi I-ijadid, Sharf) nah] al-balagha, ed. Muhammad Abii l-Fadl Ibriihim (Cairo: 1964), 18: 164; and cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Ttal, 1: 325, no. 2122; Sa'Id b. Jubayr throws out the pebbles with which a woman counted her circlings during the the tawa]. 35 the tradition prohibiting fasting on the Day of 'Arafa for people attending 'Arata,"? He carefully analyzes the isnads, finding out their faults; he harshly reprimands al-Hakim for his heedlessness in considering the haditb sound and states that the haditb is in fact weak. He argues that the haditb about the forgiveness of sins for a period of two years for him who fasts on the Day of 'Arafa is a sound tradition; but the attached phrase about the rewards for fasting on every day of Muharram is a forged one.ISS An exhaustive scrutiny of hadiths about the counting of tasbih by pebbles is included by al-Albani in the examination of the haditb about the rosary (ai-subha).IS9 Of interest are certain traditions in which some social and cultural, as well as religious, trends are exposed. Of this kind are the traditions in which the Prophet predicted that his community would erect sumptuous mosques in the manner of Jewish synagogues and Christian churches, adorn them richly and embellish them with inscriptions. This will be the sign of decline of the Muslim community and portend the End of the Days. Traditions of the very early period of Islam reflect the opposition against arched mihrab« "Beware these altars" tittaqii hadhihi l-madhabih), followed by an explanatory comment, "he meant the mahiirib' (ya'ni l-maharib), says a tradition attributed to the Prophet,"? "My people will fare well as long as they will not build in their mosques altars 157 Na s ir aI-Din aI-AIbiini, Silsilat al=ah a d i t n al+d a'Lf a wa-l-mawdiia (Damascus: 1384),no. 404. 158 Ibid., no. 412. 159 Ibid., no. 83. 160 al-Daylami, MS. Chester Beatty 4139, fo1. 27a (al-Daylami adds: wa-kana ibriihlmu l-taymi la yusalli [i (aqi l-mihrab); al-Suyiiti, ai-Khasii'is ai-kubrii; 3: 189; al-Muniiwi, 1: 144-5, no. 153 reviews the different meanings of the word mihrab. And see the peculiar story of the Christian youth in the mihrab: al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, To'rikh Baghdad, 9: 45; al-Turtiishl, p. 94; al-Bahranl, 7: 281-5; Mahmiid Mahdi al-Miisawi al-Khawansiiri, Tuhfat al-siijid fi ahkiim al-masiijid (Baghdad: 1376), pp. 111-16.And see R.B. Serjeant, "Mii)riib," BSOAS (1959):pp. 439-53. 36 like the altars of the Christians," the Prophet foretold/?' Pious men usually refrained from praying in these mihrabs.162 Of the same kind were traditions against the adornment of mosques.'" prayers in the maqsiaa of the mosque,164 and against writing Qur'an verses on the walls of the mosque, or in the qibla of the mosque.'" These traditions should, of course, be studied against the background of the reports about the sumptuous buildings which were erected by the impious rulers and their governors and the richly decorated [ami' mosques in which delegates of the rulers led the prayer. Many a time a pious Muslim had to ask himself whether he should pray behind them, as can be deduced from the numerous traditions dealing with this subject. The few traditions reviewed in this paper clearly demonstrate the fluidity of certain religious and socio-political ideas reflected in the early compilations of hadith; as already proved by I. Goldziher. The diversity and divergence of traditions expose the different opinions of various groups of Muslim scholars. The divergent traditions are faithfully recorded in the compilations 161 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubra; 3: 188-9; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59; and see the careful evaluation of this hadith' by Albiini, Silsila, no. 448. 162 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 412, no. 3898-3902; the tradition about the altars of the Christians, no. 3903; Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 59-60 (ai-saiat Ii i-taq, man rakhkhasa l-saliu Ii Haq); Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Tlal, 1: 64, no. 373. 163 al-Suyiiti, al-Khasdis al-kubrii, 3: 56-7; Ibn Abi Shayba, 1: 309; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr ai-manihiir, 3: 217 inf.; al-Shaybani, pp. 77-8; Abii 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadlth, 4: 225; al-Shawkanl, No yl, 2: 167-70; idem, al-Fawii'id al-majmiia, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latif (Cairo: 1960), pp. 25-7; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf; Ibn Abi Jamra, Bahjat al-nufiis (Beirut: 1972 reprint), 1: 183; al-Sarnarqandl, Bustan ai-'arilin (on margin of Tanbih al-ghafilin) (Cairo: 1347), pp. 127-8; Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Radi, Thimar al-maqasid [i dhikri t-masaiid, ed. As'ad Talas (Beirut: 1943), pp. 166, 170; al-Bahrani, 7: 277; al-Zarkashi, I'liim al-siijid pp. 335-8; Muhammad Mahdi al-Miisawi, pp. 87-92. 164 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, 2: 414-16, nos. 3907-3913; al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra, 3: 238; Abii Talib al-Makki, 2: 51 inf.; Ibn Sa'd, 7: %. 165 Ibn Abi Shayba, 2: 46; al-Turtiishi, p. 97; al-Zarkashi, I'lam al-saiid, p. 337; cf. Yiisuf b. 'Abd al-Hadi, p. 170. 37 of the second century of the Hijra with no obligatory conclusions imposed and no prescriptions issued. This activity reflects a sincere effort to establish the true path of the Prophet, the Sunna, which the believer should follow. 

banu_qurayza.pdf THE MASSACRE OF THE BANU QURAYZA A re-examination of a tradition The story of the massacre of the Banu Qurayza (April 627 A.D./Dhu l-Qa'da 5 A.H.), l as recorded in various compilations of the Sira-literature, is concerned with the final blow which the prophet Muhammad struck at the last Jewish tribal group in Medina. According to the widely current tradition, transmitted by the early Muslim scholars of hadith, biographers of the Prophet, jurists and historians, Qurayza are said to have concluded a pact with the Prophet in which they committed themselves not to help the enemies of the Prophet. But when the enemies of the Prophet (i.e. the Confederates, Quraysh and their Allies, the Ahzab - K.) besieged Medina the Banu Qurayza are alleged to have aided the forces of the Prophet's enemies, the Ahzab. Huyayy b. Akhtab, a former leader of the exiled Jewish tribe of the Banu Nadlr is blamed for having instigated Ka'b b. Asad, the leader of Qurayza, to violate the agreement with the Prophet and for having pressed him to negotiate with the leaders of the Ahzab. The Prophet succeeded by stratagem to undermine the mutual confidence between Qurayza and the Ahzab and to spoil their strategic plans against him and against the Muslim community at Medina. The failure of the siege of Medina by the Ahzab and their disordered and hasty retreat marked a manifest victory for the Prophet and left Qurayza in a precarious position, facing the forces of the Prophet in isolation. Immediately after the withdrawal of the Ahzab the Prophet was actually summoned by the angel Jibril to march out against the Banu Qurayza. The siege laid by the forces of the Prophet on the stronghold of Qurayza brought about a deterioration of the situation of the besieged shortly afterwards. Their leader, Ka`b b. Asad put forward three proposals as solution: (a) that they should convert to Islam, (b) that they should kill the women and children and march out from the stronghold to fight courageously the besieging force of the Muslims, or (c) that they should l See J.M.B. Jones, The Chronology ofthe Maghazi, BSOAS XIX, 1957, pp. 274, 251. 62 surprise Muhammad and his troops by a speedy and unexpected attack on the eve of Saturday. All the proposals were, however, rejected by the Banu Qurayza. When the situation deteriorated Qurayza sent their messenger to negotiate with the Prophet the terms of their surrender. They proposed to surrender and depart leaving behind their land and property and taking with them movable property only, the load of a camel per person. When this proposal was rejected, the messenger returned asking that Qurayza be permitted to depart without any property, taking with them only their families; but this proposal too was rejected and the Prophet insisted that they surrender unconditionally and subject themselves to his judgment. Qurayza asked for Abu Lubaba, a Companion of the Prophet whom they trusted, to be sent to them in order to have his advice. Abo Lubaba indiscreetly pointed with his hand to his throat, a movement which clearly conveyed slaughter; he regretted his treason towards God and the Prophet, repented and the Prophet was glad to convey to him the joyous tiding of God's forgiveness, as it was revealed to him. The Banu Qurayza, compelled to surrender, descended from their stronghold and were led to Medina. The men, their hands pinioned behind their backs, were put in a court (dar) in Medina; the women and children are said to have been put in another one. When the Prophet was asked by people of Aus, who were allies of Qurayza, to show leniency towards their allies the Qurayza, he proposed to appoint as arbiter a man from Aus, Sa=d b. Mu-adh. Qurayza consented and so did the attending Muslims; among the Muslims were, of course, the Aus who in turn began to intercede with Sa-d for Qurayza; Sa-d's harsh answer was a bad omen for the fate of Qurayza. When all the parties agreed to abide by the judgment of Sa'd he gave his concise verdict: the men shall be put to death, the women and children sold into slavery, the spoils divided among the Muslims. The Prophet ratified the judgment and stated that Sa-d's decree had been issued as a decree of God pronounced from above the Seven Heavens. Accordingly some 400 (or 600, or 700, or 800, or even 900) men from Qurayza were led on the order of the Prophet to the market of Medina; trenches were dug in the place, the men were executed and buried in the trenches. The Prophet attended the executions, which were carried out by CAlI and al-Zubayr. Youths who had not reached maturity were spared. Women and children were sold into slavery; a number of them were distributed as gifts among the Companions. 63 The story of the massacre of Qurayza, of which a short summary has been given above, was thoroughly studied and analysed by several western scholars, who severely criticized the Prophet for it. 2 Although not unanimous in their assessment of certain details of the story, the scholars are in agreement concerning the cruelty of the judgment of Sa-d b. Mu'adh, Some Muslim scholars didn't deny the merciless character of Sa-d's judgment, but justified it pointing out that the Bam} Qurayza had yielded to the treacherous activities of Huyayy b. Akhtab and had committed deeds of treason. Sa-d's decree, although severe and harsh, was a vital necessity as he regarded the fate of the Jews as a question of life and death for the Muslim community. The responsibility for the killing of Qurayza should be placed on Huyayy b. Akhtab who instigated the war-activities against the Prophet.' 2 See e.g. Martin Hartmann, Der Islam, Leipzig 1909, p. 16: "Ein ewiges Schandmal bleibt die Ruchlosigkeit mit der Muhammed gegen den Stamm Quraiza verfuhr: 600 Manner erlitten den Tod durch Henkershand, die Weiber und Kinder wurden verkauft." W. Muir, Mahomet and Islam, London 1895, p. 151: "The massacre of Banu Coreitza was a barbarous deed which cannot be justified by any reason of political necessity... " "But the indiscriminate slaughter of the whole tribe cannot be recognized otherwise than as an act of monstrous cruelty, which casts an indelible blot upon the Prophet's name... " J. Andrae, Mohammed. Sein Leben und sein G1aube, G6ttingen 1932, p. 126: "Es war der letzte Jundenstamm in Medina, Banu Kuraiza, den er nun exemplarisch zu strafen beschloss wegen der Unzuverlassigkeit, die er wiihrend der Belagerung gezeigt hatte. Bei dieser Gelegenheit zeigte er wieder den Mangel an Ehrlichkeit und moralischem Mut, der einen weniger sympathischen Zug seines Charakters bildete... " F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, Trans!. H.H. Schaeder, Heidelberg 1955, p. 275: "... Diesmal war Muhammad jedoch zu erbittert urn Schonung zu gewahren: aber die Art wie er seinen Willen durschsetzte. hatte etwas in hohem Grade Raffiniertes und zeigt wieder seinen Charakter in einem sehr abstossenden Licht..." M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Mahomet, Paris 1969, p. 145: "L'incident des B. Qoraiza est une vilaine page de l'histoire de Mohammed, mais c'est un acte qui fut tres profitable a la gloire d'Allah et de son prophete ... " W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford, 1956, p. 214: "Some European writers have criticized this sentence for what they call its savage and inhuman character ... " Maxime Rodinson, Mohammed, New York 1974, p. 213: "It is not easy to judge the massacre of the Qurayza. It must be remembered that the customs of the time were extremely primitive ... " F. Gabrieli, Muhammad and the Conquest of Islam, London 1968, p. 73: "This dark episode, which Muslim tradition, it must be said, takes quite calmly, has provoked lively discussion among western biographers of Muhammed, with caustic accusations on the one hand and legalistic excuses on the other... In this case he was ruthless, with the approval of his conscience and of his God, for the two were one; we can only record the fact, while reaffirming our consciousness as Christians and civilised men, that this God or at least this aspect of Him, is not ours." 3 Muhammad Husayn Hayka!, Hayiu Muhammad, Cairo 135g, p. 321. And see e.g. Hafiz Ghulam Sarwar, Muhammad the Holy Prophet, Lahore 1967, p. 247: "No one can dispute the justice of the sentence on the Quraiza ... Traitors are always executed unless they ask pardon and circumstances justify the pardon being granted... Muhammad was absolutely 64 I Odd assumptions appear in W.N. Arafat's article on this subject.' Arafat tries to prove the unreliability of the account of the events of the massacre of Qurayza as recorded by Ibn Ishaq (d. 151 A.H.) and transmitted by later Muslim scholars, historians and biographers of the Prophet. The later historians "draw, and in most cases depend on Ibn Ishaq", states Arafat and comments: "But Ibn Ishaq died in 151 A.H., i.e., 145 years after the event in question".' Arafat's severe criticism refers first of all to the way in which Ibn Ishaq collected his information: his sources were untrustworthy, uncertain and late; his account is in Arafat's opinion "a sum-total of the collective reports, pieced together". Arafat quotes thrice the opinion of Malik b. Anas (from Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyun al-athar) about Muhammad b. Ishaq: "he was a liar", "an impostor" who "transmits his stories from the Jews'" and stresses twice that "against the late and uncertain sources on the one hand, and the condemning authorities on the other must be set the only contemporary and entirely authentic source, The Qur'an." (Sura XXXIII, 26: "He caused those of the People of the Book who helped them (i.e. the Quraysh) to come out of their forts. Some you killed, some you took prisoner." [as quoted by Arafatj).? If 600 or 700 people were killed there would have been a clearer reference to it in the Qur'an; as only the guilty leaders were executed the reference in the Qur'an is very brief - argues Arafat. He rejects without hesitation the widely circulated story about the massacre of the Banii Qurayza and reiterates his argument: the verse of the Qur'an indicates clearly that only those men of Qurayza who were actually fighting were free from blame. The real culprit in this tragedy, for it was a most horrible tragedy... was Huyayy b. Akhtab... " Ameer Ali, A short history of the Saracens, London 1961, p. 13: "It was considered unsafe to leave the traitorous Banu Koraiza so near the city, as their treachery might at any moment lead to the destruction of Medina... This was a severe punishment according to our ideas, but it was customary according to the rules of war then prevalent." Muhammad Hamidullah, Muslim Conduct of State, Lahore 1961, §443: "... The females and children of the Jewish tribe of Banu Quraizah were, by the decision of the arbitrator nominated by themselves, enslaved and distributed as booty. This arbitral award was in conformity with the Jewish personal Jaw... "; §497: "... In the case of the Banu Quraizah, it was the arbitrator of their own choice who awarded exactly what Deuteronomy provided... " 4 W.N. Arafat, "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina," JRAS (1976), 100-107. 5 Arafat, op. cit., pp. 101, U. 1-2. 6 Arafat, op. cit., pp, 10I, 1. 8, 102 ult. -103 1.1, 106 U. 2-3. 7 Arafat, op. cit., pp. 1011. 20, 103 1I. 11-15. 65 executed; according to the rule of Islam only those responsible for the sedition were punished. Killing a large number of people is opposed to the Islamic sense of justice and the Qur'anic rule regarding prisoners, argues Arafat. Why should the Qurayza have been slaughtered, asks Arafat, while other Jewish groups which surrendered both before and after the Banu Qurayza were treated leniently and were allowed to go. If so many hundreds of people were indeed put to death in the market-place and trenches were dug for the operation, why, asks Arafat, is there no trace of all that and no sign or word to point to the place? "Had this slaughter actually happened", contends Arafat, "the jurists would have adopted it as a precedent"; "in fact exactly the opposite had been the case" - asserts Arafat. Arafat stresses further that the details of the story imply inside knowledge, i.e. from the Jews themselves. Both the descendants of the Banii Qurayza and the descendants of the Medinan Muslims were eager to glorify their ancestors; it was one of the descendants of Sacd b. Mu-adh who transmitted the judgment of Sa-d and the saying of the Prophet to Sad: "You have pronounced God's judgment upon them [as inspired] through Seven Veils"." Finally Arafat raises some additional questions: how could many hundreds of persons be incarcerated in a house belonging to a woman of the Banu l-Najjar, and how can one explain the fact that some Jews are mentioned as remaining in Medina after the alleged expulsion of all the Jewish tribes? Arafat draws a comparison between the story of Masada as recorded by Josephus Flavius and the story of the Banu Qurayza. Arafat's conclusions are surprising: the descendants of the Jews who fled to Arabia after the Jewish wars superimposed details of the siege of Masada on the story of the siege of the Banu Qurayza. According to Arafat, the mixture provided the basis for Ibn Ishaq's story. Arafat's article was followed by another one by a certain Zaid. In his article entitled "The Masada Legend in Jewish and Islamic Tradition"? the author reiterates Arafat's arguments, arrives at the same con- 8 Arafat's rendering of this sentence is erroneous: min fauqi sao Cati arqi ' The references quoted above from the compilations of al-Shaybant, al-Shafi'T, Abu bought by Mu-awiya]; and see ib. p. 86, no. I; and see e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 744, sup.: the court (dar) known as dar bani nasr in Damascus was a church (kanisat al-nasaray; Malik b.

Ḥaddithū ʿan Banī Isrāʾīla Wa-Lā Ḥaraja: A Study of an Early Tradition

Israel Oriental Studies 2 (1972): 215-39

Ḥaddithū ʿan Banī Isrāʾīla Wa-Lā Ḥaraja: A Study of an Early Tradition

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M. J. Kister

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bani_israil.pdf Haddithu 'an bani isra'ila wa-Ia haraja A Study of an early tradition This widely current tradition was variously interpreted by Muslim scholars. They differed in their opinions about the significance of the words of this hadith, its intent and its implications. The core of the discussion lay in fact in the problem whether it was lawful to turn to Jewish and Christian sources for guidance, to study Jewish and Christian compilations and to incorporate certain aspects from them into the Muslim cultural tradition and belief. Scrutiny of some of these discussions may help to elucidate the tendencies of the various religious groups in Islam and assist us in gaining a deeper insight into the attitudes of Muslim scholars. I The tradition Haddithu 'an bani isra'il was considered by Goldziher as one which is opposed to the trend of Muslim orthodox scholars who watched with reluctance the influence of Jewish Aggada and of Christian legends on Muslim tradition.1 The transmission of this hadith, says Goldziher, serves as evidence of the controversy among the scholars of the second century about the transmission of Jewish lore. The earliest source in which this tradition is recorded is the Risala of al-Shafi'i (d. 204).2 This tradition is also reported in the Jami' of Ma'mar b. Rashid (d. 154),3 and in 'Abd al-Razzaq's Musannafwith the following isnad: 'Abd al-Razzaq > aI-Auza'I4 > Hassan b. 'AtiyyaS > Abu Kabsha6 > 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. aI'As. The Prophet said: "Transmit on my authority, be it even one verse (from the Qur'an), narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and there 1 Muhammedanische Studien (Halle, 1890), II, 137, note 3; and see G. Vajda, "Juifs et Musulmans selon Ie Hadit", JA CLXXIX (1937), 115-120; S. D. Goitein, Banu [sra'i1, E[2. 2 Melanges Judeo-Arabes, IX, "Isra'iliyyat", REJ XLIV (1902) 64, note 2. 3 Ms. FeyzuIlah 541, fo1. 59b, inf. (See F. Sezgin, GAS, I, 291). 4 See on him F. Sezgin, GAS, I, 516. 5 See on him Ibn l;Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib (Hyderabad, 1327), II, 251, no. 460; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-i'tidal, ed. 'Ali Mul;!arnmad al-Bijawi (Cairo, 1382/1963), I, 479, no. 1809. 6 See on him Ibn I;Iajar, Tahdhib, XII, 210, no. 974. is nothing objectionable (in that); he who tells a lie on my authority - let him take his place in Hell."? In the Musnad of Ahmad b. Hanbalf this tradition is recorded with the same chain of transmitters; it contains however a slight variant: wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan, "intentionally't.? 7 Ms. Murad Molla 604, fol. 113b: ballighii 'annt wa-lau iiyatan wa-haddithii 'an bani isra'tla wa-ld haraja fa-man kadhaba 'alayya kadhibatan fa-l-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-niiri. And see this tradition: al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-saghir, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (Cairo, 1388/1968), I, 166; al-Fasawt, al-Ma'rifa wa-l-ta'rikh, Ms. Esad Ef. 2391, fol, 162b; al-Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-arab (Cairo [reprint] 1964), XIV, 182; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-auliyii' (Cairo, 1351/1932), VI, 78. 8 Ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (Cairo, 1953), XI, 127, no. 6888; cf. al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rifat al-sunan wa-l-dthiir, ed. Ahmad Saqr (Cairo, 1389/1968), I, 48-51. 9 See about the tradition man kadhaba 'alayya: Ibn al-Jauzi, Kitdb al-maur/u'at, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad 'Uthman (Cairo, 1386/1966), I, 55-98; and see ibid., p. 63 the remark of Wahb b. Jartr: wa-lldhi, md qdla "muta'ammidan", wa-antum taqalana "muta'ammidan"; cf. al-Khattb al-Baghdadl, Taqyid al-'ilm, ed. Youssef Eche (Damascus, 1949), p, 29: waman kadhaba 'alayya; qiila hammiimun: ahsibuhu qdla "muta'ammidan" ... fa-l-yatabawwa' ... ; cf. J. Goldziher, Muh. St., II, 132 (see notes 3-4); and see Ahmad b. Hanbal, op. cit., IV, nos. 2675, 2976; V, nos. 3694, 3801, 3814, 3847; II, nos. 584, 629, 630, 903, 1()()()"'1001, 1075, 1291; I, nos. 326, 469, 507; VI, nos. 4338, 4742; VII, nos. 5232, 5291; IX, nos. 6309, 6478; X, nos. 6592, 6593. And see an interesting setting of this utterance ibid., VI, no. 4156: jama'ana rasidu Ildh! (s) wa-nahnu arbaiina, fa-kuntu fi dkhiri man atiihu, qdla: innakum mansiiriina wa-musibuna wa-maftiihun lakum, fa-man adraka dhiilika fa-l-yattaqi llaha wa-lya'mur bi-l-ma'rufi, wa-l-yanha an al-munkari, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan ... ; and see a remarkable version ibid., V, no. 3025: ittaqii l-haditha 'annt ilia md 'alimtum; qdla: wa-man kadhaba 'ala l-qur'dni bi-ghayri 'ilmin fa-l-yatabawwa' ... ; cf. al-Daylaml, al-Firdaus, Ms. Chester Beatty 3037, fol. 27a: ittaqu l-hadttha 'anni ilia md 'alimtum, fa-innahu man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan ... ; cf. Ahmad b.Hanbal, op. clt., IV, no. 2976: ... man kadhaba 'alayya ... wa-man kadhaba fi l-qur'iini ... ; and see ibid., III, no. 2069: ... man qiila ft l-qur'iini bi-ghayri 'ilmin ... ; and see Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt (Beirut, 1957), II, 337: ... man qiila 'alayya md lam aqul fa-qad tabawwa'a ... ; cf. al-Jarraht, Kashf al-khafd' wa-muzil al-ilbiis (Cairo, 1352), II, 275, no. 2593; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, ed. al-Zawl-al- Taniil)l (Cairo, 1963), I, 159; al-Tirmidhi, $a/.zi/.z (Cairo, 1934), XIII, 167 where this utterance is connected with the story of khiisif al-na'l; al-Qundiizl, Yaniibi' al-mawadda (Kazimiyya, 1385), pp. 59, 209; al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, Ta'rtkb Baghdad (Cairo, 1349/1931), I, 265; al-Safarlni, Ghidha' al-albdb (Cairo, 1324), I, 118; Yusuf b. Musa al-HanafI, al-Mutasar min al- mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 261-262; al-Tabaranl, op. cit., II, 55;al-Fasawi op. cit., fol. 158a; al-Hakim, al-Mustadrak (Hyderabad, 1342), II, 401; al-Dhahabt, Mizdn, IV, 393 sup.; AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., II, 369; cf. Abu 'Ubayd, Farla'if al-qur'iin, Ms. Leiden, Or. 3056, fol. 3b: ... anna rasiila lldhi ($) 'ahida ilaynd fi hajjati l-wadd'i fa-qdla: 'alaykum bi-l-qur'iini fa-innakum sa-tarji'iina ilii qaumin yashtahiina l-haditha 'anni fa-man 'aqifa shay'an fa-l-yuhadditk 'annt bihi, wa-man qdla 'alayya md lam aqul fa-l-yatabawwa' bay tan au maq'adan It jahannam; and see al-Suyutt, al-Jiimi' al-kabtr, Ms. al-Jazzar, Acre, I, 351: haddithi; 'anni kama sami'tum we-ld haraja, ilia man akhbara 'ala lldhi kadhiban muta'ammidan li-yudilla bihi l-ndsa bighayri 'ilmin fa-I-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futu/.z Misr, ed. 216 Haddithii 'an bani isra'ila The tradition haddithii 'an bani isrii'il forms, as we see, a part of a combined hadith in which the Prophet bids the faithful to transmit verses (of the Qur'an), urges them to narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and warns them not to lie while transmitting traditions on his authority. In some versions only two parts of the combined tradition are recorded: "Transmit on my authority be it even one verse and narrate concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable (in that)."10 The same version as given in the Jiimi' of Ma'mar b. Rashid, consisting of three parts, is recorded by al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya (d. 390) in his al-Jalis al:;alil,lal-kiifi wa-l-anis al-na$il,lal-shdfi.t) and is accompanied by a comprehensive comment by the author. The Children of Israel, al-Mu'afa argues, were specified in this tradition because of the miraculous events which had happened to them, just as the sea was specified because of the miraculous features which are in it; the permission was granted to narrate about (the wonders of) the sea with keeping away from sin of lie. 12 The tendency apparent in this tradition to emphasize the miraculous and wonderful aspect of the stories about the Children of Israel is reflected in an enlarged version of this saying: haddithu 'an bani isrd'ila fa-innahu kdnat fihim a'iijibu.s> Al-Mu'afa records two views about the syntax of wa-lii haraja. These views give two quite different interpretations of the expression. According to one opinion ld haraja is a khabar, a predicate; the meaning of the expression is thus: there is nothing objectionable in telling these stories. As many people, argues Mu'afa, are reluctant to listen to these stories, this hadith' grants permission to transmit them, for refraining from transmitting them might bring about the disappearance of wisdom and might cause the roads of thought to be closed up, the means of knowledge to be interrupted, the doors of consideration and exhortation to be shut. The other view considers the phrase wa-ld haraj as denoting a prohibition. It is equivalent with wa-lii tahruju, do not commit sin by telling stories which you know are lies deceiving peopie by telling these stories. 14 C. Torrey (New Haven, 1922),273 inf.-274: man kadhaba 'alayya kadhibatan muta'ammidan ... associated with: ala, wa-man shariba l-khamra ... 10 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jdmi' bayiin al-'ilm wa-fadlihi (Cairo, 1346), n, 40; al-Quda'], Shihab al-akhbiir, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6496, fo1. 39a. 11 Ms. Topkapi Saray, Ahmet III, 2321, foIs. 3a-4a. 12 Fo1. 4a: ... wa-khassa bani isrii'ila bi-hiidhd li-ma madd fthim min al-a'ajibi kama khassa l-bahra bimd fihi min al-a'ajibi ... (the allusion refers apparently to the well known utterance, or proverb: haddith 'an al-bahri wa-ld haraj; see al-Jarraht, op. cit., I, 352, no. 117). 13 Al-Daylaml, op. cit., fo1. 72a; L 'A, s.v. /:I r j. 14 Al-Mu'afa, op. cit., fo1. 4a: ... wa-lii haraja yattajihu fihi ta'wilani, ahaduhumd an yakiina khabaran mahdan fi mandhu wa-lafzihi, ka-annahu dhakara bani isra'tla wa-kiinat fihim 217 The two grammatical constructions reflect in fact two conflicting interpretations of the tradition. Taking la haraja as khabar implies that there is no objection whatsoever to tell the stories about the Children of Israel whether true or invented. The motivation adduced for this permission is of interest: refraining from transmitting these stories would bring to a stop the transmission of the hikma, the wisdom, and of thoughtful scrutiny of stories concerning past people and prophets. Further it brings to Iight the fact that some orthodox circles disliked stories about the Children of IsraeI, which must have been widely current. On the other hand Iii haraja, taken as prohibition, implies an interdiction to transmit popular stories similar to those of the qU$$ii$. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi records the same hadith. in a different context altogether. "Do not write anything on my authority except the Qur'an" - says the Prophet. "Let one who writes anything else efface it. Narrate (traditions) concerning the Children of Israel and there is nothing objectionable (in that). He who tells lies on my behalf shall take his place in Hell."15 In this version of the hadith the permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel is coupled with the interdiction to record in writing the utterances of the Prophet. A certain difference is noticeable in the intent of a tradition recorded on the authority of Abu Hurayra. The Prophet, the tradition says, saw people writing his utterances. He rebuked them and forbade to write his hadith. "Do you desire a book besides the book cf God"? - the Prophet asked. "The only thing that Ied astray the peoples preceding you was the fact that they put down in writing (things) from books beside the Book of God." Then people asked the Prophet: "Shall we transmit (traditions) on your authority?" "Transmit on my authority, said the Prophet, and there is nothing objectionable (in that); and he who lies about me intentionally let him take his seat in Hell." Those present asked: "Shall we tell the stories about the Children of IsraeI"? The Prophet answered: "Narrate concerning them and there is nothing objectionable (in that). Whatever you tell about them, there are always a'ajibu, wa-kiina kathirun min al-ndsi yanbis sam'uhum 'anha, fa-yakunu hiidha maqta'atan Ii-man 'indahu 'i1mun minhii an yuhadditha l-niisa biha; fa-rubbamd addii hiidha ilii durusi l-hikmati wa-nqitti'i mawiiddi I-fa'idati wa-nsidddi tariqi i'mali l-fikrati wa-ighliiqi abwdbi l-itti'iizi wa-l-ribrati, fa-ka-annahu qdla: laysa fi tabadduthikum bi-md 'alimtumuhu min dhdlika harajun; wa-l-ta'wtlu l-thdni an yakima l-ma'nd It hadha l-nahya; fa-ka-annahu qdla: wa-lii tahrajti bi-an tatahaddathii bi-md qad tabayyana lakum I-kadhibu fihi, muhaqqiqina lahu au gharrina abadan bihi. 15 Taqyid ai-iilm, pp. 30-31: Iii taktubii 'anni shay'an ilia l-qur'iina, fa-man kataba ghayrahu fa-l-yamhuhu, wa-haddithii 'an bani isrii'ila wa-la baraja, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya fa-l-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri. 218 Haddithii 'an bam isra'ila things which are more wonderful."16 The permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel is here put in opposition to the prohibition to record the traditions of the Prophet in a written form. It is however established as being on a par with the oral transmission of Prophetic traditions. Even the wording is identical: haddithii 'anni wa-lii haraja and haddithii 'an bani isrii'ila wa-lii haraja. Of quite a different content is the tradition reported by Zayd b. Aslam and recorded in Ma'mar b. Rashid's Jiimi',17 The Prophet said: "Do not ask the people of the Book about anything, because they will not show you the right path having already led themselves astray." We asked: "0 Messenger of God, may we not narrate (stories) concerning the Children of Israel" ? The Prophet answered: "Narrate, there is nothing objectionable (in that)." In this tradition the setting and the circumstances of the utterance are quite different. Here a clear line is drawn between the problem whether to consult the people of the Book in religious matters and the question whether to narrate stories from their history. It is forbidden to ask the people of the Book about problems of religion and belief; they cannot guide anyone because they themselves went astray. But it is permitted to narrate stories about them. Ibn al-Athlr recordstf some of the interpretations already mentioned, in which the miraculous character of the stories is stressed, and he further mentions some additional ones. Haraj denotes narrowness l? and is applied to denote "sin" and "forbidden deeds." Ld haraja has to be glossed: Iii ithma, Iii ba'sa.2o The expression indicates that there is no sin, there is nothing objectionable in narrating the wonderful events which happened to the Children of Israel, even if these events might not happen to the Muslims; this does not mean, however, that one is permitted to tell lies. Slightly different is another interpretation quoted by Ibn al-Athlr that there is no sin or objection to narrate about the Children of Israel stories as they 16 Ibid., p. 34: kharaja 'alaynd rasidu lldhi (s) wa-na(znu naktubu l-ahiiditha, fa-qdla: mii hiidhd l/adhi taktubiina'l qulnii: aluidithu nasma'uhii minka. qiila: kitiibun ghayru kitdbi lldhi ], atadriina md [a] dalla l-umama qablakum? ala bi-ma ktatabii min al-kutubi ma'a kitiibi lldhi ta'ala? qulnd: a-nuhaddithu 'anka ya rasida lliihi'! qdla: haddithii 'anni wa-la haraja, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya muta'ammidan fa-I-yatabawwa' maq'adahu min al-ndri. qulnd: fanatahaddathu 'an bani isrii'lla'l qiila: haddithii wa-ld haraja, fa-innakum lam tuhaddithii 'anhum bi-shay'in ilia wa-qad kdna fihim a'jabu minhu ... 17 Fol. 59b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, Ms. fol. I13b: bab hal yus'alu ahlu l-kitdbi 'an shay'in ... 'an zaydi bni aslama anna I-nabiyya ($) qa/a: la tas'alu ahla l-kitiibi 'an shay' in fa-innahum Ian yahdiikum, qad adalla anfusahum. qi/a: ya rasida lldhi, ala nuhaddithu 'an bani isrd'ila ? qdla: (zaddithu wa-ld haraja. 18 Al-Nihiiya, I, 361. 19 See Raghib al-Isfahanl, al-Mufraddt It gharib al-qur'iin (Cairo, 1324), p. llI, S.v. (z r j. 20 See al-Majlisi, Bihdr, IV, 495 (new ed.). 219 were told, whether these stories are true or not; the remoteness of time (i.e. between the period of the Children of Israel and the time of Islam - K) makes it impossible to verify the story and the transmitter cannot be responsible for its reliability. This is set in opposition to the traditions about the Prophet: a haditb should only be transmitted after one has made sure about the soundness of the transmission and the righteousness of the transmitters.s! This interpretation was adopted by al-'AzIzI (d. 1070) who is even more explicit in his comment. "Narrate concerning the Children of Israel" glosses aI-'AzIzI by "tell about them the stories and exhortations" (ballighii 'anhum al-qisasa wa-l-mawii'izai. La haraja is explained by the statement that there is no sin incumbent upon a transmitter who records these stories without isndd. Because of the remoteness of time it is enough to make an assumption that the tradition concerns them (fa-yakfi ghalabatu l-zanni bi-annahu 'anhum). This tradition is followed by a hadith, which urges people to transmit traditions about the Prophet and warns against invention and lie in such traditions.22 Here the expression haddithii 'anni bimd tasma'iina is explained by the recommendation to observe sound isndds and to refrain from the transmission of hadiths with faulty isndds. The reasons for the permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel as opposed to con suIting them concerning their religious tenets is expounded by al-Munawl (d. 1031). There is no contradiction between the haditli which allows the transmission of stories and the one which interdicts the transmission of tenets and rules, al-Munawl argues. The transmission of their religious law is in fact forbidden because their rules were abrogated.23 Al-'AlqamI (d. 969) considers the permission to narrate stories in the light of the changes which took place in the Muslim community. The Prophet, al'Alqami argues, disapproved of studying the books of the Children of Israel and deriving knowledge from them. Later the situation improved and the prohibition was lifted. The prohibition was issued when the prescriptions of M uslim law and the foundations of the Islamic religion had not been firmly established, out of fear of e fitna (allurement). When that which was apprehended ceased, permission to narrate was granted, because listening to accounts of past events 21 Al-Nihdya, I, 361; and see al-Jazarl, Qi$a$ al-anbiyii' (al-Najaf, 1964), p. 522 (quoting Ibn Athir); and see ibid., p. 522 supra, a ShI'i permission to transmit the stories of the Children of Israel. 22 Al-Siriij al-munir (Cairo, 1957), II, 223: baddithu 'anni bimd tasmaana wa-la taqidt; illd haqqan, wa-man kadhaba 'alayya buniya lahu bay tun fi jahannama yarta' u fihi. 23 Al-'Azizi, op. cit., II, 145: ... wa-idhnuhu Iii yunaft nahyahu ft khabarin dkhara li-anna l-ma'dhiina fihi l-tahdithu bi-qisasihim wa-l-manhiyyu 'anhu l-'amalu bi-ahkdmihim li-naskhihd, 220 Haddithii 'an bani isrilila entails edification.24 Al-'Alqaroi seems thus to consider the saying haddithii 'an bani isrii'i/a as an utterance abrogating an earlier prohibiting utterance. Al-Jarrahl (d. 1162) quotes this interpretation among other interpretations recorded by him. As proof of the prohibition to narrate stories concerning the Children of Israel al-Jarrahi mentions the story of 'Umar who was forbidden by the Prophet to copy from the Torah. Later, says al-Jarrahi, the permission to narrate such stories was granted, and this is why the utterance was issued. 25 Some of the interpretations reflect a tendency to limit this permission or even to cancel it. The Iii haraja, "there is nothing objectionable", may be complemented by a phrase: "if you do not narrate". 26 The hadith thus stresses the obligatory character of the transmission of a tradition of the Prophet, but leaves it to the discretion of the faithful whether to narrate about the Children of Israel. A restricting interpretation asserts that the term Banii Isra'Il refers to the sons of Jacob; the haditn urges their story to be narrated together with that of Joseph. This interpretation is rejected by al-'AzIzI with the remark: wahddhd ab'adu l-aujuhi.tt A peculiar interpretation explains the reason for this permission by stating that the stories about the Children of Israel contain some distasteful expressions and therefore it was necessary to stress that their transmission was not objectionable.28 But these restricting interpretations were not effective. The saying haddithii 'an bani isrd'ila wa-ld haraja, attached to various other traditions, became widely current among Muslims in the first half of the second century. This permission to narrate stories about the Children of Israel caused the door to be opened widely to Jewish lore and traditions transmitted by Muslim scholars. II The themes covered by the stories about the Children of Israel are very extensive. They include stories about prophets and their warnings, about sins committed by the Children of Israel and the punishment inflicted on them, 24 Ibid.,: ... wa-qdla I-'alqamiyyu: ay la 4iqa 'alaykum l-tahdithi 'anhum li-annahu kana taqaddama minhu (~) al-zajru 'an al-akhdhi 'anhum wa-l-nazari ft kutubihim thumma basala l-tawassu'u Ii dhdlika; wa-kdna l-nahyu waqa'a qabla istiqrdri l-ahkdmi l-isldmiyyati wa-lqawd'idi l-diniyyati khashyata l-fitnati; thumma lammii ziila l-mahdhiau waqa'a l-idhnu Ii dhdlika lima sima'! l-akhbdri llatt kiinat fi zamanihim min al-i'tibdrt. 25 Al-Jarrahr, op. cit., I, 353. 26 Ibn al-Athtr, op. cit., I, 361: ... wa-haddithu 'an bani tsrii'tla wa-ld haraja, ay: lii haraja 'alaykum in lam tuhaddithii 'anhum; and see al-Jarraht, op. cit., I, 353, Il. 11-12; ai-'Azizi, op. cit., II, 145. 27 Al-Siriij al-munir, II, 145. 28 Ibid. n n 221 about the sufferings of the righteous and pious and the reward granted to them by God, about utterances and sayings of sages and wise men, about supplications of prophets and pious men, about speeches and wills of nobles, saints and martyrs. These stories usually called "Lsrii'iliyydt" included predictions of the early prophets about the appearance of the Prophet and descriptions of the Muslim community, about Caliphs and rebels, about decline of dynasties, about the Mahdi and the signs heralding the Day of Judgement. This lore was transmitted by Jews and Christians or by members of these two religions who studied their Scriptures and embraced the faith of Islam. In the widely current tradition about the supplications of Moses,29 he implored the Lord to grant his people, the Children of Israel, the excellent qualities and merits which were enumerated in the Torah; God preferred however to choose the Muslim community and to grant them these qualities and merits.sv The Torah also contains the description of the Prophet.s! God revealed to Moses that the Prophet would be sent and bade him inform the Children of Israel to obey him and embrace his faith,32 God also disclosed in the Psalms to David the appearance of the Prophet and recorded the qualities of his people.v Isaiah predicted in his prophecy the appearance of Jesus and Muhammad.ss God bade Jesus urge his people to embrace the faith of Muhammad and told him about the latter's personality.V Accordingly, it is evident that Muhammad is the heir of the preceding prophets and that the Muslim community inherited the rank and position of the Chosen People. A ShI'I tradition tells a story about a talk of the Prophet with a Jew in which the Prophet said that the first passage in the Torah stated: Muhammad is the Messenger of God; in Hebrew it is Tab (Tov - K); the Prophet then quoted other passages in which the wa$iyy 'Ali, his children Hasan and Husayn (Shubbar and Shubbayr) and Fatima were explicitly mentioned,36 It may be See Miskawayh, al-Hikmatu l-khiilidatu, 29 ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Badawl (Cairo, 1952), p, 133 imundjdt musa). 30 AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., V, 385-386; Ibn Zafar, Khayru l-bishar bi-khayri l-bashar ([n.p.), 1280), pp. 25-34; Ibn al-Jauzr, al- Wafd bi-ahwdl al-mustafd, ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1966), I, 38-42; al-Tha'labI, Qisa« al-anbiyii' (Cairo [n.d.]), p. 27; al-Suyiltl, al-Hdwi li-l-fatiiwi, ed. Muhammad Muhyi l-Dln 'Abd al-Harnld (Cairo, 1387/1959),II, 281, 282 ult.-283; Ibn Kathlr, Shamii'il al-rasid, ed. Mu~tafa 'Abd al-Wahid (Cairo, 1386/1967), 114-115; al-BayhaqI, Dald'il al-nubuwwa, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fo!' 64b. 31 See AbU Nu'ayrn, op. cit., V, 387; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, pp. 111-115; al-Suyiitl, all;ltiwi, II, 282-283. 32 AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., VI, 33-35; al-Majlisl, Bihdr, XIII, 332-333, 340-341 (newed.). 33 Al-Suyutt, al-Hdwi, II, 281 inf.-282; Ibn Kathlr, Shamd'il, p. 115. 34 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 32. 35 Al-Suyiitl, al-Hdwi, II, 114; Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Wafd, I. 60. 36 AI-Majlisi, op, cit., XIII, 331-332 (new ed.). 222 Haddithii 'an bani isra'ila mentioned that the names of the two sons of 'Ali, Hasan and Husayn, were given by the Prophet himself. The angel Gabriel revealed to the Prophet the names of the two sons of Aharon, Shubbar and Shubbayr, which are written in the Torah and ordered him to give these names to the two children of 'AlI. The rendering of these names is al-Hasan and al-Husayn-? (probably Hebrew: Shefer and Shaflr - K). Taking into account the fact that at first the name intended to be given to the children was Harb and that the Prophet stated in the well known haditli that 'Ali was in relation to the Prophet like Aharon to Moses, one can assess the political implication of the story. Scholars of the Holy Scriptures, Jews and Christians, were supposed to have the ability to foretell future events: they were thought to derive their knowledge from the Torah or other Holy Books. Ka'b standing at Siffin put his leg on a stone and said: "Woe to you Siff'in! The Children of Israel fought here with each other and left on the battle-field seventy thousand killed; so it will be with the Muslims." It really happened at the battle of Siffin between 'Ali and Mu'awiya, "There is no space on earth the events of which were not recorded in the Torah" - said Ka'b.38 In a talk with 'Umar, Ka'b is stated to have said: "Were it not for a sentence in the Qur'an (Sura xiii, 39), I would foretell to you everything which will happen until the Day of Judgement."39 Ka'b was accordingly able to tell 'Umar that the description of his personality is given in the Torah as qarn min hadid, and he could further predict that 'Umar would be killed; then the following Caliph will be killed by an unjust faction; afterwards disasters will prevail.w A bishop consulted by 'Umar could assert that he found 'Umar's description in his Scriptures as qarn min hadid (glossed 37 Al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'liim al-nubala', ed. As'ad Talas (Cairo, 1962), III, 165; Yawdqilt al-siyar, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3771, fol. 141a; al-Tabarl, Dald'il al-imdma (al-Najaf, 1383/1963), pp. 63, 73; Ibn Maktila, al-Ikmdl, (Hyderabad, 1381/1962),IV, 378; al-Tfisl, A mali (al-Najaf, 1384/1964), I, 377; Rijal al-Kashshi (al-Najaf [n.d.]), p. 26; al-Majlisi, op. cit., XII, 113; XXXIX, 63; XLIII, 237-242 (new ed.). 38 Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishrdf [i mandzil al-ashriif, Ms. Chester Beatty 4427, fol. 69a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'db, ed. 'Ali MuO. al-Bijawi (Cairo [n.d.]), III, 1287; al-Suyiitl, atHawt, II, 283-284; al-Qurtubi, al-Tadhkira, ed. Ahmad MuO. Mursi (Cairo [n.d.l), p, 543; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba (Cairo, 1325/1907), V, 250, no. 7157; al-Suyutl, al-Khasa'is al-kubrd, ed. Muhammad KhalU Haras (Cairo, 1386/1967),I, 80. 39 Al-Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Mahmud Muh, Shakir (Cairo, 1969), XVI, 484, no. 20485; alQurtubt, Tafsir, ed. Ibrahim Itfish (Cairo, 1387/1967),IX, 330; a ShY'!source (al-t.Ayyashl, To/sir, II, 215, no. 54) attributes this saying to 'Ali b. al-Husayn, 40 AI-Haythami, Majma' al-zawii'id (Beirut, 1967), IX, 65 infra.-66; cf. Abii Nu'aym, op. cit., V, 387 ult.-388 supra.; Muh, b. Yahya al-Ash'art al-Malaqi, al-Tamhid wa-l-bayiin fi maqtal al-shahid 'uthmdn, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zayid (Beirut, 1964),p. 21 ; Ib;J.Ra's Ghanama, Mandqil al-Durar, Ms. Chester Beatty 4254, fol. 23a; Nu'aym b. Hammad, Kit. al-fitan, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 9449, fol. 22a-b; al-Suyutl, al-Khasii'is, I, 77. 223 by him as qawiyyun, shadidun) and predict that he will be followed by a man, who has nothing objectionable in him (Iii ba'sa bihi), but he will prefer his relatives; 'Umar recognized forthwith that it would be 'Uthman, Afterwards, said the bishop, there will be "a crack in the rock" which he explained as "a sword drawn and blood shed." Later there will be a united congregation (jama'atun).41 'Abdallah b. Salam reported that the description of 'Uthman in the Book of God was: "the Commander of those who forsake and kill,"42 and foretold that he would be murdered.O Ka'b foretells the rule of Mu'awiya.s+ 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr stated that everything foretold by Ka'b about his rule really happened to him.45 It is a Jew who foretells the just rule of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz;46 and it is from the Torah that the prediction that heaven and earth will bewail the death of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz is quoted.s? Ka'b foretells the appearance of the black banners of the 'Abbasids,48 gives the names of the descendants of 'Abbas who will rule the Muslim community-? and emphasizes in a separate statement: al-mansiiru mansiiru bani hiishimin.50 It is, of course, an utterance with important political implications. Who was the person the YemenIs believed to be al-Mansiir, can be gauged from the refutation of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr (b. al-'A~): yii ma'shara l-yamani, taqidiina inna l-mansiira minkum.fa-lii; wa-lladhi nafsi bi-yadihi, innahu la-qurashiyyun abiihu, wa-Iau ashii'u an ansibahu i/ii aqsii jaddin huwa lahu fa'altu.s) Tubay', the stepson of Ka'b, quoted from the Torah the name of Saffal). and predicted that he would live forty years.52 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A~ quoted from the Books which he found after the battle of Yarmuk the names of the 'Abbasid Caliphs who would rule the Muslim community: Saffah, Mansur, al-Amln etc.53 Ka'b Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 28a; al-Suyutt, al-Khasii'is, I, 78-79. Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 41b; but al-Malaqi, al-Tamhid, p. 113 has instead of "amirun 'ala l-khddhil wa-l-qatil" "amtrun 'alii l-qatil al-amir" (erroneous) and "amirun 'ala l-qdtil wa-l-dmir" (correct); al-Suyiitl, al-Kh~ti'i$, I, 78-79. 43 AI-MiilaqI,op. cit., p. 113, 135-136, 176-177; al-Qurtubt, Tadhkira, p. 534; al-Haythamt, op, cit., IX, 92-93. 44 Nu'ayrn b. Harnmad, op. cit., fol. 28b. 45 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Atif Ef. 602, fol. 4a, 1. 5 from bottom; al-Suyutt, al-Khasa'is, I, 80 ult.-81. 46 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 9449, fol. 28a; al-Suytitl, al-Khasii'is, I, 81. 47 Al-Suyiitl, al-Hdwi, II, 284. 48 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., Ms. Br. Mus., fol. 53a. 49 Ibid., fol. 27b: .. .'an ka'bin qdla: yamliku thaliithatun min wuldi l-'abbasi al-mansiiru 41 42 wa-l-mahdiyyu 50 wa-l-saffdbu. Ibid., fol. 27a. 51 Ibid., fol. 27a. 52 Ibid., fol. 27a. 53 Ibid., fol. 25b; and see about the books and these traditions Ibn KathIr. al-Bidiiya, II, 298 infra.- 299 supra. 224 Haddithii 'an bani isra'/la predicts the signs which will announce the end of the 'Abbasid rule,54 gives details about civil wars which will occur in the different provinces of the Muslim Empire,55 and foretells the appearance of the SufyanI.56 Farqad aISabakhi predicts from the Holy Scriptures cruel battles in Judda.s? Jews and Christians predicted the appearance of the Prophet'f and it was Jews and Christians who knew the exact date of his death: two Jewish scholars from Yemen informed Jarlr b. 'Abdallah al-Bajali on the day of the death of the Prophet about the sad event. 59 A monk could fix precisely the date of the death of the Prophet for Ka'b b. 'Adiyy according to what he found in his Book.6o A Jew from 'Uman informed 'Amr b. al-'A~ on the day of the death of the Prophet about this; 'Amr recorded the date, checked it later and found it accurate.s! The opinion that the Holy Books of Jews and Christians include information about the life and actions of prophets of the period preceding Islam, about the Prophet and the fate of his community and the events which will occur became widely accepted.v- It was further a common belief that the contents of the Qur'an are included in the Books of the prophets preceding Muhammad.cThe Qur'an, on the other hand, includes the contents of the Books revealed to the earlier prophets. "What is contained in the Qur'an is contained in the earlier Books", formulates it al-Suyutl.e+ Nu'ayrn b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 56a-b, 57a-b, 58b, (SOb, 1b. 6 Ibid., fols. 34b, 61b, 62a, 63a-b, 65a-b, 69b, 71a-b, 72a-b. 56 Ibid., fols. 74a-b, 81a. 57 Al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh Makka, Leiden, Or. 463, fol. 414a. 58 See e.g, al-Nuwayri, op. cit., XVI, 136, 143, 149-153; al-Haythami, al-Ni'ma l-kubra (l;Ialab [n.d.]), pp. 28-29, 52-53, 62. 59 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya, Y, 278. 60 Ibid., Y, 278-279. 61 Ibn Hubaysh, al-Maghdzi, Ms. Leiden, Or. 343, p, 24. 62 See al-Suyuti, al-Hiiwi, II, 283: ... wa-waradat al-iithdru aydan bi-anna lldha bayyana li-anbiyd'ihi fi kutubihim jami'a md huwa wiiqi'un tt hddhihi l-ummati min ahdiithin wa-fitanin wa-akhbdri khulafa'iha wa-muliikihd ... And see 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbit dald'ili l-nubuwwa, ed. 'Abd aI-Karim 'Uthmiin (Beirut, 1966-68), II, 413: innamd lam yatammanau I-mauta li-anna l-yahiida wa-l-nasdrii kanu yu'miniina bi-miisd wa-ghayrihi mimman kana yadda'i l-nubuwwata, . wa-qad akhbara ha'ula'i fi kutubihim bi-nubuwwati muhammadin (s) fa-lam yuqdimii 'ala l-tamanni li-hiidhii . 63 Al-Suyutl, al-Hiiwt, II, 284: wa-qad u'turida 'alayya fi hddhd l-tariqi bi-annahu yalzamu 'alayhi an yakima kullu rna tt l-qur'iini mudammanan fl jami'i l-kutubi l-sabiqati; wa-aqidu: la mdni'a min dhalika, bal dallat al-adillatu 'ala thubiai hddhii l-lazimi ... 64 Ibid., II, 285: ... wa-qad nassa 'ala hddhii bi-t aynihi l-imdmu abu hanifata haythu stadalla bi-hddhihi l-ayati 'ala jawiizi qirii'ati l-qur'iini bi-ghayri l-lisiini l-'arabiyyi, wa-qdla; inna 1qur'iina mudammanun It l-kutubi l-siibiqati, wa-hiya bi-ghayri l-lisiini l-'arabi, akhdhan bihadhihi l-dyati (i.e. Siiraxxvi, 197-98), wa-mimmd yashhadu bi-dhdlika wasfuhu la'ala li-l54 55 225 The idea of identity of contents led consequently to the identification of some passages of the Holy Books with those of the Qur'an. The beginning of the Torah is identical with the beginning of Siirat al-An'iim, the end of the Torah is identical with the end of Siirat Hud.65 The Siirat Ya Sin is called in the Torah al-Mu'amma/o God urged Moses to read the verse of the Throne (Sura ii 256) after every prayer and mentioned the reward for this reading.s? Muhammad b. Ka'b al-Qurazi could identify a quotation from some Holy Books mentioned by Abu Sa'Id al-MaqburI with Sura ii 204.68 The first sentence in the Torah was Sura vi 152: "Say: Come, I will recite what your Lord has forbidden you ... etc.69 "Hiidhd" in Sura lxxxvii, 18: inna hddhd lafi l-suhufi l-iild, suhufi ibrdhima wa-miisii was interpreted as referring to the whole sura; the whole sura, the commentators maintained, was included in the Holy Books of the earlier prophets.v Another tradition states explicitly that the sura was copied from the Books of Moses and Abraham."t Some commentators tried to limit the extent of inna hddhii ... to some verses (ayat) of the sura.72 The Prophet is said to have given an utterance about the suhuf of Ibrahim and Musa: the suhuf of Ibrahim were proverbs, the suhuf of Musa were exempla ('ibar).73 Quotations from these suhuf are in fact uttered by the Prophet.IA very early compilation containing wise sayings, stories and exhortations of Ibrahim, Musa, Ayyub, Dawud, Sulayman, 'Isa, Yahya b. Zakariyya and Luqman is the Kitiib al-mawii'iz of AbU 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam (d. 224).75 The numerous traditions, sayings and stories, provided with chains of isndd and recorded by one of the greatest scholars of the second century of the Hijra, attest that in this period knowledge of Jewish and Christian tradition qur'iini yadayhi 'iddati mawiidi'a bi-annahu musaddiqun (text vowelled: rnusaddaqun) li-ma bayna min al-kutubi; fa-lau-ld anna rna fihi maujiidun fihii lam yasihha hiidlui l-wasfu ... 65 Abu Nu'aym, op, cit., V, 378. 66 Al-Suyuti, al-La'iili al-masnira, I, 234. 67 Al-Suyuti, al-La' ali al-masnu:a, I, 232-233; idem, al- Durr al-manthur, I, 325; Ibn Kathtr, Tafsir, I, 546. 68 Al-Tabarl, Tafslr, IV, 231-232, nos. 3964-65; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, I, 238. 69 Al-Mausill, Ghdyat al-wasii'il ila ma'rifati l-awd'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq. 33, fol. 41a; al-Tabari, Tafsir, XII, 227, no. 14157 (and see nos. 14158-59); Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., V, 383. 70 Al-Shaukanl, Pat/:l al-qadir (Cairo, 1383/1964), V, 427; al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, VI, 341. 71 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr, VI, 341; al-Shaukant, Fatk al-qadir, V, 427: nusikhat hddhihi 1suratu min suhufi ibrdhlma wa-miisii; Cf. al-Suyuti, al-Hdwi, II, 285: hiidhihi l-siiratu fi suhufi ibriihima wa-miisii; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XX, 24: inna hddha ... qiila: hiidhihi l-silratu. 72 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr, VI, 341; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, XX, 24: min qaulihi qad aflaha i1a dkhiri l-siirati : Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir, VII, 273. 73 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, VI, 341. 74 Ibid. 75 It M~. Hebrew University, Collection Yahuda, Ar. 95. 226 If addithii 'an bani isrd'ila was widely current and was without serious opposition incorporated into the Muslim religious tradition. "It is written in the Torah", says Khaythama b. 'Abd al-Rahman, "0 man, exert yourself in My service and I shall fill up your heart with sufficiency and I shall supply your want; but if you do not do it, I shall make your heart busy and shall not supply your wants. "76 "God revealed to Ibrahim," Wahb b. Munabbih reports, "0 king who undergoes trials, I did not send you in order to collect the goods of this world, nor to erect buildings; I sent you in order to answer on My behalf the call of the oppressed, because I shall not drive it back, even if it comes from an unbeliever."77 This utterance is recorded by al-Suyuti as a hadith.t» Ka'b quotes from the Torah, according to the early Jdmi' of Ibn Wahb, a commandment to obey one's parents.I? A saying about the disobedience of sons to their fathers is transmitted by Ka'b from the "Book of God."8o Ka'b asserts that the invocation of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr in connection with augury is found in the Torah.s! From the Torah Ka'b also quotes a saying about the contemptous attitude towards the wise on the part of his own people.e? The final sentence in the Torah, says Ka'b, is: al-hamdu li-lldhi lladhi lam yattakhidh waladan wa-lam yakun lahu sharikun Ii l-mulki.s» Maymiin b. Mihran states that on the Tablets of Moses was written: "Do not covet the possessions of your neighbour, nor his wife."84 The Chidren of Israel asked Moses to choose for them a sentence of the Torah, which they could learn by heart. He said: "In the same way you would like people to treat you, treat them." Al-Zamakhsharl remarks: "This phrase is the one chosen best from the Torah."85 Sa'Id b. abl HilaI86 records two commandments in the Tablets of Moses written by God on the tablets "with His own hand" and His injunction: "Like for the people what you like for yourself and dislike for them what you dislike for yourself. "87 In the first tablets given to Moses by God there was written: "Thank Me and thank your parents, then I shall keep you from danger of decay and I shall 76 AbU 'Ubayd, op. cit., f. 9b; al-Majlisl, op. cit., XIII, 357, I. I (new ed.); al-'Amili, alJawdhir al-saniyya, al-Najaf 1384/1964, p. 48. 77 Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 6b; Ibn Qutayba, 'Uyiin al-akhbdr (Cairo, 1346/1928), II, 263. 78 Al-Durr, VI, 341. 79 Ibn Wahb, Jiimi'; ed. J. David Weill (Cairo, 1939), p. 12, I. 11. 80 Ibid., page 11, I. 10. 81 Ibid., page 98, I. 4. 82 'Abd al-Jabbar al-Khaulanl, Ta'rikb Diirayyd, ed. Sa'id al-Afghanl (Damascus, 1369/ 1950), p, 107. 83 Abu Nu'ayrn, op. cit., VI, 30. 84 Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 9b, 1. 9. 85 Al-Zamakhsharl, Rabi' al-abriir, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 6511, fol. 132b, infra. 86 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IV, 94, no. 159. 87 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 20, I. 18. 227 lengthen your life and I shall give you a good life and transfer you into a better one."88 Tha'laba b. abl Malik89 says that 'Umar invited Jewish scholars and asked them to discuss (religious subjects - K). With them came Tha'laba's father, Abu Malik, who was a Jewish convert to Islam.w He came with a book, opened it and put his hand on a passage of it. When he lifted his hand and the Jewish scholars read: "he who shows filial piety to his father, God will lengthen his life" they admitted that it was revealed by God. People did not know it until that day.91 AI-Tha'iabi records the Ten Commandments revealed to Moses.92 Al-Nuwayri quotes al-Tha'Iabt; he remarks that God revealed to the Prophet the contents of the Ten Commandments in eighteen verses of the Qur'an, which he records.v' The maxim that as a part of filial piety one has to be beneficient to the friends of one's father after his death is quoted from the Torah.P+ Afaqih quoted from the Torah: "Woe to the man who sins, then asks forgiveness from Me ... "95 "In the Torah it is written", a Shi'i tradition says, "0 man, remember Me when you are angry, then I shall remember you when I am angry and I shall not annihilate you among those whom I shall annihilate; if you are unjustly treated be satisfied with My help to you, as My help is better for you than your help for yourself."96 "In the Torah it is written: he who sells landed property or (rights on) water not investing the sum gained in land or water (rights), the money (gained) will be squandered."97 It may be remarked that a similar tradition is reported on the authority of the Prophet: fa biiraka lldhu fi thamani ardin au ddrin Iii yuj'alu Ii ardin au darin.98 Some quotations from the Gospel and "other Books" are transmitted by Thaur b. Yazid.P? He read in the tauriit that Jesus said to the Apostles: Converse much with God, converse with people a little". They asked: "How should we converse with God"? He said: "Be in solitude with Him in your invocations and supplications",lOO Ka'b states that the well 88 AI-Majlisi, 90 91 92 89 See on him Ibn Hajar, op. cit., XIII, 358, no. 63. al-Isdba, I, 209, no, 948; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 169, no. 998. Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 15, ll. 9-14. Qisas al-anbiyd'; p. 270. OPt cit., I, 212, no. 277 Nihdyat al-arab, XIII, 215-217. 94 Ibn Wahb, op. cit., page 14, ll. 14-15; cf. al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba (JerusaJem, 1954), p. 83, nos. 248-249 (and see ibid., the references of the editor). 95 Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Kit. al-tauba, Ms. Chester Beatty, 3863, fo1. 20b. 96 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 358, no. 66. 97 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 360, 73. 98 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bdsim, Leiden Or. 370, fol. 120b; al-Tabari, al-Muntakhab min dhay/i l-mudhayyal (Cairo, 1358/1939), p. 59. 99 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, II, 33, no. 57. 100 Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., VI, 94. 93 228 Haddithii 'an bam isra'i/a of Zamzam is mentioned in "some Books."lOl "I found in the Torah", states Ka'b, that he who prays the five prayers in the mosque of Mecca (al-masjid al-bariim) God will record for him (the reward of) twelve million and five hundred thousand prayers.102 Even the verse of al-Hutay'a man yaf'al al-khayra Iii ya'dam jawiiziyahu: Iii yadhhabu I-'urfu bayna lldhi wa-l-ndsi was stated by Ka'b to be a sentence from the Torah.103 Additional quotations "from the Torah" could easily be muitiplied.l04 Only few of these quotations are in fact derived from that source. 105The majority of the flow of these quotations was derived from popular Jewish and Christian stories, legends, wise sayings and traditions which were introduced by Jewish and Christian converts to Islam and gained wide popularity. The Muslim scholars were however aware of the fact that the expressions "I found in the Torah", "it is written in the Torah", "it is recorded in the Torah" do not necessarily refer to the Pentateuch, or even to the Bible. Al-Jahiz remarks that the expression "maktiibun fi l-taurdti" as told on the authority of Ka'b refers in fact to things found in the Scriptures of the Jews like the books of the prophets and the books of Salomon. 106In a report given by Abu I-Aswad107 the Ra's al-Jdlia explains thst Ka'b lied when he said that his predictions were derived from the Torah; the Torah is a Book like the Qur'an ; Ka'b was in fact quoting from the books of the prophets and their companions, exactly as the Muslims narrate stories of the Prophet and his Companions.108 The sources are often referred to in a vague manner: "maktiibun fi I-kutubi", "qara'tufi ba'ifi I-kutubi", ''fi kitdbi lliihi";109 often the sources are not mentioned at all. 101 102 Al-Fakihl, op. cit., fol. 342a. Ibid., fol. 453a. 103 Usama b. Munqidh, Lubab al-iiddb, ed. Ahmad Muh. Shakir (Cairo, 1353/1935), p. 424 ult.; and see al-Hutay'a, Diwdn, ed. Nu'rnan Amtn Tiihii (Cairo, 1378/1958), pp, 291-292. 104 See e.g. al-Dhahabl, al-i Uluww li-l-t aliyy I-ghaffar, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman Muh. 'Uthman (Cairo, 1388/1968),p. 95; AbU Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 48,38,58; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, IV, 182; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Ishriif, fol. 76a-b; al-Majlisi, op, cit., XIII, 331, 342, 348, 357, 340; al-Tust, Amdli (al-Najaf, 1384/1964), I, 233; al-'Amili, al-Kashkid, ed. Tahir Ahmad alZawl (Cairo, 1380/1961), II, 132, 153. lOS See J. GoIdziher, "Uber Bibelcitate in muhammedanischen Schriften," ZATW XIII (1893), pp. 315-316. 106 Al Hayawiin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiiriin (Cairo, 1385/1966),IV, 202-203. 107 See on him Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, IX, 307, no. 506. 108 Ibn Hajar, al Isdba, V, 324. 109 See e.g, Abu 'Ubayd, op. cit., fol. 16b; Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 27, 32, 33, 57; VI 16,55. 229 From "Hikmat ai Diiwiid" Abu 'Ubayd quotes the following passage: "It is incumbent upon a wise man not to be neglectful about four hours: an hour in which he exerts himself for his God, an hour in which "he makes accounts for his soul", an hour in which he talks with his friends who speak to him frankly about his vices and bad behaviour and an hour devoted to his lawful pleasures; this (latter) hour is a recreation for his heart and should help him to carry out the obligations of the three (former) hours. It is incumbent upon a wise man to know his time and to set about his matters. It is incumbent upon a wise man to set out on his journey with provision taken only for his life to come, approving the means of Iife and lawful pleasure" .110 In some other sources these utterances are quoted from the Suhuf Ibrdhim.s+) From the /fikmat dl Ddwiid the following saying is quoted: "Good health is a hidden good".112 Some quotations from Hikmat iii Ddwiid are given by al-'Amili113 and al-MajlisI.114 Abu Nu'aym records some quotations from "Mas' alat Diiwiid" .115 Al-'Amili quotes "Akhbiir Diiwiid" twice.1I6 The Psalms of David seem to have been in wide circulation. Qatada and RabI' b. Anas state that the Zabiir contains only invocations and praises of God; there are no commandments, no rules of penaI-Iaw, no statements about what is lawful or forbidden. 117 The first verses of the Psalms are often quoted. Two translations of these verses are recorded by aI-SuyutI,118 a third one by Ibn AbI l-Dunya, I 19 Ibn Tawus copies from the zabiir the following suwar: 110 Al-Mawa'iz, fol. lOb; cf. al-Suyuti, al-Durr, IV, 189, 1. 10; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi- Murjil; auhdm, I, 457 tfi hikmati al dawilda); Ibn Kathrr, al-Biddya wa-l-nihdya, II, 15 (fi hikmati al-da'uda). III Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XII, 71; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XX, 25; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, VI, 341. 112 Ibn Abi l-Dunyzr, al-Ishriif, fol. 93a (al-'afiyatu l-mulku I-khafiyyu). 113 Al-Jawiihir al-saniyya, p. 90, I. 3 from bottom, p. 95. 114 Bihar, XIV, 36, 41 (new ed.). 115 Al-Hilya, VI, 56-57; and see Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 14 inf. 116 Al-Jawdhir al-saniyya, p, 94. 117 Al-Suyiitl, al-Durr, IV, 188. 118 Ibid., IV, 188: a ... tuba Ii-rajulin fa yasluku tariqa l-khattii'tna wa-Iam yujdlis al-battiilina wa yastaqimu 'ala 'ibiidati rabbihi 'azza wa jalla, fa mathaluhu ka mathali shajaratin niibitatin 'ala siiqiyatin ld taziilu fihd l-mti'u yafdulu thamaruhii ft zamdni l-thimiiri wa ta tazdlu khadrti'a fi ghayri zamdni l-thimdri; (cf. Abii Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 62 penult.), p. 189; b ... tuba Ii-man lam yasluk sabila I-athamati wa-Iam yujdlis al-khattii'ina wa-Iam yafi' tt hammi l-mustahzi'ina wa-Iakinna hammahu sunnatu Ilahi wa-iyyiihii yata'allamu bi-I-Iayli wa-l-nahari, mathaluhu mathalu shajaratin tanbutu 'ala shattin tu'ta thamaratahii fi IJiniha wa-ld yataniitharu min waraqihii shay' un, wa-kullu 'amalihi bi-amri, laysa dhalika mithla 'amalt l-mundfiqin ... 119 Kitiib al-tauba, Chester Beatty, 3863, fol. 15b: sal/am b. miskin: sa'altu nasriiniyyan md awwalu l-zabiiri, qdla: tilba Ii-tabdin lam yasluk sabila I-athamati wa-lam yujdlis I-mustahzi'ina wa-I-khiiti'Inai fa-dhakartu dhiilika li-miiliki bni dinarin fa-qdla: sadaqa. 230 lfaddithii 'an bani isrd'ila 2, 10, 17,23,30, 36,46,47,65,67,68,71,84, 100.120The Iast thirty Iines of the zabUr121 and a short passage from this source are given by Wahb.122 These translations are however not accurate; sometimes no similarity with the text can be detected. The wise sayings attributed to Salomon123 can be traced to Ecclesiastes and Proverbs. 124 Al-Muhasibi quotes from Hikmat 'jsii a saying about the love for worldly goods125 and a saying from Risdldt 'jsa.126 Lengthy chapters from $abii'ij Idris and Sunan Idris are recorded by Ibn Tawus.127 It would be needless to add quotations from the prophets Iike Isaiah, Jeremiah, Habaquq or from the Injil of Jesus. The compilation of Abu 'Vbayd may serve as the best proof for the flow of Jewish and Christian traditions which poured into Muslim circles and were gladly taken up by Muslim scholars. Reading the Torah was made lawful by the Prophet's permission. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. a1-'A~ told the Prophet about his dream. He saw that he had on one of his fingers honey and on the other one butter. The Prophet explained the dream and said: "You will read the two Books: the Torah and the Furqan (i.e. the Qur'an - K)". He read in fact both these Books.128 This tradition, transmitted by Ibn Lahi'a,129 was vehemently attacked by al-Dhahabi in the eighth century AH: nobody was allowed to read the Torah after the Qur'an had been revealed. The Torah, argues al-Dhahabi, had been changed and tampered with; truth and falsehood are mixed in this book. It is permissible to read this book for one purpose only: to answer the Jews.130 But opinions about the study of the Torah were quite different in the first century. Ibn 120 Sa'd al-suud (al-Najaf, 1369/1950), pp. 47-63; a great part of the quotations of Ibn Tawus were copied by al-Majlisi, op. cit., XIV, 43--48; and see ibid., pp. 36-37. 121 Abu Nu'aym, op. cit., IV, 46-47. 122 Ibid., IV, 67 inf. 123 Usama b. Munqidh, op. cit., p. 444: "wa-min kaldmi sulaymiina bni diiwuda 'alayhi l-saldm": Proverbs xxvii 1, 2, 10; xxix 19; Ecclesiastes xi 1. A'mdl al-qulub wa-l-jawdrih, ed. 'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'Ata (Cairo, 1969), p. 45. 126 Ibid., p. 82. 127 Sa'd al-su'ud, pp, 32--40; cf. al-Majlisi, op. cit., XI, 120-121, 151-152, 269, 282-283 (newed.). 128 Al-Dhahabt, Ta'rikh al-isldm (Cairo, 1367), III, 38; Abu l-Mahasin Yiisuf b. Musii al-Hanaft, al-Mu'tasar min al-mukhtasar (Hyderabad, 1362), II, 265; cf. al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasii'il, Ms. Cambridge Qq 33 (10) fol. 42 inf. 129 See on him Ibn Kathlr, al-Bidiiya, VI, 242 ult. (ga'i); al-Tibrizl, Mishkiit al-masdbtb (Karachi, 1350), p. 160, I. 5 (ga'if); al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-i'tidiil, I, 479, ult.; ibid., III, 267 (wa-bnu lahi'ata mimman qad tabarra'nd min 'uhdatihi); ibid., II, 475--483, no. 4530; al-Fasawt. op. cit., fol. 84a, inf.; Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bdsim, Ms. Leiden, Or. 370, fol. 116a. 130 Siyar a'lam al-nubala', ed. As'ad Talas (Cairo, 1962), III, 57. 124 125 231 Sa'd records a story about 'Amir b. 'Abd Qays and Ka'b sitting in a mosque: Ka'b read the Torah and explained some interesting passages to 'Amir.131 Ab111-Jald al-Jauni used to read the Qur'an and the Torah. He used to celebrate each conclusion of reading of the Torah (he read it during six days) summoning people (for this purpose) and used to quote a saying that Mercy descends at each conclusion of the reading of the Torah.132 sun tradition explicitly stressed the link between the Torah and the true knowledge of the Prophet, 'Ali and the succeeding Imams. The Tablets of Moses reached the Prophet and he handed them over to 'Ali,133 The Tablets of Moses, the Gospel, the $ubuf Ibrahim and the Zabiir are in the possession of the Shi'I Imams.134 The White Jafr contains the Torah, the GospeI, the Zabiir and the first Books of God. 135 The idea that there was identity of contents between Jewish revelation and Isiam was followed by the idea which established identity of fate between these two peoples. Ibn 'Abbas stated that everything which happened among the Children of Israel will happen to the Muslim community. 136The Children of Israel were righteous until the sons of their captive women grew up. They championed ra'y137 and therefore went astray and led other people astray, said the Prophet. 138This tradition is recorded by al-Fasawi and after it comes the following remark: "Sufyan said: 'We examined it and found that the first person to champion ra'y in Medina was Rabi'a, in Kufa Abu Hanifa, in Basra al-Battl; they were the sons of captive women'."139 The Prophet predicted that the Muslim community would follow a path identical with that of the Children of Israel and of the Christians.140 These points of resemblance refer, of course, to pejorative aspects of Jewish history; they are used to point out dangers which the Muslim community is facing. Sometimes, however, the identification is Jone in a laudatory spirit. Tabaqdt, VII, 110. Ibid., VII, 222. 133 AI-Majlisi, op. cit., XIII, 225 (new ed.); and see al-Saffar al-Qumml, Basii'ir al-darajiit, ([n.p.], 1285), pp. 37-38 sup.; al-'Ayyashi, op, cit., Ms. India Office 4153, fol. 127b. 134 Al-Majlisl, op. cit., XXVI, 180-189 (new ed.). 135 Ibid., XXVI, 18. 136 Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fo1. 4b: lam yakun [i bani isrii'ila shay'un ilia wa-huwa [ikum kii'inun. 137 Cf. "Ashab al-Ra'y", EI2 (Schacht). 138 Ibn Majah, Sunan (Cairo, 1349), 1, 28; al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rifat al-sunan, I, 110 (and see the references of the editor). 139 AI-Ma'ri/a wa-l-ta'rikh, fo1. 271a. 140 Al-Muttaqi I-Hindi, Kanz, XI, 123, nos. 555-556; Ibn al-Athrr, al-Nihdya, IV, 28; Ibn Tawas, Sa'd, pp. 64, 65, 116,1. 3; al-'Ayyashi, op. cit., Ms. foI. 93a-b; and see M. TaJbi, "Les Bida", Studia Islamica, XII, 50. 131 132 232 lJaddithii 'an bani isra'i/a The Aus and the Khazraj, says a tradition recorded by Ibn Ishaq, are descendents of four hundred scholars from among the Children of Israel, left by Tubba' in Medina. Abu Ayyub was the descendant of the scholar whom Tubba' entrusted with the keeping of the letter for the Prophet; Abu Ayyub indeed handed it over to the Prophet, 141A late compilation recording the story remarks that this genealogy of the An~ar is a Jewish plot.142 The Prophet states, according to a ShI'I tradition, that his name is Ahmad and Isra'Il and that the obligations Iaid by God upon Isra'Il are incumbent on him as well.l43 By Children of Israel the ('Alid - K) Al Muhammad are meant.t+t The 'Alids in the Umayyad period complained that they were "like the Al Musii in the time of Al Fir'aun".145 Ibn Tawas records many passages from the Torah about Aaron146 in order to stress the importance of the utterance of the Prophet, that 'All is in relation to the Prophet in the position of Aaron in relation to Moses.t-? The role of 'Ali as wa~iyy in relation to the Prophet corresponds to the role of Joshua b. Nun in relation to Moses.148 But the feeling of affinity or identity which Muslims experienced with regard to the righteous from among the Children of Israel did not detract from the latter's faults, sins and vices. The sunna of the Children of Israel should not be followed. In many traditions the Faithful are warned of these sunan and ordered to act contrary to them.149 Even their strictness in observing religious rites was criticized. "Do not be like the Children of Israel; having been strict with themselves, God imposed strictness on them."150 141 AI-Samhiidi, Wafa' al-wafd, ed. MuI;!.Muhyl l-Dln 'Abd al-Hamld (Cairo, 1374/1955), I, 188-189; Mughultay, op. cit., fol. 194a; Ibn Zuhayra, al-Jiimi' al-lattf, (Cairo, 1357/1958), pp. 51-54; aI-SaliQ.i, al-Sira al-shiimiya, Ms. Atif 1753, fol. 69a. 142 'Abd al-Hafiz b. 'Uthman al-Qari' al-Ta'if], Jala' al-quliib wa-kashf al-kurub bi-mandqib abi ayyiib, (Istanbul, 1298), pp. 14-15. 143 AI.'Ayyashi, op. cit., I, 44, no. 45 (and see ibid., note 6). 144 Ibid., I, 44, nos. 43, 44 (refers to Siira ii 48). 145 Furat, Tafslr (al-Najaf [n.d.]), p, 47, I. 1. 146 Sa'd al-su'iid, pp. 43-46; Ex. xxix 5, 27,31,44,13; Nurn. xvii 17. 147 Sa'd al-su'iid, pp. 43-46 (and see p. 43: t'lam anna qaula l-nabiyyi (~) li-mauliind 'aliyyi bni abi talibin ('a) anta minnt bi-manzilati hiiruna min musa yashtamilu 'alii kh~ii'i~a 'azimatin nabwi l-khiliifati; wa-qad wajadtu fi l-tauriiti min mandzili hiirUna min masa ma yadtqu mii qasadndhu bi-fusidi hadha l-kitiibt mimmd yantafi'u bi-ma'rifatihii dhawi; (text: dhawi) I-albabi, 148 149 Furat, op. cit., pp. 65-68. Furat, op. cit., p. 42: wa-ld ta'khudhu sunnata bani isrii'tla kadhdhabil anbiyii'ahum wa-qatalii ahla baytihim. 150 AI.'Amm, al-Kashkiil, I, 221: inna lliiha yuhibbu an yu'khadha bi-rukhasihi kamii yuhibbu an yu'khadha bi-razd'imihi, fa- qbalu rukhasa Iliihi wa-ld takunu ka-bant isra'il btna shaddadii 'ala anfusihim fa-shaddada lliihu 'alayhim; and see Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 1,193-194; cf. Samau'a\ la-Maghribl, If/;lam al-yahud, ed. M. Perlmann (New York, 1964), pp. 71-85. 233 III Contrary to the permission to transmit traditions about the Children of Israel concerning their history or stories about their prophets and saints, the early sources point clearly to the tendency of the orthodox circles to prevent the Faithful from learning or copying the Holy Scriptures of the People of the Book, and especially of legal chapters or chapters concerning the tenets of faith. 'Umar, says a tradition, walked past a Jew from Qurayza and asked him to copy for him summary chapters from the Torah. When he came to the Prophet and begged his permission to read these chapters, the face of the Prophet became changed (scil, with anger - K). 'Umar was frightened by this and exclaimed: "I am satisfied by Allah as God, by Islam as religion and by Muhammad as Prophet." When the rage of the Prophet had gone, he remarked: "I swear by Him Who keeps in His hand the soul of Muhammad: were Moses among you and if you followed him, leaving me, you would have gone astray; you are my lot among the peoples and I am your lot among the prophets" .151 It is interesting to note that the Jew in the story is referred to in a favourable manner: marartu bi-akhin li min qurayzata.tst It is also of interest that the Prophet emphasizes the adherence of Moses to his faith. According to a tradition on the authority of Anas, the Prophet met Jesus153 and al-Dhahabi considered Jesus as one of the Companions of the Prophet.154 An utterance of the Prophet similar to the one about Moses is recorded in the story of Hafsa. She brought to the Prophet a shoulder-bone on which was written the story of Joseph. The Prophet became angry, the colour of his face changed and he said: "Were Joseph to come while I am amongst you and were you to follow him, you would have gone astray" .155 Slightly different is the utterance of the Prophet as recorded in another tradition. 'Umar asked the Prophet whether he would be permitted to write down traditions (al;ziidith) heard from Jews, by which he was pleased. The 151 Al-Jiimi'; fol. 60a; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, fol. 114a; al-Suyutl, al-Durr, II, 48; cf. another version of this tradition 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., fol. 114a with the utterance: innamd bu'ithtu fatiJ.zan wa-khdtaman wa-u'titu jawdmi'a l-kalimi wa-fawiitihahu wa-khtusira lt l-hadithu ikhtisiiran. And see AbU Da'ud, Mariisil (Cairo, 1310), p, 48; al-Khatib al-Baghdadt, Taqyid, p, 52. 152 See another version of this tradition in Muttaqi al-Hindi's Kanz, I, 334, no. 1629: 'Umar visited Khaybar and was pleased by some sayings of a Jew. The Jew dictated the sayings to 'Umar upon his request and 'Umar wrote them down on a skin which he brought to the Prophet. When 'Umar read it to the Prophet, he became angry and erased the writing. He said: "Do not follow these people because they got confused". 153 Al-Suytitl, al-Hiiwi, II, 288. 154 Ibid., p. 289, sup. 155 Ma'mar b. Rashid, al-Jdmi", fol. 133b; 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, fol. 114a. 234 Haddithii 'an bam isra'ila Prophet said: "Are you following the Jews and Christians in their confusion? I brought it (i.e. the religion, or the Qur'an - K) white and pure; if Moses were alive he would have to follow me",156 A special dya was revealed in connection with this problem. Some Muslims, the tradition asserts, brought to the Prophet certain books which they had copied from the Jews. The Prophet said: "It is an error grave enough when people prefer a thing brought by someone else to another people over that which their own Prophet brought to them". Then iiya 51 of Sura 29 was revealed: a-wa-lam yakfihim anna anzalnd 'alayka l-kitiiba yutlii 'alayhim ... etc. 157The Prophet finally gave his decisive utterance when asked by 'Umar about studying the Torah: "Do not learn the Torah, you have to learn what has been revealed to you (i.e. the Qur'an - K) and believe in it",158 In fact 'Umar forbade copying or reading the Books of Jews and Christians. According to a tradition a man came to 'Umar and informed him about a wonderful book which he had found in Mada'in when the Muslims had conquered the city. "Is it from the Book of Allah"? (i.e. the Qur'an - K) 'Umar asked. "No", said the man. 'Umar began to beat him with his whip, reciting the first four dyas from Siirat Yiisuf and said: "What caused the peoples who lived before you to perish was that they devoted themselves to the study of books of their scholars and bishops and abandoned the Torah and the Gospel until those two Books became effaced and knowledge of them disappeared",159 In another story a similar case is told. 'Alqama and al-Aswad came to Ibn Mas'ud and showed him a scroll ($abifa) containing a story which they found pleasing. 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud ordered to efface the script. "These hearts are vessels (of knowledge - K); engage them with the Qur'an, not with anything else", he said,16o 'Umar seems to have been especially concerned about the Book of Daniel. The book is said to have been found in a grave in Tustar when the Muslims conquered the city. It is said to have been Daniel's grave,161 The book was brought to 'Umar and he sent it to Ka'b who rendered it into Arabic. It is 156 Al-Zamakhshart, al-Fii'iq, ed. 'Ali Muh. al-Bijawi - Muh, Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1367/1948), III, 218; Abu 'Ubayd, Ghartb al-hadith (Hyderabad, 1385/1966), III, 28-29; cf. Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihdya, s.v. h w k; al-Majlisi, op. cit., VIII, 211 (lithogr. ed.). 157 Al-Suyutl, Lubab al-nuqid (Cairo, 1373/1954), p. 170; al-Qurtubl, Tafslr, XIII, 355; Ibn Shahrashub, Mandqib al abi falib (al-Najaf, 1376/1956), 1,48; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Jiimi' baydn al-tllm, II, 40-41. 158 Al-Muttaql l-Hindl, op. cit., I, 333, no. 1627. 159 Ibid., I, 335, no. 1632. 160 Abu 'Ubayd, FarJa'il al-Qur'iin, Ms. Leiden, Or. 3056, fol. 4a-b. Abu 'Ubayd remarks: "We think that this scroll was taken from a man who belonged to the People of the Book, therefore 'Abdallah b. Mas'Iid disliked it". 161 See £12, s.v. "Daniyal" (G. Vajda). 235 said to have contained information about strifes (fitan) which will happen,162 Abu 1-'Aliya163 says about the book: "I was the first Arab to read this book the way I read the Qur'an." It contained, says Abu I-'Aliya, information about your history (siratukum) and your matters, your religion and the ways of your speech (lulziin kaldmikumy and what will happen in the future. 164When 'Umar was informed about a man who copied (or read) the Book of DanieI, he ordered that man to be brought into his presence, beat him with his whip until he promised to burn books of this kind and not to read them. 165 A saying from Kitiib Ddniydl is recorded by Hamd b. Muhammad aIKhattabi.166 A lengthy passage about the campaigns of the Sufyani is quoted from Kitdb Ddniyiil by AbU l-Husayn Ahmad b. Ja'far b. al-Munadi in his Kitdb al-maldhim and recorded by al-Qurtubi.to? A significant passage from Kitiib Diiniydl is recorded by al-Majlisi. It contains predictions about weather during the year, crops, plagues and wars established according to the date of the first day of Muharramtxaturday, Sunday, Monday ... etc.) and the month in which the eclipse of the sun or the moon will occur. Al-Rawandi marks this material as stories of the type of maliil;zim.168 The Book of Daniel seems to have been read by Ka'b and the twenty Jewish scholars in their discourse in Jerusalem. Ka'b gave orders to throw this book, which he described as being "the Torah as revealed by God to Moses, unchanged and unaltered", into the sea of Tiberias. Ka'b feared that people might rely on it (khashitu an yuttakala 'ala mii fihii). When the man sent by Ka'b arrived at the middle of the sea, the waters parted so that he could see the bottom of the sea, and he threw the Book into the sea,169 There was, of course, the danger of the intentional changes and alterations of the Scriptures carried out by the People of the Book. This is reflected in a tradition about Ka'b. He brought a book, whose leaves were torn out, to 'Umar stating that it contained (chapters of) the Torah, and asked permission to Nu'aym b. Hammad, op. cit., fol. 4b (= Ms. Atif, fol. 3a). See on him Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VII, 112-117. 164 Al-Bayhaql, Kit. dala'it al-nubuwwa, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3013, fol. 65a; Ibn Kathtr, al-Bidaya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 40-41. 165 Al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, Taqyid, p. 51; al-Muttaqt al-Hindt, op. cit., I, 332-333, no. 1626; ibid., 335-336, no. 1633; 'Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit., fol. 114a. 166 Kitiib al-iuzla (Cairo, 1352), p. 80. 167 Al-Tadhkira, ed. Ahmad Muh, Mursl (Cairo [n.d.]), pp. 610--611. 168 Bihiir aI-anwar, LVIII, 346-350 (new ed.). 169 Al-Dhahabl, Siyar a'ldm al-nubald', III, 323-325; and see idem., Ta'rikn al-isldm, III, 99-101, on the bottom of the sea of Tiberias are buried the Ark of the Covenant and the Staff of Moses; they will be raised on the Day of Judgement. See al-Nuwayrl, op. cit., XVI, 43. 162 163 236 Haddithii 'an bani isra'/la read it. 'Umar said: "If you know that the book contains the Torah revealed by God to Moses on Mount Sinai, read it day and night." 170 Ibn Kathir, quoting the traditions which forbid the consultation of scholars from among the People of the Book remarks: "These traditions serve as evidence that they made changes in the Holy Scriptures which they possess ( ... baddalii mii bi-aydihim min al-kutubi l-samiiwiyati), altered them and interpreted them in an improper way." They did not possess comprehensive knowledge of their Scriptures; in their translations into Arabic they made many errors and mistakes. Furthermore, they had bad intentions and erroneous views. One part of the Torah is manifest, publicly revealed, but a great part of it is hidden. The manifest parts of the Torah contain changes, alterations, erroneous expressions and elusive ideas. Ibn Kathir accuses Ka'b of transmitting traditions many of which are not worth the ink with which they are written, and some of which are false. 171"Some of the Isra'iliyyiit were invented by some of their zaniidiqa; some of them may be sound, but we do not need them: what is written in the Book of God (i.e. the Qur'an - K) is sufficient for us and we do not need to look for it in the remaining books (revealed) before it; neither God nor His Messenger caused us to lack their knowledge."I72 The same accusations of lies, alterations, changes and intentional misinterpretations are repeated by Ibn Kathir in the course of a section in which he records the traditions which forbid consultation of scholars from among the People of the Book. 173 Ibn al-Jauzi, the prolific author of the sixth century AH, expresses similar views. The stories concerning the early peoples and especially the Children of Israel rarely contain authentic accounts. The Muslim religious law (shar'), Ibn al-Jauzi says, is sufficient and the Prophet ordered 'Umar to discard certain passages from the Torah which he brought to him. Some stories of the Isra'tliyyat are absurd, like the story about David who sent Uri yah to be killed in order to marry his wife,174 The early sources mentioned in this paper bear evidence of the close contacts between Muslims, Jews and Christians at the end of the first century of the Hijra. The traditions recorded by Ma'mar b. Rashid in his Jiimi' can be estimated as going back to original sources of the end of the first century. The material of Abu 'Ubayd in his Mawii'i? seems to stem from the same 170 Abu 'Ubayd, Gharib al-hadith, IV, 262; al-Zamakhsharl, al-Fd'iq, I, 651; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Nihdya, II, 468, s.v. sh r m; J. Goldziher, "Ober Muh. Polemik gegen Ahl al-Kitab", ZDMG XXXII, 345 (read correctly: fa-qra'hii ana'a l-layli). 171 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddya wa-l-nihiiya, II, 132-134. 172 Ibn Kathir, Tafstr, IV, 282. 173 Ibid., V, 329-330. 174 Ibn al-Jauzi, Kit. al-qussd«, Ms. Leiden, Or. 988, fol. 20a. 237 period. The assumption of W. Montgomery Watt175 that the material of the Bible discussed above was directed in the first phase towards illiterate people with no knowledge of the Bible, can hardly be accepted. W. M. Watt takes it that the passage in Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's Jiimi: baydn al-'ilm, II, 40-43 about "Avoidance of information from Jews and Christians" suggests "that it belongs to the first phase" because "it envisages Muslims conversing with Jews and Christians, but not reading their books"; 176 but this argument is in fact untenable. The tradition recorded by al-Bukharti?? reports explicitly that "the Jews used to read the Torah in Hebrew and to interpret it to the people of Islam in Arabic." AI-Suddi reports that some Jews used to compile books, claiming that they are books revealed by God, and used to sell them at cheap prices to the Arabs. 178 The stories about books of Ahl al-Kitdb being copied by Muslims, quoted above and mentioned in the chapter of Ibn 'Abd al-Barr bear evidence that the contacts between Muslims and the People of the Book were not confined to mere consultation. Lastly it may be remarked that the title of the chapter is: Biib mukhtasar fi mutdla' ati kutubi ahli l-kitdbi wal-riwdyati 'anhum. It is plainly stated that the subject discussed in the chapter is the reading of books of the Ahl al-Kitiib and transmission of traditions on their authority, not merely conversing. W. M. Watt's doubts, as to "whether any of it (i.e. the traditions recorded by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr) had its present form at a still earlier period" are unfounded; as far as the "Jdmi" of Ma'mar and the "Musannaf " of 'Abd al-Razzaq are concerned, the traditions and their isndds are copied by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr with accuracy; this can be ascertained by comparing the material of Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr with the Mss. quoted in this paper. As already mentioned there was no serious opposition to the Jewish and Christian traditions transmitted by Jewish and Christians converts, in so far as they concorded with the views of orthodox Isiam. Opposition seems to have appeared in connection with those aspects of the Jewish and Christian tradition which may have some bearing on Muslim belief or practice. In such cases the motives are clear; the stories about the prohibition to copy the Scriptures of Ahl al-Kitiib seem to be connected with cases of this kind. This can be gauged from the tradition about a group of Jews who embraced IsIam, but asked the Prophet's permission to observe the Sabbath and to study the Torah at night. They were, of course, denied this permission. A verse of the Qur'an (Sura ii 208) was revealed about it.179 175 The Early Development of the Muslim Attitude to the Bible (Glasgow Univ. Oriental Society Transactions. XVI. 1955-1956, pp. 50-62. 176 Ibid., pp. 60--62. 177 AI.. al;zil;z $ (Cairo [n.d.l), VI, 25; Ibn Kathlr, Tafstr, I, 329. 178 Al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 83. 179 Al-Tabarl, Taftir, IV, 255-256, no. 4016; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, I, 439-440; al-Suyutt, al-Durr, I, 271; al-Razt, Tafsir, V, 226. 238 Haddithii 'an bani isra'lla The orthodox solution was that a Muslim had to believe in the Torah and the Gospel, but not to observe the practices enjoined in these Books. The Prophet said: "Believe in the Torah, the Zabiir and the Evangel, but the Qur'an should suffice you."180 This formula, which breathes an air of compromise, enabled indeed the transmission of Jewish and Christian tradition. This tradition, licensed by the utterance haddithii 'an bani isrd'il became part and parcel of Muslim literature as is abundantly reflected in the literature of the tafsir, zuhd and adab.181 180 Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, I, 329-330: qdla rasidu lliihi: dminii bi-l-tauriiti wa-l-zabiiri wa-linjili wa-l-yasa'kumu l-qur'iinu, and comp. ibid.: innamd umirnd an nu'mina bt-l-taurati wa-linjili wa-Iii na'mala bi-md fihimd; and see al-Suyiltl, al-Durr, II, 225-226: Iii dina illd l-isldmu, wa-kitdbunii nasakha kulla kitdbin, wa-nabiyyund khatamu l-nabiyyina, wa-umirnd an na'mala bi-kitiibind wa-nu'mina bi-kitabikum. 181 I wish to thank Dr. M. Nadav and Mr. E. Wust of the National and University Library, Jerusalem; Dr. A. Sj. Koningsveld of the University Library of Leiden; the keepers and staff of the British Museum; Cambridge University Library; Chester Beatty Collection, Dublin; and the Siileymaniye, Istanbul, for granting me permission to peruse manuscripts and providing me with microfilms. 239 

Lā yamassuhu illā 'l-muṭahharūn…: Notes on the Interpretation of a Qurʾānic Phrase

Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 34 (2008): 309-334

Lā yamassuhu illā 'l-muṭahharūn…: Notes on the Interpretation of a Qurʾānic Phrase

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M. J. Kister

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la_yamassuhu.pdf The Institute of Asian and African Studies The Max Schloessinger Memorial Foundation Offprint from JERUSALEM STUDIES IN ARABIC AND ISLAM 34(2008) M.J. Kister La yamassuhu illa 'l-mutahharun ... Notes on the interpretations of a Qur'anic phrase THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM THE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES JSAI 34 (2008) LA YAMASSUHU ILLA 'L-MUTAHHARUN ... NOTES ON THE INTERPRETATIONS QUR'ANIC PHRASE M.J. Kister The Hebrew University of Jerusalem In memory OF A of Dr. Suliman Bashear The meaning of the phrase la yamassuhu illa l-mutahharuna1 (Qur'an 56:78-80) became the subject of a heated discussion; this is reflected in the various Qur'anic commentaries and l,tadzth collections. The verses read: innahu la-qur' an un karzm [77]fZ kitabin maknun [78]la yamassuhu illa l-mutahharun [79]. Several interpretations of the phrase and the different opinions of Muslim scholars concerning the Book referred to in this verse may give us a clue regarding the sanctity of the written version of the Qur'an circulating in the Muslim community. Some traditions provide information on the integrity of the text and the reliability of the scribes; others indicate that some scribes were not trained in copying the Qur'anic text and the errors of these copyists are sometimes pointed out in the early sources. Some ofthe copyists were not Muslims. There are also accounts revealing differences concerning the text found in the various versions of the Qur'an in circulation. Reports about the transmission of the Revelation to the Prophet and from him to the believers are also of interest. I Opinions found in the early sources concerning the meaning of the word qur' an address questions such as whether this denotes only the heavenly lSee different readings in Ibn Khalawayh (d. 370 AH), Mukhta$ar fi shawadhdhi l-qur'an min kitabi l-badf', G. Bergstraesser, ed. (Cairo, 1934), p. 151: illa 1muttahharun; it is understood in the sense of al-mutatahhirun; al-mutharun (which is understood as referring to angels, al-mala'ika). See also the readings and the explanations in I.Iusayn b. Ab! I-'Izz al-Hamadan! (d. 643 AH), al-Farzd fi i'rabi 1qur'ani l-majzd, ed. Fahm! I.Iasan al-Nimr and Fu'ad 'AlI Mukhaymir, eds. (al-DawJ:ta, 1411/1991), vol. 4, p. 422. 309 310 M.J. Kister Book or it refers also to the Quranic scrolls in the Muslims' possession, and whether the heavenly Book was written by Allah himself or it is only a reflection of his revelation. The well known scholar 'Abd al-Razzaq al-Sanani (d. 211 AH) records in his Tajsfr2 the interpretation of Qatada (d. 117 AH) 3 (as transmitted by Ma'mar b. Rashid): the phrase refers to the heavenly Book of the Quran which will not be touched "in the Presence of God" (la yamassuhu 'inda llahi) , meaning that the heavenly Quran will not be touched except by the purified (i.e., by the angels -k), while in this world the Book is touched even by an impure Zoroastrian (al-majiisf al-najis) and by a filthy hypocrite (wa-l-munafiq al-mjis). 4 A clear line is thus drawn between the exalted heavenly Book which only the angels are permitted to touch and the scrolls of the Quran circulating in the Muslim community, touched (among others -k) by hypocrites and unbelievers. Similar interpretations are put forward by other exegetes. Mujahid (d. 104 AH) explains is yamassuhu uu l-rnuiohhariin saying that "the Book in heaven will be touched only by the angels." 5 Abu Zakariyya Yalfya b. Ziyad aI-Farra' (d. 207 AH) understands the "Book" to refer to the "Preserved Tablet" (al-law!} al-mal}fii?), and the muiahliariin are the angels purified from polytheism (shirk). 6 The identification of the Book with al-law!} al-mal}fii? is also recorded by al- Tabrisi (d. 548 AH); 7 2'Abd al-Razzaq b. Harnmam al-San'ant, Tajsir al-quriiin; Mu~tafa Muslim Muhammad, ed. (al-Riya<;l, 1410/1989), vol. 2, p. 273. 3For Qat ada, see Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, TahdhZb al-tahdhZb (Haydarabad , 1326), vol. 8, pp. 351-356, no. 635; Salah ai-DIn Abu Sa'Id b. KhalIl b. KaykaldI al-'Ala'I, Jiimi'u l-tal,!?zl fi ahkiimi l-mariisil; Harndr 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, ed. (Beirut, 1407/1986), pp. 254-256, no. 633; 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad al-Hanzali, Ibn AbI Hatim, Kitiib al-rnariisil, ~ubJ:.1I l-Samarra't, ed. (Bagdad, 1386/1967), pp. 105a 110. On the influence of traditions reported by Qat.ada as transmitted by Ma'mar b. Rashid, see 'Abdallah Abu l-Sa'ud Badr, Tafsir Qatiida (Cairo, 1400/1980), pp. 51-52,54. 4See al-Tabarf, Jiimi' al-bayiin fi t.ofsiri l-qur'iin (= Tajsir al-Tabarz) (BUlaq, 1328; reprint Beirut, 1392/1972), vol. 27, p. 119 and al-Suyutl, al-Durr al-monthiir fi l-talszr bi-l-ma'thiir (Cairo, 1314), vol. 6, pp. 162-163. 5Mujahid b. Jabr al-Makhzumi, Tajsir , 'Abd al-Rahman al-Tahir b. Muhammad al-Sura.tI, ed. (Islamabad, n.d.), vol. 2, pp. 652 infra-653 I. 1; see also Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam (d. 224 AH), Fa¢ii'il al-qur'Iin, Wahbl Sulayman Ghawuji, ed. (Beirut, 1411/1991), p. 25; al-Bayhaqi, Ma'rilatu l-sun an ura-l-iithiir, Ahmad Saqr, ed. (Cairo, 1389/1969), vol. 1, pp. 253-254; Ibn al-Ja'd, Musnad, 'Amir Ahmad I.Iaydar, ed. (Beirut, 1410/1990), p. 344, no. 2366; Malik b. Anas, al-Muuiatio", Bashshar 'Awwad, Ma'ruf and Mahmud Muhammad Khaltl, eds. (Beirut, 1412/1992), vol. 1, p. 90, no. 234 and cf. ibid., p. 91, no. 239. On Mujahid b. Jabr see Salah al-Din b. Khaltl b. Kaykaldr, Jiimi'u l-tal,!?Zl, pp. 273-274, no. 736. 6'Abd al-Fatt.ah Isma'tl Sh alabi and 'AlI al-Najdt Nasif, eds. (Cairo, 1972), vol. 3, pp. 129 infra-130 supra; on al-Farra', see Ibn Hajar al-Ajurrr, al-SharZ'a, Muhammad I.Iamid al-FiqI, ed. (Beirut, 1403/1983), p. 89. 7 Al-Fadl b. al-I.Iasan al-Tabrisr, Majma' al-bayiin Iz t.afsiri l-quriiin. (Beirut, t.s yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 311 it is the Preserved Tablet, guarded and hidden from His creatures, in which God put down (athbata fihi) the Qur'an. The perception that "the Qur'an" denotes the exalted Scripture which only the angels are privileged to touch was widely circulated in orthodox circles. Al-Ajurrr, one of the great scholars of the fourth century (d. 360 AH), relates that Ahmad b. Hanbal harshly censured those who claim that the text of the Quran in the earthly books is a narration (J:tikiiya) of the contents of the Preserved Tablet. 8 A verse of the Quran recited in the presence of a person (or a group of persons -k) is indeed the true speech of God (kaliimu lliihi) , says al-Ajurrr, not the narration (J:tikiiyatun) of God's Word. This utterance refers to the scrolls of the Quran (ma$iiJ:tif).9 Other interpretations relate the phrases in our verses more closely to purely human activities. Raghib al-Isfahani (d. 502 AH) also interprets kitiib makniin as al-lasoh. al-ma/:tfW:.10 However, he records also another explanation: the word makniin indicates that the Quran is kept in the hearts of the believers. This is closely related to the virtue of learning the Qur'an by heart, keeping it in memory and reciting it orally; oral transmission is considered superior to written transmission. AI-MawardI, for his part, mentions four interpretations of al-kiiiib al-makniin: al-lawJ:t al-ma/:tfii?; the iauniii and the injfl; the Psalms (zabiir), or the Quran as circulated in this world. 11 Another interpretation of iii yamassuhu, which associates the required purity with humans, is quoted on the authority of al-Farra ': "Only the purified and believing will find its taste (ta'mahu) and its usefulness (nat' ahu)." 12 That the pure beings referred to in the verses are humans is supported by another interpretation in 'Abd al-Razzaqs Tajsir (given on the authority of Abu Bakr b. I.Iazm,13 reported by his two sons and 1380/1961), vol. 17, p. 132. 8MuJ:tammad b. al-Husayn al-Ajurrr, al-Shari' c; Muhammad Hamid al-Fiql, ed. (Beirut, 1403/1983), p. 89. 9 Ibidem, p. 89 infra. 10 Al-Mujradat fi qh.arib: l-qur'iin (Cairo, 1324), p. 457. llAI-MawardI, Tajsir ; vol. 4, p. 178 penult.-179 supra; see the explanation of 'Ikrima in al-Suyuti, al-Durr ol-truuitliiir, vol. 6, p. 162: "fi kitabin maknunin," «ai«. al-t.auiriit uia-l-itijil, ns yamassuhu illa l-muuihluiriina? qiila: hamalatu l-taurriiii uia-l-injil, and in Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Yusuf b. Hayyan al-Charnatr alJayyanr's (d. 745 AH), ol-Babr al-muhi; (Cairo, 1328), vol. 8, p. 214. 12AI-MawardI (d. 450 AH), al-Nukat wa-l-'uyun (Tajsfr al-Mawardr), Khi<;lr Muhammad Khidr, ed., revised by 'Abd al-Satt.ar Abu Ghudda (Kuwayt, 1402/1982), vol. 4, p. 179 and traced back to al-Farra'. It is also recorded by Ibn al-'ArabI alMalikl in his Ahkiirn al-quriin; p. 1725 and traced back to al-Farra'. 13See on 'Amr b. Hazrn: Ibn Hajar al-i.Asqalanr, al-I$aba fi tamyfzi 1-$alJaba, 'AlI Muhammad al-Bijawt, ed. (Cairo, 1328), vol. 8, p. 214. 312 M.J. Kister transmitted by Ma 'mar): the Prophet wrote a letter in which he stated that only a pure person would be permitted to touch the Qur 'an (la yamassuhu tus tahir) .14 It is evident that the Qur 'anic prohibition refers to persons who are not in a state of purity and are willing to touch the Quran, It indicates as well that the scrolls of the Quran may be desecrated if touched by an impure person. This is reflected in the story of 'Umar's conversion to Islam. While still an unbeliever, he approached his Muslim sister and her husband while they were reciting Siirat Tiihii and asked them to show him the musha]: They quoted the phrase is yamassuhu tus i-muiohluiriin; 'Umar understood, washed his body and embraced Islam.15 The fact that the story is told by Ibn Ishaq (d. 150 AH) indicates that the belief in the sanctity of the Quranic scrolls was current in the Muslim community already in the second century AH. Ibn al-'ArabI al-Maliki's opinion regarding the sanctity of the copies of the Quran can be deduced from an elegy mourning the Prophet's death, attributed to Abu Bakr: We lost the Revelation when you left us: and the Word of God left us (as well). Except that what you left for us in the past, transmitted from generation to generation in the noble sheets. [al-wafir] [aqadsui l-waJ:tya idh wallayta 'anna: wa-wadda'ana mina llahi t-kolomu. 14'Abd al-Razzaq, Tajsir , vol. 2, p. 273; 'Abd al-Razzaq al-San'ant, al-Mu?annaj, Habtbu l-Rahman al-A'zamt, ed. (Beirut, 1390/1970), vol. 1, pp. 341-342, no. 1328; Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Falj,a'il al-quriin: p. 244, (67, 1-2); 'Abdallah b. AbI Dawtid Sulayman b. al-Ashath al-Sijist anl, Kitiib al-musiilii] (Dar Qurtuba, n.p., n.d.), pp. 185-186 infra; Abu l-Layth Nasr b. Muhammad al-SamarqandI, (d. 375 AH), al-Tajsfr al-musamma bohr al-'uliim, 'All Muhaddad Muawwad et alii, eds. (Beirut, 1413/1993), vol. 3, p. 319; 'All b. Ahmad al-Wahidt al-Naysaburl (d. 468 AH), al- Wasz:t fi t.ofsiri l-qur'iin: l-majid, 'Adil Ahmad 'Abd al-Mawjud et alii, eds. (Beirut, 1415/1994), vol. 4, p. 240; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Ansari l-Qurtubt (d. 671 AH), al-Jiimi' li-ahkiimi l-qurt iir: (Cairo, 1387/1967), vol. 17, p. 225; Ahmad b. alHusayn al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrii (Haydarabad, 1344), vol. 1, p. 88; al-Suyilt'i, al-Durr al-matithiir, vol. 6, p. 162; Abu 'All al-Fadl b. al-Hasan al-Tabrisi (d. 548 AH), Majma' al-bayan fi tajsfri l-qur'iin (Beirut, 1380/1961), vol. 27, p. 132 records the interpretation of Muqatil (d. 150 AH) stating that the phrase innahu qur' iinun karfmun points to the fact that the Quran is noble (karfm) because God honoured it. It is, therefore, forbidden for the ritually impure to touch the Qur'an, 150n 'Umar's conversion to Islam, see Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, al-Saqqa, al-Abyarr, Shalabr, eds. (Cairo, 1355/1936), vol. 1, pp. 369-370; al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrii, vol. 1, p. 88. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 313 siuiii mii qad tarakta lana qadiman, tauuiraihahni l-qariitisu l-kiramu.16 Ibn al- 'Arab! comments on these verses, saying that they refer to the scrolls of the Quran (~ulJuj al-qur' an) in the hands of the Muslims, dictated by the Prophet (allatf kana l-nabiyyu soll« lliihs: 'alayhi wasallam yumlfhii) to his scribes. According to Ibn al- 'Arabi, the ~ulJuj al-qur' an are identical with the qaratfs mentioned in Abu Bakr's elegy.17 The scrolls of the Qur'an are thus reproductions of the revelation granted by God to the Prophet and must be treated with proper reverence. The people of Iraq (among them Ibrahim al- Nakha 'I) consequently requested that only a believer in a state of purity be permitted to touch the Quran.l" The need to preserve the purity of the book seems to have been the reason for a number of prohibitions aimed at preventing those considered unclean from touching the Quran; this probably caused Ibn 'Abbas to prevent Jews and Christians from reading the Qur'an.19 The famous scholar 'Izz aI-DIn b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami (d. 360 AH) is said to have forbidden to give a copy of the Quran to a Jew or a Christian for binding. It is also forbidden to leave books of luuliih. or tajsfr in the hands of an infidel who was not expected to embrace Islam. 20 In his al-Bohr al-muMt,21 Abu Hayyan quotes an anonymous scholar who says that the kitab makniin refers to the codices of the Muslims (ma~alJij al-muslimfn), guarded from (vicious -k) changes and alterations (ma~iina min a l-iabdil wa-l-taghyfr). It is instructive that Abu Hayyan adds a note saying that at that time (idh dhiika), no codices (ma~alJif) of the Quran existed; this is a prediction concerning the situation in the future (ikhbiirun bi-ghayb). Ibn al- "Arabi quotes the opinion of Abu Hanifa who permitted the impure to touch the Quran on its outer side and on the margins which are without script (wa-ruwiya 'anhu annahu yamassu ?ahirahu ma-Iuuoiishi: yahu ina-rna is maktiiba jfhi). The script, on the other hand, may only be touched by the pure believer. Ibn al- "Arabi himself rejected this opinion, saying that "the precinct of the forbidden is also forbidden" (li-anna 16Ibn al-i Arabr, Ahkomu l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 1739. 17About the bayt ol-oariitis in the time of 'Uthman, see M.M. Bravmann , The spiritual background of early Islam (Leiden, 1972), pp. 312-314; Bravmann renders the word qaratfs by rolls of papyrus (i.e. documents) on p. 312 infra. 18Ibn al-i Arabr, Ahkomu l-qur'iin, vol. 4, p. 1739. 19AI-QurtubI, Tofsir ; vol. 17, p. 226. 20See 'Izz aI-DIn 'Abd al-'AzIz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami, Kitiiini l-fatawa, 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-Fattal)., ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), p. 67, no. 39. 21Vol. 8, p. 214. 314 M.J. Kister harima l-mamnii'i mamnii'un). 22 A legal opinion of Ahmad b. Hanbal mentions a case in which the believer in a state of impurity could read the Qur'an without touching it, being helped in reading by a stick.23 It is evident that we find here two different interpretations of the meaning of the word qur' an: it denotes either the Holy Book in Heaven, or the text of the Quran in the possession of the believers which should not be touched by the impure, according to the injunction of the Prophet in his letter to 'Amr b. Hazrn. Al-Mawardi records in his Tajszr24 six interpretations for the phrase is yamassuhu illa l-muiohhariin when referring to the text of the Quran which we hold in our hands: it can only be touched by persons purified from polytheism (shirk), 25 from sins and faults,26 from ritual impurity and filth (illa l-triuiohluiriin min a l-aluliiih. wa-l-anjas), 27 or only the believers in the Qur'an who will find the taste of its benefit,28 reap its reward.r'' or finally - only the believers will request the Quran (la yaltamisuhu uta l-mu' miniin). 30 However, early scholars of Muslim law did not always agree how to preserve the required state of purity. Some Companions (Ibn 'Umar and Ibn 'Abbas) used to read the Quran in a state of ritual impurity after breaking wind (lfadath), without using water for their ablution. 31 Salman al-FarisI used to read verses of the Quran without performing the unuiii', 32 The story of Salman is recorded in a slightly different version by al-Samarqandi in his Tajszr:33 Salman came out of the privy and was 22Ibn al-i Arabr, AJ:tkamu l-qur'iini, vol. 4, p. 1727. 23AbU l-Fadl :;;alil:). . Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'il ol-imiim Ahrnad b. lfanbal, 'Abd b al-Rahman DIn Muhammad, ed. (Delhi, 1408/1988), vol. 3, p. 208, no. 1667. 24See al-Mawardr, Tajsir , vol. 4, p. 179; Abu Bakr 'Abdallah b. AbI Dawud Sulayman b. al-Ashat.h al-Sijistanr, Kitabu l-truisiilyi]', p. 185 penult. 25Reported by Ibn al-Kalbt. 26Reported by al-Rabr' b. Anas. 27Reported by Qat ada. 28Reported by al-Farra', 29Reported by Muadh b. Jabal. 30Reported by Ibn Bahr, Cf. Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu~annaj, vol. 13, p. 548, no. 17320: ... 'an AM l-'Aliya: Iii yamassuhu sua l-muiahhoriin; qala: laysa antum, antum ashiiini l-dhunilb; see al-Suyiltf, ol-Durr al-ttuuiitiiir . vol. 6, p. 162. 31See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaj, vol. 1, p. 338, no. 1316: iruui la-naqra'u ajza'ana min al-qur'iin: ba'da l-luuiatlii mii namassu l-mii:«, See also al-Bayhaql, al-Sunan al-kubrii, vol. 1, p. 90 and Sulayman b. al-Ash'ath's Kitiib ol-mosohi], pp. 184-185: hal yamassu l-musho] man qad massa dhokaroliu; and pp. 187-188: wa-qad rukhkhisa jf massi l-msisho] 'ala ghayri wu{lil'in and al-mustaluida tamassu l-miishu]'. 32'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu~annaj, vol. 1, p. 340, no. 1324. 33 Tajsir ; vol. 3, p. 319, and see this tradition: al-Bayhaq", al-Sunan al-kubrii, vol. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 315 asked by his companions to perform the ablution, as they wanted to ask him about some verses of the Quran. Salman quoted the tradition about the prohibition of touching the Book by an impure person; he refrained from touching it, but recited the verses of the Quran which his companions had forgotten. Al-Samarqandi concludes that an impure person is forbidden to touch the Quran, but may recite it. Al-Hasan did not see anything wrong with touching the Quran (almu~1.taf) and in carrying the Book without performing the required ablution, and al-Sha 'bI did not see any fault (kana is yara ba' san) in carrying the book of the Quran (al-mu~1.taf) wrapped (bi-' alaqatihi) without performing the required ablution.i'" Ibn 'Abbas permitted a person to carry the Quran while wearing a garment in which he had had sexual intercourse. " 'Abdallah b. al- 'Abbas reports that the Book touched only by the pure is the Book in Heaven. Mujahid says that the phrase indicates that this Book is guarded from dust (al-qur' iimi jf kitabihi l-makniini lladhf is yamassuhu shay' un min turiibin wa-lii ghubiirin). 36 'Ata' b. AbI Rabah held that a person who read the Quran and noticed suddenly the smell of his breaking wind must stop reading and wait until the smell disappears.i'? An instructive tradition recorded by 'Abd al-Razzaq seems to indicate that reading the Quran without performing ablution after relieving oneself was a common Islamic practice. 'Urnar b. al-Khattab came out of the privy (kanff) and started to recite verses of the Quran, Abu Maryam al-Hanafi asked him in astonishment: "You just came out of the privy (al-khalii') and you read the Quran?" 'Umar retorted: "Is it a legal opinion given to you by Musaylima?" 38 A similar case is recorded in Abu Yusuf''s (d. 182 AH) Kitab al-athiir 1, p. 90. 34'Abd al-Razzaq, ot-Mnsorma], vol. 1, p. 344, no. 1341; and see Abu 'Ubayd alQasim b. Sallam, Fa¢a'il al-quriin; p. 245, (67, 4-5). I owe this rendering of 'alaqa to Dr. Mithqal Nattlr. 35Al- TabarI, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 27, pp. 118-119. 36 Al-Qurtubi, al- Tidhkiir fi af¢ali l-rulklikiir, p. 10l. 37AI-BayhaqI, al-Sun an al-kubrii, vol. 1, p. 340, no. 1326; this tradition is recorded as well by Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Ansarr al-Qurtubl (d. 671 AH) in his al-Tidhkiir If af¢ali l-adkhkiir If la¢li l-quri iin. wa-qari'ihi wa-mustami'ihi wa-l-'amili bihi waliurmati l-qur'Iini wa-kayfiyyati tiliiuiatilii (Beirut, n.d.), p. 108, on the authority of Mujahid, On a special kind of an "imaginary" breaking of winds caused by Satan, see Abu Yusuf Ya'qub b. Ibrahim al-Ansart, Kitiib u l-iithiir , Abu l-Wafa' , ed. (Cairo, 1355), p. 38, no. 137. 38'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu?annal, vol. 1, p. 339, no. 1318. On Abu Maryam alHanafi, see Ibn Sa'd, al-Tobaqiit al-kubrii (Beirut, 1377/1957), vol. 3, pp. 377 infra378; al-BayhaqI, al-Sunan al-kubrii, vol. 1, p. 90; the name of the man who asked 'Umar why he recites the Quran after returning from the privy is not mentioned in this report. 316 M.J. Kister on the authority of Ibn Mas'Iid who stated that there is nothing wrong with reading the Qur'an without performing ablution. 39 Scholars were divided in their opinion whether menstruating women and men in a state of impurity are allowed to read the Quran and to recite its verses; some objected to an impure believer (al-junub) reading the Qur'an, while others permitted the reading of a small number of verses.40 Scholars also disagree whether the impure are allowed to touch dinars and dirhams on which Quranic verses are inscribed. Some held this to be strictly forbidden, while others tried to compromise, saying that people have no choice but to touch the coins.j ' Another explanation connects ta yamassuhu illii al-mutahharun to the story of the Satans who were jailed by Sulayrnan in the sea; they would come out and read to the people a Quran; Quran is rendered here as "a recitation" qirii' ii,42 AI-Tabarf records a report on the authority of al-Dahhak saying that the Satans strove to bring down the Quran from Heaven to Muhammad, but God prevented them and the Quran remained out of their reach.43 AI-Tabari records opinions of many Muslim scholars who glossed "the pure" as referring to the angels in heaven. He mentions, however, another explanation: "the pure" indicate those who are purified from their sins. 39Abu Yusuf', Kiiiibu t-nua«, Abu l-Wafa", ed. (Cairo, 1355), p. 66, no. 327: ... faqiila 'abdu lliihi: ta ba'sa an taqra'a l-qur'ana 'ala ghayri wurj,u'in. 40See e.g. 'Abd al-Razzaq, ol-Mueonno]; vol. 1, pp. 336-337, nos. 1302-1309; see al- Wahidi, al- Wasz:t, vol. 4, p. 239 penult.; al-Dhahabi, al-Arba'una luuiitluin, mashyakhatu Ibn Taymiyya, 'Abd al-'AzIz al-Sayrawan , ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), pp. 147-148, no. 30. 41See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mufannaf, vol. 1, p. 343, nos. 1335-1338. Cf. Ibn AbI Shayba (d. 235 AH), al-Mufannaf, 'Abd al-Khaliq al-Afghani, ed. (n.p., n.d., reprint), vol. 1, p. 113: Some pious believers disliked to enter the privy (al-khala') carrying the "white" dirhams, others did not consider it odious. Some pious people considered it necessary to carry the "white" dirhams entering the privy in order to keep their money safe. See Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibli, Ma/:!asin al-wasa'il ff ma'rifati l-auuiii, Muhammad al-TunjI, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), p. 291: awwalu man kataba l-qur'ana 'ala dirhamin al-/:!ajjaju bnu yusufa l-thaqafiyyu kana l-/:!ajjaju awwala man daraaa hiidtuh.i l-iloriitiima l-bida wa-kataba 'alayha siiraiari min alqur' ani. [a-qiila l-qurrii': "qiitololiu llahu, kataba suraian min al qur' ani [a-homala l-tiiisa 'ala mii yakrahuna, ya'khudhuhu l-junubu wa-l-/:!a'irj,." See Abu Hilal alHasan b. 'Abdallah al-'AskarI, al-Awa'il (Beirut, 1407/1987), p. 174: ... uui-daroba l-luijjiiju ol-dariihim wa-naqasha ffM: Alliiliu atuul, Alliihi: l-samad, [a-karihahii 1ruisi: li-maktini l-qur'iini ft;ha, Ii-anna l-junuba wa-l-/:!a'irj,a yamassuha; Abu Dawud al-Sijist.anr, Kitiib u l-mafa/:!if, pp. 186-187; Abu 'Ubayd, Farj,a'il ol-qur'iin; p. 245. Cf. W. Muir, The Caliphate, its rise, decline and fall (Edinburgh, 1924), pp. 339-340; see especially p. 340, n. l. 42Al- Tabarr, Jamie al-bauiin; vol. 27, p. 118. 43Al-Tabarr, Jamie al-bauiin; vol. 27, p. 118 infra; and see above, note 8. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 317 'Ikrima says that "the pure" were the bearers of the Torah and the Injil. 44 An interpretation transmitted by Ibn Wahb extends the usual limits of the "pure" by including the angels, prophets and the messengers. 45 Al-Qurtubi comments on the phrase innahu la-qur' iinun karfmun stating that the Quran is not a book of sorcery or of soothsaying; it is a book granted to the Prophet as a miracle; it is respected by the believers because it is the Word of God, as well as by the people in Heaven because it is God's revelation. It is a Book sent down by God. 46 This explication given by al-Qurtubi is a true example of the ja¢a'il al-qur' an genre, which was current already in the early period of Islam. A typical example of a tradition attributed to the Prophet, emphasizing the miraculous qualitites of the text of the Quran was transmitted on the authority of 'Uqba b. "Amir al-Juhani: "Were the Quran wrapped in raw leather and thrown into fire, it would not burn," (another version: "it would not be touched by fire" -k) (law kana l-qur' iinu jf ihiibin thumma ulqiya jf l-tuiri mii 'l}taraqa).47 A tradition transmitted by Jabir b. Zayd (died at the end of the first century of the Hijra -k) and AbU Nahik (al-Azdi, al-FarahIdI -k) establishes a link between the heavenly Book and the Quran in the believers' possession; it states that the earthly Quran was sent down from the Tablets of the Quran in Heaven.48 II The verses discussed in the present article were used also in the controversy related to the createdness or otherwise of the Quran. Regarding this issue, it was necessary to define the relationship between the heavenly book and the earthly copies of the Quran. Such a definition is found in Muhammad b. AbI Bakr al-RazI's Tafsir . Quran 7:155 reads: "And when Moses' anger abated in him, he took the Tablets; and in the inscription of them was guidance, and mercy unto all those who hold their Lord in awe" (akhadha l-alwal}a wa-jf tiuskhatihii hudan wa-ral}matun lilladliina hum li-rabbihim yarhabiina). When commenting on this verse, 44Al-Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bayan, vol. 27, pp. 118 infra-1l9 supra; al-Qurtubl, al-Jiimi' li-ahkiim: l-quriin = Tajsiru. l-Qur.tubf, vol. 17, p. 225. 45Al-Tabarr, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 27, p. 1l9. 46AI-QurtubI, Tofsir ; vol. 17, p. 224. 47Al-Munawr, Fayg,u l-qadir , vol. 5, p. 324, no. 7466; Nur aI-DIn al-Hayt.hamr, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 7, p. 158; al-Firyab'i, Fag,a'il ol-qur=tin; pp. 109-1l1, nos. 12. 48AI-TabarI, Jiimi' al-bauiin; vol. 17, pp. 1l8-1l9. 318 M.J. Kister al-RazI stresses that the verse explicitly states wa-jf nuskhatihii, not wajfhii; this indicates that this was not the original text (awwalu maktubin), but merely a copy (nuskhatun) of the original text. The word nuskha was used because Mllsa began to copy the contents of the broken tablets on a golden tablet (fa-nasakha mii jfhii jf lawl}i dhahabin) which contained (rules of -k) the Right Way (hudan) and of mercy. The other tablets contained details of everything (which would happen in the future -k). According to another opinion, the word wa-jf nuskhatdui was used because God dictated (laqqana) to Moses the Torah and later ordered him to write it down; Moses then transferred the Torah "from his heart" to the tablets and called it a copy (nuskha). It is obvious that God sent Jibril to the Prophet and the angel recited to him the verses of the Quran as he heard them from God. Instructive is al-RazI's analysis of the phrase innahu la-qur' iinun karimun jf kitabin makniinin: According to two different explanations, the word kitiib makniui refers either to the Guarded Tablet (al-lawl} al-maMu:;), or to the the written book (mu$l}af) used by the believers. AI-RazI argues that writing down the Quran does not mean that the Quran dwells in the book (wa-la yalzamu min kitabati l-qur' ani jf l-kiiiibi an yakuna l-our' iinu hiillat: jf l-kiiiibi ... ). By way of illustration, he explains that this is like a man who writes on the palm of his hand "a thousand dinars;" this does not mean that he holds in his hand a thousand dinars, and thus too if one writes on the palm of one's hand al-'arsh or al-kursi. AI-RazI further discusses whether it can be assumed that the whole Quran is contained in one book, or that every compendium of the Qur'an contains only a part of the Quran and only when all the Qurans gathered together contain the entire text. AI-RazI rejects all the three options, leading to the idea that the Quran is not contained in any of the books. AI-RazI affirms that the Quran is God's Word; it is a pre-existent, eternal attribute of God, existing in Him and cannot be separated from Him (bal huwa kaliimu llahi ta'alii, wa-kaliimuhu $ijatun qadimatun qa'imatun bihi is tujariquhu). Finally al-RazI deals with the expression iomzil and munzal. These two expressions could lead one to the erroneous conclusion that the revealed Quran which was sent down was separate from the Essence of God; that would of course mean that the Quran was created, as everything - except God - is created. But the truth is that the Qur'an was sent down in a way which did not invalidate the concept that it is an indivisible part of the Essence of God, since it is His Word. The "sending down" of the Qur'an was carried out in the same way as revelation was given to Moses: God taught Jibril the Quran and he learned it by La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 319 heart. Jibril in turn taught the Quran to the Prophet who then taught it to the Muslim community. 49 The problem of the status of the Quran as an inseparable part of the divine essence was the subject of exhaustive discussions among Muslim scholars. "God's Words" (al-nabf al-ummf alladhf yu'minu bi-'llahi wakalimatihi), mentioned in Qur'an 7:158, are understood as referring to the Qur'an.50 In the same way, the expression 'ilm in Qur 'an 3:61 and 2:146 was interpreted as referring to the Quran constituting a part of God's essence.51 Al-Ajurrf mentions a specific group of believers who held that the Quran is the Word of God, but refrained from stating that the Qur'an was not created. This group was called al-waqifa and were accused of belonging to the J ahmiyya. 52 In his al-Ibiisui an usiili l-diyana, al-Ash'arI (d. 324 AH) draws a peculiar comparison between the JahmI view that God's Word was created and placed in a tree (or in a bush -k) and the Christian allegation that the Word of God was located in the womb of Maryam; he vigorously refutes this claim. Al-Ashart also rejects the Jahmiyya's perception according to which the names of God are created; these are included in the Quran; the Quran is the uncreated Word of God; thus the names of God are uncreated.P'' AI- Tabari (d. 310 AH) gives a concise account of his credo regarding the nature of the Quran. He stresses that it is the uncreated Word of God. He who denies this is to be considered an infidel (kafir) and shedding his blood is lawful. Some curses attached by al-T abarf at the end of this account are directed against those who would distort his opinions concerning the Qur'an.54 A comprehensive exposition of this subject is given by Ibn Hazrn (d. 457 AH). Of special importance is his opinion concerning the difference between the written Quran and the orally transmitted Quran, The first tenet challenged by Ibn Hazrn is the assumption that the Quran 49 AI-RazI, Utimiidtiaj jalzl fi as'ila wa-ajwiba min ghara'ib ayi l-t.atizil; Ridwan al-Daya, ed. (Beirut, 1411/1990), pp. 158-159 and 496-497. 50See al-Ajurrr, al-Sharf'a, p. 76. 51AI-A.jurrI, al-Sharf'a, p. 76-77. See also on pp. 77-82 the utterances of 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak: "He who says that the Qur'an was created is an infidel (kafir);" Malik b. Arias, 'Abd al-Rahman b. Mahdr, Waki' , Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Shafi'r and others - all repudiated the assumption that the Quran was created and demanded severe punishment for those who held this belief. 52Al-Ajurrr, al-Sharf'a, p. 88; and see al-Khallal, al-Musnad min masa'il Ahrruul, MS. BL. Or. 2675, fols. 154b-158a, 179b, 180a, infra, 180s, 159a, 160b, 181b. 53Al-Asharr, al-lbiina, pp. 22-23. 54Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Jarrr al- 'I'aban, $arzlJu l-sunna, Badr b. Yusuf alMatuq, ed. (al-Kuwayt , 1405/1985), pp. 18-19: ... fa-man rasnii 'anna aw lJaka 'anna aw taqawwala 'alayna fa-'dda'a anna quina ghayra dhiilika fa-'alayhi la'natu lliilii wa-gharf,abuhu wa-la'natu l-la'inzn wa-l-mala'ikati uia-l-ruisi ajma'zn .... 320 M.J. Kister was created. It was based on Quran 85:21-22: ... bal huwa qur' iinun majfd fi lauihin. ma1!Ju(:. This verse might mislead people to think that the Qur'an, having been put into the Guarded Tablet, was created after the creation of the Tablet and afterwards placed in it. Whether the Quran was allegedly created simultaneously with the Tablet, or put into the Tablet after its creation, one might erroneously conclude that it was created by God. But the truth is, according to Ibn Hazm, that the Qur'an, the everlasting Word of God, was not put into the Tablet after God created it. The Tablet contains merely a written reproduction of the Quran, not the Quran itself. Ibn Hazrn affirms that God created the Tablet, but the Tablet contains only writing which cannot be heard (lii yu1!ftu ius bi-rasmin maktiibin fihi, ghayri masmu'in), while the Quran is God's Word, voiced (masmu'), which cannot be seen (tn yura). Conversely, the writing in the Tablet can be seen, but cannot be heard until read aloud and brought to the knowledge (of the people -k). The written script in the Tablet constitutes an exposition of God's Word (fa- 'lladhi jf-l-law1!i khattun nuirsiimun, "ibtiratus: 'an kaliimi llahi 'azza wa-jalla). Ibn Hazrn also observes that the Guarded Tablet is of limited size; were it true that the Quran is included in the Guarded Tablet, it must be smaller than the Tablet. This is however impossible, as God assured the Prophet about the endless dimensions of the book in Quran 18:110 and 31:28. Ibn Hazrn concludes that the Word of God will not be exhausted, it has neither beginning nor end; thus it cannot be contained in the Tablet which has finite dimensions. The Word of God, like His other attributes will last forever; what is in the Guarded Tablet is just a script (fa-lladM fi-l-law1!i inn am a huwa khattun maktubun). Ibn Hazrri's opinion relates to God's Word in the ma~a1!ij: God is indeed mentioned in the Quranic compendia, circulating among the believers, pronounced with their tongues, but He does not reside in their compendia (wa-huwa, 'azza wa-jalla, ghayru luillin uia-lii dakhilin fi ma§a1!ifina). He is seated on His throne, He is omniscient, His Word has been written down on the Tablet. His Word is heard, but not seen; Moses and Adam heard His Words; the Prophet heard His Words on his nocturnal journey (isra'). 55 In another passage, Ibn Hazrn lists among the books of revelation containing divine speech the Torah, the Gospel (injfl), the Psalms (zabur) and the scrolls (~u1!uf) (the sheets on which God's Revelation was recorded -k); all of these are also the Words of God and no one in the 55Ibn Hazm, 'AlI b. Ahmad, al- Usul ura-l-furii, Muhammad 'A.tif al-Iraqi, Suhayl Fadlullahi AbU Wafiya and Ibrahim Ibrahlrn Hilal, eds. (Cairo, 1978), pp. 394-400. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 321 Muslim community would contradict it. Materials which help to convey God's Word to his creation, such as parchment, ink, as well as the voice of those who recite the Quran or the other scriptures - all these are created by God but are not identical with the uncreated Word of God. 56 'Abd al-Qadir al-JIlanI (d. 561 AH) reiterates a part of al- abari's credo quoted above. He maintains that even the expression "My recitation of the Quran is created" (laf?z bi-l-qur' an makhliiq) must be renounced and the person who uttered it must be severely punished. The letters of the Arabic alphabet were also not created by God; they are a part of His Essence. He who says that these letters are created ( muJ:tdatha or makhliiqa) is an infidel (kafir), and is guilty of transforming the Quran into a created Book. 57 Some scholars in the later period of Islam compiled special treatises concerning the problem of the Quran as a part of God's Essence. These treatises are of a popular character and are widely circulated in the Muslim community. Two of the authors of these treatises may be mentioned. Muwaffaq aI-Din 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Qudama al-Maqdisi (d. 620 AH),58 and Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahid al-Maqdisi (d. 643 AH), who thoroughly analyzed a widely circulating tradition, transmitted by several Companions of the Prophet in which the idea of the Quran as a part of the Essence of God was especially emphasized: "From Him it began and to Him it will return." 59 r III There were contradictory opinions as to the problem of selling and buying written copies of the Qur'an (ma~aJ:tif). Some scholars disapproved of both buying or selling the books of the Quran, while others opposed only selling Qurans, for it is not right to make a profit from God's Book.6o 56Ibn Hazrn, ol-Fisal fi l-milal wa-l-ahwfi' uio-l-niluil, Muhammad Ibrahim Nasr and 'Abd al-Rahman 'Umayra, eds. (Beirut, 1405/1985), vol. 3, pp. 11-23. 57'Abd aI-Qadir al-JIlanI, al-Ghunya li-tfilibz tariqi l-haqq (Cairo, 1322), vol. 1, pp. 65-67. 58 Al-L'Liqiid, 'Adil 'Abd al-Mun'im Abu l-'Abbas, ed. (Cairo, 1990), pp. 36-39. 59Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, Hikcuat al-muruiztira fi l-quriin maca ba'qi ahli l-bid'a, 'Abdallah b. Yiisuf b. Juday', ed. (al-Riyad, 1409/1989). 60See Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Faqfi'ilu l-qur'tin, pp. 237-239, nos. 62, 1-62, 12. The same opinions were uttered by the early scholars according to the traditions recorded by Abu Dawud al-Sijist.anl in his Kiiiib al-ma?fi/.!iJ, pp. 173-178. See Ibn AbI Shayba, al-Mu?annaJ, vol. 6, pp. 60-63: man kariha shirii'o, l-ma?fi/.!iJ; p. 62: ... 'an ibni 'umara qfila: wadidtu anni ra'aytu l-aydiya tuqta'u fi bay'i 1ma?fi/.!iJ. See also 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu?annaJ, vol. 8, p. 112, nos. 14524; Ibn AbI 322 M.J. Kister The chapter concerning the selling and buying of masiihi] in Abu Dawud al-Sijistani's al-Ma~a1!ij contains some peculiar traditions which reflect uncommon opinions concerning the purchase of scrolls of the Quran, AI-Sha'bI (d. 109 AH) argued that people selling copies of the Quran merely sell the sheets (of paper, or the parchment -k), and get paid for their labour (of writing the text -k) (wa-llahi mii yabfiina kitiiba llahi, inn am a yabfiina l-waraqa wa-'amala aydfhim).61 It is noteworthy that the assumption that the books of the Qur 'an contain only the ink and the sheets (of the paper or parchment -k), exposed above by al-Sha'bi and other respected scholars, was sharply censured by some orthodox scholars as belonging to the Mu 'tazila. 62 The problem of writing ma~a1!ij for sale was dealt with by the well known jaqfh 'Izz aI-DIn 'Abd al-'AzIz b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Sulami.f" He was asked whether a man who professionally copies the text of the Qur'an and sells the written books may be considered to be performing a lawful work, or whether he should refrain from this work out of piety (wara'). Likewise, may he pursue this profession if he finds it difficult to observe ritual purity during the copying of the Quranic text; in this case, is he allowed to write it while ritually impure? 'Izz aI-DIn states in his legal opinion that it is lawful to gain profit from copying the Quran, and that there is no piety (wara') in giving up this occupation. It is even a laudable profession because it encourages the person to repeat the text continuously (istidhkar al-qur' an). Such a person must, however, observe the conditions of ritual purity while writing the text of the Qur'an, 'Izz aI-DIn was also asked concerning a scribe who made some mistakes while copying the Quran: some people reading this text might accuse the scribe of perpetrating a sin. What is the status of the copied text? 'Izz aI-DIn rules that if the copyist is a learned man, he has to correct the mistakes; if he does not know how to fix the text properly Shayba, ol-Musunno]; vol. 6, pp. 63-64: man rakhkhus« fi ishtira'iha; pp. 64-65: man rakhkhosa bay'a l-mceiihi]: Cf. Ibn Hazrn, al-Muhollii, vol. 9, pp. 45-46. 61 Abu Dawud, al-Ma$alJif, p. 177, infra; and see ibid., ult. the saying of al-Sha'br: laysa yab'i'una kitiiba llahi, inruimii yab'i'una l-waraqa uia-l-anqiish: cf. Ahmad b. alHusayn al-Bayhaq", al-Sunan al-kubrii, (Haydarabad, 1352), vol. 6, pp. 16-17; Ahmad b. Hanbal, Masa'il ol-imiim; riuuiuat ibnihi AM l-Fadl $aliIJ. Fadlu I-Rahman DIn Muhammad, ed. (Delhi, 1408/1988), vol. 2, p. 402, no. 1081. 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu$annaf, vol. 8, pp. 110-114, nos. 14516-14531, 14530; Ibn AbI Shayba, alMU$annaf, vol. 6, p. 64, no. 270: ... 'ani l-Sluiibi' 'annahu qiila: innahum laysu yab'i'una kitaba llahi, innanui yabr'una l-waraqa wa-'amala aydzhim. 62See e.g., Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdisi, Hikiiua: al-nuuuizara fi l-qur'tin; p. 47: ... wayaquliina inna l-qur' ana mokiiibun fi l-truisiihi], thumma yaquliina: laysa fiha ilia 1liibru wa-l-waraqu. wa-in kana kama za'amu fa-lima ta yamassuha ilia l-muiahliariiti wa-ma ra'ayna l-mululitlia yumna'u min massi hibrin wa-la waraq. 63 Kitiib al-fatawa, p. 147, no. 106. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 323 (ia ya'rifu rJabta l-qur' ani), he should refrain from working as a scribe, because he may lead the ignorant astray.64 On the other hand, there is a prophetic tradition stating that if a believer reads the Quran distorting the text, or erring in his reading, the angel will put it down exactly as it was revealed.65 In a similar vein, a non-Arab who mispronounces some words in the Quran will be granted a reward as if he had read them correctly.f" This indicates that some non-Arabs who embraced Islam used to pronounce the Qur 'anic text incorrectly. In the early period of Islam, the believers seem to have been reluctant to pay professional scribes for copying the Quran. They doubted their sincerity, faith and knowledge. Many anecdotes circulate concerning warnings issued by the pious as to the knowledge which is required of the copyist in Arabic, in matters of abrogation (naskh) and in the various readings of the Qur'an, In the first period of Islam, the believers did not buy copies of the Quran (ma~alJif); they used to ask their acquaintances, people of piety and virtue, to copy out some parts of the Quran; sometimes people used to gather and write the text of the Quran together. It was a collectively written text, accomplished out of expectation of divine reward (kanii ya1Jtasibiina bi-ma~alJifihim). 67 It seems that the use of professional scribes became prevalent at the end of the first century AH. One of the respected scholars who decided to make his living by copying the Quran with the approval of the Muslim community was Malik b. DInar. 68 Another person who became a professional scribe was Matar al-Warraq. 69 64'Izz aI-DIn b. 'Abd al-'AzIz, Kitiibu l-fatiiwii, pp. 144-145. 65Ibn KathIr, Fag,ii'il al-quriin; p. 66. 66Ibn Kathtr , ibid., p. 66. 67'Abdallah b. AbI Dawud al-Sijist.anr, Kitiibu l-ma?ii/.!if, p. 17l. 68Ibn Abr DawU:d al-Sijistanr, Kitiib ol-musiihi]', index; Abu: Nu'aym al-Isfahanr, IJilyat al-awliyii' (Beirut, 1387/1967), vol. 2, pp. 357-389. 69Ibn Abr Dawu:d, Kitiib ol-musiihi]', index; Abu: Nu'aym al-Isfahanr, IJilyat alawliyii', vol. 3, pp. 75-78. 324 M.J. Kister Excursus Abrogated verses and variant readings in the Quran Abrogated verses of the Quran were sometimes circulated and transmitted by scholars. 1 Such was for instance the case of an abrogated verse defining the aim of the money donated for performing prayer and paying zakat.2 Another verse remembered by the believers despite its abrogation was a verse revealed during the expedition of Bi'r Ma'una, concerning the readers of the Quran (al-qurra') killed in this battle: "Let our people know that we met our Lord" (ballighu 'anna qaumiomii anna laqfna rabbana).3 A verse of legal character not included in the text of the Quran was transmitted by 'Umar: "An old man and woman, if they fornicate, definitely stone them" al-shaykhu wa-l-shaykhatu idhii zanaya [a-rjumiihsmui al-battata," lSee e.g., Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, al-Mu'ta?ar min al-muklitasar, vol. 2, p. 163: wa-qad yakhruju mina l-quriitii wa-yabqa ff 1-?UI.luri. 2See Ibn Rajab al-Hanbalr, Hisiilatu l-jihiid; Laurenziana, mojmii:« 197, fol. 89b, infra: uia-kiina fi l-qur'iin: l-mcnsiikh: inruimii an.zolrui l-miila li-iqiimi l-soliiti wafta'i l-zakat; this is mentioned in connection with the division of spoils. See alHarith al-Muhasibl, al-'Aql wa-fahmu l-qur'ani, Husayn al-QuwwatlI, ed. (Beirut, 1402/1982), p. 399. 3Ibn Hajar al-t Asqalani, Fadiiilu l-qur'iiti, p. 134; al-Suyirtl, al-Durr al-manihiir, vol. 1, p. 105: ballighu qauntuuui anna qad laqfna rabbarui fa-ra(liya 'anna uia-crdana. Al-Suyutl', al-Ltqiin; vol. 2, p. 26. Ibn Sa'd, al-Tubo.qiit ol-kubrii (Beirut, 1377/1957), vol. 3, p. 515. See al-I;!arith al-Muhasibi, al-'Aql wa-fahmu l-qur'iin, p. 399: kunnii tuiqiilu fima nusikha an: ballighu ikiuniiruuui anna qad laqfna robbanii fa-rarliya 'anna ioo-radino 'anhu. Cf. the story of Hamza: when he and his friends were killed at Uhud , his friends were eager to inform their brethren (i.e., the believers -k) how God had honored them. Then a special verse was revealed: ... Iii yu(l'i"u ajra l-murninin in Sulayrnan b. Ahmad al-Tabaranr's Musnad al-Shamiyyfn, Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, ed. (Beirut, 1409/1989), vol. 1, p. 418, no. 735; see also Khaltfa b. Khayya], Musnad, Akram Diya I-DIn, ed. (Beirut, 1405/1985), pp. 14-15, no. 3. 4Ibn I;!ajar al-t Asqalani, Fa(la'ilu l-qur'iiti, p. 136; al-I;!arith al-Muhasibl, al-'Aql wa-fahmu l-qurIini; p. 398; al-Suyuti, al-Ltqiin ; vol. 2, p. 26. Another story transmitted by 'Umar relates that he approached the Prophet when the verse was revealed and asked him to include it in the Quran. The Prophet, however, disliked the idea. See the conversation of 'Umar with God about the difference of punishment for fornication met out to the old in contradistinction to the punishment imposed on the young. This verse was transmitted by 'Umar in a slightly extended form: al-shaykhu wa-l-shaykhatu idha zanaya [a-rjumiiliunui al-battata nakiilan mina ura-lliiliu sluuiidu l-i iqabi, 'Umar is said to have refrained from including the verse in the Quran, fearing that he would be accused of falsely inserting the verse into the book. See al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, MuJ:!a(larat al-udabti' (Beirut, 1961), vols. 3-4, pp. 433 uit.-434, I. 1; Ya'qub b. Sufyan al-FasawI (= al-Basawi}, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-La'rikh , Akram Diya" al-Tlmarr, ed. (Beirut, 1401/1981), vol. 2, p. 728; al-Suyuu, al-Ltqiin ; vol. 2, p. 26; Hossein Modarressi, "Early debates on the integrity of the Qur'an: a ust« La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 325 A peculiar story about the disappearance of this verse as well as of a verse concerning the suckling of an old man 5 is reported on the authority of 'A'isha. According to this story, the verse ordering the stoning of a fornicator and the verse concerning the suckling of an adult were sent down and were kept under 'A'isha's bedstead on a parchment. When the Prophet once fell ill and was being taken care of, a domestic animal entered 'A'isha's home and ate the parchment containing the two verses. 6 A tradition reported by Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam and traced back to 'A'isha says that the verse concerning the punishment for fornication was included in Siirat. al-a!;,zab, which originally contained the same number of verses as Siirai al-baqara. The verses of Siirai ol-oliziib were however reduced to 73 and the verse concerning the fornication was "lifted" (rufi'at, i.e., it was abrogated -k) and was not included in the mu~!;,af. Thus, according to the statement of 'A'isha, God lifted to Himself several verses reducing the number of the verses of Siirat. ala!;,zab to 73. Al-Qurtubi, however, denies that the verse concerning the punishment of fornication was recorded on a sheet (~aMfa) in the home of 'A'isha and was devoured by a domestic animal; he holds that this story was invented by the ShI'Is (rawafi¢) and the heretics (mala!;,id). 7 The verse concerning fornication and its punishment is indeed recorded in al-Suyutr's al-Durr al-manthiir. 8 According to a tradition traced to Ibn 'Abbas, 'Umar is said to have summoned the believers to attend a gathering in the mosque, ascended the min bar and told the believers that the fornication verse was revealed to the Prophet and read by the believers, but had "gone" with the Prophet together with many other verses of the Quran, It is, however, a convincing proof of the validity of stoning for fornication. The Prophet laid down the punishment of stoning in that case, as did Abu Bakr; but there would come (in later generations -k) people who would brief survey," Studia Islamica 77 (1993): 10-11, at notes 17-21. 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Zawa'id fi l-musnad, 'Amir Hasan Sabra, ed. (Beirut, 1410/1990), p. 364, no. 158, recorded on the authority of Ubayy b. Ka'b: la-qad ra'aytuha (i.e., the Siira; al-al}Zab -k) uia-innahii la-tu'adilu surata l-baqara, wa-la-qad qarano fiha: "al-shaykhu wa-l-shaykhatu idiui zanaya [a-rjumiihamui al-battata nakiilan mina lliihi ura-lliiliu "alimun; luikimun", See also ibid., pp. 365-370, on the evaluation of this luulith, 5 Al-Raghib al-Isfahanr, Mu/:!ar!arat al-'udaba', vols. 3-4, p. 434 supra. 6 Al-Qurtubl, Tofsir ; vol. 14, p. 113. 7 Ibidem. 8AI-SuyutI, al-Durr al-manihiir, vol. 5, pp. 179-180. See a shorter version of this tradition in Muhammad b. Ayyub b. al-Durays al-Bajalr's Far!a'il al-quriin; Gh. Budayr, ed. (Damascus, 1408/1987), p. 153, nos. 225-227; see also 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. I.Ianbal, Zawa'id, p. 370; Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallarns Far!a'il ol-qur'iir: (Rabat(?), 1995), vol. 2, pp. 147-148. 326 M.J. Kister say that punishment by stoning was a lie and an invention.? Some well known scholars argued that stoning of fornicators was not mentioned in the Quran, and was merely a rule commonly accepted by the Muslim community. 10 Ubayy b. Ka'b held that the following verses were part of the Qur'an (ubayy b. ka' b qiila: kunnii narii hiidhii mina l-qur'iini: law anna li-bni iidama wiidiyayni min miilin la-tamannii wiidiyan thiilithan. is yamla 'u jawfa bni iidama illii l-turiiou, thumma yatiibu lliihu 'alii man tiiba). Ubayy b. Ka'b said: "We considered that (i.e., the following sentences -k) as being a part of the Quran: "If a man had two valleys of goods, he would desire a third valley; the interior of the man will not be filled except by dust; then God will restore the man who repented to His grace." Ubayy added: "This was the practice of reading these verses (including the verse alhiikum al-takiithuru) until Sura 102 was revealed." Abu Musa al-Ash'arI said that a Sura the length of Siirat. al-barii' a was revealed to the Prophet, but was later abrogated (fa-rufi'at). Abu Musa remembered only one verse of this Sura: "God will aid this religion by means of people who have no share (in Paradise)" (innii lliiha layu' ayyidu hiidhii l-dzna bi-aqwiimin is khaliiqa lahum ... ).n A prediction of similar content is sometimes described as a iuuiiih. rather than as a Quranic verse. 'Urnar reported a saying in which the Prophet he predicted that the Christian nomads of the tribe of RabI'a, dwelling on 9See 'AlI b. Hazrn al-Andalusi, al-Ihkiim fi usiili l-ohkiim; Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'Azlz, ed. (Cairo, 1398/1978), vols. 5-8, p. 1139. 10 Al-Suyiltr, al-Durr al-rnanthiir, vol. 6, p. 387. This verse was included in the version of the Quran transmitted by 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud: see al-Raghib al-Isfahani, Muhiidariit al-udabii' (Beirut, 1961), vols. 3-4, pp. 433-434; al-Suyiltr, al-Durr almonthiir, vol. 1, p. 105 infra. 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Darimi (d. 255 AH) records in his Sunan, Muhammad Ahmad Dahhan , ed. (Beirut, n.d.), vol. 2, pp. 318-319, the verse as transmitted by Qat.ada on the authority of Anas (b. Malik -k). Arias, the Companion of the Prophet, records the verse uttered by the Prophet with a remarkable reservation: "I do not know whether it was a verse (of the Qur'an -k) sent down to him or was it his saying as he said it," (fa-Iii adrf a-shay'un unzila 'alayhi am shay'un yaquluhu wa-huwa yaqulu ... ). The opinion of Anas casting doubt on whether the utterance was a saying of the Prophet or an abrogated verse of the Qur'an is attributed to Ibn 'Abbas in Abu 'Ubayd's Farj,ii'il, p. 192, nos. 51-9. The utterance about the valleys coveted by man is preceded by the prediction of the Prophet: innii lliiha sa-yu'ayyidu hiidhii l-dina bi-aqwiimin Iii khaliiqa lahum. And cf. this verse of the abrogated Sura about the wicked people coupled with the saying about the man who covets the third valley: Abu l-Mahasin Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi, al-Mu'ta~ar min al-muktitasar min mushkili l-iithiir (Haydarabad, 1362), vol. 2, p. 163 infra; al-Muhasibr, al-'Aqlu wa-fahmu l-qur'iini, p. 405. 11 Nur-al-Dtn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawii'id wa-manba' al-fawii'id (Beirut, 1967), vol. 5, p. 302. The chapter in which the report of Abu Musa al-Asharr is recorded contains several utterances of the Prophet predicting that Islam will be aided by wicked people. A peculiar utterance attributed to the Prophet says that "the stock of my people are the wicked" (qiwiim umniati shiriiruhii). La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 327 the shores of the Euphrates, will assist the cause of Islam, and therefore refrained from killing them. This was, of course, a justification of the political decision to grant the Arab Christians a special status in the Muslim polity of the Arabian peninsula.l ' A tradition transmitted by Abu Urnama supplies a vivid description of how certain Suras of the Quran were suddenly abrogated. Some believers memorized a Sura of the Quran, One morning they got up and were unable to recite even one verse of the Sura. They came to the Prophet and complained that they had forgotten the Sura. The Prophet calmed them by saying that the Sura had been abrogated during the night.13 Several cases of abrogated verses are mentioned in adab collections, in zuhd literature and in works of iafsir .14 *** There were considerable differences in the reading of words in the Qur 'an. 'A'isha read in Quran 4:117: in yad'iina min diinihi at« cuiihiisuin; instead of the usual reading: in yad'iina min diinihi ituiiluui, Another reading attributed to 'A'isha is in yad'iina min diinihi illii unthii .15 The verb wa-qarja in the phrase wa-qarja rabbuka an ta ta' budii iyyahu of Quran 17:23, was glossed by amara. Several commentators considered the reading uia-qadii an error; the scribe had erred and read the word wa-qarja because a wa was seen as attached to the sa and au: au: 12Nilr aI-DIn al-HaythamI, Majma' al-zawa'id, vol. 5, p. 302: ... wa-'an 'umara bni l-khatiiibi, qala: lawla anni sami'tu rasiila llahi sou« uss« 'alayhi wa-sallam yaqulu "inna lliilui sa-yumatti'u (scil. sa-yamna'u -k) hadha l-ilina bi-ruisiirii min rabf'ata 'ala shiiii": l-Jurfiti mii taraktu a'rabiyyan tua qataltuhu aw yuslima. 13Yilsufb. Milsa al-Hanafi, al-Mu'tafar min al-mukluosor . vol. 2, p. 163; al-Suyutf, al-Durr al-monthiir, vol. 1, p. 105; idem., al-Ltqiin; vol. 2, p. 26 supra; al-Muhasibr, al-'Aql wa-Jahmu l-qur'iin; p. 406. 14See e.g., al-Fasawr, al-Ma'riJa ura-l-ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. 727 and p. 262; al-Harit.h alMuhasibl, al-'Aql wa-Jahmu l-qur'tin, pp. 359-475; al-Tabarani, al-Mu'jam al-kabir, Hamdr 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, ed. (n.p., 1400/1980), vol. 11, pp. 268-269, nos. 91489152; see the opinion of Ibn Masud about the two last Silras, the mu'awwidhdhatan: ... 'an 'abdi lliilii 'annahu kana yal:!Ukku l-mu'awwidhdhatayni mina l-rnosiihs] wayaqulu: innamii amara rasiilu falla llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam an yuta'awwadha bih.imii wa-lam yakun yaqra'u bihimii, Ibn Mas'ud stated that the two Silras were deliberately inserted into the Qur'an but they do not belong to it. 15See al-Suyntr, al-Durr al-momthiir, vol. 2, pp. 222 inJra-223; auitluinan was the reading of Mujahid as well. (The Tajsir of Mujahid , 'Abd al-Rahman al-Tahir b. Muhammad al-Silratf, ed. [Islamabad], p. 174 gives the reading iruitluin; but glosses it by awthanan). See Sa'ud b. 'Abdallah al-Fanrsan , Marwiyyat ummi l-murninina 'A'isha Jf l-taJsfr (al-Riya<;l, 1413/1992), pp. 168-169. ust« 328 M.J. Kister erroneously read wa-qa¢a. The proper reading should be read wa-wa$$a robbuka+" Shahr b. Hawshab transmitted a peculiar reading of Quran 106:12: waylu ummikum qumyshu rihlaia l-shita'i wa- 'l-$ayji instead of the common li-iliiji qumyshin rlajihim rihlat« al-shita'i wa- 'l-$ayfY The issue of the reading of Quran 20:63 is well known. 'j\'isha read the phrase in hadhani la-saf;,irani in contrast to other readers, who tried to comply with certain grammatical rules. 'j\'isha was aware that it was a lohn of the Bedouins, or a mistake of the scribe, but it could be hoped that the Arabs would improve the reading in the future. 18 * The Quran was highly respected and the writing of the text, learning it by heart, reciting verses in public prayers - all these were laudable deeds characterizing people of distinction and piety. "Those who carry the Quran in their memory (f;,amalatu l-qur' an) are the nobility of my people," was an utterance of the Prophet transmitted by Ibn 'Abbas.19 Another prophetic saying states that reading the Quran fills the body of the believer with prophecy, even though he was not granted revelation.r? When a man enters the room with a copy of the Quran, those present must stand up; this is out of respect for the Quran which is thus honoured, in the same way as one honours a learned man.21 16Al-Suyut.I, al-Durr al-matithiir, vol. 1, pp. 170-171; al-Samarqandr, Tafsir ; vol. 2, p. 264; al-WaJ::tidI al-Naysabflrf, al- Wasft, vol. 3, p. 102. 17Ibn 'Asakir , Taluihib tairikh. Dimashq al-kabir, 'Abd al-Qadir Badran, ed. (Beirut, 1399/1979), vol. 6, p. 346 supra. 18See the lengthy discussion of the subject in al-Qurtubr, Tajsir , vol. 11, pp. 216219; al-Wahidi al-Naysnbnr", al-Wasft, vol. 3, pp. 211-213, (and see the note of the editors (p. 212) who criticize sharply the reading of 'A'isha and her opinion on this reading by the believers after some centuries -k); Abu I-Layth al-Samarqandr, Tajsir , vol. 2, pp. 347-348; Niildeke-Schwally, Geschichte des Korans (Hildesheim, 1961), vol. 3, (G. Bergstraesser and O. Pretzl) pp. 3, 5; Abu Dawud al-Sijistanl, Kitiib al-ma?aJ.!ij, p. 34. 19Ibn Kathtr , Fa¢a'il al-qur'Iir: (Beirut, 1966), p. 89. 20Ibn Kathlr, Fa¢a'il al-qurIin, p. 92: man qara:c l-qur'ana ja-ka'annama ustudrijat al-nubuwwatu bayna janbayhi ghayra annahu ta yuJ.!a ilayhi. 21Abu Zakariyya Yahva b. Sharaf aI-DIn al-NawawI, al- Tibyan fi adab luimolat: l-qur=iin (Cairo, 1379/1960), p. 99. t.s yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 329 * Worn out copies of the Quran were carefully collected and respectfully disposed of. Scholars discussed at length the proper ways for their disposal. 22 * An item discussed by early scholars of Islam was the loud recitation of the prescribed parts of the Quran during the obligatory prayers in the mosque. A report recorded by 'Abdallah b. AbI Zayd al-Qayrawani in his Kitiib al-jiimi' says that in the "old time" people were not used to listening to the recitation of the Quran from a book. Malik (b. Anas) disapproved of such recitation. It was introduced by al- F.£ ajja]. 23 According to early traditions, people disliked to be led in their prayer by an imiim who read the Quran from a mU$lJ,aJ;this was seen as adopting customs of the People of the Book. Some scholars indeed quoted the hadith: iii tashabbahu bi-ahli l-kitiib in connection with the reading of the Quran from a muslui] by the imiim during the canonical prayer. 24 Furthermore, the Prophet enjoined that the Qur'an be read with the tunes of the Arabs, not with the tunes of the libertines (ahl al-fisq); time would come, after the death of the Prophet, that people would read the Quran with tunes of the monks, with voices of weeping or lamentation. Their hearts would go astray and this would be the lot of their adherents as welp5 22See the magisterial work of Joseph Sadan on this subject: "Genizah and Genizahlike practices in Islamic and Jewish traditions, customs concerning the disposal of worn-out sacred books in the Middle Ages, according to an Ottoman source," Bibliotheca Orientalis 43 (1986): 36-58. See Ibn AbI Dawud, Kitab al-mafaJ:tif, p. 195; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, Farj,a'il ol-qur=tin; pp. 41-45; al-Qurtubl, al-Tidhkiir fi af¢ali l-adkhktir, p. 114; al-'Izz b. 'Abd al-Salam, al-Fatawa, p 167, no. 117. 23'Abdallah b. AbI Zayd al-Qayrawanr, Kiiiib al-jiimi' ff l-sunan uia-l-iidiib wa-lmaghazf ura-l-tti'rikh, Muhammad Abu l-Ajfan and 'Ut hman Bittrkh, eds. (BeirutTunis 1402/1982), p. 164; Ibn al-Hajj, al-Madkhal (Beirut, 1972), vol. 2, p. 211: ... wa-awwalu man aiuiath.a hadhihi l-bid'ata fi l-masjidi l-ljajjaju, a'nf l-qira'ata fi l-muf/.!aJi, wa-lam yakun hadha min 'amali man nuuiii, 24Ibn AbI Dawud al-Sijist.anI, al-Mafa/.!if, pp. 190-191; and see p. 191: ... an qatiida 'ani l-liasan annahu kariha an ya'umma l-rajulu fi l-musha], qiila: kama taf'alu l-nafara. On in toshabbohii, see M.J. Kister, "Do not assimilate yourselves ... : La tash.abbaliii ... ," JSAI 12 (1989): 321-322. 25AI-FasawI, al-Ma'rifa ura-l-ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. 480; al-Qurtubr, al- Tidhkar fi af¢ali l-tulkhkiir . p. 117. 330 M.J. Kister On the other hand, dictating the Quran from memory to be written down in the ma$aJ:tiJ was a rare case. It was the Companion Ibn Mas'ud, a man with an outstanding knowledge of the Quran, who used to dictate the ma$aJ:tiJ from memory.e" Believers were enjoined not to read the Quran to the people of the truisiilii]: and not to gain knowledge from the $aJ:tafiyyun, the people of the sheets (i.e., people using written compendia, or compilations of the J:tadfth). 27 Christian copyists of the Quran In contrast to the injunctions according to which one should restrict learning, memorizing and writing the ma$aJ:tiJ to the orthodox and the pious, the leaders of the Muslim community were forced in many cases to resort to non-Muslims in order to spread the religious ideas of the Muslim faith. A profound change in the Muslim community occurred a very short time after the death of the Prophet. This is indicated in a report of 'Arnr b. Murra: kana Jf awwali l-zostuini yajtami'una Ja-yaktubuna lma$aJ:tiJa thumma innahum kasoli: wa-zahidu jf l-ajri Ja- 'sta 'jaru l-'ibiida Ja-katabuhii lahum.28 These Christian 'ibiid from the region of al-Hira were the first to sell the ma$aJ:tiJ, according to a report by al-Sijistani, and some details about them have been preserved in the tradition. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Awf, the Companion of the Prophet, asked a Christian from al-Hira to copy out the Quran for him and paid him sixty dirhams. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Layla paid a man from al-Hira seventy dirhams for a musha] copied for him.29 Several details in the early sources confirm the reports concerning the activity of the 'ibiid and other Christians in copying the masiilii]: Abu 'Ubayd records in his Farja'il ol-qur' an a report saying that Alqama entrusted a Christian with copying a musha] for him.i''' 'Abd al-Razzaq records the report mentioned above,31 saying that a Christian from alI.IIra wrote a musho] for 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. AbI Layla; 'Abd al-Hahman 26Ibn AbI Dawud al-Sijistanr, al-MafalJif, p. 137. 27Al-Fasawi, al-Ma'rifa uia-l-La'rikh , vol. 2, p. 412. And see al-Khattb al-Baghdadt, al-Faqih. wa-l-mutafaqqih, Isma'Il al-Ansart, ed. (Beirut, 1400/1980), vol. 2, pp. 9798. 28 Ibn AbI Dawud, al-MafalJif, p. 171, infra. 29 Ibid., p. 133. 30 Abu 'Ubayd, Fa¢a'ilu l-qur'tin, p. 245, no. 67-7. Ibn Hazrn, ol-Muhollii, Ahmad Muhammad Shakir, ed. (Cairo, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 84. 31 See above, note 28. La yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 331 paid him seventy dirhams for his work. 32 The role of the Christian 'ibiid in copying the Quran in early Islam seems to have been known in the Muslim community. It seems that there were such cases even in the third century AH. This can be deduced from the response of Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241 AH) who was asked by a man whether it was true that Christians copied the texts of the Quran. Ahmad affirmed that the Christians of al-Hira used to write the ma$aJ:tiJ; they did so because there were few others who could perform this task. 33 Ahmad b. Hanbal's answer serves as a clear indication that Christians (and especially the 'Ibad of al-Hira -k) played an important role in early Islam by copying the Quran for the orthodox believers, who had no reservations whatsoever to accept their services. Non-Muslims contributed a great deal to the dissemination of Islam in this initial period. The fact that the Christian 'ibiid were employed in the very early period of Islam in copying the Quran seems to have brought about some changes in the Muslim community's perception of the sacredness of the material on which the ma$aJ:tiJ were written, of the accuracy of the copied text, and of the the liberty to introduce some changes which the transmitter was said to have heard from the Prophet. The text itself, in spite of the officially established version of "Uthman, was not certain and was not recognized by the community's consensus; this was already pointed out by Goldziher. 34 32'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mus'annaf, vol. 8, p. 114, no. 143530. And see this report: Ibn AbI Shayba, ol-Musonno], vol. 6, p. 66, no. 276. 33See Sulayman Bashir , Muqaddima fi l-ic'rikh.i l-iikhur (Jerusalem, 1984), p. 74, note 23; Bashrr quotes the utterance of Ahmad b. Hanbal from the MS Zahiriyya, rruijmii' 83. He was the first to publish a reference from this MS, which was recently edited. See Abu l-Qasim al-BaghawI (al-rawz -k), Masa'il Ahrnad b. Hanbal, 'Amr 'Abd al-Mun'im Salim, ed. (Cairo, 1413/1993), p. 47, no. 10. 34Goldziher, "Katholische Tendenz und Partikularismus im Islam," Beiiriiqe zur Religionswissenschaft 1 (1913-14): 115-116, 118 supra. See also e.g., MakkI b. AbI Talib Hammush al-QaysI, al-Ibiina 'an ma'anz l-qira'at, 'Abd al-Fatt.ah Isma'Il ShalabI, ed. (Cairo, 1379/1960), p. 56: wa-qad turikat qira'atu bni mas'udin al-yawma, wa-mana'a miilik wa-ghayruhu an yuqra'a bi-t-oira'oi: llati tunsabu bni mo.siidin: See also ibidem, p. 57: ... uia-li-tlhiilika qiila Isma'zl al-Qarf,z: mii ruwiya min qira'ati bni mosiidin wa-ghayrihi, ya'nz mimmii yukhalifu kha,t,ta l-mu~J:!afi, laysa yanbaghf li-uho.din an yaqra'a bihi l-yawma. Cf. Ibn Shabba, Ta'rtkh. ol-Matlino: p. 993: 'an zayd b. thiibit: anna J:!udhayfa b. al-uanuin (r) qadima min ghazwatin ghazaha bi-farji arminiua [a-luularahii ahlu l-i iriiqi wa-ahlu l-shiimi [a-idhii ahlu l-ririiqi yaqra'una bi-qira'ati 'abdi lliilii bni mas'udin wa-ya'tilna bi-mii lam yasma' ahlu I-sham, wayaqra'u ahlu l-shiimi bi-qirii'tii: ubayyi bni ka'b, wa-ya'tilna bi-mii lam yasma' ahlu l-i iriiqi, fa-yukaffiruhum ahlu l-r irtiq. un 332 M.J. Kister * 'A'isha and 'Uthman had a very mild opinion concerning the mistakes in the Quran, stating that these mistakes would be corrected in the future by the believing Arabs with their tongues. 35 Abu l-Aswad al-Duali, when asked about the questionable form of the phrase mii hadha basharan in Quran 12:31, answered that this form ("basharan" instead of "basharun") is a scribal mistake.j" Zayd b. Thabit inserted the verse la-qad ja' akum rasiiiun min anfusikum (Quran 9:128) and the following verse into the text of the Quran on the authority of Khuzayma b. Thabit, who kept these two verses in memory.i'" Zayd b. Thabit did listen to the Prophet's reading of the verse min al-mu'minfna rijalun ~adaqii mii 'ahadii lliilia 'alayhi. The verse was lost and Zayd b. Thabit was glad to find that Khuzayma b. Thabit had preserved it, and he inserted it in its proper place (Quran 33:23).38 The tradition attributed to the Prophet, saying that the Quran wrapped in leather would not burn if thrown into the fire39 was given a new interpretation: the leather in which the text of the Qur'an was wrapped and the ink will be burnt, but the Qur'an (i.e., the text in the mu~f.taf -k) will be taken back to God.40 The idea of the glorious Quran as a part of God's Essence, and the miraculous revelation of its verses transmitted by the angel Jibril to the Prophet when he was alone in the cave, were placed side by side with traditions emphasizing the simplicity of the Prophet's life, his suffering during his prophetic activity in Mecca, his persecution by the members of his tribe, the hardships he had to endure and the ascetic and devoted character of his everyday activities, which conformed with the tenets of the Quran, 'A'isha could rightly state that his character was according to the tenets and injunctions of the Qur'an.41 35See Ibn Shabba, Ta'rfkh al-Maditui, p. 1013. 36Al-Baladhuri, Ansab ol-ashriij , MS. "Ash ir Ef., Istanbul 597-598, fo1. 893 b: ... [a-qil« lahu inna lliiha yaqulu: mii hadha basharan, [a-qiila: hadha llo.dlii qultuhu kaliimu l-'arabi l-fuffai}i, wa-lakinna l-kiiiiba zada hadhihi l-alif. 37See Ibn Kathlr, Farj,a'ilu l-qur'iir: (Beirut, 1966), p. 16. 38'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Zawa'id 'Abdallah b. Alymad b. lfanbal ff 1musnad, p. 369 infra-370, and MakkI b. AbI Talib, al-Ibiina ; pp. 30 penult.-31. 39See note 49 above. 40See Ibn Qutayba, Ta'nni; mukhtalif cl-luuiith, pp. 252-254. 41Al-Sulami, Adab al-suhba (Jerusalem, 1954), p. 23, 11. 1-2: wa-su'ilat 'A'ishatu rarj,iya llahu 'anha 'an khuluqi l-nabiyyi soua llahu 'alayhi wa-sallam [a-qiilat: kana khuluquhu l-qur' ana. t.s yamassuhu tus 'l-tnuiohhoriin ... 333 In the period of the prophetic activity in Medina, the Prophet's revelation was transmitted to a growing number of his Companions who circulated it among their relatives and also disseminated details about the Prophet's righteous way of life, his kindness towards his Companions and his noble attitude towards his opponents; all this formed the sunna of the Prophet. The help he gave to his wives and his respect for them was stressed in the early tradition. 'A'isha could state with pride that she was the only woman from among the wives of the Prophet who was granted the honour and the privilege that the Prophet received the revelation in her presence, while both were covered by the same blanket. 42 Ibn Qutayba, the well known scholar of the Quran, tried to bridge the gap between the two perceptions of sanctity, the glorious and holy book of the Quran and the sheet of the Holy Book devoured by a domestic animal. In a lengthy passage, Ibn Qutayba gives a description of the social and economic situation of the Prophet in Medina. The Quran was at that time written on palm branches, soft white stones and dry skins. The verses of the Quran were not collected in a book; the texts written on these coarse materials merely circulated among the believers. Even the letters of the Prophet sent to the kings were written on animals' skins.43 People at that time had no cupboards (khazii'in) or locked ebony chests; when they wanted to deposit anything (of value -k) they put it under the bedstead in order to guard it from being harmed by children or animals. The Prophet used to patch his garments, because of poverty, to repair his sandals and his boots. The Prophet stated about himself that he feels like a servant, eating like a servant sitting on the floor. Other prophets lived like poor people, eating barley-bread and wearing woolen garments. Ibn Qutayba mentions various explanations why Allah allowed verses of the Qur'an to be eaten by the ewe; it may be that it was a revelation which had to be carried out, but not necessarily be put down in the text of the Quran, The phrase ta ya'tzhi l-biitilu min bayni yadayhi uia-lii 42See e.g., al-SuytrtI, 'Ayn al-isiioa If istidriiki 'jf'isha 'alii l-sahiiba; 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Darwish , ed. (Cairo, 1409/1988), p. 31: wa-kiina ya'tfhi l-wa/:!yu waanii wa-huwa If li/:!iifin uuihid, Muhibb al-Drn Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Tabar'i, al-Sinit al-thamfn fi maniiqib ummahiiti l-mu'minfn (Cairo, n.d.), p. 34: ... Iii tu'dhfnanf If 'jf'ishata [a-inncliu, wa-lliihi, mii nazala 'alayya l-wa/:!yu fi tihofi 'mra'atin minkunna ghayrahii. Abu Mansur 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Asakir , Kitiib al-arba'fn fi maniiqib ummahiit al-mu'minfn, Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd al-'AzIz, ed. (Cairo, 1410/1989), p. 130. 43See e.g., the report of a letter sent by the Prophet to the people of 'Uman in Abu Zakariyya Yahya b. Manda, Juz' fihi man 'iisha mi'atan wa-'ishrfna sana mina l-soluib«, Mashhur Hasan Salman, ed. (Beirut, 1412/1992), p. 84: jii'anii kitiibu 1nabiyyi ~allii lliihu 'alayhi wa-sallam If qit'atin min adim, 334 M.J. Kister min khalfihi44 does not mean that the sheets would not be injured by some mishap. The phrase in fact implies that Satan will not be able to insert into the Quran words which were not in the text before or after the revelation .45 Some details about the writing (or rather: the copying -k) of the Quranic text by a truunlii and the changes introduced into the text by 'A'isha, are recorded in some J:tadzth collections. 'A'isha is said to have ordered her maiolii, Abu Yunus, to write for her a mu~J:taf; she asked him, however, to inform her when he would reach the phrase J:tafi~ii 'ala l-~alawati uia-l-saliiii l-unisiii (Qur'an 2:238). When the ttuuulii reached this phrase, 'A'isha dictated a different version of the phrase to him. Tradition records two versions of the change introduced by 'A'isha: J:tafi~ii'ala l-~alawati uia-l-saliiii l-unisiii wa ~alati l-' asri, and J:tafi~ii'ala l-salonoiiii uia-l-soliiti l-urustii ~alati l-' asri, 46 The reading of 'A'isha constituted a substantial deviation from the accepted version established by 'Uthman, There is a tradition according to which Hafsa, the daughter of 'Umar, ordered the truuulii of 'Umar, 'Amr b. Rafi", to copy a musha] for her. When he reached the verse mentioned above, she ordered him to insert her reading: J:tafi~ii' ala l-saloioiiii wa-l-~alati l-wusta souiti l-' asr .4 7 The scholars differed as to the meaning of the ~alat ol-unisiii: this could refer to salii; cl-subh; saliit ol-zuhr, salii; ol=asr, or even to ~alat al-fajr.48 The tradition of Hafsa, who also entrusted the copying of the Quran to a mawla, may imply that the two servants were youths captured during a military expedition, who were familiar with the Arabic script and were presented as servants to 'A'isha and Hafsa. They may have been Christians. 44Qur'an 41:43. 45Ibn Qutayba, Kiiiib ta'wfl mukhtalifi l-luulitli (Cairo, 1326), pp. 397-404. 46See the different readings in Sa'ud b. 'Abdallah al-Fanisan , Marwiyyat ummi 1mu/ minina 'A'isha (al-Riyad, 1413/1992), pp. 108-112, nos. 163-172; Abu l-Layth al-Samarqandl, Tajsir , 'All Muhammad Muawwad, 'Adil Ahmad 'Abd al-Mawjild , Zakariyya 'Abd al-Majid al-NawtI, ed. (Beirut, 1413/1993), vol. 1, pp. 213-214; Ibn I;!ajar al-'AsqalanI, al-Kafi ol-shii] fi takhrfji aluuiitli al-kosh.sh.a], following alZarnakhsharr's ol-Kushstuij , vol. 4, p. 21, nos. 175-179; al- Tabaranr, al-Mu'jam alkabir, vol. 7, p. 200, nos. 6823-6826, p. 248, nos. 7009-7010. 47See Abu l-Layth al-Samarqandr, Tajsir , vol. 1, p. 213 infra; and see ibidem, the tradition saying that some people stated that that was the reading of 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud. 48See Abu l-Layth al-Samarqandi, Tajsir , vol. 1, pp. 213-214; 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Zawa'id, pp. 169-170; al-Wasrti, al- Wasr,t fi tajsiri l-qur'ritii l-majid, vol. 1, pp. 349-351. 

'... And He Was Born Circumcised ...': Some Notes on Circumcision in Ḥadīth

Oriens 34 (1994): 10-30

'... And He Was Born Circumcised ...': Some Notes on Circumcision in Ḥadīth

Author:

M. J. Kister

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Circumcised.pdf " AND HE WAS BORN CIRCUMCISED Some notes on circumcision in Hadith by " M.J. Kister Jerusalem To Professor R. Sellheim as a token of esteem and respect The ritual of circumcision, in practice throughout the Muslim world, is traced back to Ibrahim, the ancestor of the Jews and the Arabs. Arab tradition, like that of the Jews, holds that he was the first who circumcised himself on the order of God. His is said to have performed this ritual at the age of eighty and to have lived until the age of two hundred. Another tradition claims that he carried out circumcision at the age of one hundred and twenty, in a place named Qadum. According to another tradition, the tool used by Ibrahim for the circumcision was named qadum, a pick-axel. 1 Abu Hudhayfa Ishaq b. Bishr, Mubtada'u l-dunya wa-qisasu l-anbiya', MS Bodleiana, Huntington 388, fol. 187b. And see Shil'awayh b. Shahridar al-Daylami, Firdausu l-akhbiJr, ed. Fawwaz Al)mad al-Zimirli and Mubammad al-MuCtll$imbi-llllhi I-Baghdadi, Beirut 1407/1987, I, 58, no. 44; and see the references of the editors. Fac;l1ullahiI-Jilllni, Farjlu lI11hi -$amadfi taudil;!i I I-adabi I-mufrad li-abi mul;!ammadi bni ismll'Tla I-bukhllri, Him$ 1388/1969, II, 668, no. 1244, 673, no. 1250. Mubammad b. Al)mad al-An$llrr l-Qurtubi, al-JiJmieIi-al;!kllmiI-qur'lln = TafsiTU I-qurfubi, Cairo 138711967, II, 99. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tul;!fatu l-maudi1d bi-al;!kllmi 1mauli1d, Beirut n. d., pp. 120-124. AI-Tabarllni, Musnad al-shllmiyyin, ed. Hamdi 'Abd al-Majid al-Salafi, Beirut 1409/1989, I, 88, no. 124; and see the references provided by the editor. AbU 1Qllsim 'AIi b. al-Hasan, Ibn 'Asllkir, Tabyinu I-imtinlln bi-I-amri bi-I-ikhtitlln, ed. MajdI FatbI 1Sayyid, Tantll 1410/1989, pp. 33-35, nos. 9-12 (he circumcised himself at the age of eighty) and pp. 37, 39, nos. 17-18 (he circumcised himself at the age of hundred and twenty); and see ibid. the references given by the editor. AI-Muttaqi I-HindI, Kanzu I-'ummlll, Hyderabad 1395/1975, XXII, 36, no. 305. Ibn al-Mulaqqin, Tul;!fatu I-mul;!tlljilll adil/ati I-minhlij, eel. 'Abdallah b. Sa'llf al-LaI)yllni, Mecca al-mukarrama 1406/1986, II, 496, no. 1616; and see the references of the editor. Mubammad b. 'Ali b. TOIOn, Ff1$$U I-khawlltim fimll qila fi I-walll'im, eel. Nizllr Ub~, Damascus 140311983, p. 61. Al)mad b. cAlI b. al-Muthannll al-TamlmI, Musnad abi yrrlll 1maU$iI1,ed.Husayn Salim Asad, Damascus 1407/1987, X, 383-384, no. 5981; and see the abundant references of the editor. AI-Munllwi, Fayr!u I-qadir, sharl;!u l-jllmi'i I-$aghir, Beirut 13911 1972, I, 207-208, no. 284; and see ibid. the discussion whether qadi1m or qaddi1m is a name of a place or of a tool of a carpenter; a harmonizing assumption says that he circumcised himself with a tool named qadi1m in a place called qaddam. Badr al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Shibli, Mal;!lIsinu l-wasl1'ilfi mrrrifati l-awll'il, MS Brit. Library, Or. 1530, fol. 48b-49a: God told Ibrahim that he had already accomplished (the ••. .. and he was born circumcised ... " 11 A slightly divergent tradition about the circumcision of Ibrahim is recorded by Abu Bakr Ahmad b. cAmr b. Abl cAsim al-Shaybani, in his Kitnbu l-awli)i/2: Ibrahim carried out the circumcision at the age of one hundred and thirty yearsl. A peculiar tradition traced back to Abu Hurayra and recorded in Suvntr's al-Durr al-manthur+, says that Ibrahim circumcised himself in Qadum at the age of thirty years. AI-CAyruquotes a tradition recorded by al-Mawardt saying that Ibrahim circumcised himself at the age of seventy; according to Ibn Qutayba, after this event he lived for a hundred years and died at the age of one hundred and seventy'. Noteworthy is a tradition recorded by al-Bayhaqi in his ai-Sun an alkubra'': God ordered Ibrahrm to circumcise himself and he carried out the order using the qadum, the pick-axe. When the pain increased and became too hard for him to bear, he invoked God. God then asked him why was he so hasty in carrying out the order and Ibrahim answered that he did it because he feared to delay the accomplishment of God's injunction". There is, however, one tradition in which the circumcision of Abraham is not linked with an injunction of God. Abraham is said to have waged war with the Amalekites. Since many warriors of both the fighting troops fell in these battles, it was necessary to make a distinction during the burial of the dead between the believing warriors, fighting on the side of Abraham, and the unbelieving Amalekites. Then Abraham introduced the circumcision in order to distinguish by that mark the believing warriors from the unbelievers". The injunctions of-K.) his religious belief, qad akmalta tmanaka, except a bit, ba¢'a, of your body which you whould remove; he then circumcised himself, using for it a pick-axe. Another tradition says that God bade him clean himself on three occasions; at the first time he performed an ablution, at the second time he washed himself, at the third time he carried out the circumcision. And see: al-Baghawl, Maslibl(1u l-sunna, ed. Muhammad SalIm Ibrahim Samara and Jamal Hamdt l-Dhahabl, Beirut 140711987, IV, 18, no. 4428. Muhammad Nasir ai-Din aIAlbant, Silsilatu 1-a(llidIthil-sahtha, Beirut 1405/1985, II, 361, no. 725; and see the references of the author. EF, s. v, khitnn, Shams ai-Din aI-SuyiitJ, [t(lll/u I-akhi$sll bi-/arJll)iJi I-masjidi t-aqss, ed. Ahmad Ramadan Ahmad, Cairo 1984, II, 74 records some technical details of the circumcision: Ibrahim used the pick-axe, qaddum for the circumcision; he drew the pick-axe towards himself and hit it with a stick; then the prepuce fell down without any pain or flow of blood. See these details of the circumcision of Ibrahim in Ibn 'Asikir's Tabylnu l-imtinan, pp. 36-37, no. 15 and in 'Ali' al-Dln 'Ali Dadah aI-SaktawAli aI-Busnawi's MU(lllrJaratal-awll'iI wa-musamarat al-awakhir, Bulaaq 1300, p. 38. 2 Ed. Muhammad b. Ni$ir aI·cAjami, aI-Kuwayt 1405, p. 64, no. 19. 3 See ibid. the references provided by the editor. 4 Cairo 1314, I, 115 sup. S A1-'Ayni, cUmdat al-qllrl shar(l sa(li(li t-bukhsrt, repr, Beirut, n. d., XV, 246. 6 Hyderabad 1355, VIII, 326. 7 See this tradition: aI-SuyiitJ, al-Durr al-manthur, I, 115. Ibn Hajar aI-CAsqalani, Fathu t-bsn shar(l sa(ll(1iI-bukhllrl, Cairo 1301, repr, Beirut, X, 288, pp. 25-26. Ibn Qayyim aI-Jauziyya, Tuhfa: al-maudud, p. 121. A1-Saffilrl, Nuzhatu l-majalis wa-muntakhabu l-najQ'is, Beirut, n. d., p. 490 inf. Ibn 'Asakir, Tabyinu l-imtinan, p. 36, no. 14. 8 Abill;iudhayfa Is\.llq b. Bishr, Mubtada)u l-dunya wa-qisasu t-anbiya', MS fol. 187b. 'Ala) 12 M.J. Kister Muslim tradition is, however, almost unanimous in saying that Ibrahim performed the circumcision on the order of God. As there is no special verse in the Qur-an enjoining the circumcision, commentators of the Qur-an strove to find some indications in the Qur'an implying that God enjoined Ibrahim to carry out the circumcision. Such was the verse 124 in surat al-baqara: ... wa-idhi btala ibrahtma rabbuhu bi-kalimatin faatammahunna ... , "and (remember) when his Lord tried Abraham with certain commands which he fulfilled ... " One of these commands, kalimat, was, according to some scholars, the injunction of the circumcision''. The story of the circumcision of Abraham according to God's injunction and his suffering is confronted by the story of the circumcision of the Prophet. Unlike Abraham, the Prophet was granted the grace of being born circumcised. The tradition of the miraculous circumcision of the Prophet, as transmitted by his servant Anas b. Malik, says that the Prophet stated: "For the sake of my honourable position at God's Presence I was born circumcised and nobody saw my pudendum," min karamatt Callillahi ann] wulidtu makhtiinan wa-lam yara ahadun sau'ati10. Al-Munawt, who recorded this tradition, adduced a remarkable list of reservations and many critical observations of Muslim orthodox scholars. Some al-Dln 'Ali Dadah al-Saktawart al-Busnawi, Mu~iit;faratu l-awli'i1 wa-musamaratu I-awakhir, p. 38; and see ibid. details about Ibrahim as a military leader. AI-Tha'iabi, Q#t1$al-anbiya', Cairo n. d., pp. 129-130. Al-Saffurl, Nuzhatu l-majdlis, p. 491 sup. 9 See e.g. Isbaq b. Bishr, Mubtad"u l-dunya, MS fol. 188b, sup. Ibn Abi Shayba, alMusannaf, (reprint) XI, 521, no. 11877. Shihabu l-Dln I-Khafaji, Naslmu f-riYllt;f i sharhi shiflJ'i I I-qllt;/lciyllt;f, airo 1327, I, 343 inf. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhfatu l-maudud, p, 164: ... wa-IC khitan kana mina I-kh#a/i llati btala /lahu subMJnahu biha ibrllhima khalrlahu fa-atammahunna wa-akmalahunna fa-ja'alahu imaman li-t-nasi ... 10 Ibn al-Jauzl, al-Wa/ll bi-ahwali l-mustafa, ed. Mu~~afii cAbd aI-Wiibid, Cairo 1386/1966, p. 97. Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahanl, Dalli'ilu l-nubuwwa, ed. Muhammad Rawwas QaIcajI and 'Abd al-Barr 'Abbas, Beirut 1406/1986, I, 154, no. 91. Ibn Nasir al-Dtn al-Dimashqt, Jamieu I-II/hllrIi maulidi l-nabiyyi l-mukhtar, MS Cambridge Or. 913, fol. 192b, quoted from Abu NuCaym's Dalll'il, and fol. 193a, quoted from al-Khatib al-Baghdadl's Ta'rikh and from Ibn cAsAkir, evidently from his Ta'rikh dimashq. Ibn Kathir, al-Slra al-nabawiyya, ed. Mu~~afa 'Abd aI-Wiibid, Cairo 1385/1966, I, 209. Shihabu l-Dln aI-Khafaji, Nastmu I-riyat;f,I, 363, inf.-364. Al-Zurqant, al-Mawllhibu l-Iaduniyya, Cairo 1326, V, 244. Husayn b. Muhammad al-Diyarbakrl, Ta)rikhu 1khamts Ii a~wali anfasi nafls, Cairo 1283, I, 204 inf. 'Ali b. Burhan aI-Din al-Halabl, Inssnu 1'uyun Ii strati l-amini I-ma'mun = al-Slra al-fralabiyya, Cairo 138211962, I, 59. And see: Muhammad b. Yusuf aI-salil:u, Subulu I-hudll wa-J-rashiJdIi strati khayri I-rTkh-tahdhlb, Beirut 1399/1979, I, 283. Ibn KathIr, al-S1ra al-nabawiyya, I, 208-209. Ibn al-Jauzi, Sifatu l-safwa, I, 52. Ab1l Nu'aym al-Isfahant, DallPii al-nubuwwa, p. 154, no. 92; and see the references of the editor. Al-MaqrIzi, Imtif-u l-asmif- bi-ma li-l-rasuli mina l-anblPi wa-l-amwalt wa-l-l:uz/adati wa-lmats", ed. Mal.un1ldMuhammad Shakir, Cairo 1941, 1,4 inf. Ibn Nl$ir al-Dln al-DimashqI, Jllmi< al-llthllr, MS fol. 192b, quoted from al-BayhaqI's Dalll'il. Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, Beirut 1380/1960, I, 103. Ibn Nasir al-Din al-Dimashql, Jllmie al-tuhar, MS fol. 192; quoted from Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqllt. Al-'Aq1llI, al-Rasf li-ma ruwiya 'ani l-nabiyyi sallllllllhu 'alayhi wa-sallam mina I-Ji'li wa-l-wasf, Cairo 1406/1986, I, 20; quoted from Ibn Sa'd, 36 I, 112. • ••. .. and he was born circumcised ...•• 17 by Amina the night when she bore the Prophet. He took the child and brought it to Hubal, who was placed in the Ka'ba: he invoked God and thanked Him for His precious gift, the birth of the Prophet!", One tradition links the entrance of cAbd al-Muttalib with the child into the Ka'ba with some socio-religious activities practiced in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya, It was cAbd al-Muttalib who invoked in the Sanctuary for the child, it was he who named the child Muhammad and it was he who invited Quraysh and prepared a party for them on the occasion of the birth of Muhammad-". Some traditions say that CAbd al-Muttalib circumcised the child, performing the ritual on the seventh day after his birth39• Mughultay confronts in his al-Zahr al-basim40 the tradition that the Prophet was born circumcised with the tradition that CAbdal-Muttalib circumcised the child on the seventh day of his birth, arranged a party on this occasion and named him Muhammad. Mughultay notes that this tradition seems to be more acceptable than that of the Prophet being born circumcised'", Some of the traditions saying that CAbd al-Muttalib circumcised the child stress that he performed it according to the practice of the Arabs+'. The reliability of the tradition saying that the Arabs practiced circumcision 37 And see Ibn Kathlr, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, 1,208. Ibn 'Asiildr, Tatrtkh -tahdhtb, 1,284. AlBayhaql, Shucab al-tman, ed. 'Abd al-'Aliyy cAbd al-Hamld Hamid, Bombay 140711987, III, 555; and see references of the editor. Abu Hatim Muhammad b. Hibban al-Busti, al-Sira al-nabawiyya wa-akhbaru l-khulafa", excerpted from al-Bustt's Kitabu l-thiqm, ed. 'Aziz Bek and alii, Beirut 140711987, p. 53. 38 See e.g. 'Abd al-Malik al-'I$limi, Simtu l-nujami 1-'awiil1fi anbCI'i l-awl1'i1i wa-l-tawatt, Cairo 1380, I, 263 inf.-264. 39 Al-Maqrtzt, lmtl!'u l-asms-, 1,5. Mughultay, al-Zahr al-basim, MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 70a, 1.1. Al-Qurtubl, TafsIr, II, 100. Ibn cAsakir, Ttrrtkh-tahdbtb, I, 283. 40 MS Leiden Or. 370, fol. 69 b. 41 cr. Ibn 'Aslikir, Tairtkh-tahdhtb, I, 283. 42 See e.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Tuhfatu l-maudud, p. 158: ... anna jaddahu 'abda 1muttalibi khatanahu 'all1 'lIdati I-'arabi j1 khitani auladihim ... Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyya, Zi1du 1ma'iid, I, 19, sup. And see the utterance attributed to Ibn 'Abbas in al-Suyutt's al-Durr al-manthiir, I, 114, inf. .,. 'ani bni 'abblisin qlIla: sab'un mina l-sunnati fi l-sabiyyi yauma l-sl1bi'i:yusamma wa-yukhtanu wa-yumatu 'anhu l-adhl1 wa-yu'aqqu 'anhu wa-yuhlaqu rcrsuhu wa-yultakhu min 'uqiqatihi wa-yutasaddaqu bi-wazni sha'ri ra'sihi dhahaban au flddatan, Al-Halabt, al-Sira al-halabiyya, I, 59. Shihabu I-DIn al-Khafajl, Nasimu l-riyiJfl, I, 364: .•. anna jaddahu 'abda 1murtalibi khatanahu yauma Sl1bicihiwa-ja'ala lahu ma'dubatan wa-sammahu muhammadan, wakanati I-'arabu takhtatinu li-annahu sunnatun tawilrathilhil min isma'i1a wa-ibrahtma 'alayhimli l-salamu, And see al-Ya'qnbt, Ta'rIkh, ed. Muhammad Sadiq Bahru 1-'uliim, Najar 1384/1964, I, 224: wa-kanat adyl1nu I-'arabi mukhtalifatan bi-l-mujawarat! Ii-ahli l-milali wa-l-intiqnli tta 1buldilni wa-I-intijl!'ilti. fa-kanat qurayshun wa-'ilmmatu wuJdi ma'addi bni 'adnlIna 'alil ba'f/i dtni ibrahima ya!luijiina l-bayta wa-yuqtmuna l-manasika wa-yaqruna l-dayfa wa-yucauimiina 1ashhura l-huruma wa-yunkirana l-fawill;.isha wa-l-taql1/u'a wa-t-tazsluma wa-yu'l1qibiina 'all1 1jarl1'imi, fa-lam yazillQ 'all1 dhl1lika mil kl1nQwulata l-bayti ... Al-Khafa]! emphasizes that circumcision among the Arabs was not caused by the neighbourhood of the Jews, wa-Iaysa dhillika li-mujawarati l-yahud •..• 18 M.J. Kister in pre-Islamic times is convincingly demonstrated by Uri Rubin in his article: "Hanifiyya and Ka'ba, An inquiry into the Arabian pre-Islamic background of din Ibrahim. ,,43 It is indeed noteworthy that the traditions transmitted by Ibn (Abbas emphasize the role of (Abd al-Muttalib and the continuity of the Jahill customs, according to which (Abd al-Muttalib acted. The practice of circumcision of females in the period of the Jahiliyya is indicated in a verse of Nabigha al-Dhubyani, in which he mentions young girls captured in a raid before they were circumcised+'. A third group of traditions says that the angel Jibril performed the circumcision of Muhammad in the abode of Hallma, when he opened his breast and purified his heart45. Arab sources emphasize the persistence of the Abrahamian beliefs in the Arab peninsula=, A tradition recorded on the authority of (Ikrima asserts that uncircumcised persons were not to perform the circumambulation of the Ka'ba, No uncircumcised person ever circumambulated the Ka'ba since the time of Abraham, the tradition says47. Al-Jahiz is quoted as stating that the practice of female and male circumcision remains continuous since the time of Ibrahim and Hajar until now: ... qiila l-jliJ:ziZ:wa-l-khitanu ft l-sarabi ft l-nisli'i wa-l-rijali min ladun ibrtihima 'alayhi I-salamu wa-hajara Uli yaumina hlidha. Al-Jahiz adds the following observation: ... thumma lam yiilad sabiyyun makhtunan au fl surati makhtunin, wa-nasun yaz-umuna anna l-nabiyya $alla llnhu 'alayhi wa-sallam wa-stsn 'alayhi l-salnmu khuliqd makhtunayniv: The Arab character of the practice of circumcision is reflected in the story 43 JSAI, vol. XIII (1990) 103: " ... The pre-Islamic deity of the Kaalati I-samo<, MS Hebrew Univ. AP Ar. 158, Col. 8b, penult.: ... kana 'umaru bnu I-khaflllbi ratjiya Ililhu 'anhu idhil samtia l-duffa wa-l-ghiniJla ankarahu, fa-idhil qtla khiumun au 'ursun sakata. 106 Al-Shaukant, Naylu l-autsr, I, 136, inC.: ... wa-amma man lahu dhakarani fa-in kilnil 'ilmi/ayni wajaba khitanuhuma, wa-in kilna a/laduhumll 'llmilan dana l-akhar khutina. 107 Al-ShaukanJ, Naylu l-autar, I, 136, penult.: ... ukhtullfa /l khitani l-khuntha, fa-qlla yajibu khittmuhu /l farjayhi qabla I-bulaghi, wa-qtla IIIyaiuzu ~attli yatabayyana, wa-huwa 1azharu, And see R.B. Serjeant, "Sex, Birth, Circumcision: Some Notes from South-West Arabia," Hermann von Wissmann-Festschrift, ed. A. Leidlmair, Tiibingen 1962, p. 206; repr. Variorum 1991, n. XIV. * 30 M.J. Kister, ". " and he was born circumcised ... " The sunan ibrahtm were adopted in Islam and became sunan at-islam, Circumcision became a compulsory condition for converts to Islam. Scholars considered it as a mark of Islam; some of them were of the opinion that it denoted servitude of the believer and his bondage to God, a visible sign that the believer carried out God's injunction. This is reminiscent of the Jewish idea of circumcision, according to which it is a sign of the covenant between God and His people. Circumcision is said to have been imposed on males and females alike. Some scholars advocated, however, the idea that females may be treated with certain leniency, basing their opinion on the utterance of the Prophet: al-khitanu sunnatun li-l-riiali makrumatun li-l-nisa'i, "circumcision is an obligatory ritual practice for men, a virtuous deed for women." As to the circumcision of males, there was a clear tendency to avoid any thought that it had been influenced by the Jewish practice. The early reports concerning circumcision state plainly that the Arabs were not influenced by their Jewish neighbours in that ritual practice. Similarly scholars bade to refrain from following the Jewish date of the circumcision on the seventh day after the birth of the child. A heated discussion concerning the problem whether the Prophet was born circumcised indicates that some scholars assumed that his circumcision was a miraculous event, following in this matter the traditions about other prophets who were born circumcised. It is noteworthy that in some lists of these prophets the names of some prophets from the Arab peninsula were added. Other scholars maintained that the Prophet's grandfather, CAbd al-Muttalib, took the newborn child from his mother, brought him to the Ka'ba, circumcised him and named him Muhammad, The tradition which maintains that he acted according to the Arab usage bears evidence that the tendency of the tradition is to stress the Arab custom of circumcision and the activity of the Prophet's grandfather in a framework of the old Arab tradition. The simple and modest celebrations of the circumcision in early Islam turned into popular and sometimes sumptuous festivities in the various countries of the Muslim empire 108 • See e.g. El2, s.v. khitan, 108 

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