Ḥādjib b. Zurāra

HadjibEI.pdf Ḥādjib b. Zurāra b. ɈUdus b. Zayd b. ɈAbd Allāh b. Dārim b. Mālik b. Ḥanẓala b. Mālik b. Zayd Manāt b. Tamīm, an eminent sayyid of the Dārim of Tamīm in the period of the Djāhiliyya. His name was, according to Abu ɇl-Yaḳẓān, Zayd, and his kunya Abū ɈIkrisha. Ḥādjib, a member of one of the noblest families of Bedouin society, was known for his mildness. A particular incident in connexion with Ḳurād b. Ḥanīfa later caused Ḥādjib to kill Ḳurād, which led to clashes between some families of Dārim. The first battle attended by Ḥādjib was the battle of Djabala. He was captured and freed himself by paying the exceedingly high ransom of 1100 camels. He headed the troops of Tamīm in the encounters of al-Nisār and al-Djifār and was defeated. Ḥād̲j̲ib continued the tradition of friendly relations between al-Ḥīra and the Dārim and attempted to gain for the Dārim the privilege of the ridāfa, which had been entrusted by the rulers of al-Ḥīra to another branch of Tamīm, the YarbūɈ. The YarbūɈ refused to cede the ridāfa to the Dārim, marched out against the forces of al-Ḥīra sent against them, and defeated them at Ṭikhfa. Ḥādjib attained fame through a visit to the court of Persia. He asked the Persian ruler to permit his people to pasture their herds in the Persian territory, since they were suffering from a heavy drought caused by the curse of the Prophet on Mu ar. Ḥādjib left his bow as pledge, promising that his people would not harass the subjects of the Persian ruler. When the Prophet lifted his curse, Ḥādjib was already dead. His son ɈUṭārid went to the Persian king, who returned to him the bow and granted him a precious suit of clothes, which ɈUṭārid presented to the Prophet while visiting him with the delegation of Tamīm in 9/630. The Prophet, however, refused to accept the gift. This widely current story is contradicted by a report recorded in a commentary of Abū Tammām's Dīwān. According to this report Ḥādjib gave his bow as pledge when he was entrusted by the Persian ruler to escort a caravan to ɈUkāẓ. After he had successfully carried out his mission he was “crowned” by the ruler of Persia. Some traditions claim that Ḥādjib embraced the religion of the Magians. Whether Ḥādjib met the Prophet is rather doubtful, since traditions claiming this seem not to be trustworthy. He died in the twenties of the 7th century. (M. J. Kister) Bibliography Bishr b. Abī Khāzim, Dīwān, ed. ɈIzzat Ḥasan, Damascus 1960, index The Dīwāns of ɈAbīd b. al-Abraṣ and ɈĀmir b. al-Ṭufayl, 98 (ed. Lyall) Ibn al-Kalbī, Djamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., ff. 65a, 134a, 178b al-Balādhurī, Ansāb, Ms. ff. 351a, 909b, 960a, 964b, 967b, 983b, 989b, 992a Naḳāʾiḍ Djarīr wa-ʾl-Farazdaḳ (ed. Bevan), index al-Farazdaḳ, Dīwān, ed. al-Ṣāwī, 44, 116, 129 Schulthess, Über den Dichter al-Naǧāšī und seine Zeitgenossen, in ZDMG, liv, 449 Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, index al-Djāḥiẓ, Mukhtārāt, Ms. Br. Mus. f. 113a al-Djāḥiẓ, Ḥayawān, ed. A. S. Hārūn, i, 374, ii, 93, 246 al-Mufaḍḍaliyyāt, ed. Lyall, index Ibn Ḳutayba, al-Maʿārif, Cairo 1934, 262, 266, 285 idem, K. al-ʿArab, ed. Kurd ɈAlī, Rasāʾil al-Bulaghāʾ, 346, 372 al-Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, ed. Muḥammad Abu ɇl-Fa l Ibrāhīm, Cairo 1956, i, 226, ii, 77 Abū Tammām, Dīwān, ed Muḥammad ɈAbduh ɈAzzām, Cairo 1957, i, 215-217 Ibn Durayd, Ishtiḳāḳ, ed. ɈA. S. Hārūn, 237 Ibn ɈAbd Rabbihi, al-ʿIḳd al-farīd, ed. Amīn, al-Zayn, al-Abyārī, ii, 9, 12, 20 al-Marzubānī, Muʿdjam al-shuʿarāʾ, ed. Krenkow, 328 Ibn Ḥazm, Djamharat ansāb al-ʿArab, 220 Ibn Rashīḳ, al-ʿUmda, Cairo 1934, ii, 176 al-Marzūḳī, al-Azmina, ii, 273 Abu ɇl-Baḳāɇ, al-Manāḳib, Ms. Br. Mus. ff. 8a, 42a, 121b ThaɈālibī, Thimār al-Ḳulūb, Cairo 1908, 501 Ibn al-Shadjarī, Mukhtārāt, ed. Zinātī, Cairo 1925, ii, 22 Ibn Abi ɇl-Ḥadīd, Sharḥ Nahdj al-balāgha, Cairo 1329, iii, 426 Ṭayālisī, Musnad, Hyderabad 1321, 5 al-Rāzī, al-Zīna, ed. H. b. Fay Allāh, Cairo 1957, i, 147 Ibn Ḥadjar, al-Iṣāba, Cairo 1907, no. 1355, 482, 4067, 4071, 9141, 5559 al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arab, Cairo 1927 iii, 381 al-Ḥalabī, Insān al-ʿuyūn, Cairo 1932, i, 10 LA, s.v. ṭ.r.r. Ibn al-Kalbī, Ansāb al-Khayl, ed. A. Zakī, Cairo 1946, 40 Aghānī, index Ibn Ḳutayba, al-Maʿānī al-kabīr, Hyderabad 1949, 476 Ibn al-MuɈtazz, Ṭabaḳāt, ed. Farrādj, Cairo 1956, 199. [Print Version: Volume III, page 49, column 1] Citation: Kister, M. J. "Ḥādjib b. Zurāra b. ɈUdus b. Zayd b. ɈAbd Allāh b. Dārim b. Mālik b. Ḥanẓala b. Mālik b. Zayd Manāt b. Tamīm." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs.

Mecca and Tamīm (Aspects of Their Relations)

Mecca and Tamim.pdf MECCA AND TAMIM (ASPECTS OF THEIR RELATIONS) BY M. J. KISTER Jerusalem The history of Tamim in the times of the Jihiliyya is of special importance.Informationabout Tamimin Arabiansourcespoint clearlyto the close relationsof the leadersof Tamimwith the kings of al-Hira.But there was another centre as well, with which Tamim was closely connected: it was Mecca.It maybe venturedto say that Tamimplayeda considerablerole in the history of Mecca in the times of the Jdhiliyyaand were quite helpful in the establishmentof the dominantposition of this city in the tribal society of the Arabianpeninsula. The examinationof the contactsbetween Meccaand Tamimmay shed some light on the origin of the "tribalcommonwealth" underthe leaderof Meccaand on the ways of Meccandiplomacyin its tribalenvironship ment. A scrutinyof these data may lead to a revision of some opinions about the relationsbetweenMeccaandthe tribesand to an elucidationof some events during the period of the struggle between the Prophet and Mecca. The discussion of the relations between Mecca and Tamim may be preceded by some remarksabout the relationsbetween the Arab tribes and al-Hiraat the end of the sixth century. The second half of the 6th centurywas a period of fundamental chanin the relationsbetween the tribes of North-EastArabiaandal-Hira. ges The defeat of the forces of al-IHira, who took part in the raids against tribes and fought in the inter-tribalencounters-undermined the prestige of the rulers in the opinion of the tribes. Privileges of guarding of caravansgrantedto some chiefs causedjealousyand conflictbetween the tribes andled to clashesbetweenthem. Discontentedtribesrose in rebellion againstal-Hira.Raids on caravansof the rulersoccurredfrequently JEsHo, VIII II3 8 114 M. J. KISTER and roads of commerce became unsafe; the rulers of began to al-.Hira lose control of the commercialroads and their prestige dwindled. The weaknessof the rulersof and their Persianmasterswas apparent; al-.Hira took partin some battleson the side troops of the Persiangarrisonswho of the loyal tribes were defeated. A case of this kind is recordedby alBalddhuri. Bakru 'AmribniTamimin 'ald Wa-aghdrat bnuWd'ilin BanZ yauma ndsun al-Asdwirati, Banif wa-ma'ahum min 1-Salibi fa-hazamathum ra'sa Tar7fun '1-Asdwirati, 'Amrin,wa-qatala fa-qdla: Wa-lauld nisd'u 'ttirddi bi-1-Salibi bayna lasuwwiqat: undsin Durnd wa-Bdriqi "Andthe Bakrb. Wd'ilattacked Banii'Amr(of Tamim)at the the "Day of al-Salib". Withthemwere men from the Asdwira. The Banif'Amrdefeated themand Tarifkilledthe chief of the Asdwira said: and it Were not mydriveat al-Salib-therewouldhavebeendriven womenof men betweenDurndandBdriq" 1). to by Equipment supplied the Persians loyaltribeswastakenas booty the victorioushostiletribes2). by the of Meanwhile disintegration the Persian Empireat the end of the musthavebeenfelt at al-Hira. 6th century the Al-Nu'mdn, last rulerof with the Arabsand it is plausible seemsto have sympathised al-.Hira, havecomein touchwithsomeleaders tribes, of thathe might attempting to makecommoncausewith the strongtribes.In an apocryphal story the followingsayingis attributed al-Nu'mdn: to innamd rajulun minand wa-md malaktu bi-makdnikum yutakhawwafu wa-innamd min kum, wa-'azaztu ... anna md niahiyatikumli-ya'lama 'l-'Araba'aldghayri .annaau.haddatha of stressed factthatthe dynasty Lakhm the nafsahu...3). N6ldeke rightly i) al-Baladhuri:Ansib, ms. f. IoI5b. z) See Naqd'id, p. 581: wa-kinatBakruntahtayadi Kisra wa-Fdrisa. Qdla:fa-kdnf7 min 'indi 'dmili 'Ayni 'I-Tamri...etc. wa-yujahhi-zfnahum. yuqawwimznahurm Fa-aqbalzr ("Bakr were under the control of Kisrd and the Perisans. They used to strengthen them and to equip them. They came from the governor (of Kisrd) of 'Ayn al-Tamr... "). 3) Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'Iqd al-faridI, I69. MECCA AND TAMIN 115 seems to have become too independentin their attitude for Kisrd 1). Rothstein quotes a passage from al-Dinawariin which Kisra is said to have arguedthat he killed al-Nu'man becauseal-Nu'min andhis family made common causewith the Arabs2). According to a tradition,recorded by Abu 'l-Baqd',Kisrdintendedafterthe death of al-Mundhirto send a Persiangovernor with i2,000 Asawirato al-Hira.He changedhis mind and decided to appoint one of the children of al-Mundhirafter a talk with 'Adiyy b. Zayd3). Poetry of the Jihiliyya fairly reflectsthe resistance of the tribesto foreign rule; poets praisetheirclans that they fought the kings 4) and killed them 5). Al-Nu'mdnn must have been aware of chaos in the Persian Empire and of the rise of the power of the Arab tribes and might have planned a new line in his policy which did not accord with Persian interests. There must be a grain of truth in the suspicions of Kisra. It seems that the dynasty of Lakhm was abolished becauseit could not be trusted. The Lakhmidsbecameunableto secure the ways of commerce.They failedto preventthe Arab tribesto raidthe territoriesof the PersianEmpire. Nidldekesuggests that the abolition of the dynasty of Lakhm facilitated the raidsof the territoryof by the Arab tribes6). Brockelmann considers the defeat of the al-.Hiraforces at Dhii Qdr as a consePersian quence of the abolition of this dynasty7). Levi della Vida assumesthat "with the fall of this bufferstate the door was opened to Arabiansfor invasion" 8). But the door was in fact opened to Arab invasion because of the decline of the PersianEmpireand of the rise of power of the Arab T. N61ldeke:Geschichte Perseru. Araber,p. 332z, I. der n. Rothstein: Die Dynastieder pp. Lahmiden, II16-I 7. Abi 'l-Baq"': Mandqib, f. io6a. ms. See Levi della Vida: Pre-IslamicArabia (The Arab Heritage),p. 50. See al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh z6: I, sab'atan Al-qdtilinaminal-Manddhiri ft 'l-kahfifauqa wasa'idi1-rayvhni are (said in praise of the BanaIHarmala.The al-Manddhira explained as "al-Nu'min b. al-Mundhirand his kin"). 6) T. Noldeke, op. cit., ib. 7) C. Brockelmann:Historyof theIslamicPeoples,p. 8. 8) Levi della Vida, op. cit., p. 1i. I) z) 3) 4) 5) II6 M. J. KISTER tribes. Persiangarrisonswere not able to prevent the raidsof the tribes and Persiantroops were defeated by troops of Arab tribes. The Arab tribes, disappointedby the policy of al-Hiraand Persia,and aware of the weakness of the client kingdom began to look for a body politic of theirown with a competentleadership.This was createdby the association,basedon common emergenceof a new idea of an eqalitarian interest: "The Commonwealthof Mecca". The traditionsabout this period of the establishmentof the power of Mecca, although scanty, give us a rough idea of the stages of this development. A concise account of Muhammadb. Salldm1) furnishesan introduction the problem. The Quraysh were merchants.Their trade did not, however, exceed the boundaries of Mecca. The foreign merchants and brought their merchandise the merchantsof Meccasold the waresto the inhabitantsof Mecca and the neighbouring tribes. Such was their trade till Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf went to Syria and alighted (in the territory) of the Emperor (Qaysar). He slaughteredevery day a sheep and prepareda broth with crumbledbreadfor the neighbouringpeople. Thus he gained his nickname"Hdshim","the crumblerof the breadin the broth" 2). (His name was in fact 'Amr.) He was invited by the Emperor and used to visit him. When he realisedthat he had gained his favour, he asked him to give the merchantsof Mecca a letter of safe conduct for themselves and their merchandise. They would bring leathersand clothes from the Hijdzto Syria,which would be cheaperfor the inhabitantsof Syria.The Emperor grantedhim the requestedletter of safe conduct for the merchantsfrom Mecca,visiting Syria.On his way back he met the chiefs of the tribeshe passed,and securedfrom them the the ldaf, pact of securityin their tribal areas,yet without concluding an i) al-Qili: Dbayl al-amdli, p. zoo; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 207-209; Muhammad Hamidullah: Al-/ldf ou les rapports economic-diplomatiques de la Mecque pre II, of Islamique (MilangesLouis Massignon, 293 seq.); idem: MuslimConduct State, 102; al-Qdsimi: al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'indt ghayru 'l-mashrkta, RAAD, XXXIV, pp. 243-25 2) For another explanation of this nickname see Caetani: Annali I, 5. .Zfir 109- 1io(90). MECCA AND TAMIN 117 alliance. The merchantsof Quraysh would carry the goods to Syria, paying the Bedouinstheircapitaland theirprofit (scil. for theirgoods) 1). Hdshimhimself went out with the merchantsof Meccain order to carry out the provisions of the treatiesconcluded with the tribes. He led the Meccanmerchants Syriaand settledthem in Syriantowns. He died on to this journey at Ghazza. Al-Muttalibb. 'Abd Manif went to al-Yaman and gained a similar charter for the merchantsof Quraysh from the rulers of al-Yamanand 7/if from the chiefs. He died in Radmin. 'Abd Shamsb. 'Abd Manif went to Abyssiniaand on his way gained the 7l/f. Naufal, the youngest of the brothers, got the charterfrom the Persian Emperor (Kisrd)and 7laffrom the tribal chiefs (on the way to Persia). He then went back to 'Iriq and died in Salmdn.Quraysh afterwards developed theirtrade. Qurayshdevelopedtheirtradein the period of the Jdhiliyyaand their wealth increased. It was the Bani 'Abd Manif to whom Quraysh in Jihiliyya were mostly indebted (for their deed). Ibn Sa'd recordsthe story of Hashimwho got the 7Iifand the charters of the rulers2). The chartersof the rulersare renderedby al-Qgli 'abdor amin. Ibn Sa'd uses the term hilf. Muh. b. Habib uses (in the chapterof the dlaf) word 7iaffor the chartersand the agreementswith the chiefs the of the tribes 3). for Al-Balddhuri uses in his report about the 71af expression'isam the tahmilu lahum(so in the text I) Muh. Hamidullahtranslateswa-'aldanna Qurayshan of al-Munammaq; text of al-Qali has ilayhim)baidd'i'a the fa-yakfinahumhumidnaha ru'Rsa as amwilihim ilayhim wa-yu'addfna wa-ribhabum follows: ,,ct leur remettraientla prix realisee, sans pour autant les charger des pais ou deduire des commisions. ."; he rendersthe passage into English as follows: "..promised.. to carrytheir goods as agents without commission for commercial purposes or otherwise concluded treaties of friendship.." This translationseems to be inaccurate. z) Ibn Sa'd: TabaqdtI, 75-80 (ed. Beirut); a tradition told on the authority of 'Abdallah b. Naufal b. al-H•arith(see Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 4994) states that Hdshim wrote to al-Najishi (the king of Abyssinia) asking him to grant a charter for the merchantsof Mecca. The economic base of the ildfis here recordedas follows: ... .ald an tahmila Qurayshun baada'i'ahum wa-ldkird'a 'ald ahli 1-tariqi(p. 78). This helps to understandthe passage discussed in the preceding note. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, I6z seq. p. II8 M. J. KISTER the chartersof the rulers. Naufal b. 'Abd Mandfis said to have got the Al-Tabariuses the words 'isdmand hablto denote the charter.Naufal and from the Chosroes (al-Akdsira) they (i.e. the merchants got the .habl of Quraysh)frequentedal-'Irdqand Persia2). took the la7f from the enemies 3). records that Al-Tha'I~libi H.shim This phrase about the zlaf taken from the enemies is recorded by al-Tha'dlibi in another report, which essentially deviates from the narratives about the ildf mentioned above 4). Quraysh--reports alTha'clibi-used to trade only with merchants who frequented the marketsof Dhii Majdzand 'Ukdz during the sacred months and came to Mecca. The reasonfor this was, that Qurayshwere devoted to their and their baytand used to serve the visitors of dinand loved their .haram Mecca to their advantage.The first, who went out to Syriaand visited kings and made far journeysand passed by enemies (i.e. hostile tribes) and took from them the zlafmentioned by Allah (in the Qur'-n) was mentions his two trips (to the 'Ab;hila in alHdshim. Al-Tha',libi in Yaman and al-Yaksiam Abyssinia in winter; to Syriaand Byzantium from the heads of in summer)and says about the la7f: he took the ladf the tribes and the chieftainsfor two reasons: becausethe people of the haramand others were not safe (of the attacks) of the "wolves of the Arabs"and the Bedouin brigandsand men of raidsand people involved see i) al-Baladhuri:Ansab, I, 59; for the word 'umsum al-A'sha: Diiwn, p. 29. al-Tabari: Ta'rikhII, i2. p. 5 (ed. de Jong, 1867). 3) al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar p. 4) al-Tha'dlibi:La.ta'ifal-ma'drif, 89 seq. The exclusiveness of the ilif for Qural-qulbb, aysh is attested in the report by the verses of Musdwirb. Hind: 2) 'isam from the kings of al-'Irdq 1). lahum lakumil/fi7. ilfunwa-laysa Uld'ika i~minmj7i'an wa-khaufan wa-qadja'atBanfiAsadinwa-khiff. See Hamasa(Sharhal-Marzfiqi ed. A. S. Hdrin), p. 1449, No. 6o5; comp. al-BalIdhuri: Ansib I, 89 (Nutayla about her son Dirdr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib): sannali-Fihrinsunnata 'l-ldfi and see al-Hamddnial-Iklil I/II, ms. f. 26a: Ma'addan, innafibd Fa-ld tuqsfi 'l-saminu. il/dfa 'lahi wa-l-amru Za'amtum anna ikhwatakumQurayshun MECCA AND TAMIN 119 in long-lastingactions of revenge and becausetherewere tribesthat like the tribes of Tayy, Khath'amand Qudl'a, did not respectthe sanctityof the and the sacredmonths whilst the other tribes performedthe .haram, the Ka'ba and respectedthe House. The ladf, recordsalpilgrimageto meant a sum thatwas grantedby Hshim to the heads of the Tha'clibi, tribes as profit while he undertookthe transportof their wares together with his own and drove for them camelsalong with his camels,in order to relieve them of the hardshipsof the journey and to relieve Quraysh from the fear of the enemies. That was an advantagefor both sides; the staying (scil. the Bedouins) were profiting, the journeying(Qurashites-scil.) were safe (guarded).Conditions of Qurayshimproved. Ibn Abi 'l-lHadid records two accounts:1) the account given by recorded in his Fadl Hishim cald al-Qali and an account of al-J.hiz is explicit about the shares of 'Abd Shams This account of 2). al-J.hiz the chiefs of the tribes by Hdshim.(. .wa-sharika tjdratibi profit given ft aala lahumma'aburib.han ...) ru'asid'a'l-qabi'ili min al-'Arabi... wa-j recordsanotherversion about the 71if:Hdshimimposedtaxes onAl-J.hiz of the chiefs of the tribes. These sums collectedby Hdshim the heads enabled him to organise the defence for the people of Mecca from brigandsand tribes who did not respect the sanctity of Mecca3). The account of al-Ya'qubi4) gives the already mentioned version about the four brothers who gained the /laf. The account contains, however, a sentence, which gives a clue for the assessment of the concluded by Hdshim: After validity of these agreements of the ladf, the death of Hshim-says al-Ya'qftbi-Quraysh were afraid that the Bedouin tribes might get the upper hand. This sentence indicates that the 7laf agreementshad not been actually carriedout. Quraysh feared that some tribes might refrainfrom carryingout the terms of the pacts. It was the energetic action of the sons of 'Abd Manif and the profits grantedthe chiefs which causedthat the chiefs kept their obligations in connection with the 7lif. III, al-baligha 454, 458. i) Ibn Abi '1-Hadid:Sharbnabhj Rasd'il, p. 70 (ed. Sandfibi). 2) al-J.ihiz: 4) al-Ya'quibi:Ta'rikhI, 278 (ed. Najaf I, 200). 3) ib. 120 M. J. KISTER Lexical explanationsof the word ildf examinedby Birkelandrender the word as "protection","a pact providing security"etc. 1) Birkeland states that the meaning of the word "protection" is not given in the of commentaries the Qur'In, exceptAlilsi. This explanationis, however, n 2). Abii Hayyin quotes the opinion of al-Naqqish, given by Abti .Hayy~ that there were 4 journeys(i.e. they sent 4 caravans:to Syria,Abyssinia, al-Yaman and Persia).Abii does not agree with the refutation .Hayyin of Ibn 'Atiyya and quotes for his argumentthe story of the 4 sons of 'Abd Manif, who got the 7ladf. Abfi Hayydnquotes the explanationof and b. al-Azhariof the word ladf, the verses of Matraid Ka'b. (translated by Birkeland)3). The explanationof al-Azhariis given as well in the to commentaryof the Ma'dbid al-tans7s the verses of Musdwirb. Hind.4): of "akindof protection means guarding by (Shibbu 'l-dijratibi-l-khafdra)". It maybe saidthat the accountsaboutthe dlaf outlinesthe essential in a of phenomena the changes Mecca.Mecca, smallcentrefor distribution of goods for the Bedouintribesin the vicinityof the city, rose to the position of an importantcentreof transittrade.It was the merchants of Mecca, who carriedthe wares to Syria,Abyssinia,al-'Iraqand al-Yaman.The family who laid the foundations for the revolutionary was changewasthatof 'AbdManif.Thetradebasedon thepactsof 7ldf of a joint enterprise the clans of Qurayshheadedby the family of The pacts concludedwith the tribes were based on a 'Abd Mandf. hitherto unknown principle of trade interest. It was not an alliance (hi/f) with obligationsof mutualhelp and protection.It was not an obligation of the tribes to guard the caravans of Quraysh against payment practisedby the tribes in their relationswith the caravansof The laifagreementswere set up on a base of share in profit al-JHira. for the heads of the tribes and apparentlyemployment of the men of the tribes as escort of the caravans. i) H. Birkeland: The Lord Guideth,p. Io6-107; comp. al-Zamakhshari:al-Fd'iq I, 40 (ed. Muh. Aba 'l-Fadl Ibrdhim-Bijawi). li-ilfi Qurayshin). VIII, 5i5 (SlOrat 2) Abfi HIayyin:al-Bahral-mubhit 3) Birkeland,op. cit., p. i19; see al-Qli: Amali I, 241; al-Bakri: p. 547-50; Sirt, al-Sharifal-Murtad•: Amall IV, 178-79. I, 4) al-'Abbdsi: Ma'dhidal-tans7s 95 (Cairo I316 AH). MECCA AND TAMIN 121 One may assume that the il7f must have contained a paragraph concerning the observation of the sacred months, namely the keeping of peace during these months and respecting the sanctity of Mecca (or ratherthe inviolabilityof Mecca).The ilaf meant in fact the acceptance of the "Pax Meccana"by the tribes, the acknowledgment of the position of the Meccans and the Meccan trade and the setting up of an economic co-operation based on common interest. That explains the peculiar passage in the account of al-Tha'~libiabout the pacts with the (hitherto)hostile tribes. Birkeland,discussing the historicalbackgroundof the verses i-2 of stresses the importanceof the iladf pacts and states that "their Sfira ao6, financialskill and their possession of the sacredterritory (i.e. Quraysh) had made them the economic masters of Western Arabia about a hundredyearsbefore the Prophet1)". But the statement of Birkeland may be extendedto EasternArabiaas well. The dimensionsof the trade of Quraysh were very large 2). It is conceivable, that the tribal chiefs might have preferred to collaborate with the merchantsof Mecca. In their co-operation with Quraysh their profits were more stable, they could establish closer relationswith them and actuallydid so. They were welcomed in Mecca and could enter it without fear. In al-Hira they were submissive and servile, in Mecca they could negotiate as equals. The impressionmade by the enterpriseof Meccais vividly described in a story recordedby al-Ya'qibi 3): A Kalbi tribesmanin the service of a Kalbi woman (a merchant) on the Syrian border witnessed the arrivalof a Meccancaravanin Syria.He gives details about the personality of Hdshimand his dignity, about the respect shown to him by the chiefs of Mecca, about his generosity and remarks: "By God, that is the true splendour,not the splendourof the Banai Jafna".It is a sentence which is remarkable: glory of the Qurashileader, his mannersand the I) Birkeland,op. cit., p. 22zseq. z) See E. R. Wolf: The social organization of Mecca and the origins of Islam, Southwestern Journalof Anthropology, 5I, pp. 330-337. 19 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikhI, 280 (2oi ed. Najaf). I22 M. J. KISTER behaviourwere much more akin to the Kalbi Bedouin than the aloofness of the Jafni ruler. It is a sentence forming a prelude for the future. A peculiartradition,which seems to throw some light on the situation in Meccain the times of Hdshimdeservesto be examined.This tradition, of quoted by al-Suyiiti from the Muwaffaqiyydt al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr1) is told on the authority of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. According to this tradition the nobles of Quraysh u'sed to practice in the Jdhiliya the i'tifd 2). I'tifdd-records al-Suyfiti-meant that when they lost their propertythey used to leave for the deserts,where they pitched tents and patiently awaited death "one after another" (tandwabif)till they died, before people might know about their plight. So things went on till Hdshim grew up and became a man of influence among his people. He summonedQurayshand said: "O Quraysh,might goes with abundance, and you became the richest of the Arabs and the mightiest and the i'tifddruined many of you". He put forwardhis proposition which was acceptedby Quraysh,to attach to every rich Qurashia poor man. The poor would help the rich in his journeys with the caravansand "live in his shade by the redundanceof his property".That would be the means to stop the custom of i'tifdd. They agreed and Hdshim brought the people together (i.e. the rich and the poor). When the event of Elephant occurred (that was the key of the Prophecy and the commencementof the splendourof Quraysh,so that all people respect them; in this year the Prophet was born) and when later revelations were revealed to the Prophet-God revealed to the Prophet ordering him to inform his people what he did for them and how He helped them against the people of the Elephant. "Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with the owners of the Elephant?"3). Then He said: "And why did I do it, O Muhammad,for your people, whilst they were at that time worshippers of idols? So He said to them: Li-ldfi Qurayshin It means: Because of their mutual feeling of mercy and 4). VI, I) al-Suyati: al-Durr al-manthgr 397 (Sara io6). 2) in text ihtifad,which must be a mistake. CV. 3) Safra CVI. 4) Sfara MECCA AND TAMIN 123 their mutual help. They were pagans. He freed them from the fear of the Elephant. "He fed them against hunger" means the hunger of i' tcifid. The tendency of the tradition is to render the word li-zldfi Quraysh as denoting li-tardbumi But wa-tawdsulihim. the story itself, Qurayshin rather loosely connected with the interpretationof the aya, seems in fact, to reflect the situation before the ila7f. Al-Zubayr b. Bakkdrhad an outstanding knowledge of the social and economic situation of Mecca in the times of Jdhiliyya and this story may contain a good deal of truth. The tradition points to the fact, that before the action of Hdshim the caravanswere sent by individuals. Before the ilaf were concluded the sending of caravans seems to have been very risky and in case of an attackof brigandsor of a hostile tribe the tradesman, who invested all his capital, lost everything. It was the la7f which made the journeyssecure. The proposition of Hdshim to include the poor in the enterprise of the caravanswas a bold one. It meant to give the poor some shares in the profits as payment for their work or, probably, against investment of small sums by poor relatives. This trend seems to be echoed in one of the verses of Matriid b. Ka'b: ') bi-faqirihim Wa-l-khdli.tina ghaniyyahum faqirubum ka-l-kdJf .attdyakfina their rich with their "And who mix poor till their poor becomes like an able (man to bestow his favour on needy)". This idea of "mixing of the poor" (or inferior people) with rich and wealthywas an ideal of the Jdhilisociety and is attestedby verses 2). x) See above p. I20 n. 3; and see these verses as well: Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhadarat al-abrdr II, i ig; al-Tabarsi: Majma' al-baydn (Sara io6); al-Baladhuri: Ansdb I, 58; al-Ya'qtibi: Ta'r7kh I, 202 (ed. Najaf); al-Diyvrbakri: Ta'rikh al-Khamis I, 156. 2) Comp. al-Qdli: Amdli II, 158; al-Bakri: p. 548; Ibn Sharaf: Rasd'il (Rasd'il al-bulaghd' 334) (Khirniq): Sim.t al-intiqdd p. 124 M. J. KISTER It is a significanttraditionin which the ideal of the Jihiliyya is reflected in care for the needy of the clan, whereas the embracing of Islam is consideredas deviation from this ideal. Nu'aym b. 'Abdallah ) of the 'Uwayj (of the 'Adiyy Quraysh) embracedIslam. His father used to feed the poor of the 'Adiyy. After Nu'aym had embraced Islam he was met by al-Walid b. al-Mughira who said to him: "O son of 'Abdallah,you pulled down al-Makhzfimi what your father built and you cut what he linked (by his favours), when you followed Muhammad" 2). a about the HIilfal-Fuadflmentionsspecial The accountof al-Balddhuri obligationto help the needy arrivingat Meccawith the surplusof the propertyof the people who enteredthe alliance(...Ta'dqada waradaMakkata bi-fu4zli ahli 'ald... wa-muwdsdti 'l-fdqatimimman 3). amwdlihim") b. An Ansdripoet, al-Nu'mdn 'Ajldnwhile boastingof the deeds of the Ansdrfor the Muhdjirfin, says: bikum marhaban hajarfi: li-qaumin Wa-qulnd min wa-ahlan qad wa-sahlan, amintum al-faqri nahitabum bi-nuddrihim Wa-l-khdli.ina bi-dhi'l-faqri wa-dhawi minhum 'l-gbind and see Ibn al-Shajari:al-Hamdsa,p. 56 ('Amr b. Itnaba): bi sari•ihim Wa-l-khdlifina wa-l-bddbilina li-l-sa'ili .halifahum 'ata'ahbum and see al-Khilidiyydni: al-Ashbdb 20zo; I, Hassdn: Diwdn p. 308: ghaniyyabum bi-faqfrihim Wa-l-khli.tina 'ald wa-l-mun'imina 'l-faqiri1-murmili and comp. al-A'sha: Diwdn III, 35: Wa-ahdna sdlihamilihi li-faqirihd wa-sd'alahd wa-asd,wa-aslaha baynabd, and see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Isti'db,p. 300 (al-Nu'man b. Bashir): sharikaka 'l-ghind Fa-ld ta'dudi'l-mauld f sharikuka 'l-'udmi. wa-lakirnnama ft 'l-mauld al-IsabaNo. 8777 (he cared for the widows of the I) See about him: Ibn Banii 'Adiyy). .Hajar: z) al-Bilddhuri: Ansdb,ms. f. 869a. 3) Idem: op. cit., ms. f. i44a; another version is given in the Sira of Ibn Hisham I, 141. MECCA AND TAMIN I 25 amwdland Nuqdsimukum wa-diydrand 1) ka-qismati aysdri'l-jaz#ri'ald 1-shatri "And we said to the people who immigratedto us: Welcome and securedare you from poverty We shall share with you our propertyand abode who divide (in shares)the slaughtered like the gamblersof maysir, camel". Traditions about Hakim b. Hizam record that he used to distribute the profits of his caravansamong the poor and needy of his clan2). The traditions quoted above seem to reflect clearly the tendency of care for poor and needy in the clan. Hdshim, establishing the ldf, could successfullyexpand the trade; rich and poor participatedin the caravan.A caravanbecame a joint enterprise.Even if a merchantsent on his own risk a caravan-other merchants tried to join him and invest in his caravan3). The following remarkof al-Qummi about the social conceptions of the Meccans and their care for the poor is remarkable. Wa-kdnat Qurayshun yatafahabasna .hdlati'l-fuqard'iwa-yasuddina 'an khallata'l-mahdw~ji 4). Hdshim seems to have expandedthe tendency of care for the needy into a social principle.Al-Diyvrbakrirecordsa traditionabout Hashim on the authority of Ibn 'Abbds, reporting that the people of Mecca were in a state of needinesstill they were ralliedby Hlshim for sending of the caravans to Syria and al-Yaman. They used to divide their profits among the rich and poor, so that the poor became like the rich 5). Ibn lHabib, says reportingabout the men of the ladf that through them Allah raised the Quraysh and turned rich their poor". (Ashdbu i) Ibn Hajar:al-Isiba, No. 8747; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Istlcdb,p. 298. I, 2) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:Nasab uraysh 367 (No. 644). 3) Idem: op. cit., I, 371 (No. 645, 646). 4) al Qummi: Ghard'ib al-Qur'dn margin of Tabari's Tafsir, BelIq 1229 AH) (on XXX, 169. I, 5) al-Diyvrbakri:Ta'rikhal-Khamis 156. 126 M. J. KISTER 'Iladhina wa-na'asha rafa'a ' ldhu bihimQurayshan 1-zldfimin ,Qurayshin abd fuqard' . .) 1). One is inclined to find some resemblancebetween the "mixing of the poor and the rich" (mukhilata)and the mu'dkhdt 2). The conclusion of the i'af agreements was accompanied by the improvement of the internal conditions in Mecca and the provision of amenities for the pilgrims. The first houses in Mecca were built by Qusayy3). It may be assumed that these houses were very modest. The cutting of the trees in Mecca formed a serious problem, because of the sanctity of Mecca. But Qusayy ordered to cut the trees and to build the houses 4). The houses seem to have been circular in order to avoid the imitation of the shape of the Ka'ba5). Mu'arrijal-Sadiisi reports that Zubayr b. al-Hirith b. Asad was the first who covered a house (with a roof). Qurayshdemolishedthe house out of reverence for the Ka'ba 6). It was JHumayd Zubayrb. al-HIrithb. Asad b. 'Abd b. al-'Uzzd who built the first square house in Mecca7). When he built his house Quraysh feared the punishment (of Allah). The rajaz poets composed verses: yubndli-HIumaydin Al-yauma baytuh wa-immd mautub. Immd .haydtuhu "Today for Humayd his house is built (This means for him) either his life or his death"8). When he was not afflictedby punishment Quraysh started to build squarehouses. p. I) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I62. sal'am) yanbasitu z) Comp. al-Sulami: Addb al-subrba 50: . . wa-kdna p. (al-nabiyyu fi m/li Ab7 Bakrinkam f fthi f! milihi wa-yahkumu kama yaihkumu m/libi". yanbasi.tu ms. f. a. 85 3) See Abfi Mandqib, See Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 71 (ed. Beirut); al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,I, 58; Caetani: 'l-Baq.': 4) I, Annali L o3 (78); al-Ya'qibi: Ta'rikb I, 197 (ed. Najaf); al-IHalabi:Insin I, I, al-'uy7in 14. al-Tha'dlibi: Thimar al-qulib,p. 13. 5) nasab 6) Mu'arrijal-Sadfisi:al-HIadbfmin p. Quraysb, 54. I, 7) al-Zubayrb. Bakkir: NasabQuraysb 4438) These verses are attributedto Duwayd: see al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., ib. n. 2. MECCA AND TAMIN 127 If this traditionbe time of the changesin building of houses true--the6th was the second half of the century. The sister of this lHumayd was the mother of Hakim b. Hizdm. The son of JHumayd, 'Abdallah b. Humayd fought at Uhud 1). The time of the significantchangesin the building of houses may thus be fixed in the last decades of the 6th century. The nobles of Mecca vied in providing amenities for the pilgrims. Hdshim is said to have taken care to supply the pilgrims with food 2), 'Abd al-Muttalibto have been the first who provided them with sweet The water of Zamzam,although having medicinalKisr. qualities5) was not and was mixed by 'Abd al-Muttalib with raisins. He also palatable gave the pilgrims milk with honey 6). 'Abbdscontinued the tradition of 'Abd al-Muttalib and supplied drinking water for the pilgrims. The Prophet drank from his siqayaand the drinking from the siqaya of the family of 'Abbdsis consideredas sunna There are traditions 7). about digging of wells and rivalry between nobles of Mecca in providing drinks for pilgrims8). Suwayd b. Harmi is said to have been the first who gave the pilgrims milk (to drink)9). Abti Umayya b. al-Mughira al-Makhzimi (Zdd al-rakb) and Abi Wadd'a al-Sahmi gave the pilgrims honey 10) water 3). He dug the well of Zamzam in the times of b. Qubddh 4). The traditions about the ilaf, about the improvements in Mecca, about the provisions of food and drinksfor the pilgrims-all this points to the efforts to increase the prestige of the city and to secure the i) See Ibn Hisham: Sira III, 135; al-Balddhuri: Ansab I, 3 I9: he made an oath to kill the Prophet at Uhud. z) al-Balddhuri:Ansab I, 6o-6i; al-Azraqi: Akhbar p. 67 (Wiistenfeld). II, 3) al-Mas'idi: Murj" 46; 4) ib. 5) Rathjens: Die Pilgerfahrt, 42, 45. pp. (ed. Br6nnle). III, 7) See al-Suy0ti: al-Durr al-manthir 219. Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. I77. 6) Al-Azraqi; Akhbdr p. 70 (ed. Wiistenfeld); comp. Abai Dharr: Sharb, p. 42 8) Comp. al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh, pp. 32, 197-198. 9) ib. p. 342; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 53a. 128 M. J. KISTER pilgrimage and trade. Special arrangementswere made for individual merchantsproceedingto Meccafor a pilgrimage1). Elaborateprovisions were made for the caravansfor which consent of the tribes was gained. In this system Tamim played a considerablerole. This can be gauged from some passages of the report about the markets of the Jahiliyya, recorded by Muh. b. Habib 2). states Reporting about the market of Diimat al-Jandal Ibn that "every merchantwho set out from al-Yamanand the.Habibasked Hijiz for the escort of Qurayshas long as he travelledin the abode of Mudar; for the Mudar did not harass Mudari merchants,nor were they (i.e. the merchants)troubled by an ally of Mudar. That was the accepted custom between them. So did Kalb not trouble them, because of their alliance with Tamim3). The Tayy also did not harass them because of their alliance with the Asad. Mudar used to say: "Qurayshcarried out for us the obligation of religious duties inherited to us by Ismd'il" 4) (i.e. bequeathed to us). This report is recorded in al-Marziiqi's Amkina with important i) al-Marziqi: al-AmkinaII, 66; see the translationin Muh. Hamidullah:Leprophite de l'Islam II, 6o6. 2) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 264-265. pp. 3) Hamidullahin Muslimconduct state p. 54 (o01); "as they were allied (i.e. the of Kalb) to the Bani Jusham" (evidently a misprint). 4) Hamidullah translates: Les Mudarites avaient l'habitude de dire (avec fierte) "Les Quraichites ont pay6 la dette de honte que nous avions contractee au nom d'Isma=l(parles guerresfraticideset par le bellum omnium contra omnes)" - Le Prophbtede l'Islam, II, 6oo--This translationseems however to be inaccurate.In order to translate"que nous avions contract6eau nom d'Ismal"--Hamidullah must have read mdaurathnd Ismdla which is an error. The phrase has to be read: ma aurathand The sentence is of the greatest importance for the understanding of the IsmdWu. attitude of the tribes towards Quraysh.For the correct interpretationof the sentence a passage from al-Kall'i's al-Iktifd' (I, I5o) may be quoted. Al-KalV'i,discussing the qualities of Quraysh, records the following passage: . . wa-kdnfi 'ald irthin min dini Ibrdhima wa-Ismd'ila min qird 1-dayfiwa-rifdi 'l-hajji wa-ta'imi 'lfhi wa-man'ihi al-baghyi wa-l-ilhidiwa-qam'i'l-zdlimiwa-man'i'l-magzlfmi. min The passage commencing with min qird is an explanation of irthinmin din Ibrahim .harami wa-Ismadil.-The passage in Marzaqi's AmkinalI, I6z does not leave any doubt "what our father about the meaning of the sentence: ma aurathand abtind IsmaWilu, inherited us" (bequeathedto us). And comp. al-Majlisi:Bihdral(ancestor) Ismi'il anwdr VI, 42. MECCA AND TAMIN 129 variants1). Qurayshused to set out (to Diimat al-Jandal)from Mecca. If they took the way of al-Hazn2) they did not requirethe protection of any of the tribes till they came back, and that was becauseMudar... etc. 3). And when they departed from al-Hazn or went to al-Hazn they reachedthe waters (i.e. the abode, the pasturing places) of Kalb. Kalb were allies of Tamim and therefore they did not harass them. When they went on to the lowland they passed the Asad and arrived at the Tayy..." The account of Marziqi supplements the report of Ibn Habib. The vague expressionof Ibn is fi bilddMudlar here more precise. .Habib The road leading from Mecca to al-Hazn4), which was under the control of the tribes of Mudar. The lHaznitself was the territory of Tamim 5). The two significant accounts, of Ibn Habib and al-Marziiqigive some idea: how the system set up by Mecca worked in the areaof Mecca-al-Hazn and its extension. Two tribal units of Mudar, closely linked with Mecca by the Mudar alliance, Tamim and Asad-made it possible, due to the alliance of Tamim with Kalb (Qu~d'a)and the alliance of Asad with Tayy (Qahtini), to Quraysh to send in full security their caravans and to control the trade on these routes. It is these two tribes-Tayy and Kalb-who were especially dangerous for Mecca, as the majority of these two tribes did not respect the sanctity of Mecca and of the sacred months. It is significant that alMarziiqi records about the Tayy: "..and (arriving in the territory of Tayy) they (i.e. the merchants)gave them some pay and they (i.e. Tayy) guided them (in the direction) wherever they wanted"6). i) al-Marzaqi:al-Amkina,II, 16z. Hamidullah translatesfa-in akhadhat'ald 1-hazni"et s'ils prenaient le chemin montagneux" (Le Proph/te,II, 604). That seems, however, not to be accurate. 3) There is perhaps some misprint or error; perhaps one has to read "au 'alau 'l-Hazn". 4) See Thilo: Die Ortsnamen 56; and see Ydqct: Buldinand al-Bakri- MuaYam p. ma 'stabjam, s.v. See von Oppenheim-Caskel:Die Beduinen I64. ".Hazn". III, 5) 6) al-Marzuqi:al-Amkina II, I6z. 2) JESHO,VIII 9 130 M. J. KISTER The attitude of the Tayy and Kalb towards Mecca will be touched upon later. of Merchantsproceeding to the importanttrade-centre al-Mushaqqar had also to requirethe escort of Quraysh,becausethe road led through the territory of Mudar. This harbour-city frequented by merchants from Persia, an importantbase of Persianrule-had a marketgoverned by men from Tamim 1). In examination of the accounts about Diimat al-Jandal2) one may assume that the Tamim played a most important role in the control of the roads to these two markets and in securing of the caravans of Mecca. Some Tamimis frequented Mecca for trade. An iniquity committed to a Tamimi visiting Mecca caused a conflict between the leaders of Quraysh. The story is recorded by Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid on the authority of al-Wdqidi3). Abdallahb. Ja'farcontestedin glory Yazid b. Mu'cwiya in the presence of Mu'cwiya4). He asked him: "By which of your ancestors do you rival in pride? By JHarb, whom we sheltered or by Umayya..?" We are here concerned with the story of Harb sheltered by 'Abd al-Muttalib,which is given as follows: Quraysh had the privilege of priority in passing the 'Aqaba, when travelling. Anybody had to wait till they passed. Harb went out one night and when passing the 'Aqaba he met a man from the family of lHIjib b. Zurara, proceeding to Mecca for business. Harb leaned forward and announced his name and so did the Tamimi. He stated to be the "son" of b. Zurdra.The Tamimi passed the 'Aqaba .Hijib together with Harb. Harb was enraged and swore that he would never allow him to stay in Mecca as long as he lived. The Tamimi spent some time outside Mecca. But-as his business was in Mecca (wa-kdnamatjarubu bi-Makkata)-he decided to enter and enquired p. I) Ibn Habib: al-Mubabbar, z65. of z) See the article D#mat al-Jandal L. Veccia Vaglieri in EI2. Sharhnahjal-baldgha 465; Ibn 'Asakir: Ta'rikb VII, 329. III, 3) Ibn Abi 1-HIadid: 4) See the account of this event in Dahldn's Sira I, zz (on the margin of "Insdn al-'qyfn"):the talk was between Ibn 'Abbds and Mu'dwiya; and see Ibn al-'Arabi: I, Mubhdarat al-abrdr 179. MECCA AND TAMIN 13 I The about the man, who could give him protection against .Harb. to Tamimi (the "son" of Zurdrd)entered Mecca at night and went the house of 'Abd al-Muttalib.He recited a poem in which the event was recorded and the protection of al Zubayr b. Abd al-Muttalib 1) was requested.He was grantedthe requestedprotection.In the morning al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib summoned his brother, al-Ghaydiq, and they went out girded with swords, escorting the Tamimi. Harb met them, assaultedthe Tamimi and slappedhim on his face.A quarrel ensued between the sons of 'Abd al-Muttaliband Harb managed .Harb. to escape and sought refuge in the house of Abd al-Muttalib who grantedhim protection. Hashim This narrativeprobablypoints to relationsbetween the BanOi and the Darim. Traditionmentionsthe namesof some people of Darim, who were in touch with the Banfi Hdshim. One of them was the of hirmiyy the Prophet. The prestigeenjoyedby the Tamimin Meccawas based mainly on their strengthand their servicesfor the externaltradeof Mecca. The Tamim were strong and their leaderswere highly respected. The prestigeof the leadersof Tamim(of the branchof the Darim)is reflected in a remarkable anecdote attributedto the Prophet: A man (a Muslim)marrieda womanfrom a lower social classandwas The was by reproached his brother. Prophet told aboutit, he was told as well aboutthe virtuesof the womanwhom he married. saidin He a talk with the husband: for "You are not to be blamed not marrying a woman(so aristocratic) the daughter Hijib b. Zurdra. as of Allah broughtIslamandmadeall menequal.A Muslimis not to berebuked" 2). (for sucha marriage) Some groups of Tamimwere even includedin the body politic of Mecca.They were given a sharein the Meccandominanceand to contributed increasethe influenceof Meccain the tribal society I) Al-Zubayrb. 'Abd al-Muttalibwas the leader of the BanafHashim at the "Day of al-Fijdr";see Muh. b. IHabib: Mubabbar, 169; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqaq, 47; al p. p. al-Balddhuri: AnsdbI, 102. 2) Al-Fisi: Shifdal-gharam (Wiistenfeld, II, 141). 132 M. J. KISTER and its prestige. The organization we refer to is the organization of the Hums. Ibn Sa'd counts as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and people of the Arabs "born by Quraysh". (According to another version of Ibn Sa'd: "and the allies of Quraysh")1). Ibn Ish1q records as Hums: Quraysh, Khuzd'a and Kindna; Ibn HishZm adds (on the authority of Abfi 'Ubayda al-Nahwi)the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a2). Ibn Qutayba mentions in his Ma'drif as lHumsQuraysh and people from 3). But in his al-Ma'adnal-Kabr he counts as Hums: descendantsand their allies their Quraysh 4). counts as Hums: Quraysh, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Al-JIhiz al-.Hirith b. Ka'b 5). Al-Anbdri6) and al-Marziiqi 7) count: Quraysh, Kindna, Khuzd'aand 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a. in his commentary of the Qur'dn has the following Abai .Hayyan list: Quraysh, Kinina, Khuza'a, Thaqif, Khath'am, Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Nasr b. Mu'cwiya8). An almostidenticallist is given by al-Qurtubi; instead of Khath'am-he has Jusham 9). The L. 'A. records as Hums: Quraysh and "whom Quraysh had born" (i.e. descendants of men or women from Quraysh), Kindna, Fahm, 'Adwdn, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Khuzd'a 10). The lists of the Hums quoted above are contradictory.The examinaincluded the Quraysh, tion of these lists shows doubtless that .Hums Mecca. According to the inhabitants of Mecca, and people outside I, i) Ibn Sa'd:Tabdqdt, 72. Ibn Hisham: Sira I, 212; al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd' I, 272. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 269. Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'nit 'l-Kabir, p. 989. al-Jahiz: Mukhtdrditfusil, ms. f. 2o8 b. al-Mufaddaliyydt XXXIV, 14 (Lyall). al-Marziiqi: Sharh al- Hamisa, p. 31. Ab Hayyin: al-Babr al-muh•itII, 63. . 9) al-Qurtubi: al-Jdmi' li-ah~im al-Qur'dnII, 345 (Sura II, 189); and see Blachbre: CoranII, 782, n. 185. 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) IO) L. 'A., s.v. "Hms". MECCA AND TAMIN 133 Arendonk: "The Hums is the name traditionallygiven to the inhabitants of Mecca at Muhamad'sappearancein so far as they were distinguishedby specialcustoms during the Ihrim from the othertribes, who were together known as al-Hilla". )--This definition has to be altered. A detailedlist of the tribes of the Hums is given by Muh. b. Habib. "Hums were-reports Ibn Habib-all Quraysh, Khuzi'a (because they had dwelled in Mecca and were neighbours of Quraysh),people being descendents of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh"), clans dwelling in Mecca. Descendants of Quraysh ("born by Quraysh") were: Kil~b, Ka'b, 'Amir and Kalb i.e. the BantiRabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a.Their mother was Majd bint Taym b. Gh.ilib b. Fihr. To her referredLabid saying: band Saqdqaum7 Majdinwa-asqd min Numayran wa-l-qabd'ila Hildli2). b. and b. b. and al-HIrith 'Abd Mandt Kindna Mudlijb. Murra 'Abd And 'Amirb. 'Abd theirdwellingnearMecca. due Mandt Kindna to b. Man-t b. Kindnaand Milik and Milkdnb. Kindnaand Thaqifand and b. AndYarbil' Hanzala MIzinb. Milikb. 'Amrb. Tamim, 'Adwdn. bint Fihr b. Mdlikb. whose mother(of both of them) was Jandala are that al-Nadr Somemaintain all the 'Amir(i.e. 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a) 3). becausetheir brethren,the Rabi'ab. 'Amir becameJHums. Hums, b. Qudd'a.And b. And 'Ilcf i.e. Rabbdn Hulwdnb. 'Imrin b. al-.Hif 4), Jandbb. Hubal b. Abdallah from Kalb. His motherwas Amina p. 2) See Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: al-Inbdh, 87; Labid: Diwdn, p. 93 (ed. I. 'Abbas); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 120 b. (In Jambara:Majd bint Taymb. Murrab. Ghdlib is b. Fibr. The term used inJamhara of interest:wa-hiya '1latihammasat Bani 'Amirin, Humsan). ja'alathum 3) Jandala bint Fihr b. Malik b. al-Nadr b. Kindna was the wife of Hanzala b. Malik b. Zayd Mandtb. Tamim. She gave birth to Qays, Yarbi', Rabi'a and 'Amr-b. Malik b. Zayd Mandt. After the death of 1Hanzala Malik b. the sons of b. she married.Hanzala 'Amr b. Tamim and gave birth to Mazin, Ghaylan, Aslam and Milik GhassZn--the sons of Malik b. 'Amr. See: Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. ff. 62a, 90a; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 958b. 4) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, p. 540. i) EI, s.v. "Hums". 134 M. J. KISTER bint Rabi'a b. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; her mother was Majd bint Taym al-Adram b. Ghdlib b. Fihr" 1). The list of Ibn Habib shows a peculiarfact: the tribes allied in the organizationof the Hums are of differentorigin and belong to various tribal divisions. The 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a are Mudarites. Kalb belonged to Qu$d'a. The origin of Thaqif is disputed. (According to some traditionsthey are consideredas descendantsof Qays 'Ayldn). 'Adwdn belonged to Qays 'Aylhn, Khuzi'a were of South-Arabianorigin 2). The more important is the fact, that these tribes lived in different areas of the peninsula. The Thaqif dwelt to the South-East of Mecca, the Kinina to the South, controlling the route Mecca-al-Yaman,the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ato the North East of Mecca, the Quda'a (Kalb) in the and North, controlling the trade-routeto Syria;YarbiY' Mizin controlled the route to al-Hiraand Persia. Of special interest is the case of Zuhayr b. Jandb al-Kalbi. The Ghatafdn decided--according to tradition-to establish a haramlike that of Mecca. Zuhayr b. Jandb raided them and destroyed their haram ). This tradition explains why the group of Janib of Kalb were included in the organizationof the Hums One may find some connection between the ilaf discussed above and the Hums. The expression of al-Tha'dlibithat Hdshim "took the /laffrom the enemies"4) meansin fact, that the 7lafwere a complementary system for the Hums. The laf were intended for tribes who did not respect the sacred months, or-although performing the pilgrimage-were in the sphere of influence of the client kingdoms. These clans and tribes-like Tayy, Khath'am, clans of Quda'a5), Ghifir from the Kindna6) were given some shares of profit and gave p. z) See Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 468 seq. 3) AghdniXII, 121; XXI, 63. al-Qulib, p. 89. 4) Thimadr al-Baladhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 9oob; al-Jabiz: Iayawdn VII, 216; see al5) Balldhuri: Ansdb, ms. 366a: the talk between Mu'dwiya and 'Adiyy b. I tim in al-. which Mu'dwiya accused Tayy of not respecting the sanctity of Mecca. Tayy and Khath'am did not perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and were called al-Afjardni. al-shahra 'II, 6) See al-Dhahabi: Siyara'ldmal-nubald 34 (wa-kdndfyubill7na /-hardma); and see Usdal-ghdba 16o. I, i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Muzhabbar, 178-179. p. MECCA AND TAMIN 13 security to the caravans. How much Mecca was dependent on these tribes and eager to carryout the terms of the 7lafcan be gauged from some records preserved. Al-'Abbas was present when Abii Dharr was beaten violently in Mecca after he had embraced Islam. He reproachedhis people saying: "Woe to you, you are about to kill a man from Ghifir whilst your business and your passing by is through the territory of Ghifar". They let him go 1). Thumima b. Uthil of the Hanifa could threaten Quraysh with cutting of supplies from the and even realizedhis threat2). Sa'd b. Mu'rdh could threaten YamTma the Abi Jahl, that if he prevents him to circumambulate Ka'ba-he would cut his trade with Syria3). One is even tempted to think that there is some connection between the term allafabum "he concluded pactsof ildf with them",and the term al-mu'allafa "people qulifbuhum whose hearts were gained (for Islam) by some gifts". But .Hums denotespeople strong in their convictionof the sanctityof Mecca, position of Quraysh,enjoyinga special admittingthe distinguished in the rites of the status and readyto strugglefor their ideas. Some featuresof the .hajj can be gauged from the chaptersof .Hums dealingwith the virturesof Quraysh. Al-JIhiz recordsthat al-J.hiz a Qurashi neverdid allegehis originto anothertribe,whilsttill today "nobleArabs-like Bani Murrab. 'Auf, some of the Bani Sulaym, Khuzd'aand others-allege being of Qurashiorigin. Qurayshdid never bury their (female)babies alive. That was followed by the inhabitants al-Ti'if, because they were neighboursand related of with them by marriage and becausethey were lHums,and it was who madethemlHums.." 4). Quraysh When Islam appeared--continues al-Jbhiz-therewas no Qurashi womanwho hadbeentakencaptiveby the Arabtribes,nor was there I) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald'II; 37 (taqtulfnarajulanmin Ghifdrinwa'ald wa-mamarrukum Ghifdr?). matjarukum Insdnal-'uyun 198. XII, 143; al-IHalabi: III, al-Qur'dn, al-Jimi' li-abhkdm al-abrdrII, 266; Sifat al-safwa I, 37 3) Ibn al-'Arabi: Mubhddarat (la-aq.ta'anna ild matjaraka 'l-Shdmi). ms. 4) al-Jdhiz: Mukhtdrdtfusz~l, f. zoz seq. IrshidVI, 433; al-Qurtubi: p. al-Isti'db, 79; al-Qastallini: z) Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 136 M. J. KISTER any captive among them whose mother was a Qurashi woman. The Qurayshdistinguishedthemselves from other tribes, that they did not give their daughters in marriageto the nobles of other tribes, unless they had got an assurance,that they would embrancethe idea of the the daughters Hums. (They themselves-stresses al-J.hiz--married them.) These of other tribes without conditions to be imposed on tribes were: 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif, Khuz!'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. and They were people of devotion (wakdnfl dayyJdnna) therefore they renouncedraiding.That was in orderto avoid pillage, injustice,robbery and rape". In another passage al-Jdhiz, discussing the qualities of Quraysh, remarksthat Quraysh remained generous although their profits were not big sincethey refrainedfrom raiding.Al-Jlhiz emphasizesthe hospitality of Quraysh,their carefor the pilgrimsand their care for kinsfolk. They allotted the men of the tribes to the differentclans of Mecca-says Ghatafdn were assigned to (the care of) al-Mughira (i.e. al-J.hiz. al-Makhziiimi),Banfi 'Amir went to someone else, the Tamim to somebody else. They (i.e. the Quraysh) compelled them to perform the ritesand caredfor all theirneedsx). stresses Quraysh that Al-J.hiz ms. Gha.tafdn i) fa-taki#nu Mukhtadrdtfusil, f. 2o4a (. .fa-yaqtasimznabum, li-kadhd..). In al-Zubayr b. al-J.hiz: li-l-Mughiratiwa-Banf 'Amirin li-kadhd, wa-Tamimun Bakkar'sNasabpQuraysh, f. 128 b. an interestingreportis given about the allotment ms. of the clans of Quraysh. They (i.e. the Quraysh)used to give them clothes in which the they used to circumambulate Ka'ba; they (i.e. the Bedouins) used to throw away the clothes which they wore when they came to Mecca. The host (i.e. the clan who lodged the Bedouins frequenting Mecca) used to get (scil. a share of) the meat of the slaughteredcamels. The Bana Fazdra alighted in the house of al-Mughira b. 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. Makhziim. The first who prevented him (i.e. alMughira)to get (his share of) the slaughteredcamel was Khushaynb. La'y al-Fazari al-Shamkhi.. ; comp. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-balighaIV, 296; and see Ibn not The word harim recordedin the vocabularies z282z Durayd:al-Ishtiqdqp. as "payment for Quraysh from the alighting Bedouins" is recorded in the story of (Z.uwaylim). Zuwaylim reported by al-Baladhuriin his Ansdb, ms. f. i i oia. The quoted verse is of interest: mana'nd Ouraysbin harimahd Wa-nahnu amin bi-Makkata,ayydma wa-1-nabri 'l-tahdluqi Al-Balddhurirecords also the story of 'Amr b. Jdbir b. Khushayn who used to get b. from every captive of the Ghatafan z camels. That was stopped by 'Arin (comp. the version of Ibn Durayd, ib.). .Zuwaylim MECCA AND TAMIN 137 remainedLaqdh,independent. They did not pay any tax and to them were entrustedthe functions of rifida, siqaya,etc. In a third passage repeatsonce more that all Qurayshwere al-J.hiz Hums, devoted to their din,a fact which prevented them from raiding, capture, intercoursewith captive women and from burying alive their female babies. Once more al-Jaihiz emphasizesthat the Quraysh gave not their daughtersin marriage unless on the condition that the children would become They were compelled--dwelling in a barren .Hums. valley-to find means of livelihood and they got the 1ldfand made journeys to kings.." 1). In a fourth passageof al-J~ihiz reportabout the lHumsis repeated. the But there are some details which deserve attention. Mentioning the reports that the merchants went to (the land of) caravans-al-J.hiz Qaysar in Byzantium,to al-Najashiin Abyssinia, and to al-Muqauqis in Egypt. It is the only case in which Egypt is mentionedas destination of the merchantsof Mecca.Al-Jahizdrawsin this passagea line between the Hums of Qurayshand the converted of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and al-HIrith b. Ka'b. The Quraysh, being Hums, refrained from .Hums raiding, whereas the tribes who accepted the ideas of the Hums continued to raid, to have intercoursewith capturedwomen and to take spoils. But Quraysh remained courageous 2). Ibn al-Faqih's account records that KhuzI'a, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, Thaqif and "men of tribes" embraced the creed of the Hums. He records the tradition about the condition imposed on the nobles of the tribes marryingthe daughters of Qurayshand gives details about the restrictionsimposed on the pilgrims, not belonging to the lHums. They had to leave their travelling provision when entering Mecca, to take off their clothes which they wore outside the area of Mecca and to wear clothes of the lHaram(buying the clothes or borrowing them or as gifts). If they did not find clothes of the they per.Haram ms. f. I6b. seq. i), al-qulib, z) al-J.hiz: Mukbhtdrtffuil,ms. f. 20o8b.seq.; comp. al-Tha'alibi:Thimdr al-J.hiz: p. 8 seq. (Ablu 'lldb); (significant is the expression wa-sird bi-ajma'ihim tujjdran kbulata' a). 138 M. J. KISTER naked.They obliged the pilgrims to start formed the circumambulation the ifda?a from al-Muzdalifa.They were laqdh, they did not pay any tax, nor did any king rule over them 1). Y~qditmentions the Hums. According to him Quraysh gained for the idea of the lHums: Kindna, Jadilat Qays, Fahm and 'Adwdn, Thaqif and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. He records the hardship which they imposed on themselves, the restrictions imposed on the pilgrims, and emphasizesthat the people of Mecca were laqdh. Kings of Himyar, Kinda, Ghassdnand Lakhm used to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and obeyed the lHumsof Quraysh, considering as obliging to respect them.. 2). Mecca is mentioned as Ddr al-Hums in the verses attributed to a Kahin of the Lihb 3) in the record of al-Halabi.Al-Halabimentionsthe conditions of marriageof the Qurayshand their renouncingof raiding, which is connected with pillaging and rape4). Sources give details about the rites of the IHumsand of the imposed hardships5). They performed the wuqzifat al-Muzdalifainstead of at to 'Arafdt6). They confined themselves during the .hajj the boundaries of the IHaram. During the hajj they did not eat meat, nor did they preparecurd, they did not stay in the shade of a house, they did not enter their houses through their doors 7), etc. It is evident that by the hardship imposed on themselves they wanted to express their connects veneration for the Ka'ba and the Haram. Al-Zamakhshari with the root hrm. They acquiredtheir distinct position the root .hms i) Ibn al-Faqih: Kitabal-buldin,p. i8. s.v. al-bulddn, Makka. Yiqait: Muy/am 3) The Lihb were known as men of special knowledge in augury (from the flight of birds) see: Wellhausen: Reste,p. i34; Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, 491; al-Suhayli: p. al-Raudal-unufI, I 18. I, 4) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uy~n1 242. s.v. al-bulddn, "Makka"; p. 5) See Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, i80; Ydqat: Mutjam al-abrdr 162, 150. Ibn al-'Arabi: Alubhdarat I, pp. 6) See Wellhausen: Reste,p. 77; Rathjens:Die Pilgerfahrt, 72-73; but the Prophet did not follow the Hums in their wuqzff-see: al-Dhahabi: Ta'rikhal-IsldmI, 49. 7) But see the contradictory traditions in al-Tabari's Tafs7r(Sztra II, 189) and I, al-Suyati: al-Durr al-imanthzfr 204 seq. 2) MECCA AND TAMIN 139 of sanctitybecausethey dwelt in the Haram.They calledthemselves Ahlu 'lldh That the idea of Hums was in fact connectedwith the 1). cult of the Ka'bais plainlyattested thefact,thattheKa'bawascalled by al-Hamsi' 2). It is evidentthat this link betweenQuraysh the tribesattached and to the Humsinfluenced theirrelations. Caskelremarks the 'Amir that b. Sa'sa'a,being Hums, were on good termswith the inhabitants of Mecca An 'Amiri poet and chief, 'Auf b. al-Ahwasb. Ja'far b. 3). the Kildb,swearson the sacredmonth4) of the BandUmayya, sacred of Quraysh, sacrificed the b. Ja'far,the uncle victims5). Khilid places of 'Auf, is said to have been the first who coveredthe Ka'bawith brocade whichhe got froma caravan lootedby him6). TheKa'b (dibdj) and Kildbof the 'Amirwere calledKa'b and Quraysh KildbQuraysh 7). b. Nuwayraof the Yarbfi'(of Tamim),who belongedto the M~lik Hums, mentionsa group of horsemenwho informedQuraysh(as aboutsomebattle8). 'Ummdr) The Prophethimselfbelongedto the Hums9). He was the .irm7 of 'Iy•d b. Himdral-Mujdshi'i 'l-Tamimi.The Prophetlent him his clothesand 'Iy•d used to perform circumambulation the Ka'ba the of in the clothesof the Prophet 10). 2) al-Fayrizibddi: al-Qdmzs,s.v. hms. A curious explanation is given for the in al-Maghribi's Inds, ms. f. 26b: "They were called IHums, because they refrained .Hums from the service of labour.." 3) EI2, s.v. 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a. 4) i.e. Dhf 'l-hijja. XXXV, 4-5 (ed. Lyall): 5) al-Dabbi: al-Mufa4daliyydt wa-inni wa-'lladhi Qurayshun hajjat Hird'u mabdrimah' wa-mdjama'at Ban7Umayyata Wa-shabri wa-l-hadayd idbabubisat mudarrjahba 'l-dima'u 6) al-Suhayli: al-Raudal-unufI, 77; al-Alasi: Bulzghal-arabI, 234. 7) al-Dabbi: al-Mufaddaliyydt, 2z59(ed. Lyall). p. XXVI, 3 (ed. Ahlwardt); Ibn Abi 8) al-Asma'zyydt Sbarhnahj al-Baldgha IV, 292. 'l-.Hadid: 9) See al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld) I, 124; al-Suyiti: al-Durr al-manthzir I, 204 al-Fa'iq,s.v. hums. I) al-Zamakhshari: p. io) See: Muh. b. Habib: al-Muhabbar, I8i; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 147; seq. 140 M. J. KISTER From the traditions quoted above one can gain a rough idea about the Hums. The fundamentalprinciples of the Hums were the inviolathe independence') and neutrality bility of the area of the .Haram, of Mecca. The feeling of security in Mecca is described by one of the nobles of Mecca in the following verses: lahd Fakharnd wa-l-umfiru qardrun bi-Makkatind wa-bi-l-baladi 'l-bardmi. land Wa-annd ldyurdmu harimun wa-annd nurawwa'u'l-mandmi. fi Id land Wa-annd tusdqu ki'dbun ld 1-khiddmi. khildla 'l-naq'i bddiyatu wa-hddhd ' Ma'ddhalldhiminhddhd 2). fa-inna'Illdha lahfb laysa musdm7 A Bedouincould not accustomhimselfto the quiet life of Mecca; Qays b. Zuhayral-'Absi said: ma'dshiru Qurayshin min Tufdkhirun7 bi-Ka'batihim wa-bi-l-bayti 'l-hardmi Fa-akrim fdkhariwa-ldkin bi-'lladhi 'l-kildmi. ddmiyatu maghdi'l-khayli kulla nun Wa-ta' ft '1-'ajajati yaumin nubfzra 'l-khaylibi 'l-asali1-dawm'i. A.habbu ilayyamin'ayshin rakhiyyin al-Muijam al-saghir, p. 3; Ibn al-Jrrid: al-Muntaqi, p. 5oo; al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 98Ia; Ibn HIazm:Jawdmi' al-sira,p. 25 (reporting that he was a cousin of al-Aqra' b. Hdbis); Ibn Hazm: Jambarat ansdb al-'Arab, p. zI9; Ydqfit: Mu'jam al-buldin, s.v. haram; Ibn al-Isdba, N. 6123; Abia Nu'aym: Hilya II, 16 (mentioned as one of the Ahl al-Suffa). .Hajar: Nasab Quraysh, ms. f. 76b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysb, p. 2zo; L.'A., s.v. lqI: Abi 'l-Baq': Manidqib,ms. f. to b; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansdb IV B, i26 (and see p. Abo 'Ubayd: Kit. al-amwdl, 256; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 66a; al-Tabarini: x) The fierce reaction of the Meccans when their independence was threatened can be gauged from the story of 'Uthmn b. Huwayrith. See al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: "Annotations"). 2) al-Baldhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1094a. MECCA AND TAMIN 14I ma'a 'l-Qurashiyyi Harbinau Hishami. bi-'ayshin Wa-md'ayshu'kbniJud'dnin '1-baladi 1) yajurru'I-kha.zafi 'l-tibhmi The observation of some rites and customs was in fact an expression of their veneration of the sanctuaryof Mecca. This organization,including different tribal units-among them units of Tamim, who dwelled in different areas of the peninsula, had a militant character. They were ready to struggle for their ideas of the sanctity of Mecca. The zlif seem to have been built up on the base of Hums. The .Hums were the elite group distinct by their close relationswith the Meccans, by their rites and customs. Both the organizations, the Hums and had economic significance. The religious "colouring" is not surila1f prising 2). were "Hilla".The lHilla includedPeople not belonging to the IHums according to the report of Ibn JHabib-all the Tamim (except Yarbi', Mdzin, I)abba, IHumays,Z'dina, al-Ghauth b. Murr), all the Qays 'Ayldn (except Thaqif, 'Adw~n and 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a), all Rabi'a b. Nizdr, all Qudd'a (except 'IlIf and Jandb), the Ansdr, Khath'am, Bajila, Bakr b. 'Abd Mandt b. Kindna (other divisions of Kindna were Hums), Hudhayl, Asad, Tayy and Bdriq3). These JHilla-when different in their rites during the performing the .hajj--were quite and during the tawaf. A third group mentioned by Ibn Habib i.hrdm were the Tuls, including tribes from al-Yaman and Hadramaut, 'Akk, Ujayb and Iyid 4). The division into the threegroups--Hums, Tuls-is confronted I.illa, 2) Comp. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt,p. 8o (.."Teilweise religi6s getarnt.."). 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 179. p. 4) ib.; A special group, which deserves to be mentioned, were the Basl. The word basl denotes ideas similar to the ideas inherent in the word hums:courage, bravery, intrepid fighting on one hand, and the haramthe forbidden on the other hand. The Basl were the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy (or 'Aut b. Lu'ayy, or Murra b. 'Auf b. Lu'ayy). They maintained,that the number of the sacredmonths is 8. The tribes grantedthem security during these months. See al-Kald'i:al-Iktifd', I, 78; Ibn Kathir: al-Bidajya II, 204; I) Ib. Quraysh, because they were the people of Mecca and Mecca is haram). L.'A., s.v. bsl; Abfi Dharr: Sharh al-sira (ed. Br6nnle) p. 233 (the Basl were 142 M. J. KISTER by another division. This scheme divides the tribes according to their recognition of the sanctity of Mecca: (i) the muhrimfinand (2) the The muhrimfn included the Hums and these tribes of the muhillun. did not IHillawho in fact performed the pilgrimage. The mu.hill•n the sanctityof Meccanor did they respectthe sacredmonths. recognize constituted a real danger for Mecca. These mu.billzin all Al-Jdhiz counts as mu.hilliin the Tayy and Khath'am(mimman kdina Muhillin says Idyard li-l-.haramiwa-ldli-l-shahri 'l-.hardmi.hurmatan). and as well manyclansof Yashkur, al-J.hiz--werewere enemiesbecauseQud.'a, (different) and their din al-H.rith of their b. Ka'b. They 1). pedigree (different) his uttered famour the thesemuhillfn intercalator declaration, Against of lawfulthe shedding theirblood. "I makelawfulto shedthe making Kill them, whereveryou blood of the Tayy and Khath'am. mu.hilliin, themif they harass meet you"2). mentionsas muhillifn, people who consideredas lawful Al-Ya'qfbi to commitiniquitiesin these markets. They were groupsfrom Asad, b. and 3). Tayy,Bakrb. 'Abd Mandt Kindna of 'Amirb. Sa'sa'a to It is evident,that it was necessary take some steps to guardthe free markets of Meccafrom hostile tribesand unrulyelementslike 4) and robbers. brigands In fact al-Ya'qiibi states: And among the tribes there were people, to who condemned this and devoted themselves (nasabif anfusahum) the help of oppressed and to prevent bloodshed and committing of iniVII, I) al-Jahiz: al-IHIayawin 216 seq.; comp. al-Najirami:Aymin al-'Arab, p. 12; Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 319 inf. p. min Ansib, ms. f. 9oob (..wa-inni qad ahlaltudimd'a'l-muhillina 2) al-Bal.dhuri: fa-'qtulfihum lakum); of interest wajadtumizhum 'aradlI Tayyinwa-Khath'am idhd haythu is the following verse of al-Hutay'a. Alam akunmuhrimanfa-yakina bayni 'l-mawaddatu wa-baynakumu wa-l-ikhd'u 40, 1.7.). The commentarysays: (Diwdn (ed. T-h-) al-musalimu 'alaykawa-damuka yakramudamubu 'alayhi. 'lladhi al-muhrimu I, z22 (ed. Najaf). 3) al-Ya'qfibi: Ta'rikb 4) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar 267 (wa-lam takunfihi (i.e. 'Ukdz) p. wa-ld ,ush/i;run kbufdratun). MECCA AND TAMIN 143 and refrain from it and haram kill. (2) people .haram, respectthe sacredmonths(yz.hrimina (3) 'I-ashhura 'l-.huruma). people set b. sharingthe principle up 3) by Sulsulb. Aus b. Mukhdshin Mu'd- (The quities. They were called al-Dhdda al-Mu.hrimina Mu.hrimfn, "the Defenders"). They were from the 'Amr b. Tamim, the Banti b. Zayd Mandt (b. Tamim), Hudhayl, Shaybdn and Kalb .Hanzala They used to carry weapons (in the sacred months). The b. Wabara. tribes were divided into people who took off their weapons during the sacred months and (lacuna; apparently:people who carried arms during these months-K). This report of al-Ya'qiibi is of importance;it sheds some light on the role of some groups of Tamim who served in an inter-tribalmilitia, set up to defend Mecca and the marketsof Mecca. One may recall the remarkablepassage of al-Jbhizquoted above 1), in which ilif was explainedas a tax, imposed on the tribes in order to defend Mecca from the "wolves of the tribes", brigands and hostile tribes. It cannot be ruled out that the /lafmight have included some point about a pay for the militia to guard the markets and to guard Mecca. Additional details about this militia are given by al-Marziqi 2): The tribes (al-'Arab) were divided according to three different conunlawful ceptions about the sacredmonths: (i) people who perpetrated these are the who do not respect the sanctity of the deeds; stealin the mu.hillfn, who Rasa'il runs as follows: i) See p. 119 n. 2 above; the passage in al-Jdhhiz's dhdiika. Wa-qadfassarahu qaumun hi-ghayri ja'ala 'ala ru'iAsi QdjI: innaHdshiman yu'addzfnahd ilayhili-yahmiya ahlaMakkata.Fa-innadhu'biha 'l-qabd'ii'dard'iba bina i-'Arabi wa-sa'dika 'i-abyd'i wa-ashdba kdnf Idyu'manina Cald 'i-.tawd'ili wa-ndsun al-'Arabi kdn7ldyarauna min 'l-barami;It siyydma li-1-harami wawa-ld li-l-shahri'l-hardmiqadran, wa-Khath'amin .urmatan mithluTayyin wa-Qudad'ata bni ba'diBalhdrithi Ka'bin". al-AmkinaII, i66. 2) al-Marzicqi: The translationof Hamidullah(Le Prophite,p. 605) is not accurate.He renders 3) the text as follows:.. mais les gens se partageaienten trois groupes a ce propos: ceux qui pratiquaient l'abomination...ceux qui s'en enfin les fantaisistes (ahl al-ahwd'),partisans du Tamimite.." The text tells about three conceptions according to which people were divided. Wa-kandt al-'Arabuflasbhuri 144 M. J. KISTER wiya b. Shurayfof the 'Amr b. Tamim; it is he who made lawful for them the fight of the mu.hillfn. This tradition transmittedby Ibn al-Kalbi (on the authority of his father)is refuted by Ibn al-Kalbi and Abi Khirdsh.They state: "That is the claim of the Banii Tamim. Certainis in our opinion that it was the Qalammasand his ancestors. And it was he who intercalatedthe months". The refutation of Ibn al-Kalbi and Abii Khirish does not refer to the whole tradition about Sulsul. It refers only to the phrase "and he made lawful to fight the muhilahallaqitdla'l-muhillin fa-innahu utteredby the interseemsto referto the declaration al-Kalbi lin."Ibn who utteredthis declaration. It was in fact the intercalator calator. out who But it was the group of Sulsul,the mu.hrimifn-dhdda carried the implicationof this declaration. A peculiartradition recordedby al-Shahrastdni (al-Milal,p. 443-ed. claimsthat the Qalammas text al-Mutalammis)Umayya b. (in Cureton) was al-Kindn7 of the dinof Tamim('alad ban! dini Tamim). seems The traditionabout the mu.hrimzin-dhdda to be trustworthy. The Usayyid, the clan of Sulsul, were in close connections with Mecca. Some of the Bani Usayyid came to Mecca, became allies of influential of families,and families, daughters aristocratic gainedwealth,married was citizensof Mecca.Influential the Usayyidi became family respected of Nabbdsh.Their houses were in the vicinity of the Ka'ba1). Al-A'shd b. Zurdrab. al-NabbdshmournedNubayh and Munabbih,the two sons b. of al-Hajjdj 'Amir,killedat Badr The motherof Baghidb. 'Amir 2). b. Hdshim b. 'Abd Mandf b. 'Abd al-Dar was the daughter of al- ahlu ha wan shara 'a bu .wa-minhum.. minbum.. iabwd'in: '/-hajti'aldthaldthat .wa-minhum The expression The group set up by Sulsul were not "fantaisistes". lahum Sulsul. ... is ahluhawan not peiorative; it is equal in its denotation to the expression used for the preceding groups. i) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 88b; al-Fdsi: Shifd' al-ghardn (Wiistenfeld, II, I40 seq.). 2) Ibn Hishdm: Sira III, 16; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab Quraysh,ms. f. 182 b; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghint XVI, 6o. MECCA AND TAMIN 145 Nabbash b. Zurdra One of the mountains of Mecca belonged to 1). Ban& Nabbdsh2). A spurious tradition-which may, however, the contain some grain of truth-claims that Aktham b. Sayfi, the famous sage of the Usayyid, acquiredhis wisdom from Qusayy, 'Abd Manif, Hdshim and Abil 3). Another spurious tradition claims that T.lib from 'Abd al Muttalib4). To the Usayyid Aktham learned nasab belonged as well the first (or second) husband of Khadija,Abii Hila. The family of Aus b. Mukhdshinwas a noble one. The descendants of Aus b. Mukhdshinwere the guardiansof the sanctuaryof Shums, the idol worshippedby the Dabba, Tamim, 'Ukl, 'Adiyy and Thaur6). This idol was pulled down by Hind, the son of Khadijaand by Safwin b. Usayyidof the Mukhdshin This SafwdnmarriedDurra,the daugh6). ter of Aba Lahab, and she gave birth to two of his sons Auf and alQa'qd" Mukhashin b. Mu'dwiya b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was called 7). b. al-Hkrithb. Mukhdshinb. Mu'dwiya Dbh 'I-a'wVd8). Sayfi b. Riy.h b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, the father of Aktham was called Dhb or '-.hilm Dhib'l-aubdr of the copious herds he possessed)9). Rabi'a b. (because Mukhdshinand his father were respected "judges of the Mukh.shin tribes" 10). is attributedwas Sulsul to whom the setting up of the mu.hrimin-dhida in very close relations with Mecca: he was in charge of the mausim and a judge at 'Ukz x11). al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit., ms. f. 89b; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri:Nasab Quraysh in Suhayli's al-Raud p. 254; and see the discussion about the writer of the sa•ifa al-unuf I, 2 32. z) al-Azraqi: Akhbdr (Wiistenfeld I, 490); Yqfiqt: Buldin, s.v. Sbayba. 3) al-Majlisi:Bihdral-anwdr 39. VI, 4) Abu l-BaqI': Maniqib,ms. f. 96a. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 316. p. 5) I) ansib al-'Arab, p. 199, inf. .Hajar: 7) Ibn Hazm:Jambarat al-Hamddni:Iklil I/II, ms. f. 178a (Mukhdshin);Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 8) p. 134 (Rabi'a b. Mukhdshin). al-Anbdri: Mufaddalyydt (Lyall) 447 (Rabi'd); al-Ya'qabi: Ta'rikh I, 214 (ed. Najaf: Mukhlshin); al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 503, n. 2; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharbnabjal-Baldgha 427. III, 9) al-Hamdani:ib. Ibn al-Athir; al-Murassa'(ed. Seybold) p. 82 (also attributed to Aktham). Io) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 134; al-'Askari: Jamharatal-amthil,p. Io04. p. i i) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 182. JESHO, VIII Io 6) ib; and see Ibn al-Isdba, No. 4067, 4071. 146 M. J. KISTER The duties entrustedto Tamimin Meccaand in the marketsof Mecca are a convincing evidence of the important role played by Tamim in establishingof the economic power of Mecca. Tamim were invested in with the ifd/da Mecca itself and with the control of the market of 'Ukdz. 'Ukdz was one of the importantmarketsbecauseherethe public opinion of the tribes could express itself in its literary, political and social aspects1). It was the co-operation with Tamim in the market which helped Qurayshto avoid competition and secured for of the'Uk.z Qurayshthe influencein these markets2). The share of Tamim in the Meccan system is defined by Ibn JHabib as follows: "The leaders (A' imma) of the tribes (after 'Amir b. al-Zarib) in the mawasim and their judges at Tamim. The guardiansof their dinand the 'Ukdz were the BanLY trustees of their qiblawere the Quraysh.The authoritativeinterpreters of the din were the Band Mdlik b. Kindna 3)". Ibn Habib gives a list of chiefs of Tamim who acted both as leaders of the mausim and as (i) Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (2) Uanzala b. judges of 'Uk.z. Zayd Mandt b. Tamim, (3) Dhu'ayb b. Ka'b b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (4) Mdzin b. Mdlik b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (5) Tha'laba b. Yarbii' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt,(6) Mu'dwiyab. Shurayfb. Jurwa b. Usayyid b. 'Amr b. Tamim, (7) al-Adbat b. Quray' b. 'Auf b. Ka'b b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt,(8) Sulsul b. Aus b. Mukhdshinb. Mu'~wiyab. Shurayf b. Jurwa b. Usayyid, (9) Sufydnb. Mujdshi'; Sufyan was the last man who combined the two functions: of a judge and a leaderof the mausim. After his death these duties were performedby two differentpersons. Muhammadb. Sufydnperformedthe duties of a judge at 'Ukdz. At the appearanceof Islam the judge was al-Aqra' b. HJbis b. 'Iqdl b. Muhammadb. Sufydnb. Mujdshi'.After Sulsul the "ijdza"of the mausim was entrusted to 'AllIq b. Shihdbb. La'y of the 'Uwdfa (of the Banti i) Comp. al-Marzu-qi:al-Amkina II, I65, 170; al-Marziiqi: Sharb al-Hamisa, pp. p. 15 14; Wellhausen: Reste,p. 84-87; Buhl: Das LebenMubammeds, 49-50, 105. p. 2) The opinion of Rathjens (Die Pilgerfahrt, 70), that there was competition between the market of Mecca and 'Ukdz seems to be without basis. 3) Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, 18x inf.; the Mdlik b. Kinana were the clan p. of the intercalators. MECCA AND TAMIN 147 in IbnHazmreports a chapter in omitted theeditionof LeviProvengal6), thatthe Tamimgot the duty of the judgesat 'Ukdzandthe ifdda after it had been performedby 'Adwdn. The last of the 'Adwin were the and The 'Amirb. al-Zarib AbaiSayydra. last manwho performed of ifddaat the appearance Islamwas Karibb. Safwin; the last judge was al-Aqra'b. IHbis. The Tamiminheritedthe duties of the raminy, nafrandthe ijddafrom Siifa-reportsIbn lHazm. Tamimi by poets recallin theirpoemsthe dutiesperformed Tamim. boastsof the duty of the by Al-Farazdaq performed one of his .hakam ancestors: Wa-'ammin 'khtdrat 'lladhi hukfmatan Ma'addun idhwafau 'ald'l-ndsi ma'd 'Ukdzabihd Huwa'l-Aqra'u kdna 'l-khayru 'lladhJ yabtan7 thdbitin majdin awdkhiya 7) anyunazza'd i) Zaynab bint 'Allaq b. Shihib b. 'Amr of the Banf 'Uwifa b. Sa'd b. Zayd Mandtwas the grandmotherof 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (see Ibn al-Mubabbar, p. 27; al-Baladhuri: Ansib, ms. f. Io049 b). His son 'Attab got the.Habib: pay ('') of z,500 dirham by 'Umar (al-Balidhuri, op. cit. f. I05oa; Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 83a). 'Alliq is said to have believed in God and in the Day of Resurrection(al-Shahrastani, al-Milal, p. 439, ed. Cureton). 2) See Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara,ms. f. 8Ia; Ibn Hazm: Jamharatansdbal-'Arab, p. 208; al-Balidhuri: Ansib, ms. f. o1044a, 957a; Damra b. Jibir b. Nahshal married his daughter Hind (al-Dabbi: Amthal al-'Arab, p. 8). 3) al-Balidhuri: Ansdb, ms. f. 1044 b (but Mdzin is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; Sulsul is followed by 'Allaq). 4) Naqd'i~d438 (Tha'laba b. Yarba' is followed by Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf; but Mu'iwiya b. Shurayf is followed by Jurwa b. Usayyid. That is apparently an error; read for thumma: bn). 5) al-Marzfqi: al-AmkinaII, I67. 6) al-Jdsir: Na.ratun ft kitdbiJambaratiansibi 1-'Arabi, RAAD, 95o0, .Hamd p. 248 seq. 7) al-Farazdaq:Divwn, p. 50oz(ed. Sawi). Sa'd) '). The last man who performedthe duty of "ijlza" when Islam appearedwas Karib b. Safwdn2). on The list of the Tamimi judges given by al-Balddhuri the authority of Ibn Kundsais almostidenticalwith the list of 3). Identical al-Mu.habbar are as well the lists of the Naqdi'id4) and al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5). 148 M. J. KISTER The function of the judge boasts as well Jarir: '/-hikimrfna Quldkhin 'aald Wa-nahnu dhd 1) wa-l-musdba kafaynd 'l-jarfrati 'ald (Thereis a variant:Wa-nabhnu 2). 'l-.hJkimina 'Ukdzin) A significant verseof Hassdn Thdbit b. refersto the dutiesof Tamim in the markets: min Wa-afd/alu niltum al-majdi md wa-l-'uld 'inda 3) ridafatund '.htiddri 'l-mawdsimi "Andthebestwhichyou gainedfromgloryandloftiness Is (to be) ourhelpersat the attending markets." of This verse is the 14th of a poem of which was an answer .Hass-n, to the poemof the delegation Tamim,whichcameto Meccato meet of the prophet anno 9 H. Arafatanalysedthe poem 4) and came to the conclusion thoughattributed Hassdn, wasactually that it to compoin Arafat not analyse did sed by an Ansdri a laterperiod.Unfortunately as this verse. The conclusion Arafatis, however,not acceptable far of that as this verseis concerned. Takingfor granted therewas an Ansdri this to interested insultthe Tamim-he would not have recalled poet were relationof the Tamimwith Mecca.In latertimeswhen Quraysh for highly respectedin the Islamicsociety-the riddfa Qurayshwas not an insult. "is clearlydivided into Arafatremarksthat the poem of .Hassdn two sections.The firsteightlinesareboastingin the firstpersonplural the in preciselythe same mannerwhich characterizes poems of the The remaining to someof whichwereattributed laterAnsdris .Hassdn. Ddrim" to six lines are threatsand insults addressed the Banfi 5). of the poemcontaining withthe eightverses We areherenot concerned See Naqd'id, p. 438; Jarir: Diwan, ib.; Ydqfit: Buldtn, s.v. Qulkh. 3) Diwan p. 385 (ed. Barqfiqi). 4) W. Arafat: "An interpretation of the different accounts of the visit of the .Hassan: Tamim delegation to the Prophet A.H. 9", BSOAS '955, PP. 416-25. 2) i) Jarir: Diwan, p. 67; Naqd'id, p. 437. 5) ib. p. 422. MECCA AND TAMIN 149 praises of the Ansdr and stressingthe aid of the Ansir for the Prophet. Arafat may be right assuming that these verses were composed by an Ansdriof a later generation.But why did an Ansdriof a later generation slanderthe Tamim in such a vehement manner. To start with, one may observe that the six verses of Hassln (9-14) are an answerfor the poem of al-Zibriqin b. Badr1). In the four verses recorded al-Zibriqdnpraises his tribe and their deeds. The verses of for lHassinform, in fact, an answer, a naqkla the verses of al-Zibriqdn. The verse of quoted above forms an answer for the first verse .Hassin of al-Zibriqdn: Atayndkakaymiya'lama'l-ndsu fadland 'inda idhd 'l-mawdsimi '.htiddri came to "We'.htafalIzyou in order that people may know our excellence When they rally attending the markets". The verse seems to point to the duty of the Tamim performed in the markets. The answer of Hassdn-on behalf of the Prophet-is explicit: you were merely our chamberlains, ardaf, at these markets. That is the utmost of excellence which you could attain. It would be, in fact, probablybetterto put this verse afterverse io of the poem. That refutesthe claim of the excellence would give 3 verses in which IHassdn of the Tamim. The three other verses (11-13) would form the unity of threat and urge to embraceIslam. The violent insults in the verses of IHassdnare not surprising. was known as the poet who mentioned in his verses in the .Hass~n defense of the Prophet the faults of his opponents, their lost battles and some flaws in their pedigree2). Arafat refuting the authenticity of the verses of Hassin remarks: "However, it is doubtful whether it would be in keeping with the i) Ibn Hishim: Sira IV, z Ii; two verses are quoted in al-Marzubdni's Mudjam al-sbu'ard',p. 299 and attributedto 'Ut~ridb. IHjib (attributedas well to al-Aqra' b. Habis). III, II, 376; al-Zurqdni: Sbarbal-mawabib 2) al-Dhahabi: Siyar a'ldm al-nubald' 376. 150O M. J. KISTER of character the Prophet, alwaysa great statesman,to allow such insults and threats to be used on such an occasion against the well known of of representatives a greattribe"1). The argument Arafatis a sound answerto the one. But thereis a reportwhichmay give a reasonable to by According an accountgiven in the questionput forward Arafat. of therewas a contestbetweenal-Aqra' the Tamim SiraJHalabiyya 3) 2) which and Hassan(mufdkhara), was attended the Prophet. by Al-Aqra' with his naqida. Prophet, The recitedhis poem and responded the verses of.Hassan said to al-Aqra':"You did not need hearing .Hass-n, to of kunta (laqad ghaniyyan) be reminded thingswhichyou understand that people alreadyforgot". This utteranceof the Prophet-says alKalbi-was more gravefor al-Aqra'than the versesof was .Hassan. that It is not surprising this verse(14)of Hassan omittedin later sources.The duty of Tamimfell in oblivionand was mentioned only had ceasedto The old markets already by earlyIslamicTamimipoets. of exist. The verse could not serveas argument boastingor of insult. of The moderncommentary Barqi-qi gives the followingexplanation: becauseif you embrace "It is betterfor you (says Islam-you .Hassan) because would gain the highestglory (sharaf), you will attendwith us and all gatherings thatis the best thingyou striveat"4). This explanamd does not denotefuture, tion is hardlyacceptable. Wa-aftdalu niltum anno but past. The versewas, in fact, an insultin the time of .Hassan, in 9 H.: you were merelyhelpersof ours (of Quraysh) the markets. of the seconddivision)describe VersesI -Iz of the poem (verse 3 "If a realsituation. you havecometo saveyourlives andyourproperty lest you be dividedamongthe booty, then admitno rivalto God, and attireto thatof foreigners" and becomeMuslims wearnot a similar 5). x) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. z) al-Halabi: Insdnal-'uyin,III, 228-29. 3) It is more plausible that the verses of the Tamimi poet may be attributed to al-Aqra' or 'Utirid b. HIjib. It is hardly conceivable that the Sa'di ka-Dirimi. al-Zibriq.n The verses would have praised the Ddrim: wa-anlaysaft ardi '1Ij.diZi of Hassin are as well addressed to the Ddrim: Bani Darimin, d tafkharz. 4) IHassin: Divwn, ib. 5) Arafat, op. cit., p. 423. MECCA AND TAMIN 15 I in The situationreferred in these versesis plainlymentioned the to that The versesof al-Farazdaq. threatof Hassdn the Tamimiprisoners as have been sold in the markets-cannotbe considered a void might threat.Al-Farazdaq boastsof the Ddrim: rasili 'ldhi idhshadda Wa-'inda qabdahu addhimuh wa-mulli'a asrdTamimin min Farajnd 'l-asrd 'l-addhima md ba'da 'ani wa-'shtaddat shakd'imuh 1) 'alayhim takhamma.ta that In another stresses the freeingof the captives poem al-Farazdaq of was due to the intercession al-Aqra'with the Prophetfor them. sawwdrin 'l-majdi, ild .hdyimi. bi-khu.t.tati Lahfatlaqa '1-asrd fi .hibdlihi 'llati ' HIdbisin Wa-'inda rasili 'lldhiqdmabnu f7 mughallaqatan a'ndquhd 'I-addhimi. 'calayhim Kafdummahdti 'l-khd'Jifina ausihdma 'ald'a1-mufddZ 1-musdhimi2). A tradition recorded on the authorityof al-Kalbi (forming a for of commentary these verses) states that al-Aqra'interceded the b. captivesof the 'Amr b. Jundabb. al-'Anbar 'Amr b. Tamimand The Prophetfreed the captivesand promisedto pay the bloodwit. al-Aqra'paid the bloodwiton behalfof his people3). The verses of Hassin aboutTamimseemto be authentic. One may agreewith Arafataboutthe inferiority these versesof of that is not a sufficient proof that these verseswere not .Hassdn-but JHassin. in Suchversesare not surprising politicalha-d'. composedby The problemof the delegationof Tamimdeservesto be treated separately. The seculardutiesof Tamimat the market,discussedabove, were i) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 767; Naqd'ia4, 748. p. a'niquhd). z) al-Farazdaq:Diwdn, p. 862; Naqd'id, p. 747 (mughallalatan 3) Naqi'id, p. 747; it is significant that versions "L", "O" of the Naqa'id have au sibhma resembling closely the expression of the verse of 1-muqdsimi .HassZn. 152 M. J. KISTER complemented by remarkableduties performed by the relatives of Tamim during the festivities of the pilgrimage.The SPraof Ibn Hishdm supplies the following account about the Tamimi leaders at the pilgrimage festivities: "Al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd b. al-Ya's b. Mudar used to give permission to men on pilgrimageto leave 'Arafa,and this function descended to his children after him. He and his sons used to be called Safa. Al-Ghauth used to exercise this function because his mother was a woman of Jurhum who had been barren and vowed to Allah that if she bore a son she would give him to the Ka'ba as a slave to serve it and to look after it. In course of time she gave birth to al-Ghauthand he used to look after the Ka'ba in early times with his Jurhum uncles and presided over the order of departurefrom 'Arafa because of the office which he held in the Ka'ba. His sons carriedon the practiceuntil they were cut off. Murr b. Udd, referring to the fulfilment of the mother's oath, said: O Lord, I have made one of my sons A devotee in Mecca the exalted. So bless me for the vow fulfilled, And make him the best of creaturesto my credit. Al-Ghauth, so they allege, used to say when he sent the people away: O God I am following the example of others. If that is wrong the fault is Qudj'a's. Yahyd b. 'Abbdd b. 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayrfrom his father 'Abbid said: Soifaused to send the people away from 'Arafa and give them permission to depart when they left Mini. When the day of departure arrivedthey used to come to throw pebbles, and a man of Siifa used to throw for the men, none throwing until he had thrown. Those who had urgent business used to come and say to him: "Get up and throw so that we may throw with you", and he would say, "No, by God, not until the sun goes down"; and those who wanted to leave quickly used to throw stones at him to hurry him, saying, "Confound you, MECCA AND TAMIN 153 get up and throw". But he refused until the sun went down and then he would get up and throw while the men threw stones with him. When they had finished the stoning and wanted to leave Mini, fa held both sides of the hill and kept the men back. They said: "Give .Sthe order to depart, Safa". No one left until they had gone first. When Safa left and had passed on, men were left to go their own way and followed them. This was the practiceuntil they were cut off. After them the next of kin inherited. They were of B. Sa'd in the family of b. Shijna. It was Safwdn who gave permission Safwdn b. to the pilgrims to depart from 'Arafa, and this right was maintained al-.HIrith them up to Islam, the last being Karib b. Safwdn. by Aus b. Tamim b. Maghrd'al-Sa'di said: The pilgrims do not quit their halting-placeat 'Arafa Until it is said, "Give permission O family of Safwdn1)". The verses of Aba Maghrd' are often quoted and the importance of the duty of Karib b. SafwIn is stressed2). It is a significantverse of Aus b. Maghri': Tard thindnd,idhd mdjdi'a, bad'ahumrn in 'wa-bad'uhum, atdnd, kina thunydnda3) The yijda of Safa is mentioned in the verses of Murra b. Khulayf: Idhidmd ajiat min athu 'l-naqbar Minan .Sf fauqahi safa'u 'l-dami wa-/dhaqutdrun wa-taba"athat 'ajilan 'l-i'dba Ra'aytu 'alaiya dan'd'inli-l-Rabdbi wa-Kalthami4) The two poets of Tamim, al-Farazdaqand Jarir mention boasting i) Ibn Hisham: Sira I, I25 seq.; the translationof the whole quoted passage is taken from Guillaume: The Life of Muhammad, 49-50; comp. Ibn Kathir: al-Bip. dayaII, 20o6. 2) al-Mubarrad:Nasab, p. 9; Muh. b. Habib: al-MAluabbar, I83; al-Baldhuri: p. Amdi, II, 176; al-Bakri:Simt, p. 795-96; Ibn Qutavba: Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-QMli: al-Shi'r, p. 264; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-'lqd al-faridII, 222; Ibn Abi 'l-IHadid: Sharh III, nahjal-baldgha 426. Ibn Walldd:al-Maqsr7r wa-/-mamd7id, 24. p. 4) al-Marzubini: Muijam al-shu'ard', p. 382. 3) L. 'A., s.v. th . n ._y. 154 M. J. KISTER the y*da of their tribe 1) in Mecca. A verse of al-Farazdaqabout the of iydZa Tamim was considered as unsurpassed(afkhar)in boasting: min 'l-ndsu habata 'l-Muhassaba Minan Idhd min yaumi 'l-nahri .haythu 'arraff# 'ashiyyata Tard'l-ndsa sirnd md yasfrzrna khalfand nahnu ild wa-in 2) waqqafzi auma'nd '-na-si Jarir says: 'l-bajfji 'alaykum land Wa-jawwdZu 'l-makdrimi wa-l-mandri 3) wa-'ddidyyu (called al-Rabit, or Sifa) is recorded by Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 6oa (they perished; Muh. b. Habib: Mukhtalifal-qabd'il; al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 956b; Ibn Qutayba: al-Ma'drif, p. 34 (al-Ghauth b. Murr moved to al-Yaman and were called Siifa);al-Kali'i: al-Iktifd',I, 132 seq.; and see Wellhausen:Reste,p. 77; Caetani: Annali I, p. Io5 (79). There are however contradictory traditions about Sfifa. Al-Azraqi: Akhbar (Wiistenfeld, I, iz8) reports that the men, who were entrusted with the duty of the ifjda were descendants of Sifa, whose name was Akhzam; he was from the Mdzin b. Asad. Al-Ghauth b. Sffa, the son of Slfa and a woman from Jurhum,was entrusted of the Khuzd'a. His descendants performed the ifdc/a with the ijada by in the times of Jurhum and Khuzi'a till they perished. In the times of Quraysh .Hubshiyya the ifjIda passed to the 'Adwtn (of Qays 'Aylhn), to Zayd b. 'Adwan. The last man, who performed this duty when Islam appearedwas Abfi Sayyara. Al-Maqdisi (Kit. al-Bad' IV, I z7-ed. Huart) records that Sofa were a group from Jurhum, given the privilege of the yijaa. They were defeated in the battle with Qusayy. was in the beginning entrustedto people from Khuzd'a, Ydqft reportsthat the yij/za to 'AdwAn and became the privilege of Abai SayyAra;finally it became the passed s.v. Thabir). privilege of al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd (al-Bulddn, In another passage Ydqft reports that a group of Jurhum, called Stfia, used to perform the yijda. The poet said about them: Wa-ld ft yarimdna '/-ta'rjfimauqi'abum dia hattadyuqdla: "aizzgd S'zafdnd" s.v. Makka).The privilege passed to Khuzd'a,was latertransferred (Yaqiat:al-Buldan, to 'Adwvn (Abil Sayydra).Qusayy removed Abca Sayyara and his people. p. According to al-Sijistdni(al-Mu'ammarin, 5i ed. Goldziher) Sfifaperformedthe duty of the yijda one day; on another day the duty was performed by 'Adwdn. (see n. 34 of Goldziher.) z) Ibn Rashiq: al-'UmdaII, I37; al-'Askari: Diwdn al-Ma'dni,I, 78; al-Farazdaq: Diwan, p. 5667 (ed. al-SAwi; there is a misprint: auma'ndild 'l-ndri,instead of ild 'l-ndsi);but see al-Qdli: al-Amali (Dhayl I19 inf.) and Ibn Rashiq:al-'UmdaII, z69. 3) Jarir: Diwdn, p. 298. I) The tradition stating that Siifa were the descendants of al-Ghauth b. Murr MECCA AND TAMIN 15T of the Al 'Ajjajsaysdescribing multitude the pilgrims: idhd fitru HFattd mi .hdna 'l-suwwami iun lam 1) yfiqami minnajda' ajdZa Theseversesof the Tamimi pointto the aboveco-operapoetsclearly tion between Qurayshand Tamim.The fact that Qurayshinvested Tamim with the two most importantduties in their religions and economiclife: the and the Ji-Za shows thatthe Tamimwere 2) .hukima and renderedconsiderable servicesto in fact strong and influential Mecca. The suggestionof Wellhausen, the granting the !i/dato Stifa of that laterto Tamim-K) shows,thatMeccawas not the centerof the (and seems not to be adequate.Qurayshceded their authorityor .hajja) a clan with invested some dutiesin their territory in the territory or in whichthe exertionof influence vitalfor Quraysh markets), was (the becausethey could in this way more efficiently controlthe activities of the tribesandgainthe security theirterritory. of Therewereprecedents of this kind and this principle already was appliedby the rulers of the borderkingdoms Aboutthe investment somedutiesin the of 4). market,we can gauge from a significantpassage in al-Marziiqi's Amkina 5): bi-tilka Wa-kdna ashrafu yatawafauna ma'a 'l-tujjdri 'l-'Arabi 'l-aswdqi minajlianna kinattardakhu 'l-mulzka li-kullisharzfin li-l-ashrdji, bi-sahbmin i) al-'Ajjdj:Diwan, p. 6o (ed. Ahlwardt). Festivals, 32-33:Wellhausen: 2) For the ijyaasee: von Grunebaum:Mubammadan p. Reste,pp. 57, 75-8o; about ashriqThabirsee Aba Mishal: Nawadir,p. 452; and see L. 'A., s.v. th b r and Sh r q. 3) Wellhausen: Reste, p. 77: "Das Recht, das Zeichen zum Beginne des Laufes zu geben, die sogenannte IdiZa stand in alter Zeit den Cufa d. i. den Al (afwan zu, nicht den Quraisch (B. Hischdm 7712, 8o5, 825, vrgl, Agh. III, 417, seq.). Das ist bemerkenswert. Hitte Mekka im Mittelpunkt gestanden, so hitten es auch die Quraisch getan; statt dessen wird berichtet, dass sie in der heidnischen Zeit sich gar nicht an der Festversammlung zu 'Arafa beteiligten, sondern erst an einem spiteren Punkte zu der Prozession stiessen". 4) Comp. Ibn al-mughtdlin (Nawrdir al-makt.itat,ed. A. S. Haroin Asmad' 6, 221). But perhaps to read mulayknot malik (ay laysa bi-l-maliki1-timmi). .Habib: 5) al-Marzfqi: al-Amkina,II, 166. 56 M. J. KISTER shai-lfuku/lli baladin siqa baladihi,illd mrinal-arbdahi. Fa-kadna ya.hkduru bihd 'Uktda,fa-inntahuim yatandaifauna minkulli aubin. kdin "And the nobles (leadersof the tribes) used to frequentthese markets with the merchants, because the kings used to allot to every leader (sharif,noble), a share of the profits. The leader of every area used to attend the market of this district, except 'Ukdz, as they flocked to 'Ukaz from every side". This passagegives some idea about the relations between the rulers and the Bedouin chiefs. They were granted some share in the profits. Such apparently was the situation in DMmatal-Jandal, at Hajar, at Suhlr-at Dabd and in other markets, controlled by rulers of client kingdoms in which there were taxes levied. In the same way Quraysh invested the Tamim with the privilege of the leadershipof the market of But this was not based on some paltry reward. was a 'Uk.z this 'Uk.z. free marketwhere no taxes were paid. There is no indication what reward was. The expression a'immatal-'Arab points to some principle of mutual co-operation. As an ideological base served the principle of the respect for the sanctuary of Mecca and the sacred months. It is clearthat the consent of the tribes was necessaryfor the performing of this duty. The control of the marketsand the yidzawere of importancenot only for the tribes. It was of the concern of some rulersas well. This can be gauged from a significanttradition reported by Suhayli: wa-qdla ba'.du kdinat qibalimul/ki Kindata. min inna 'l-Ghauthi naqalati'l-akhbdri wildyata "Some transmittersof historical records say that the appointment of al-Ghauth(b. Murr)was done by the kings of Kinda"1).These Ghauth b. Murr are said to have left for al-Yaman2). The traditions that alGhauth b. Murr emigratedto al-Yamanpoint clearly to their connections with South Arabia. According to tradition, after Sifa were exrith tinguished, the duty was inheritedby the Safwdnb. al-TH~ b. Shijna of the Sa'd, who were next in kin (fa warithahum ba'dihim dhdlikammin One may rememberthat this family had close connections bi-l-qu'dudi). I) al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf I, 84 inf. 2) See above, p. 154, n. i. MECCA AND TAMIN I 57 with the Kinda family.It was Uwayrb. Shijnawho shelteredsome members of the defeated family of Kinda and was praisedby Imru 'l-Qays. It was Karib b. Safwdnwho refused to join the other clans of Tamim in their attackagainstthe 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a,who belonged to the at the battle of Jabala.One may venture to suggest that there is a grain .Hums, of truth in this tradition. The Kinda co-operatedwith Qurayshin the escort of caravans1) and it is plausible that they influenced at least the appointment of the man and the clan who performed the idzJa. A Sa'di leader and poet, al-Zibriqdnb. Badr, reproacheda man who dared to slanderAbfi Jahl. He said: Abd AtadrJmanhajauta H.abibin salilakhaddrimin sakanfi 'l-bitdha A "Zdda'l-Rakbi"tadhkuru Hishdman am wa-bayta 'lldhi wa-l-balada 1-laqd.ha 2) The versesexpressloyaltyand respectto the aristocratic Qurashite (AbaiJahl)anddevotionfor Mecca. The branch of Tamim to whom the function of the judge at was entrusted werethe Mujdshi' the Ddrim,a claninfluentialUkz. of at the courtof al-Hira 3). The tradition discussed in this paper give us a rough idea how the clans of Tamim became linked with Mecca: some of them by the organizationof the Hums, some of them by the pacts of 7lif, some of them by getting the authority at the markets and in performing of the rites of the hajj,some of them by participating the intertribal in militiato guardMecca. It is plausible that we find in Mecca men from Tamim as and .hulafd' of Tamimi chiefs marriedby leaders of Meccan clans. This daughters factmaydeserve be stressed. to to According sometraditions, Quraysh I) Comp. Muh. b. Habib: al-Mubabbar, p. 267 (about the market of al-Rdbiya in Hadramaut): "..the Quraysh used to request the escort of Kinda..and the BanQ Akil al-Mur;r gained power, owing to Quraysh, over other people".. 2) Ydqfit: Bulddn, s.v. Makka. 3) See Oppenheim - Caskel: Die Beduinen,III, i66. 158 M. J. KISTER bint refrained from marrying daughters of some tribes. was the of Kalb, the wife of 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'AufTum.dir first al-Asbagh Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite. Qurayshdid not enter into marriageswith Kalb 1). About a family of Tamim tradition emphasizes that Quraysh entered into marriageswith this family 2). The wife of the noble Makhzamite, Hisham b. al-Mughira, the b. motherof the famousAbi Jahl,was Asma'bint Mukharriba Jandal b. Ubayr b. Nahshalb. Ddrim. She was as well the mother of 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a and (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a 3). (Ayydsh b. Abi Rabi'a4) b. b. Mukharriba Jandals).'Abdallahb. bint married Asm.' Rabi'amarriedHind bint Mutarrifb. Salamab. b. Abi 'Ayyash riba 6). (Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a marriedthe daughter of the Tamimi the b. b. leader (Utdrid HTjib ZurdraLayl1 Abi!Jahlmarried daugh7). ter of 'Umayr b. Ma(bad b. Zurdra (Ubaydullah b. 'Umar b. al8). bint Khaula married Asmd'bint 'Utdridb. HIjib b. Zurdra9). KhattOb al-Qa('q8b. Ma(badb. Zurdrab. 'Udas marriedTalha b. 'Ubaydallah; her second marriage was with AbTiJahm b. Hudhayfa10). Layli bint I) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 267; al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr: Nasab ms. f. 95 b. Quraysh, 2) al-Balddhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. 989 b: . .kdna sharifanwa-qadnakahatilayhiQurayshun .. fubil al-shu'ard', 3) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jambara,ms. f. 36a, 67b; al-Jumahi: Tabaqdt ms. p. 123; al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr:NasabQuraysh, f. 35a, 140 b; al-Mus'abal-Zubayri: I, pp. NasabOuraysh, 317, 301; al-Wdqidi:Maghdzi, 83-84; Aba 'l-Faraj:al-Aghdni pp. Ansdb,ms. f. 986 b, 804a; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr: 29 seq.; Naqd'iai,p. 607; al-Balddhuri: al-IsdbaVIII, al-Isti'db, p. 495; al-Balddhuri;Ansdb I, 298, 209, 235; Ibn IHajar: Io (No. women). 55 8. al-Isaba,No. 611x 4) See about him: Ibn IHajar: Ibn Hishdm: Szra I, 273; Ibn (Abd al-Barr: al-Isti'(b, p. 705; al-Mus'ab al5) Nasab Quraysh,ms. Zubayri: Nasab 9uraysh, pp. 267, 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakk.r: f. 96a. V, 6) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: NasabQuraysh,p. 319; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqdt 28. 7) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: Nasab Quraysh,p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar: Nasab Ansib, ms. f. 804 b. ms. .Quraysh, f. 14Ia; Ibn Hajar:al-IsdbaVIII, 182; al-Balddhuri: al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri: op. cit., p. 312; al-Zubayr b. Bakkir, op. cit. f. I35 b. 8) p. 9) al-Jumahi: Tabaqitfuihilal-shu'ard', 488 n. 3. Ansib, ms. Io) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., ms. f. i i8a, 17Ia; al-Bal.dhuri: f. 871a; al-Mus(ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 372, 281; Ibn IHajar: al-Isiba VIII, 71 III (No. 371); Ibn Said: Tabaqdt I, 152; V, 120; VI, 147 (ed. Leiden). MECCA AND TAMIN I 59 Mas'id b. Khdlid b. MIlik b. Rib'i b. Sulmi b. Jandal b. Nahshal married 'Ali b. Abi Tdlib; her second marriage was with 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Abi Tdlib 1). 'Aqil b. Abi Tdlib married the daughter of the Sa'd b. Zayd Mandt2). The daughters of Sindnb. al-.Hautakiyya of al-Zibriqdn b. Badr married Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, al-Musawwir b. Makhramaal-Zuhri, 'Amr b. Umayya b. al-Haal-.HJrith al-.Damri, kam b. Abi 'l-'As b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, 'Uthmdnb. Abi 'l-'As, b. Abi 'l-'As, Umayyab. Abi 'l-'As 3). al-.Hakam al-Asghar,'Abd Umayya,Naufal and Ama were the children Umayya of 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Mandf, born by his wife, 'Abla bint 'Ubayd b. Jddhilb. Qays b. Hanzalab. Malikb. Zayd Mandt;their descendants were called al-'AbalJt 4). Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy married Fukayhabint Jandalb. Ubayrb. Nahshalb. Ddrim5). One of the wives of al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Mandf b. Qusayy was Umm al-HJIrith bint b. Yarbi' b. Hanzala b. Mdlik b. Zayd Mandt6). b. Salit al-.Hirith Khalaf married a Tamimi woman, Salmd bint 'Auf; she b. Umayya gave birth to 'Ali b. Umayya killed at Badr7). Wahb b. 'Uthmdn b. Abi Talha of the 'Abd al-Ddr b. Qusayy marriedSu'da bint Zayd b. Laqit of the Mdzin b. 'Amr b. Tamim8). Harb b. Umayya married a Tamimi woman 9). Ndfi' b. Tarif b. 'Amr b. Naufal b. 'Abd MandfmarriedGhaniyya bint Abi Ihdb b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abd b. Ddrim 10). Abfi Ihab was a descendant of Suwayd b. Rabi'a who i) Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, ms. f. 9a: al-Bal1dhuri's Ansdb, ms. f. 153a: al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn JHajar: al-Isdba No. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 2) al-Bal1dhuri: Ansib, ms. f. 154a, 105 oa. al-Sadfisi: Hadhf, p. 30; al-Bal1dhuri: Ansab, ms. f. 345, 8o6; Abft 'l-Faraj: Aghdn I, 3) al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb, ms. f. Io44a; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 169. ms. 4) Ibn al-KalbiJamhara, f. i16; al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 98; Mu'arrij 82. 5) al-Mus'abal-Zubayri:op. cit., p. 198; al-Bal1dhuri:Ansdb,ms. f. 8o8a(Kuhayfa bint Jandal-not Fukayha); Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamhara,ms. f. 2ia. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jambara,ms. f. 2o; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 44, 83; Ibn IHajar:al-IsidbaNo. 8404; Ibn Sa'd: Tabaqat III, 19. 7) al-Zubayr b. Bakkdr, op. cit., f. 176 b; al Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 387 inc. 8) al-Zubayrb. Bakkdr,op. cit., f. 88a. 9) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri,op. cit., p. 123. io) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 204. I6o M. J. KISTER killed a son of the ruler of al-Hira and escaped to Mlecca.He became an ally of the Naufal b. 'Abd Mandf. The grandfatherof Ghaniyya, 'Aziz b. Qays marriedFdkhitabint 'Amir b. Naufal b. 'Abd Manif 1). AbCiIhdb b. 'Aziz, the father of Ghaniyya married Durra bint Abi Lahab, the uncle of the prophet2). The daughterof Abii Ihdb married 'Abd al-Rahmdnb. 'Attdb b. Asid b. Abi 'l-'ls b. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams 3). The granddaughterof Abii Lahab, Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab marrieda Tamimi: Hind b. Hind b. Abi HIla the grandson of Khadija from her first (or second) husband, the Tamimi Abri Hdla4). The daughter of Naufal b. al-Hdrith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib5) married the Tamimi Hanzalab. al-Rabi'a,the secretaryof the Prophet6), the nephew of Aktham b. Sayfi 7). The list of the Tamimi women who married the men of the aristocratic families of Quraysh is not comprehensive at all. There seems to have been a considerable number of Tamimi women who married the sons of distinguished families of Mecca. It points to the close relations between Quraysh and Tamim. These marriages may have been intended to strengthen the ties with the chiefs of Tamim, who contributed considerably to strengthen the position of Mecca in the tribalsociety. i) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., pp. 204, 420; al-Zubayr. b. Bakkar, op. cit., f. I86a; AbO'l-Baqd', op. cit., f. i5ob. 2) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. ii6 b. 3) al-Mus'ab al-Zubayri, op. cit., p. 193. 4) Ibn al-Kalbi:Jamnhara, ms. f. i i 8b. 5) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isiba, No. 8827. 6) Ibn al-Kalbi: Jamhara, ms. f. i i 8a. 7) See about him: Ibn Hajar: al-Isaba, No. 1855. BIBLIOGRAPHY al-'Abbdsi: Ma'ahbid al-tansis,Cairo I3 I6 A.H. Abfi 'l-Baqd' Hibatu 'llh: al-Maniqibal-mazyadyya akhbdr ms. al-mulfkal-asadiyya, fi Br. Mus., add. 23, 296. Abfi Dharr: Sharhal-Siraed. Bronnle, Cairo 19 1. ed. Abi H2Itim al-Sijistdni:Kitabal-Mulammarii, I. Goldziher, Leiden 1899. I-VIII, Cairo 1328 A.H. al-muhit, Hayydn: Tafsira/-bahr Abi MECCA AND TAMIN 161 Abd al-WahhIbb. Harish;al-Nawddir, 'IzzatHasan, Damascus 1961. ed. Aba Mislhal, AbC Nu'aym al-Isbahbni:Hilyat al-awliyd, I-X, Cairo 1932-1938. Abii 'Ubayd: Kitib al-amwil, Cairo 1353 A.H. al-'Ajjij: Diwdn, ed. W. Ahlwardt, Berlin 1903. al-Alfisi: Bul/ghal-Arab, Cairo 1940. W. Arafat: "An Interpretationof the Different Accounts of the Visit of the Tamim al-A'shi: Diwdn, ed. R. Geyer, Wien 1928 (Gibb Memorial Series, VI). I-II, Cairo 1352 A.H. al-'Askari: Diwan al-ma'dni, ed. W. Ahlwardt, al-Asmaciyjdt, der al-Azraqi: Akhbdr Makka, ed. F. Wiistenfeld Die Chroniken Stadt Mekka), Leipzig 1858. al-Bakri,Abfi 'Ubayd cAbdallahb. 'Abd al-'Aziz: Mujam ma'stayam, ed. M. al---: Ahmad b. Yahyd: Ansib al-ashrif, ms. Ashir Efendi, 597/8, Istanbul; al-Balddhuri, vol. I, ed. Muh. Hamidulldh, Cairo 1959; vol. IV/B, ed. M. Schloessinger, SaqqA, Cairo 1945-195 i. Simt al-la'dli, ed. cAbd al-'Aziz al-Maymani, Cairo 1936. Delegation to the Prophet in A.H. 9", BSOAS (1955), PP. 416-425. L. Caetani: Annali dell'Islam, I-II, Milano 1905-1907. al-lDabbi:Amtbhlal-'Arab, Constantinople, 13oo A.H. H. Birkeland: TheLord Guideth, Oslo 1956. trans. H. H. Schaeder,Heidelberg 1955. F. Buhl: Das LebenMuhammeds, Jerusalem 1938; vol. V, ed. S. D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936. on Dahlin: al-Sira al-nabawiyya, margin of al-Halabi's Insdnal-cUyifn,I-III, Cairo al-Din al-Munajjid I. al-Abyari, Sal.h - --: Ta'rikhal-Islam,I-V, Cairo 1367-1369A.H. b. Muh.: Ta'rikhal-Khamis, I-II, Cairo 1283 A.H. al-Diyvrbakri, Diwdn, ed. al-Sdwi, Cairo 1936. .Husayn al-Farazdaq: al-Fisi, Abi 'l-Tayyib, Muh b. Abdallahb. Ali: Shifl'u 'l-gharam,ed. F. Wiistenfeld der (Die Chroniken Stadt Mekka), Leipzig 1859. G. von Grunebaum:Muhammadan Festivals,New York 1951. A. Guillaume: TheLife of Muhammad, Oxford University Press, 195 5. al-Dhahabi: Siyar aildm al-nubali', I-II, ed. Cairo 1956-1957. 1932-1935. al-Halabi, 'Ali b. Burhin al-Din: Insin al-'uyfin, I-III, Cairo 1932-1935. al-HamdIni: al-Iklil, I-II, ms. facsimile, Berlin 1943-- -: Muslim Conductof State, Lahore 1961. Le Prophbtede l'Islam, Paris 1959. --: M. Hamidullah: "al-Illf ou les rapports Cconomico-diplomatiquesde la Mecque Louis Massignon, p. 293 sep. II, pre-Islamique",Milanges Hassn b. Thdbit: Diwan, ed. A.R. al-Barquqi,Cairo 1929. Diwdn ed. A.R. al-Barqfqi, Cairo 1929. al-.Hutay'a:Diwan, ed. N. A. Tdhd, Cairo 1958. al-Hutay'a: Ibn 'Abd al-Barr:al-Inbdh qabi'il al-ruwdh, cald Cairo 135o A.H. - -: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi: al-clqdal-Farid,I-IV, Cairo 1935. f al-Istidrib ma'rifat al-ashtb, Hyderabad 1336 A.H. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadid: Sharhnahjal-baligha,I-IV, Cairo 1329 A.H. Ibn al-cArabi:Mubhdarat al-Abrdr,I-II, Cairo 1906. JESHO, VIII 1I Ibn al-Jauzi: Sifat al-Safwa, Hyderabad 135 5-57 A.H. i62 M. J. KISTER ed. Ibn al-Athir: al-Murassa', C. F. Seybold, Weimar I896. Ibn al-Faqih: Kitab al-buldan, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1885. Ibn Durayd: al-Ishtiqdq, ed. A. S. Harun, Cairo 1958. Ibn IHabib, Muhammad: al-mughtdlinmin al-ashr~f, ed. A. S. Hdron (Nawddir Asmt' al-makhtu.ttitVI). al-Mubabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstidter, Hyderabad 1942. -----: Muktalif al-qabi'il, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, G6ttingen I85o. ibn Hajar: al-lsdbafi tamyiz al-sabiba, I-VIII, Cairo 1323-I327 A.H. Ibn Hazm: Jamharat ans7b al-'Arab, ed. E. L6vi-Provengal, Cairo 1948. - Ndsir al-Din al-Asad, A.M. Shdkir. ----:Jawimic al-sira, ed. I. cAbbds Ibn Hisham: al-Sira al-nabawriya,I-IV, ed. MustafA al-Saqq -- Ibrdhim al-Abydri - CAbd al-Hdfiz Shalabi. Ibn al-Jdrfid: al-Muntaqj, Hyderabad I309 A.H. Ibn al-Kalbi, Hishim b. Muh.: Jambarat al-nasab, ms. Br. Mus. add. 23297. Ibn Kathir: al-Biddya wa-l-nihbya,I-XIV, Cairo 135 I- 1358 A.H. Ibn Qutayba: al-Macdni 'l-Kabir, I-III, Hyderabad1949. --: Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn al-Macdrif, Cairo 193 5. --: ed. al-Shi'r wal-l'shucarda), M. al-Saqqd, Cairo 1932. ed. M. Muhyi 'l-Din cAbd al-Hamid, Cairo 1934. Rashiq: al-'Umda, I-II, Sa'd: al- Tabaqdt al-Kubra, I-VIII, ed. Beirut i96o. al-Shajari: al-H amasa, Hyderabad 1345 A.H. Sharaf: Rasa'il al-intiqdd (in Rasd'il al-bulagha', ed. Muhammad Kurd 'Ali, Cairo 1946). I-VII, ed. A. S. Hriin, Cairo 1938-1945. al-Ji.hiiz: al-Hqayawan, --: Mukbhtart fustil al-Jdaiz, ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3183 (Catalogue Rieu, suppl. P. 709). S--: Rasdail, ed. H. al-Sandiibi, Cairo 1933. Jarir: Diwan, ed. al-S~wi, Cairo 1353 A.H. al-Jumahi: Tabaqatfufil al-shucarda,ed. M. M. Shdkir, Cairo 1952. al-Kaldci, Abii 'l-Rabic Sulaymanb. Slim: Kitab al-Iktifa', I, ed. H. Masse, Alger al-Khdlidiyydni: al-Ashbh wa-l-na..Z'ir, ed. Muh. Yaisuf, Cairo 1958. Labid: Diwin, ed. I. 'Abbas, Kuwayt 1962. Princeton 1944. 1931. G. Levi della Vida: "Pre-IslamicArabia" in N. A. Faris (ed.), The Arab Heritage, b. al-Maghribi,al-Wazir,al-IHusayn cAli: al-Inasbi-cilmi'l-ansib,ms. Br. Mus., Or. 3620. al-Majlisi: Bi•dr al-anwar, vol. VI, 1302 A.H. al-Maqdisi, Mutahhar b. Tdhir: al-Badc wa-l-ta'rikh, ed. U. Huart, Paris 1899-I919. al-Marzubdni: Mujam al-shucard', ed. F. Krenkow, Cairo i354 A.H. A.H. al-Marzftqi: al-Azmina wa-l-amkina, I-II, Hyderabad 1332 : Sharh diwan al-hamasa, ed. A. Amin - A. S. HdrCin,Cairo 1953. Cairo I357 A.H. al-Din 'Abd al-IHamid, ed.Muh. Mulhyi al-Dhahab, al-Mas'cdi: Muruj Quraysh, ed. Sallh al-Din al-Munajjid,Cairo Mu'arrijal-Sadisi: al- Hadhf min nasab 96o0. al-Mubarrad: Nasab cAdnen wa-Qabtdn, ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Maymani, Cairo 1936. ed. C. Lyall, Oxford 1918-1921; ed. A. M. al-Mufaddal A. S. Hrtin, Cairo 1952. Shdkir -al-.Dabbi: al-Mufaddlaliyydt, MECCA AND TAMIN 163 ed. Mucsab b. 'Abdallahal-Zubayri:NasabQuraysh, E. Levi-Provengal,Cairo I953. ed. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, Cairo 1928. al-Najirami:Aymdnal-cArab, NaqaPidJarir wa-l-Farazdaq, ed. A. A. Bevan, Leiden 1905-1912. 1939-195 2. der T. Nl61deke:Geschichte PerserundAraberZurZeit derSassaniden, Leiden 1879. M. von Oppenheim - W. Caskel - E. Briunlich: Die Beduinen, I-III, Wiesbaden al-Qdli: Dhayl al-amdli,and "Nawadir",ed. 'Abd al-cAziz al-Maymani,Cairo 1926. 1323-I329 al-Qummi- Ghard'ib al-qur'an, on margin of Tabari's Tafsir, Billq al-Qurtubi: al-Jamini al-qurl'n,ed. Cairo, 193 5-46. li-ahkdm A.H. C. Rathjens: Die Pilgerfabrt nachMecca,Hamburg 1948. in G. Rothstein: Die DynastiederLahmiden al-Hira, Berlin 1899. ed. al-Shahrastdni: al-Milal wa-l-nihal, W. Cureton, London I846. al-Suhayli: al-Raud al-unuf, I-II, Cairo 1914. al-Durr al-manthfirfi I-VI, Teheran 1377 A.H. 'l-tafsirbi-l-ma'thzfr, al-SuyCiti: al-Tabarani: al-Mujam al-sagbir, Delhi 1311 A.H. al-Tabari,Muh. b. Jarir: Ta'rikhal-umam I-VIII, Cairo 1939. wa-l-mulzk, al-Tabarsi:Majma'al-bayin,I-XXX, Beirut 1957. ed. al-Tha'llibi: La/ta'ifal-macdni, de Jong, Leiden I867. in U. Thilo: Die Ortsnamen deraltarabischen Poesie,Wiesbaden 1958. ed. al-Wdqidi:al-MaghdzI, A. von Kremer, Calcutta1856. Berlin 1887. Heidentums, J. Wellhausen: Restearabischen E. R. Wolf: "The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origins of Islam", Southal-Yacqabi:Ta'rikh,I-III, al-Najaf 1358 A.H. Ydqat: MuJamal-buldin,I-VIII, Cairo 1906. RAAD, XXXIV. ghayru Zdfir al-Qdsimi:al-Ilaf wa-l-ma'acnt 'l-mashrk.ta, ms. nasab wa-akhbdrihd, Bodley. Marsh. 384; al-Zubayrb. Bakkar:Janmharat Quraysh vol. I, ed. MahmaidMuh. Shakir,Cairo 1381 A.H. al-Zurqdni: Sharh al-mawahibal-ladunniyya,Cairo I325-I328 A.H. western Journal of Anthropology (19 5 ), 330- 337. - - : Thimar al-qulib ft 'l-muddaf wa-l-mansfb, Cairo 19o8.

On Strangers and Allies in Mecca

strangers&allies.pdf ON STRANGERS AND ALLIES IN MECCA To the memory of my student Yehiel Amsallim The role of Quraysh in the commercial activities of Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya is well known and has been the subject of comprehensive research. There were, however, some non-Qurashi individuals or groups in Mecca, whose role in the social and political life of that city has not been sufficiently assessed. It seems desirable to put together the available data about the vicissitudes of these strangers, their relations with the Meccan clans and their absorption into the Meccan community. It is also important to examine the reports about the struggles among the various factions of Quraysh and the changes which occurred as a result of this strife. This examination of the traditions and the stories may give us a better insight into the history of Mecca in the period of the Jiihiliyya I A case of successful absorption of immigrants into the Meccan community can be seen in the story about Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah b. Diirim al- Tamimi. According to the report recorded by Ibn I:Iajar, 'Aziz the father of Abu Ihab came to Mecca, joined the Banu Naufal b. 'Abd Maniif as an ally (/:tallf) and married Fakhita bint 'Amr b. Naufal; she bore him their son Abu Ihiib.1 There are some differences between this report and the one transmitted on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. According to the latter it was not 'Aziz who came to Mecca, but an ancestor of 'Aziz, Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. Zayd b. 'Abdallah who sought shelter in Mecca and joined the Banu 1 Ibn I:Iajar al-'Asqaliini, al-/ saba fi tamyizi l-sa/;aba, ed. 'Ali MulJammad al-Bijiiwi, Cairo 1392/1972, VII, 24, no. 9551 114 Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf as an ally. He sought refuge in Mecca because he had killed Malik, the son of al-Mundhir, the king of al-Hira, Malik was entrusted as a child by the king to Zunira b. 'Udus, When he grew up he happened to pass by a camel belonging to Suwayd; he ordered it to be slaughtered and ate its meat with his companions. When he returned from hunting, Suwayd was told of Malik's deed. He attacked the youth and wounded him, .and the youth died shortly afterwards from his wounds. Suwayd escaped and found shelter in Mecca.' For the elucidation of the events it is necessary to provide some details about the background and circumstances of the incident: Suwayd was the son-in-law of Zurara, the powerful leader of Tamim, Zurara was one of the iarrarim: he succeeded in rallying Tamim and other tribes and was their leader on the "Day of Shuwayhit",' He is said to have frequented the court of kisra and was granted a slave girl who bore him children.' He used to visit the court of the king of al-Hira, fought on his side and advised him on matters of peace and war regarding the tribes of the Arab peninsula.' According to a tradition it was Zurara who mediated between the Kindi king al-Harith and the Lakhmi al-Mundhir and thus succeeded in bringing to an end the war between them.6 Zurara's fame survived in Islam. An anecdote says that a Tamimi woman, listening to the call of the muadhdhin; wondered why 2 See e.g. the versions of the story: al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashrh], ed. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Diiri, Beirut l398/1978,IlL 305; Jarir and Farazdaq, al-Naqiiid, ed A. Bevan. Leiden 1905. pp. 652 ult, - 654 (the name of the king: 'Arnr b. al-Mundhir; the name of the entrusted child: As'ad); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-ashra], MS. 'Ashir ar, foL 968b. 3 Muhammad b. Habib. ai-Muhabbar, ed. Ilse Lichtenstaedter, Hyderabad 1361/1942, . 247. p 4 Al-Baliidhuri. Ansiib. MS. foL 969a. 5 See e.g, Jarir-Farazdaq, al-Naqdid, p.653. 6 See the commentary of the verse of al-Farazdaq; minna lladhi [amaa t-muliika wa-baynahum: harbun yushabbu sa'iruha bi-dirami, Naqa'i4. p. 266 inf.(L); according to other reports the mediator was the Tamimi Sufyiin b. Mujishi' (see: Naqa'i4. p. 267; Abu l-Baqa', al-Manaqib al-mazyadiyya II akhbari l-muliiki l-asadiyya; MS. Br. Mus. Add 23296. fol. 26a). On strangers and allies in Mecca 115 Zuriira was not mentioned in the shahada together with the Prophet,' One of the features of the close association of Tamim with the kings of al-Hira was the practice of entrusting the children of kings of al-Hira to some noble families of Darim, Hajib b. Zuriira boasted of the fact that his people brought up the children of the kings until their moustaches and beards came out," AI-'Askari records that people reproached Hajib saying: "We never saw a man boasting of his shame except Hajib; a governess is just a servant iai-zi'ru khadimatuni and service is degrading, not uplifting"," It is evident that this opinion is congruent with the views of a later period. Another report may be mentioned: the kings of al-Iraq (i.e, the kings of al-I:Iira) used to fight the kings of Syria; when they intended to march out to Syria they used to leave their families under the protection of the strongest of the Arabs (a'azzu 1-'arab).10 These reports expose clearly the web of mutual relations between the Darim and the rulers of al-Hira, The murder of Malik shattered these relations and brought about the cruel retaliation of the king of al-Hira; the children of Suwayd were brought by Zurara to the court of al-Hira and were executed in his presence; a hundred Tamimis from the branch of Darim were killed or burnt on the order 7 8 Al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, al-ln{lS [i 'ilmi l-ansab, ed. Hamad ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Ahmad al-Jasir, al-Riyad, 1400/1980, p.210. Ibn al-Mu'tazz, Tabaqiu al-shuara, Farraj, Cairo 1375/1956, p. 199: rabbayna boo mili l-muzni wo-bnay muharriqin: 9 ila an bOOaJminhum lihan wa-shawarib: Al-Askari, J amharat ai-amJhiU, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim and 'Abd ai-MaJId Qatamish, Cairo 1384/1964, L 261 10 Jarir-Farazdaq, op. cit, p. 267 inf: ajarna boo mili l-muzni wa-boo muharriqin: jamian wa-sharru l-qauli mil huwa kiidhibu thaliuhatu amliikin thawau [i buyUiinii: ila an badat minhum titian wa-shawaribu: The two verses attributed here to Miskin al-Darirni are in fact the verses (with variants) attributed to Hajib b. Zurara A collection of Miskin's poetry edited by Khalil Ibrahim al-'A~iyyah and 'Abdallah al-Jubiiri, Baghdad 1389/1970 records only the verse (p, 25): thaliuhatu amlakin rubii [i bujurina: kadhibu: fa-hal qa'ilun haqqan ka-man huwa 116 of the king of al-Hira, The event is well known as yaum uwiira.H The daughter of Abu Ihab, Umm YalJ.ya. intended to marry 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir al-Naufali; but was prevented from carrying out the plan, because a black slave-maid attested that she had suckled both of them12 Abu Ihab had friendly relations with al-Harith b. 'Amir who was his half-brother from the mother's side," Abu Ihab seems to have been a well-to-do person, with a taste for ease and luxury, fond of wine and singing girls. This can be deduced from the story relating the theft from the Ka'ba of the golden statue of the gazelle. This was stolen by a group of drunkards who attended a drinking party in the tavern of Miqyas b. 'Abd Qays al-Sabmi." The list of the felons and profligate persons who frequented the place includes several quite prominent men of Quraysh: Abu Lahab, al-Hakam b. Abi l-'As. al-Fakih b. al-Mughira, Mulayh b. al-Harith b. al-Sabbaq, al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal, Abu 1Mb and others. On a certain day, when the drunkards failed to provide money for the wine and the supply of wine ran short, they decided to steal the gazelle of the Ka'ba and buy wine from a caravan which arrived in Mecca from Syria. The group which carried out the plan included Abii Lahab, Abii Musafi' and al-Harith b. 'Amir. They sold the statue, bought the wine and drank it at their leisure. When, after a 11 See e.g. al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Maghribi, at-lnas, pp. 208-210; Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq, Hyderabad 1384/1964, pp. 290-293. 12 Ibn l;Iajar, al-/ $aba, VII, 24, no. 9551, VIII, 324, DO. 12298; Ibn al-Athir, Usd aJ-ghllba fi mdriiai 1-$aJ;iiba. Cairo 1280, VI, 627; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, aJ-Istiah fi mdrijaii 1-ll$I)iJb, 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijlwi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1072, no. ed. 1822 13 See e.g. Ibn Hishiim, al-Slra aJ-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqqa, al-Abyarl, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, III, 180, ult. (and see ibid. 181, 1. 1); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira al-nabawiyya; ed. Ml1$tafii 'Abd al-Wiil.lid. Cairo 1385/1965, III. 128; Ibn I;Iajar, aJ-/$iIba, II, 263, and Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 142 14 But see Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, Hadhf min nasab quraysh; ed. SaliilJ al-Din al-Munajjid, Cairo 1960, p. 84: qaysu bnu 'adiyyi bni sa'di bni sahm kana min ru'asa'i quraysh [i l-jahiliyya, wa-huwa $Qhibul-qiyani lladhi kiina shabQ.bu qurayshin yajtamtima ilayhi [a-amarahum bi-akhdhi ghazlUinmina l-ka'bati, fa-fa'aJu. fa-qtasamahu qiyllnuhu wa-kllna l-ghazlUumin dhahabin. On strangers and allies in Mecca 117 considerable time, the culprits were discovered, the affair stirred unrest and division between the two alliances of the Qurashi clans: the mutayyabin and the ahla]. Some of the culprits were severely punished, others escaped chastisement. Al-Harith b. 'Amir and Abii Ihab were compelled to leave Mecca and they returned only after some ten years. On the eve of the battle of Badr they asked of Quraysh the permission to join the force which was about to march out to fight the Prophet. They got the permission, joined the force and fought at Badr. Al-Harith b. 'Amir was killed in the battlefield by Khubayb; Abii Ihab managed to escape," The cordial relations between Abii Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir are reflected in the verses written by Abii Ihab in which al-Harith's generosity in spending on good wine and beautiful women is praised," Al-Harith had friendly relations withAbii Lahab - he married Abii Lahab's daughter Durra!? He shared Abii Lahab's hatred for the Prophet: both are included in the list of the Prophet's enemies" He was the representative of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf in the consultation of Quraysh against the Prophet in the dar aJ-nadWa.19 But at some point al-Harith seems to have met the Prophet, had talks with him and was impressed by his words; Quraysh even suspected him to have embraced Islam." On the eve of the battle of Badr he tried to 15 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwtm, eel. Walid N. Arafiit, London 1971, II, 115-127; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([, 54-57. pp. 16 See a1-BaJadhuri, Ansiib III, 304; Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-MU1IlJlfIlTUJ([,62: P. abligh qusayyan idhiJ jftilhii. - fa-ayya fatan waJladat nau.faJu idhiJ shariba l-khamra aghJa bihil - wa-in jahadat laumahu I-'udhdhalu da'ilJul ita l-shanfi, shanfi l-ghazQ - li hubbun li-khamsiuuuin 'ayraJi li-'athmata hina tarda: lahu : wa-asmda 'a#latin ajmoli. 17 Ibn l:Iabib, al-Muhabbar, p. 65, according to Ibn a1-KaIbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol 116b, Il 4-5. Durra married Abu lhiib. 18 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Imta' al-asmd bimii li-rasUli lliihi min aJ-anba' wa-l-amwill wa-l-haiada wa-l-maid, ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 194}. L 23, l3 from bottom, 24 ult, 19 Ibn Hishiim op. cit. II, 125. 20 Hassan, b. Thiibit, Diwiln, IL 125, llS persuade Quraysh not to march out against the Prophet," Nevertheless, he joined the Qurashi force and was one of the wealthy Qurashites who took care of food supplies for the forces.22 The Prophet is said to have forbidden the Muslim fighters to kill al-Harith and ordered them to "leave him for the orphans of the Banii Naufal": for he was a generous man and spent on the weak and needy (q,u'afa bani nau.fal).23 He was killed, as mentioned above, in the battle of Badr by Khubayb b. IsM, who did not know him, or, according to another report, by the pious Companion Khubayb b. 'Adiyy.24 The solidarity of the families of Abu Ihab and al-Harith b. 'Amir is seen in the story of the execution of Khubayb: Hujayr b. Abi Ihab bought Khubayb b. 'Adiyy for the husband of his sister, 'Uqba b. al-Harith b. 'Amir in order that he may kill him, avenging the death of his father al-Harith b. Amir, Hujayr and 'Uqba took part in the execution of Khubayb." 'Uqba b. 21 Al-Maqrizi, 1m/a', I, 68, (wa-mii kana ahadun minhum akraha li-l-khurii]! mina 1-1;.iirithi 'iimirin); al-Wilqidi, al-MaghiJzi, ed. Marsden Jones, London 1966, I, bni 36-37; al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Cairo 1959, I, 292 22 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 320; al-Maqrizi, Im/ri, I, 69; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 128, 144. 23 AI-Baliidhuri, Ansah, I, 154 (the report mentions that he helped to annul the document of Quraysh to boycott the Prophet and his family); al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. I, 91; l;Iassiin b. Thiibit, op. cit. I, 269. 24 See e.g. al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib, I, 297; al-Maqrizi, I mta', I, 90, l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. II, 442 (wa-kana khubayb qad qataia abiihu yauma badr); Ibn Hajar, al-I ~aba, II, 262; and see Hassan, op. cit. I, 370, note 1 (the comment of the editor); 'Ali b. Burhiin aI-Din al-Halabi, Insan al-'uyim Ii sirtui l-amini l-mdmiin (=al-Sira aJ-J.lalabiyya), Cairo 1382/1962, III, 189, II. 10-11 (and see 114: wa-lau lam yaqtul khubaybu bnu 'adiyyini Hriiritha bna 'iimirin ma kana li-ttiniii iiii l-l;iuith bi-shirdihi wa-qatlihi mdnan) 25 See e.g. al-Maqrizi, Im/rl, I, 176, ll, 1-2 (and see ib. p. 175 penult); Ibn Kathir, al-Sira; III, 128; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. III, 180 info - 181 sup; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba; 11,263; al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin Ii ta'rikhi l-boladi l-amin; ed. Fu'iid Sayyid, Cairo 1384/1965, VI, '!JJ7; al-Waqidi, op. cit. p. 357; and see E[2, s.v, Khubayb (Wensinck), On strangers and allies in Mecca 119 al-Harith embraced Islam and died in the time of Abii Bakr," Abii Ihab planned to kill the Prophet; Tulayb b. 'Umayr met him, beat him and wounded him."? He later embraced Islam and was the first Muslim after whose death a prayer was said in the mosque of the harami": Hujayr b. Abi Ihab, a respected member of the Quraysh nobility, came with a group of noble Qurashites to Abu Sufyiin and requested that profits from the sales of merchandise transacted by the Qurashi caravan be spent on equipping a Qurashi force against the Prophet and the Muslims for the purpose of avenging the defeat of Badr," He was obviously a wealthy man and was an owner of a court (dar) in Mecca,'? He later embraced Islam" and is included in the list of the Companions of the Prophet." The story of Abii 1Mb gives us some insight into the social and economic conditions prevailing at Mecca in the Jahiliyya period, on the eve of Islam. Al-Harith b. 'Amir, though a hedonist, had a sharp and acute understanding of the economic and political situation of the Meccan body politic. Tradition says that verse 58 in Sicrat al-qasas (siira XXVIII): 'They say: Should we follow the guidance with thee we shall be snatched from our land", (in nattabi' l-huda maaka nutakhauat min ardind) was revealed in connection with a discussion between the Prophet and al-Harith b. 'Amir b. Naufal. Al-Harith conceded that the faith of the Prophet was true tinni: ndlamu anna qauJaka haqqun); but he argued that this faith (the huda; 26 Ibn I:Iajar. aI-lsaba. IV, 578, no. 5596. 27 Ibn I:Iajar. al-Isiiba; III. 541. n i-z, al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, MS. fol 968b (wa-kana abu ihabin dussa li-I-fatki bi-l-nabiyyi (s) [a-laqiyahu tulayb b. 'umayr [a-darabahu bi-IaI}yi jamalin fa-shajjahu); and cf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisl, op. cit. p. 59. 28 Ibn Hajar, al-Lshba; VII, 24 (quoted from al-Fiikihi); al-Fiikihi, Ta'rikh makkata; MS. Leiden Or. 463, fol 442a. 29 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 199. 30 Al-Fakihl, op. cit. MS. fol. 46la, L 9 : _ wa-kanai lahum diiru-l-hujayri bni obi i.hiJbibni 'azizin aI-tamimiyyi halifi l-mutimi bni 'adiyyin: 31 Ibn Hajar, aI-Isaba. II, 40-41, no. 1638. 32 Ibn l:Iibbiinal-Busti, Kitiib aI-thiqat, Hyderabad 1397/1977.I1I,94; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 387; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 333, no. 489; Ibn Hajar aI-I saba, II, 40 (quoting Ibn Abi I:Iatim that he was a Companion). 120 the right guidance - K) was unacceptable because the Bedouins (al-'arab) would rise against Mecca and "snatch away" the Meccans, putting an end to the Meccan body politic," Al-Harith gladly accepted the family of Abu Ihab, and the marriages between the two families helped to remove the barriers between them: Abu Ihiib became firmly rooted in the Meccan community, Satirical verses composed by Hassan brought to memory the fact that Abu Ihab was a refugee expelled by 'Udus (i.e, by his own family - K).34 Indeed Abu Ihab had the courage to state that he was a haii], an ally; but he demanded to be treated on a par with the members of the family which he had joined," He could dauntlessly answer the influential 'Abdallah b. Jud'an who urged the leaders of Quraysh to punish the thieves of the gazelle, accusing him that his court harboured prostitutes," It is instructive to observe to what extent Meccan society was open to outsiders, enabling an ally to build his home in Mecca and contribute to its economic development One tribal group which attained a high position in Mecca was the group of the Tamimi Usayyid The small group was influential and controlled several divisions of Mudar.'? A report by Ibn al-Kalbi says that Ghuwayy b. Jurwa of the Usayyid used to levy taxes from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a; after his death his son Salama b. Ghuwayy did the same," Satirical verses by Tufayl al-Ghanawi (or by al-Ashall b. Riya}:t) directed against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a describe the submissiveness of the 33 See e.g. al-WiiQidi, Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 34 35 36 37 38 1388/1968, p. 228 inf; al-Qurtubi, ai-Jam!" li-ahkiimi I-qur'an (= tafsir al-Qurtubn, Cairo 1387/1967, XIII, 300; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-manthiir [i l-tafsir bi-l-mathia, Cairo 1314, V, 135; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cu. p. 43 (al-hlzrithu bnu 'amiri bni naufali bni 'obdi manafin kana 'azlma l-qadri wa-huwa lIadhi qQJa: in naltabt ...;wa-kana [i lladhina saraqis ghaziila I-ka'bar. : in some sources the name is erroneously given: aI-1.riJTithu bnu 'iahmana: See I:Iassiin. op. cu. I, 227, II, 170-171 Hassan h Thii bit, op. cu. II, 121-122 Hassan b. Thiibit, op. cit. II, 121 O. J ESHO VIII (1965) 144-145. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., Add. 23297, fol. 94a (the tax was paid in cheese [aqit] and melted butter). On strangers and allies in Mecca 121 'Amir and their baseness," Ghuzayy b. Buzayy b. Jurwa b. Usayyid was killed by Dhii l-'ubra Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. Ka'b of the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a, "Ubrd' is explained as "kharzd', a kind of crown worn by the kings," Al-Baladhuri reports about the Tamimi, who levied the taxes (itawa) of the Hawazin, that "he made himself a king over them" (yatamallaku 'alayha).41 Al-Khims b. Rabi' b. Hilal succeeded the Tamimi in collecting the taxes of Hawazin.42 It was thus a conspicuous group who controlled the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and the Hawazin, It is interesting to note that these tax collectors tried to gain power (yatamaJlaku) and to rule large tribal divisions. To this group belonged a tax collector with the enigmatic name DhU 1-a'wiidY Mughultay records the explanation of the word given by Abii 'Ubayda in his Kitab al-tai: DhU t-dwad is 'Adiyy b. Salama al-Usayyidi, who levied the taxes imposed on Mudar; they used to pay 39 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., CoL94a: bani 'lunirin la tadhkuru l-fakhra innakum: mata tadhkurUhu fi l-mdashiri tukdhabu fa-nal)nu mandnakum tamiman wa-antumii sawOltu ilia tuhsinU I-sola tul/rabu AI-Baliidhuri 1177b-1178a): records additional verses (al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. Col. bani 'lunirin la tukhbiru l-nasa [akhrakum: mata tanshurUhu [i l-kirluni tukdhabu [a-innakumii la tansibiina khatlbakum: wa-li: tulimUna l-zilda haua tu'annabu fa-ya'dhira [ ] qabla qad [ ] wa-asbalat: lakum khaylunil mil lam takUnU [ ] wa-nahnu mandndkum tamiman wa-antumu: sawaltu [ ] wa-nohnu IJobasniJkum hifa;an 'alaykumu: wo-kunium unilsan qad rahabtum [ ] fa-lammii khashinil an tasiru li-ghayrinil: nafaynil (-a'1u1i an tul/amil wa-tul)rabu 40 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara MS. Br. Mus. foL 187a. 41 Al-Baladburi, Ansiib, MS. CoL1177b, inf. falayhii refers to Hawazin), 42 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., CoL187a. 43 See the explanation in L.'A s.v. 'awd. 122 them every year. 'Adiyy grew old so that he had to be carried in a litter passing by the Bedouins at their water-springs while collecting the taxes.44 AI-Fayruzabadi mentioned different members of the Usayyid to whom the name dhit 1-a'wQ.d may refer: a. Ghuwayy b. Salama, b. Rabi'a b. Mukhashin, c. Salama, b. Ghuwayy who had the right to levy the tax from' MUQar, d. it refers to the grandfather of Aktham b. Sayfi (here Faynizabadi gives an account of his virtues);" Abu 'Ubayda's report from the Kitiib al-tiii is recorded by Ibn Abi l-I:ladid.46 This group of Tamim included the clan of al-Nabbash b. Zurara in Mecca. The mother of Baghid b. 'Amir b. Hashim, of the 'Abd Manaf b. 'Abd al-Dar, who wrote the document of the boycott against the Bami Hashim, 47 was a daughter of the Tamimi al-Nabbash b. Zurara of the Usayyid; he was an ally of the 'Abd al-Diir.48 The plot of land which belonged to the clan of Murtafi' (iii al-murtati') was owned before that by the clan of Nabbash (lzl aI-nabbiish b. zurara).49 The mountain of Shayba also belonged to al-Nabbash b. Zurllra.50 A Meccan transmitter, Sulaym al-Makki reports that people in the period of the Jahiliyya used to say: "You are more powerful than the clan of al-Nabbash" tla-anta a'azzu min iili l-nabbash); he pointed with his hand to the houses around the mosque (of the haram - K) and said: 'These were their dwellings" (hi.uihihi kana: ribiluJuun).51 44 Mughultay, al-Zahr al-bOsim [i sirat abi-I-qasim, MS. Leiden Or. 370, fol46a (; kana lahu kharajun 'alii mudara yu'addUnahu kulla 'iunin ...);and see other explanations ibid. fol 45b, info - 46a. 45 AI-Fayriizlioodi, aI-QiimUs aI-mu/:lir, I, 330, sv, 'awd. 46 Ibn Abi l-Hadld, Sharh. nahj aI-boJiigha, ed. Muhammad 47 48 49 50 Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1962, XV,132 See the comment of the editors: Ibn Hisham op. cit. II, 16, note 2; and see MU$'ab, Nasab quraysh; ed. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 254. AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir,lamharat nasab quraysh; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, fol 88b; Mus'ab Nasab, p. 254. Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol. 456a, l 2; cf. al-Azraqi, Akhbar makka; ed. F. WiistenfeId, Gottingen 1275/1858, 465, l 3 from bottom. AI-Azraqi,op. cit. p. 490. 51 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol 4S6a, sup. On strangers and allies in Mecca 123 One of the members of this clan was Abii IIDa, the husband of Khadija, There is no unanimity in the tradition as to his name, the name of his child (or children) born by Khadija or the problem whether he was Khadija's first or second husband Ibn al-Kalbi records his name as Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash b. Zuriira b. Waqdiin b. Habib b. Salama b. Ghuwayy b. Jurwa," The exact pedigree of the Tamimi husband of Khadija is indeed important he was a descendant of the powerful Usayyidi who succeeded in controlling the Mudari tribes which yielded to his authority and paid taxes to him According to Ibn al-Kalbi Khadija bore him a son, Hind; this son had in tum a son whom he named Hind; he was thus called Hind b. Hind b. Hind Hind b. Hind attended the battle of Badr ("others say: uhud'); Hind b. Hind b. Hind fought on the side of Ibn al-Zubayr and was killed in battle. According to Ibn al-Kalbi Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala married Durra bint 'Utba b. Abi Lahab. It is noteworthy that the phrase is: wa-ghtarabat durra bini 'utba b. abi lahab 'inda hind _ Hind b. Hind b. Abi Hala was still considered a gharib, a stranger," The descendants of Abii Hala passed away, leaving no progeny/" Important details about the marriage of Khadija are supplied by Ibn Sa'd; Khadija was "mentioned" to Waraqa b. Naufal; but the plan of the marriage was cancelled and she married Abii Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash, His father was of noble lineage: 55 He alighted in Mecca and joined the 'Abd 52 53 54 55 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf. - 94a sup. al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS. Br. Mus., fol 11Sa ult,- 11Sb.1 1 al-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus. fol93b inf - 94a sup. Sa'd, al-Tabaqiu al-kubra; Beirut 137711958, VIIL 14; wa-ki:ma abiihu dhi:l sharafin [i qaumihi. (In text abiiha is an error). The report is on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. Ibn Ibn Ibn Ibn 124 al-Dar b. Qusayy as ally. Ibn Sa'd adds a short comment "Quraysh used to intermarry with their .allies" iwa-kima; qurayshun tuzawwi ju halifahumr; this comment is indeed an important clue for the understanding of the position of the allies in Mecca. Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: Hind and Hala, After Abu Hala, she married 'Atiq b. Abid b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. Makhziim, She bore him a daughter, Hind. who married Sayfi b. Umayya al-Makhziimi and gave birth to a son named Muhammad; the sons of Muhammad were called "the sons of the pure woman", which, of course, referred to Khadija," This family passed away without progeny. Khadija concluded her third marriage with the Prophet, Muhammad b. 'Abdallah and bore him al-Qasim, 'Abdallah (= al-Tahir), al-Tayyib; the female children were: Zaynab, Ruqayya, Umm Kulthiim and Fatima-57 There are divergent, even contradictory, traditions concerning the name of Khadija's Tamimi husband and the names and fate of their children," 56 Ibn Sa'd, op. cu; VIII, 15 sup; and see about Muhammad b. Sayfi b. Umayya; al-Zubayr b. Bakw, Jamharat nasab quraysh, MS. Bodley, fol. 149b iwa-qad inqarada wuldu l'fUIlJammadibni $ayfiyyin). 57 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; vm. 16. 58 See e.g. al-BaIadhuri, Ansilb, I, 406 info (her first husband was Abu Hala, the second: 'Atiq b. 'Abid; 'Atiq divorced her; then she married Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, the Prophet); Ibn Habib, al-MuJ;abbar, pp. 78 inf. - 79 sup.; Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 21-23;Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. cu; XV, 131-132 (the Prophet adopted the young boy Uabanniihu), the son of Abu Hiila); Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma'arif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969,132-133(her first husband 'Atlq, the second Abu Hala; he died in the period of the Jahiliyya; Abu HiiIa's son, Hind, was brought up by the Prophet); Ibn Durayd, al-l shtiqaq, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hliriin, Cairo 1378/1958,p. 142 (al-Nabbash), 208 (Zuriira b. al-Nabbash); he died in Mecca in the period of the Jahiliyya; Hind b. Hind died in Basra; some say that he left progeny; Ibn Hajar, al-/ saba. VI, 557-558, no. 9013 (see the different versions; see the version that his name was Malik b. al-Nabbash); Niir al-Din al-Haythaml, Majma' al-zawiiid, Beirut 1967, VIII, 275 info(al-Nabbash and Malik b. Zurara); al-Diyarbakrf, Ta'rikh ol-khamis; Cairo 1283,I, 263-264 (the first husband 'Atiq; he died and she married Abu Hala; she bore him a male On strangers and allies in Mecca 125 A peculiar tradition says that Khadija bore Abu Hala two sons: al-Harith and Hind," Al-Harith was killed in Mecca during the first period of the Prophet's activity: when the Prophet started to preach openly in the mosque (scil. of the haram - K) at Mecca exhorting his listeners to believe in the one true God and was attacked by the unbelievers. Alarmed, Al-Harith hurried to the mosque and was killed in a scuffle with the unbelievers at the Ka'ba'" There is a tradition mentioning another son of Abu Hala named al-Zubayr; but there is no explicit statement that his mother was Khadija," Ibn Hajar records the name of a transmitter of hadith who was a descendant of Abu Hala; Yazid b. 'Amr Abu 'Abdallah al- Tamimi62 59 60 61 62 offspring and a female one; some traditions say that the first husband was Abu Hala, the second 'Atiq); Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 51; Ibn al- Jauzi, al-Wafa bi-a/:lwali l-mustafa; ed. MU$tafa 'Abd al-Wal.tid, Cairo 1386/1966,p. 145 (the marriage of Khadija with Waraqa was cancelled. She married Abu Hala (Hind) (or Malik) and bore him two sons: Hind and Hala, She married afterwards 'Atiq b. 'A'idh and bore him a girl named Hind. Then she married the Prophet and bore him all his children, except Ibrahim}, 'Ali Khiin ai-Madani al-Shirazi al-Husayni, al-Darajiu al-rafia fi (abaqati l-shia, ed. Muhammad Siidiq Bahr al-uliim, Najaf 1381/1962, pp. 407, 411ult, (the name of Abu Hala; Nammiish,or Nabbash, or Malik b. Zurara b. Nabbiish, or Zurara b. al-Nabbiish or Nabbiish b. Zurara); al-Zurqanl, Sharb al-mawahibi Haduniyya; Cairo 1325,I, 199(Abu Hala's name: Malik b. Zuriira, or Hind, or al-Nabbiish; Khadija bore him two male children: Hind and HiiIa. After the death of Abu Hala, Khadija married 'Atiq b. Abid and bore him a daughter, Hind; some say: she bore him a son, Hind}, al-Mausili, Ghiiyat al-wasdi! ita mdriiasi l-awa'it, MS., Cambridge Qq 33(10)fol 37a, inf. - 37b sup. Al-Baladhuri, AnsQb, MS. foll069b. Mughultay, op. cu. MS. Leiden, Or. 370, fol 142b, ult; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; I. 605; al-Fiisi, al-Tqd oi-thamin; I, 228 penult; al-Ma~li, Ghiiyat oi-wasdil, MS. fol 23a, info Ibn I:Iajar, al-/saba. IL 558,no. 2792. Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad 1327,XII, 148,no. 705 L min wuldi abi hiiJata l-nabbashi bni zurarata). 126 To the clan of the Banii Nabbash belonged the poet al-A'sM b. al-Nabbash, who eulogized the unbelievers killed at Badr. He was, like his relatives, an ally of the Banii Naufal of the 'Abd and an influential person in Mecca involved in its internal struggles. The story of the Usayyidi group in Mecca is a convincing example of the skillful policy of the leaders of the Meccan body politic; the Usayyidi newcomers were received in a friendly manner, and due to their experience and energy they managed to acquire property, settle in the centre of Mecca and grow wealthy and influential Their marriages with their allies in Mecca contributed to a considerable degree to their feeling of identity with their new relatives, and with the interests of Mecca and to their loyalty to their Meccan allies. The story of Khabbab b. al-Aratt is not in fact that of an ally; the circumstances of his life and career, and his attitude to the family to which he was attached, resemble however to a great extent the situation of the hulafii', the allies in Mecca. Khabab was a man of obscure origin. His father was sold in Mecca as a slave to a Khuzi'i family who, themselves, were allies of the Banii Zuhra. Khabbab's profession and that of his mother were base and contemptible: she was a professional circumciser, he was a blacksmith. According to a tradition the mother of Khabbab married a Khuza'i, an ally of Zuhra and bore him Sibii'; Khabbab was thus a half-brother of Sibii', whose client he was. This may have granted him a special status in the family of his master and he could persuade them to join the Zuhri family of 'Auf b. 'Abd Auf as allies.64 Khabbab was one of the earliest converts to Islam and as one of the 4u'afii' was exposed to persecution and torture at the hands of the unbelievers; the Prophet used to visit him 63 See on him e.g. Mus'ab, Nasab, pp. 403-404; al-Zubayr b, Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 185b; al-Tayalisi, Kitiib al-mukiuhara 'inda l-mudhakara; ed. al-Tanji, Ankara 1956, pp. 22-24; al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif, ed. 'Abd al-Sattar Farra], Cairo ·1381/1961, p. 21; ai-A'sha wa-i-ashaun ai-akharun, ai-Subh. al-munir [i sm·r abi basir, ed. R. Geyer, London 1928, pp. 272-274 (and see "Anmerkungen", pp. 268-270}' Ibn Durayd, op. cit. pp.142-141 64 See e.g. Ibn Habib, al-Munarnmaq, pp. 294-295. On strangers and allies in Mecca 127 in the midst of his troubles and showed him sympathy/" In Islam he is highly respected and was one of the eminent Companions, taking part in all the battles against the unbelievers. 'Uthman granted him land in Iraq and he became a wealthy man.. He, nevertheless, joined 'Ali and fought in the battle of Siffin on the side of 'Ali. Some Shu sources claim that he signed the document of arbitration at Siffin, He died in 37 AH and 'Ali is said to have prayed over his graVe.66 The story of Khabbab is highly instructive, being the case of an individual of low class origins who gradually rose from the position of a slave to that of a client tmaulii), subsequently becoming an ally (I)alif). He was presumably able to attain this position because his mother was married to one of her masters. But Khabbab also endured hardship and suffering for the openness and courage with which he expressed his genuine opinions and beliefs. Islam granted him full rights in the community and a position of equal footing with all the believers. An eminent person in Mecca in the period of the Prophet was al-Akhnas b. Shariq al-Thaqafi, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. His pedigree is given by Ibn al-Kalbi as follows: Ubayy b. Shariq b. 'Amr b. Wahb b. 'Ilaj, an ally of the Banii Zuhra. He was nicknamed "al-Akhnas" because he diverted the Banii Zuhra from fighting on the Day of Badr,"? Al-Akhnas was a rich man: his clan owned a court (dar, dar al-akhnasi in the lane of the perfumers (zuqaq al-iauarin); they possessed as well a patch of land (lJmiq) in the "night market" (sUq al-layl), which they bought from the 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," In the old days, says al-Fakihi, Abyssinians stayed in the mountain where the gorge of the clan of al-Akhnas was located." The mountain al-Hira (where the 65 Al-Fasi, aI-'f qd ol-thamin; IV, 30L 66 See El2, s.v. Khabbiib b. al-Aratt; and see al-Shibli, MaQ1JSin al-wasdil ila mdrifaii al-awa'il. MS. British Library, Or. 1530, fols. 108b-l09a; Muqatil b. Sulaymiin, Tafsir, ed. 'Abdallah Mahmiid Shabiitah, Cairo 1969, I, 105inf; Abu I-'Arab, Kitab al-mihan, MS. Cambridge Qq 235(8), foIs. 39b-40b (dhikru qatli 'abdi 111lhibni khabOObi bni i-araai wa-l-I:liuithi bni murrah). 67 Ibn al-Kalbi, J amhara; MS, Br. Mus.,foL 1553. 68 Al-Fiikihi, op. cit; MS, foL 457a 128 Prophet received his revelation - K) is located by this gorge. Through this gorge the Prophet entered Mecca on the Day of the Conquest of Mecca. Najda, the Kharijite alighted in this gorge." Al-Akhnas' relations with Quraysh were very close: his mother was Rayta bint 'Abdallah b. Abi Qays al-Qurashi, from the Banii 'Amir b. Lu'ayy," Al-Akhnas married Khalida, the daughter of the noble Abu l-'~i 72 His son, Sa'id, married Sakhra, the daughter of Abu Sufyiin.73 His sister, Thurayya, was the wife of Abu Dhi'b Hisham b. Shu'ba of the Abu Qays b. 'Abd Wudd of Quraysh." Descendants of al-Akhnas continued to intermarry with Quraysh," Al-Akhnas was an implacable opponent of the Prophet. Some patently tendentious traditions state that he did not embrace Islam at alP6 Other traditions report that he embraced Islam and was one of the muallaia quliibuhum; i. e. those whose sympathy for Islam was gained by gifts granted them by the Prophet," A harmonizing report assumes that he embraced Islam and participated in the battle of Hunayn, He probably apostatized later and then converted again to Islam," We have, in fact, some information about the activities of al-Akhnas against the Prophet. A report recorded by al-Baladhuri says that al-Akhnas was a member of the Qurashi delegation which came 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Al~Fiikihi, op. cit; MS. fol 5OOb. Al-Azraqi, op. cu; p. 492. See Muqiitil. Tafsir, I. 102. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101;al-Baladhurl, Ansah, ed. M Schloessinger, IV A., 169. Ibn 1;Iabib, al~Mul)abbar, p. 105; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit; VIII, 240. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 421 See e.g. Ibn a1~Kalbi, Jomnara; MS. Br. Mus. fol117a Al-Baladburf, Ansah, MS. fol. 1226a; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, (= al-Jam," li-ai)kami l-qur'iin), Cairo 1387/1967, HI, 15, II 77 Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 48. 78 Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, I, 38-39. On strangers and allies in Mecca 129 to Abii Talib asking him to halt the Prophet's missionary activity; al-Akhnas was the speaker of the delegation." Al-Akhnas was involved in another incident: he watched, in the company of unbelievers, how a group of believers went out to the gorge of Abii Dubb in Mecca in order to perform there the ritual ablution (wuq.u1 and prayer (evidently in the first period of Islam, when believers had to conceal their ritual practices - K). The unbelievers attacked and beat them. Ibn Sa'd, one of the believers, seized a camel's jaw and beat them with it until he wounded one of the unbelievers, who were routed tinkasara l-mushrikiin) and left the place.80 The relations in this early period preceding the hijra of the Prophet were probably not explicitly hostile: when the Prophet returned from his journey to al- Ta'if he sent to al-Akhnas asking for his protection (jiwar) in order to enter Mecca; al-Akhnas, however, could not respond; he argued that being himself an ally (l)aIif) he was not authorized to grant protection," The inferior status of the ally (balif) is mentioned only twice: in the case of Abii Ihab with the gazelle and here in the case of the protection withheld from the Prophet It is noteworthy that, according to a tradition, al-Akhnas granted protection to Abii Sabra b. Abi Ruhm'" . A decision made by al-Akhnas on the eve of the Day of Badr happened to be a turning point in the history of the Muslim community: it was a main contributing factor to the Muslim victory on the Day of Badr. Al-Akhnas headed a troop of 300 Zuhri warriors. In the consultations of the Qurashi leaders al-Akhnas opposed the activist 79 Al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, L 23L 80 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 116;on Shi'b Abi Dubb see l-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam. ed. M~tafii l-Saqqa, Cairo 1364/1945,p. 540. 81 Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. II, 20; al-Tabarsi, l'liim ai-wara bi-dlam ai-Juu:ia, ed. 'Ali Akbar al-Ghaffiiri, Tehran 1379,p.65; Ibn Junghul, Tarlkh; MS. British Library, Or. 5912, I, 203a: the messenger of the Prophet to al-Akhnas was 'Abdallah b. Urayqit, 82 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansah, L 228. 130 attitude of some leaders (like Abu Jahl), proposed to refrain from any military action against the Prophet and his forces and to return to Mecca. He explained to the Zuhri warriors that Muhammad was their nephew (ibn ukht), and that if he was a prophet they should not kill him; if, on the other hand, he was an impostor, they, of all people, should definitely refrain from fighting him," According to another tradition al-Akhnas argued that, as the caravan had already reached its destination safely, the Meccan force should return to Mecca," The Zuhri troop obeyed al-Akhnas and returned to Mecca.85 The Qurashi force was thus reduced from 1000 to 700 and its striking force was seriously impaired. The retreat of the Zuhri troop was an important event, if not the decisive factor, in the victory of the Muslim forces and the defeat of Quraysh," The victory at Badr heralded the triumph of Islam After the battle of Badr, al-Akhnas is said to have visited the court of the Prophet in Medina, engaged him in conversation, feigning willingness to embrace Islam. He assured the Prophet of his love for him and expressed his allegiance to the new faith.. Unaware of the real nature of his thoughts and feelings, the Prophet used to honour him and let him sit in council close to him. It was in connection with this that the verses of Sura II were revealed tal-baqara) 204-205: wa-min at-nasi man yu'jibuka qauluhu _ "and some men there are whose saying upon the present world pleases thee and such a one calls on God to witness what is in his heart, yet he is most stubborn in altercation" (translation: Arberry)," Al-Akhnas afterwards went out, 83 Muqatil, Tatsir, 1, 103. 84 Al-Baladhuri, Ansilb. I, 291; and see Abii l-Faraj, AghQni. Beirut, 1390/1970. IV. 22 reprint; al-Waqidi. op. cit, pp. 44-45. 85 See e.g. al-Azraqi, op. cit, p. 492; Ibn Hishiim, op. cit, II. 271; al-Tabarsi, l'tiim ol-wara; p. 85; Ibn J:lajar. ai-/$iiba, I. 38-39; al-BaIiidhuri. Ansilb. MS. fo11226a; Ibn-Athlr, I. 48; Muqati~ Taisir, MS. 1, fol 146a-b and I, 161 (printed edition). 86 The Zuhra and the 'Adiyy were the only Qurashi divisions which did not pin the Qurashi force; see al-Waqidi. op. cit, p. 45. 87 See e.g. Muqdtll, Tafsir, I, 102; al-Qurtubl, Tafsir, II. 14 inf.; al-Tabari, Tajsir, ed. Mabmiid and Ahmad Shakir. Cairo n.d. IV, 229-230. no. 3961 us« On strangers and allies in Mecca 131 burnt some crops and killed some donkeys," Four verses of Sura LXVIII (Surat al-qalam) 10-13: wa-lii tuti' kulla hallatin mahin, hammazin mashshii'in bi-namim _ "and obey thou not every man swearer, backbiter, going about with slander, hinderer of good. guilty agressor _" are also said to refer to al-Akhnas," Some commentators record traditions saying that the words humaza lumaza in Sura Clv, 1 (Surat al-humazas; "backbiter, slanderer" refer to al-Akhnas," That these interpretations seem to have been widely circulated can be inferred from the following anecdote: al-Kalbi was asked in Mecca about the interpretation of Siira II. 204 (quoted above) and replied that the person intended in the verse was al-Akhnas. One of those present in the council tmailis), a descendant of al-Akhnas, requested al-Kalbi to desist from circulating these interpretations in Mecca," Al-Akhnas' son Abu l-Hakam fought in the battles against the Prophet. He (or his father) is said to have killed Unays b. Qatada at Uhud." Another tradition relates that Abu l-Hakam b. al-Akhnas killed 'Abdallah b. Jahsh'" 88 See e.g, al-WaI)idi. Asbiib al-nuzUl, Cairo 1388/1968, p. 39; al-Tabari, Tafsir, IV, 229; al-Suyiiti, ai-Durr al-manthiir. I. 238; Ibn Kathfr, Tafsir, Beirut 1385/1966. I. 436. 89 See Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, VII. 84 inf; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XVIII. 235; al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, VI. 251 info 252 (According to other traditions the verses referred to al-Hakam, the father of Marwan, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith); Ibn Hisharn, op. cu; I. 386; al-Naysibiiri, Gharllib al-qur'iin wa-raghiiib ai-tUTqan, Cairo 1390/1970, XXIX. 21 1.4 from bottom; al-Tabarsi, Majma' ai-bayan ti tafsiri l-quran, Beirut 1380/1961. XXIX. 27 (referred to al-Walid b. al-Mughira, or to al-Akhnas b. Shariq, or to al-Aswad b. 'Abd Yaghiith), 90 Al-Tabarsi, Majma' al-bayan; XXX, 230 info (refers to al-Akhnas, or to al-Walid b. al-Mughira); al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, MS. Chester Beatty 3668, II, 344b. ll. 1-3 (al-Akhnas or al-Walid b. al-Mughira) ; al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, Xx. 83 sup; al-Suyiiti. al-Durr. VI. 392 91 Al-Suyiiti. aI-DUTroI. 238. 92 Ibn Qudarna al-Maqdisi, ai-Istibsar [i nasabi l-sohaba min ol-ansiir, ed. 'Ali Nuwayhid, Beirut 1391/1971. p. 294, It 1-2; aI-Waqidi, op. cit; p. 301 (killed by Abii l-Hakam); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cii; p. 113,no. 91 (killed by al-Akhnas), 93 Anonymous, ai-Ta'rikh al-muhkam [i man intasaba ila i-nabiyyi salia ll~ 'aiayhi wa-sallam; MS. Br. Mus. Or. 8653, fol. 214a; Ibn Hajar, ai-Isaba; IV. 37, no. 4586. 132 For years al-Akhnas remained hostile to the Prophet. He attended the execution of Khubayb in Mecca'" and demanded that the Prophet extradite Abii Basir al-Thaqafi, who was a maula of Banii Zuhra," Al-Akhnas died, as a Muslim of course, during the caliphate of 'Uthman," The son of al-Akhnas, al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, was a sincere and loyal adherent of 'Uthman- and lost his life defending 'Uthman from the attacks of his enemies. The killer, at the time unaware of his victim's identity, on being informed that it was al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas, recalled a dream in which he had seen vessels with boiling water prepared for the man who would kill al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas," After al-Mughira's death, a man of the Banii Zuhra reported to Talha b. 'Ubaydullah: "Al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas has been killed". Talha b. 'Ubaydullah remarked: ''The sayyid of the allies of Quraysh has been killed".98 One of the grandsons of al-Mughira, al-Mughira b. Asad b. Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq married 'A'isha bint 'Abdallah b. 94 Ibn Hisham, op. cit. Ill, 188;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. P. 361;al-Suyiiti, al-Durr, I, 238. 95 Ibn Hazm, J awaml ol-sira; ed. Ibsan 'Abbas, Nli$ir al-Din al-Asad, Cairo n.d.,p. 210; Ibn Hisham, op. cit. III, 337;al-Wliqidi, op. cit. p. 624; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 211;on Abii Basir see Ibn I:Iajar, ol-lsaba; IV, 433,no. 5401 % Ibn al-Athir, Usd,l, 48. 97 See e.g. Anonymous, al-Tdrikn al-muhkam; fol. 62a-b; AbU l-'Arab, Kitiib al mihan; MS. fol. 18a-b; Muhammad b. Yabyli l-Maliqi, aJ-Tamhid wa-i-bayiin [i maqtali l-shahidi 'whmim, ed. Mahmiid Yiisuf Zliyid, Beirut 1%4, pp. 134,135 (and see index; the report on p. 133 is transmitted by the grandson of al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas); and see on him Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, I, 403, III, 66; Ibn al- Athir, Usd, IV, 405-406; al-Fasl, ai-'/ qd al-thamin; VIII, 252-253, no. 2498 (another version of the dream); al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, V, 76, 79 (ed, s.D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936); Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444; Ibn Hajar, al-I saba, VI, 1%-197. 98 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit. p. 1444. On strangers and allies in Mecca 133 'Umar," His grandson, Ya'qiib b. 'Utba b. al-Mughira b. al-Akhnas b. Shariq was a trustworthy muhaddith; he was honest and noble, and governors used to send him as tax-collector'?" There-is no need here to comment at length on the story of al-Akhnas b. Shariq. Suffice it to say that it reveals another aspect of Meccan policy towards strangers desirous of joining one of the Meccan clans: newcomers were allowed freedom of action, and opportunities were given them to attain the highest position of leadership. So it came about that an ally made a decision that was to prove momentous to the subsequent history of the Islamic community: it was the Thaqafi hali] al-Akhnas b. Shariq who issued the order of retreat to the Zuhri troop and made the Muslim victory at Badr possible. The list of the arbiters of Quraysh includes the name of a Thaqafite ally of the Banii Zuhra: al-'Alli' b. Jariya (or Haritha) b. Sumayr b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Salama b. 'Abd al-'Uzza b. Ghiyara al-Thaqafi, hall] (ally) of the Banii Zuhra'?' It was, of course, unusual for a halit to gain the position of an arbiter on behalf of a tribal divison. He must have been a very respected member of the Meccan community. It is indicative of the Prophet's skill in management that he included al-'Alli in the group of the muallata quJ.Ubuhum, eminent unbelievers whose sympathy for Islam was won by gifts.102 99 Mus'ab, Nasab, p.357. 100 Ibn l:Iajar, Tahdhib al tahdhib, XI, 392, no. 755; al-Bukhiiri, al-Ta'rikh ol-kpbir, VIII, 389,no. 3434. 101 Ibn l:Iabib, aJ-Mul}abbar,p. ill. 102 Ibn Hazm, Jawamt al-sira; p. 246; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit. p. 946; Ibn Qutayba, ai-Ma'arif, p. 342; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit. II, 153,l. 1; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, p. 1085,no. 1840; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Pad! Ibrahim, III, 90; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 7; Ibn I:Iajar, al-Isaba; V, 279, no. 6807; aI-BaIiidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 1226b;Ibn Hishiim,op. cit. IV, 136;Muqiitil, Tafsir, MS. I, 155a; al-Fiisi, Shifa' aJ-gliarllm,II, 1~ 134 A peculiar case of tribal collaboration between Quraysh and Sulaym is seen in the story of Abii I-A'war al-Sulami, the ally of Abii Sufyan, His family had a close relationship with Quraysb: his mother and his grandmother were from Quraysh (the mother from Sahm, the grandmother from 'Abel Shams).I03His father, Sufyan b. 'Abel Shams, had been an ally of Harb b. Umayya and fought with Quraysh against the Prophet. It was he who killed the father of Djibir b. 'Abdallah and 'Abbas b. 'Ubada on the Day of Ubud.104 In the battle of the Ditch Sufyiin b. 'Abd Shams headed a troop of 700 warriors of Sulaym fighting on the side of Quraysh against the force of the Prophet-" It is noteworthy that the Sulami troop which joined the Prophet in the conquest of Mecca also numbered 700 (or 1000) warriors. It was probably this same group of warriors that went over to their former enemy.l06 The son, Abii l-A'war, 'Amr b. Sufyiin, was a leading figure in Mecca. He took part in a delegation of distinguished Meccans who came to Medina in order to persuade the Prophet that he should acknowledge the power of the idols,"? He seems to have remained hostile towards the Prophet for a very long time; thus the biographical compilations of the Companions state that he cannot be counted among the Companionsl'" However, he played an important role in the reign of Mu'awiyal"? and the latter's plan to appoint him as governor of Egypt only failed on account of a stratagem employed by 'Amr b. al-' 103 See Ibn Hajar, aJ-/sQba,N, 641, no. 5855. 104 See al-Baladhuri, Ansah, I, 331,333; aI-Wiiqidi, op. cit; pp. 258, 266, 302, 306. 105 AI-Wiiqidi,op. cit; p. 441 106 See Ibn Hishiim, op. cit. N, 63; al-Wiiqidi, op. cit. 812 inf.- 811 107 See e.g. al-Nasafi, Tat sir aJ-qur'luI,Cairo n..d.,III, 292; and see J ESHO, XXIV, 258-259, ad notes 76-77. 1~ See e.g. EP, s.v. al-A'war (Lammens); and see Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; 641, no. 5855; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V. 138. 109 See e.g. Nasr b. Muzahim, Waq'at siffin, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Hiirlin, Cairo 1383, index. 110 See 'Ali b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Hudhayl, 'Ayn al-adab wa-l-siyasa wa-zayn al-hasab wa-I-riyasa, Cairo 138811969,pp. 149-150. On strangers and allies in Mecca 135 Some of the allies were among the earliest converts to Islam. One of them was a Tamimi, Said b. 'Amr, an ally of the Banii Sahm of Quraysh; his half-brother on his mother's side was Tamim b. al-Harith al-Sahmi, who was among the first believers, and is listed among the distinguished group of Muslims who emigrated to Abyssinia (kana min muhajirati l-habashati l-hijrata l-thlmiya); he is said to have been killed in the battle of al-Ajiadayn'" The career of another halit, the Yarbii'i Tamimite Waqid b. 'Abdallah, is also noteworthy. He was sold as a slave to Khattab b. Nufayl of the 'Adiyy, who adopted him. He was called Waqid b. al-Khattab and became an ally of the Banii 'Adiyy. Later he changed his name to Waqid b. 'Abdallah according to the injunction of Siira XXXIII, 6: UtlUhum li-llbllihim, huwa aqsaiu 'inda lliihi ... "Call them by the names of their fathers. That is more equitable in the sight of God". In the first fraternization (mu'akhllt makka) he was paired with Bishr b. al-Bara'J'? He migrated to Medina and was sent by the Prophet to Nakhla with a group of warriors. In the attack of the Muslim group on the caravan of Quraysh, Waqid killed 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, 'Umar b. al-Khattab composed two verses about this event. It has been pointed out that Waqid was the first believer to kill an unbeliever, and was a highly respected person; 'Abdallah b. 'Umar named one of his sons Waqid after Waqid b. 'Abdallah al-Tamimi'" 'Umar included him in the pay-roll (jaraaa.lahu) of his family-'" Waqid died during the caliphate of 'UmarYs 111 Ibn cis; l12 Ibn 113 Ibn 114 Ibn 115 Al- cit. Sa'd, op. cu; IV, 197; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 401, II. 11-13; Ibn 'Abel al-Barr, op. p. 626, no. 990; Ibn Hajar, aJ-I $Qba, Ill, 114,no. 328L l:Iabib, aJ-Muhobbar, P. 73 inf. Hajar, aJ-I$Qba, VI, 595 info Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 314. BaIadhuri, Ansiib, MS. fol. l000a; and see about him Ibn Abi l-Hadid, op. XV, 130; Ibn Sa'd, TabaqQJ, II, 10, IV, 159. 136 The biography of the Tamimi Ya'lii b. Umayya (or: Ya'la b. Munya) is the story of the meteoric rise to eminence of an ally in Mecca. He was an ally of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf he converted to Islam. emigrated to Medina and fought in the battles of Hunayn, al- Ta'if and Tabiik. His sister, Nafisa bint Munya, who was the matchmaker between Khadija and the Prophet, converted early to Islam'" Ya'la's brother, Salama b. Umayya, fought on the Prophet's side in the expedition of Tabiik"? After the death of the Prophet he was appointed by Abii Bakr governor of Hulwan. 'Umar appointed him governor of some districts of the Yemen, but deposed him when he appropriated to himself land property (1)amii li-natsihi himan). He was, nevertheless, highly regarded by 'Uthman, and, on hearing of the latter's assassination, he hurried to Medina and urged that the murder of 'Uthman be avenged. Promising to equip any warrior willing to go out and avenge the murder, he actually equipped 70 warriors of Quraysh and bought the camel 'Askar for 'A'isha. He granted al-Zubayr 400,000 (dirhams - K) to implement the necessary preparations for the expedition. He married two distinguished Qurashi women: the daughter of al-Zubayr and the daughter of Abii Lahab. He died as a respected and wealthy man, a Meccan owning a piece of land (khiua) in Mecea'" Two men of the Usayyidi group of Tamim deserve to be mentioned here. Though there is no indication that they ever came to Mecca, they were certainly converts from the early Medinan period. Hanzala b. al-Rabi' al-Katib and his brother Rabah b. al-Rabi' rose speedily to a high position in the Muslim community and played an important role in the events of that period. Hanzala is said to have Ansab, I, 98; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba; VIII, 143, no. 11816 (Nafisa bint Umayya), 117 AI-Fasawi, ai-Ma'rifa wa-l-tdrikh; L 337. 118 See e.g. Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, op. cit; pp. 1585-1587, no. 2815; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V, 128-129; al-I;>hahabi, Siyar a'llun ai-nubaia', ed. As'ad Talas, III. 66-67 no. 245; Ibn Hajar, lsaba, VI, 685, no. 9365; Idem, Tahdhib ai-tahdhib, XI, 399, no. 77l:, al-Fasi, al-Tqd al-thamin, VII, 478-480, no. 2753; al-Tabari, Tarikh; ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibriihim, index; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foL 99O-991a 116 See e.g. aI-BaIiidhuri, On strangers and allies in Mecca 137 been the secretary of the Prophet, wrote the revelation and was entrusted with the Prophet'sseal iwa-kima mdahu khiaam al-nabiyyi). The Prophet sen. him as a spy to al- Tli.'ifand recommended him highly for his qualities of leadership. ii'tammic bi-mithli hii:dhii: wa-ashbii:hihi). According to Ibn al-Kalbi, Tamim, Asad Ghatafan and Hawazin fought under his banner on the Day of al-Qadisiyya'" He married a woman from a very noble family: a daughter of Naufal b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib.'t? He took part in the battles of the Conquest of Islam and settled in Kiifa; but as 'Uthman was generally spoken of in abusive terms there, Hanzala left the city and settled in Qarqisiyya..He used to visit the court of Mu'iiwiya.who had a high opinion of him. He died during the latter's reign.Tamim claim that the jinn bewailed his death. Al-Baladhuri, who records this information, however, notes that some people believed him to be of obscure provenance (kana da'iyyan).121 His brother RaMI;l(or Riyah) suggested to the Prophet to fix a special day in the week for the Muslim community; they would have their day like the 'Jews and the Christians.The siira: ai-iumua was then revealed and Friday was established as the Day of the Muslim community'> II Some additional details about the alliances in Mecca and the circumstances in which they were concluded may widen our understanding of general conditions in Mecca and the relations existing between allies and the clans which accepted them. In some cases 119 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus., foL 93b. 120 Ibn aI-Kalbi, Jamhara; MS. Br. Mus., foL USa. 121 See about him: aI-Bahidhuri, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit, p. 379, no. 548; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba; 11,134-135, nos. 1861-1862; Idem, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, III, 60, no. 109; Ibn al-Athir, U sd, II, 58; Khalifa b. Khayyat, al-Tabaqiu. ed. Akram I;>iya' I-'Umari, Baghdad 1387/1967,pp. 43, 129; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tdrikh; ed.. 'Abd aI-Qadir Badriin, Beirut 139911979,V, 13-15. 122 Al-Baladhurl, Amab, MS. foL 1069b; Ibn al-Athir, al-Barr, op. cit. p. 486, no. 744. Usd, II, 160-161; Ibn 'Abd 138 Quraysh welcomed newcomers who applied for allied status. Such was the case of Jahsh b. Ri'ab of the Asad b. Khuzayma In consequence of a blood feud between Asad and Khuza'a a division of Asad requested the aid of Kinana; when these refused, they turned to the Ghatafan, Their request seems, however, to have been rejected.. Ri'ab b. Ya'mur, the father of Jahsh, came to Mecca and applied for allied status with Quraysh. He was invited by Qurashi Asad b. 'Abel al-Uzza to join them as ally and he gladly joined them as hali]. Later, however, people remarked that the Asad b. 'Abel al-'Um were a wretched branch of Quraysh; Ri'ab consequently cancelled the alliance and concluded one with the 'Abd Manaf. When the Banii Jahsh made their hijra to Medina, Abii Sufyan sold their houses and appropriated for himself the proceeds of the transaction. One of the sons of Jahsh complained of this iniquity, stressing that "others" (ie, other branches of Quraysh - K) wanted to affiliate them as allies, but the Banii Jahsh preferred an alliance with Abii Sufyan, 'Abel al-Malik inquired who it was who had offered the Banii Jahsh the alliance and 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr said that his clan had done so, but that Banii Jahsh had preferred to conclude an alliance with Abii Sufylin.123 The verses indicating the purpose of the alliance are significant wa-la-qad da'ani ghayrukum Ia-abaytulur. wa-khabdtukum li-nawliibi l-dahri. The place and time in which the alliance was concluded are also given: wo-aqadtu habli [i hilXdikum: 'inda l-jimiJri 'ashiyyata lrnahri. The attitude towards the Umayyads is expressed in warm words: a-bani umayyata kayla uslamu fikumu: wa-anii bnukum wa-holilukum [i 1-'usri.124 123 Ibn Habib, al-M/.UIIJmITIiUl, 286-288. p. 124 See the story and the verses in al-Fiikihi, Tarikh; fol. 452a-b (with many variants). On strangers and allies in Mecca 139 The close ties existing between the Qurashites and their allies are evident from the circumstance that Jabsh b. Ri'iib married the daughter of 'Abd al-Muttalib/ She bore him three sons and two daughters: Zaynab bint .Jahsh married the Prophet (before that she had been the wife of Zayd b. Haritha); Hamna bint Jahsh married Talha b/Ubaydullah.P! Zaynab (her former name was Barra) was distinguished by special verses revealed about her in the Qur'iinl26 The esteem in which these Asadi companions of the Prophet were held is reflected by the fact that their names were added to the list of the Qurashi Companiona"? A vivid description of the atmosphere in which an alliance was concluded is given in the story of Khalid b. al-Harith of Kiniinii, the father of Qariz, The poet Khalid, a congenial and eloquent person, came to Mecca. Every clan desired to have him as an ally and many people offered him hospitality (an yunzilahu) and the hands of their daughters in marriage. Khiilid asked to be given some time, went up to Hira' in order to worship God (yata'abbadu) and to pray for guidance in making his decision. After 3 days he came down and decided to conclude an alliance with the first person he met, who turned out to be 'Auf b. 'Abd al-Harith of Zuhra b. Kilab, He tied his garment to that of 'Auf, took his hand, and, both of them approached the haram; they stood by the House and affirmed their alliance.'" 125 Al-Baliidhuri, AnsQh,I, 88; Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 19,IL3-10. 126 See e.g. Muhibb al-Din Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-Tabari, al-Sinq al-thamin [i manaqib ummahilli l-muminin; Cairo n.d., pp.87-92; Ibn Habib, al-Muf)abbar, pp. 85-88. 127 See Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam; MS. Br.Mus. 8653, foL 213a:hadha akhiru ma aradnahu. min nasabi a$/:labi rasidi /lahi (s) wa-akhbarihim; wa-adhkuru mdahum akhhara I-$al}ii.batimin bani asadi bni khuzaymata li-anna minhum bani [ahshin, bani 'ammati i-nabiyyi ts) we-hum mina l-siibiqina l-auwolina wa-l-muhaiirina I-hijratayn, we-hum hu/afa' bani 'abd shams _ ; and see the list ibid. fols. 2l3a-222a; and see the list of the Asadi Companions in Albert Dietrich, 'Abdalmu'rnin b. Xalaf ad-Dimyatinin bir Muhiicirin Listesi, $arkiyat Mecmuasi, Ill, 1959,pp. 136-137. 128 Ibn I:Iabib,al-Munammaq, p. 288. 140 The aim of the alliance of al-Ghaydaq b. 'Abd al-Muttalib with the Sulami Shayban was quite different When al-Ghaydaq was denied his share in his father's heritage, 'Abd al-Muttalib, by his brothers and was not able to secure the aid of his half-brother, 'Auf b. 'Abd 'Auf of the Zuhra, he applied for help to Shayban of Sulaym, who had married Umm Hakim, the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, Al-Ghaydaq's half-brother helped to conclude the alliance. By means of this alliance al-Ghaydaq succeeded in compelling his brothers to grant him his lawful share of the heritage.129 The friendly relations obtaining between the sons of Shayban and the family of 'Abd al-Muttalib seem to have continued: Arwa. the daughter of Rabi'a b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalib married 'Abood b. Shayban.130She bore him two daughters (in the period of Islam); one of these daughters married Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Abi TaIib and bore him a son, Ibrahim. Arwa's mother was Umm al-Hakam (not Umm Hakim as in Munammaq) the daughter of al-Zubayr b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'" In some cases an alliance was concluded with two persons; such was the case of Mirdas al-Sulami, who concluded the alliance with both Harb b. Umayya and Abu l-'As b. Umayya; it later broke down.132 In others the effects of the alliance came to fruition after many years: 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan was the ally of the 'Abd Manaf. Mu'awiya ordered his governor in Medina, Marwan, to refrain from punishing 'Abd al-Rahman b. Sayhan for drinking an intoxicating beverage made of raisins (or dates).133 In some cases alliances were merely fictitious. Such was the case of a Persian slave who was set free in Mecca and established his abode there. He was a successful carpenter, sired pretty daughters and 129 See Ibn Habib, ai-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289; on al-Ghaydaq n 11-12;al-BaIadhuri, Ansah, I, 71, 90. 130 See Ibn Habib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 289, ult, l31 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS, Br. Mus. fol116b, inf. see Mus'ab, Nasab, p.l8, 132 Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 330. 133 Al-Baladhuri, Ansah, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1971, IVA, pp. 81, 112-114; Ibn I:Iabib, aJ-MU/UJlfI1T/.Oi/, p. 305. On strangers and allies in Mecca 141 gifted sons, and joined Harb b. Umayya as ally.134Ibn Habib rightly remarks that it was in fact not an alliance at all: (wa-qad dakhala ti ahlati qurayshin man laysa lahum bi-haiitin minhum al-hadarima ->.135 That the economic factor had played a decisive role in acceptance of the new ally by Ibn Umayya emerges quite clearly from the outline of al-Hadrami's career: wa-nazala makkata wa-kathura maluhu wa-walada nisdan hisanan wa-rijalan ta-aniabahum, [a-tazawwaja baniihu haythu ahabbii; wa-hum yadddiina hilta harbi bni umayyata, wa-laysa lahum hiliun min ahadin min qurayshini" Al-Hadrami married Umm Talha, the daughter' of Umm Hakim bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, Their son, 'Amr b. al-Hadrami, was killed on the Day of Nakhla,"? Ibn Habib records many cases of alliances which were in fact never formally concluded, but subsequently acquired outward recognition when the daughters of Meccan noblemen married newcomers, who were usually of inferior status. An apparent case of this kind is that of the Byzantine slave Salama b. al-Azraq, His son, Salama "entered" into an alliance with the 'Abd Shams, marrying Amina, the sister of 'Uthman b. 'Affan..138 The clan of 'Amr b. Umayya al-Damri was considered an ally of the Banii Umayya because 'Amr b. Umayya" married Sukhayla bint 'Ubayda b. al-Harith b. 'Abd al-Muttalih'v' Ibn Habib's opinions about fictitious alliances of this kind are instructive: ... [a-dakhalii [i bani 'abdi l-dari bi-l-sihri, wa-laysa lahum hilt _141 sami'tu man yuhaqqiqu hiltahum wa-sami'tu man ... 134 135 136 137 138 l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, pp.320-322 Habib, al-Munammaq; p. 319 ult, Habib, ol-Munammaq, p. 321; and see ibid, p. 322, 15. Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 18, 1113-17; al-Baladhuri, Ansah, L 88, 297. Habib, al-Munammaq, p. 302, 11.6-7; but according to Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 101, II. 8-9 she married a man from Madhhij 139 See on him J ESHO, vol. XXIV, 251, notes 40-41; and see ibid, pp. 262-263 and notes 84-85. 140 Ibn l;Iabib, al-Munammaq, p. 302 141 Ibn l;Iabib, oi-Munammaq; p. 306, I. 8. Ibn Ibn Ibn See Ibn 142 yuwahhinuhu wa-yaqidu: innama dakhaJit bi-arhamihim wa-asharihim [i=bani zuhrar'? In some cases Ibn Habib admits that he does not know the reason for the affiliation of an adopted ally to his clan: ._wa-huwa ya'ia b. umayya; wa-ia dritu sOOOOa dukhidihim fi bani 'abdi l-darit" The allies who attached themselves to the Meccan clans took part in the political events and war activities of Mecca.. This is stated in the report about the fourth war of the Fijir; ''Nobody of the Tamim attended it except (the clans, or groups of Tamim - K) because of the alliance with Quraysh: the clan of Zurara, the clan of Abii Ihab and the clan of Abii Yalta b. Munya".144 III The alliances of Quraysh with great tribal divisions differed in many respects from the alliances of individuals or of small groups with individuals and clans in Mecca. The strangers and small groups accepted into the body politic of Mecca became usually tied by marriage to the Meccan clans, and integrated themselves into Meccan society. They preserved their nisba; which kept the memory of their tribal origin, but were loyal to Meccan interests and Meccan policy. Great tribal divisions could endanger the balance of power between the various tribal units in Mecca and even bring about a situation in which one or more of these foreign elements would, on conclusion of the alliance, secure for themselves predominant positions. These considerations emerge with clarity from the story of the alliance planned between a division of the Aus of Medina with Quraysh. The Aus proposed alliance with Quraysh; Quraysh consented and the alliance between them was signed. It was, however, cancelled when Walid b. al-Mughira (from Makhziim - K) convinced the Meccans that such an alliance may endanger the existence of the 142 Ibn l:fabTh, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. '!JJ7. 143 Ibn l:fabib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 306. 144 Ibn Habib, al-MUfU.lTI1lrI£Uj, p. 199. On strangers and allies in Mecca 143 Qurashi community in Mecca. Certain expressions in the story may reflect the considerations and reasons for the cancellation of the document: the Aus went out from Yathrib as a jaliya; a group of emigrants (i,e, a group which did not leave their abode of their own free will - K) and alighted in Mecca in the dwellings of Quraysh tnazalat 'ala qurayshr; it was with this group that the Meccans signed the alliance. Al-Walid b. al-Mughira's warning to Quraysh reads as follows: "Never did a people alight in the abode of another people, without depriving them of their honor and inheriting their abodes" (ma nazala qaumun qattu 'ala qaumin ilia akhadhii sharaiahum wa-warithii di yarahum), As a pretext for the cancellation of the document al-Walid proposed to explain to the Aus that the Meccans tend to behave in a licentious manner with women; this may be detrimental for the Aus (sci I. if they decide to live in Mecca - K). The Aus were impressed by the argument and cancelled the alliance.v" The other account of the event (that of Abu 'Ubayda) is similar in outline but contains additional details. These merely record the names of clans who had left Yathrib and came to Mecca: 'Abd al-Ashhal, Zafar, Mu'awiya and people from Riiti~146they went out clandestinely under the pretext of an 'umra. They came to Mecca, alighted in the city, concluded the alliance and stayed there for some days. Then Abu Jahl returned from a journey and was reported about the alliance which had been concluded. It was he who warned the Meccans of the danger that they might be overpowered by the Aus. He proposed to use the aforementioned pretext, which, in the event, proved convincing, and the Aus annulled the document. In the words of Abu 'Ubayda: " .. wa-qad raddadna ilaykum IJilfakum".147 Within the leading group in Mecca there was, however, a tendency to extend their socio-economic activity so as to include within it Medina and al- Ta'if, An important report about the relations 145 Ibn l:Iabib. al-Munammaq, p. 326. 146 Riitij is a locality in Medina (ie, in Yathrib); see Yiiqiit, Mu'jam al-buJdan, s.v. Riitij. 147 Ibn l:Iabib. ol-Munammaq, pp. 327-330. 144 between Mecca and al- Ta'if is recorded by Ibn Habib; When Quraysh increased in number (sci I. in the period of the Jahiliyya - K) they coveted the valley of Wajj ( ... anna qurayshan hina kathurat raghibat Ii wajiin); they suggested to Thaqif (the inhabitants of al- Ta'if) that they should share the haram of Mecca and Wajj on equal terms. Thaqif refused, arguing that Wajj had been built by their ancestors (thus claiming exclusive right of control over the land and the city - K), whilst the haram of Mecca was established by Abraham (and was thus a place open to all - K). Quraysh then threatened to deny Thaqif access to Mecca. Thaqif, fearing war with Quraysh and their allies from Khuzi'a and Bakr b. 'Abd Maruit, were compelled to concede, and entered into alliance with Quraysh. They even persuaded the Daus to sign a treaty of alliance with Quraysh on the same terms'" The stipulation of al-sharika Ii l-dar made by Quraysh was made into an alliance agreed upon by all the parties interested. Thaqif were granted entrance into the Qurashi controlled Hums and intermarried with Quraysh. Quraysh were able to purchase land property in Wajj.149 The two cases of alliances of Mecca with large and cohesive divisions seem to exemplify the socio-economic views held by Quraysh concerning this type of alliance. IV In Mecca itself the tribal factions struggled among themselves for influence and power. Sometimes conflicts led to bloody encounters. Tradition reports such a clash between the Banu Jumah and the Banii Muharib b. Fihr. The date of the event (or even the period) is not given; the report says that the number of Jurnahis killed and heaped on the battlefield was so great that the place was called radm bani juma/:l.150 Conflicts between the various factions brought about 148 Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 280-281 149 Comp. JSAI I (1979) 8-10. 150 Al-Bakri, Mu'jarn rna sta'jam, p. 649 (sv, al-radm); ol-basim; MS. fo1183b. Mughultay, al-Zahr On strangers and allies in Mecca 145 alliances of the different groups. The division of the Meccan society into the mutayyabisn and ahla] is quite well known, and so is the story of the hilt al-tu4itl.151 Another tribal grouping, including the Zuhra and the Ghayatil, 152 was called the "alliance of righteousness" (hilt al-salah). The Qurashi tribes gave their consent to it, but did not join the alliance. The Muslims acted according to its tenets in the period of Islam."? 'Ubaydullah b. 'Adiyy b. al-Khiyar of the Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf sat on a council imailis) at which the noble and the people of knowledge would meet. Mu'awiya inquired what happened at this council, which was called "majlis al-qilada', "the council of the necklace'T" Quarrels between families and clans brought about the establishment of temporary or relatively stable tribal alliances in which the weak sought the help of the strong. Such cases are seen in the reports about the Banii Zuhra. Umayya b. 'Abd Shams, says one report, was attacked and beaten because he used to pass by a Zuhri house and peep at the women. The Banii 'Abd Manaf became enraged at the deed of the Zuhra and demanded that they leave Mecca. The Zuhra started to prepare for departure; they were, however, urged to stay with one of their relatives of Sahm. He came with a band of fighting men in order to defend the Zuhra. The Banu 'Abd Manaf recoiled from a confrontation with the Sahmi group and consented to leave the Zuhra in their dwellings.P? Of a similar kind was the alliance between the Sahm and the Banii 'Adiyy, The 'Adiyy clashed with the 'Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf. In the fights between them the 'Abd Shams usually had the upper hand. Both parties suffered losses; but when 'Adiyy realized 151 See e.g. E P, s.v. Muhammad nur (E. Tyan), nnr al-Fuc;liil (Ch. Pellat); M. Watt, at Mecca, index, s.v. Mutayyabiin, Al:Iliif,al-Fudiil: and see 152 153 154 155 al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, Marsh 384, foll74b; al-Sinjirl, Manij'il) al-karam bi-akhbari makka wa-l-haram; MS. Leiden, Or. 7018,fol 46a-b, 60b-61b, 148b-149b; al-Mu'iifii b. Zakariyii, al-J ails al-salih; MS. Topkapi Saray III Ahmet, no. 2321,fol170b; al-Baliidhuri, Ansab, MS. foll44a See about them Caske\, Die Gomnara;II, 274, s.v.Gayatil, AI-Zubayr b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. foll06b inf. Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit; p.42 Ibn Habib, al-MUlIlJ1rIfTUU/, pp.40-42 146 that they were no match for their foes, they decided to conclude an alliance with the Sahm. The 'Adiyy (almost all of them) sold their houses (which were between the Safa and the Ka'ba - K) and moved to the dwellings of Sahm, where they were assigned plots of land (for their houses - K). Al-Khattab (the father of 'Umar) praised the Sahm and thanked them.!" The contest between the Sahm and the 'Abd Shams is referred to in the commentaries of the Qur'an; (Sura ClI, al-Takiuhur): "Gross rivalry diverts you, even till you visit the tombs,"? Traditions report about the help extended to some members of the 'Adiyy in critical situations: al-Khattab, the father of 'Umar, detained a number of women of the Banii Ka'b, who were riding donkeys in the market of Mecca, in order to secure repayment of a debt owed to him by a man of the Ka'b. A group of the 'Abd Maruif hurried to the court of al-Khattab in order to free the women. AI-'As b. Wa'il (the father of 'Amr b. al-'A~) came with haste, chased away the 'Abd Manaf, chided al-Khattab and ordered the women's release. 158 It was al-As b. Wa'il who defended 'Umar, when he was attacked by a group of unbelievers of Quraysh enraged by his public announcement of his conversion to Is1am.159 Some reports talk of bloody clashes between the Banii Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf of the Taym b. Murra and the Banii l-Sabbiiq of the Banii 'Abd al-Dar; it is said to have been the first act of violence and outrage (baghy) in Mecca. They fought each other so violently that they virtually annihilated each other, and only a few of them remained alive. Some of the Banii Sabbiiq left Mecca and joined the 'Akk.160 In another report about the clashes between Khalid b. 'Abd Manaf (called 156 Al-Azraqi, op. cit. pp. 472-473; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 460a-b. 157 AI-Wiibidi, Asbiib al-nuzid, p. 305; Muqiitil, Taf sir, MS. II, fol. 249a; al-Qurtubi, Taisir, 169; al-Fiikihi, op. cit. MS. fol, 507a, IL 7-10. xx. 158 Al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. Bodleiana, foL 18Th. 159 AI-Zubayr, b. Bakkiir, Jamhara; MS. fo1.l87a; Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 409, L 4; Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p. 87. 160 Al-Zubayr, b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. foL 89b. On strangers and allies in Mecca 147 al-Mashrafiyy) and the Banii l-Sabbaq, al-Zubayr records the verses of Khalid's mother, al-Subay'a, and of 'Abdallah b. Jud'iin..161 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah al-Zubayri gives a concise assessment of the role of Sahm in relation to other divisions of Quraysh: Qays b. 'Adiyy (of the Sahm) was the man who protected the Banii 'Adiyy b. Ka'b and the Zuhra b. Kilab against the 'Abd Maniif, and also protected the 'Adiyy b. Ka'b against the Jumah, Mus'ab remarks that the Banii Sahm grew in number in Mecca tkathurti) so that they almost equalled the 'Abd Maniif; however, at the time of the Prophet's advent, their numbers were substantially reduced by a plague. 162 A report recorded by al-Fakihi provides important information about a peculiar Sahmi fighting group - the Sahm were the most numerous and the most vigorous group of people in Mecca. They owned a rock at the mountain called Muslim..163 (This is the mountain overlooking the narrow pass of the Humran in Dhii Tuwii).164When they were about to undertake an important matter (idhii arQdu amran) their herald would cry out yo sabal)ilh, and they would reply: asbib layl. Then Quraysh would ask: "What's up with these inauspicious people?", for Quraysh considered them to be inauspicious. From among them was a group named banii ghaytalal'" distinguished by their intemperance (saraf) and violence (baghy).166 161 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamhara; MS. fol. 126a-b; comp. Mus'ab, Nasab, p. 293; and see al-Mausili, Ghayat al-wasa'il, MS. fol. 57b (two reports about the violence in Mecca; the violence of the Aqayis mentioned); Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, MS. Br. Mus, fol 3Oa;and see al-Zubayrb. Bakkar, op. cit. fol89b. 162 Mus'ab, Nasab, pp.400 ull-401 163 The mountain Muslim is mentioned by al-Azraqi iop. cit. p. 501); but there is no mention of the Banii Sahm in this place. 164 See al-Bakri, Mu'jam rna stdjam, p. 896, s.v. Dhii Tuwan, 165 See above, note 152;and see Mus'ab, Nasob, p. 401, II. 6-7; and see al-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 506b ull-507a sup; Ghaytala married 'Adiyy b. Sahm and bore him al-Harith and Hudhafa; they were numerous (kana [ihimu l-'adadu) and violent (baghy). 166 See al-Fakihl, Of). cit. MS. fol 506b-507a 148 It is noteworthy that when he decided to help the Zuhra, Qays b. 'Adiyy uttered the cry asbih. layl, ordering the Zuhra to stay and commanding his group to be alert and ready for battle,"? The violence of which Sahm was accused refers, probably, to a special section of Sahm staying in the close vicinity of Mecca. This fighting group was savagely violent and terrified the inhabitants of Mecca. which explains why the expression baghy is used in the sources. v A distinctive feature of Meccan society in the period of the Jahiliyya was the diversity of its inhabitants. Members of different tribes frequented Mecca in order to carry out the obligations pertaining to the pilgrimage and the ritual practices at the Ka'ba, Merchants with their wares flocked to the market in the neighbourhood of Mecca and were engaged in selling and buying transactions. Meccan caravans passed the tribal territories with safety due to the pacts concluded with the Arab tribes and the letters of security of the neighbouring countries-" For a very short period the believers debated whether they were allowed to conduct trade during the hajj; Sura II, 198: laysa 'alaykum iunahun an tabtaghii [adlan min rabbikum; "It is no sin for you that you seek the bounty of your Lord" was interpreted as 167 Ibn Babib, aI-MU/IllIrIInlUl,p. 41,L 3. 168 See U. Rubin, "The IIaf of Quraysh," Arabica XXXI, 165-188; and see: Mahmood Ibrahim, Social and Economic Conditions in Pre-Islamic Mecca, Jl MES, 14(1982),343-358;Harnza al-Isfah3ni, al-Durra aI-faJchira fi l-amthiJIi l-sliira, ed. 'Abd al-Majld Qatamish, Cairo 1972,II, 335,no. 557;'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghddl, Khiziinat al-adab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad Hariin, Cairo 1397/1977, VI, 15-16; IV, 469-473; al-Qazwini, Athiir al-biliid wa-akhbar aI-'ibad, Beirut 1389/1969, p. 84 penult,-85 sup; al-Azraqi, op. cit, pp. 131-132; MJ. Kister, Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam, Variorum, London 1980, L 117-121 and Addenda. About the markets see al-Fasl, Tuhfat al-kiram [i akhbari l-baladi l-hariim; MS. Leiden, Or. 2654, fols. 18Oa-181a; nd see Abu a 'Ubayd, Gharib aI-h.atiith, Hyderabad, 1384/1964,IV, 102-103,s.v. habl, On strangers and allies in Mecca 149 allowing commercial activities during the pilgrimager" the markets then turned again into places of lively commercial activity. Sudden changes in the economy of Mecca during the period of the Jahiliyya, which brought about depression and loss of capital for the merchants led to the establishment of the i'tiiiu: (or ihiitad): the merchants in their hopeless situation would leave for the desert, where they pitched their tents and patiently expected their death. Professor Serjeant informs me that the custom of the i'tifad endured in Arhab until recent times. The reform introduced by Hashim according to which the poor of Mecca had to be attached to the rich in their commercial journeys and thus their share in the profits apparently brought about a favourable change in the social situation in Mecca'?" It is noteworthy that the Qur'an explicitly allowed the "nihd", a kind of collective sharing of common expenses of a group on a journey,'?' It is evident that the verse of Siira: ai-Nur, 61: " ... laysa 'alaykum iunahun an ta'kulu ;anu...• au ashtiuan _ " gave sanction to a an practice which was deeply rooted in the Jahiliyya period. Somewhat separated from the Meccan community lived the zan; ("the black"). 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr had a court (dar) in Qu'ayqi'an in which he placed the zanji slaves iraqiqu zan;in).172The mountain Thabir was called jabal al-zanj; the zan; of Mecca used to pick up firewood and "play" there/" In the place where we nowadays have the dar al-'abbas there used to be in "the old days" the market 169 See e.g. al-Wai)idi, Asbab, p.38: _ kana dlW l-majiu wa-'uka+maijara niisin fi l-jahiliyya, [a-lamma ja'a l-isliimu ka-annahum karihi: dhalika lJaua nazalat : laysa 'alaykum junii/;u.ul [i mawiisimi 1-/,uJjji_ 'an ibm 'abbiisin: _ kanu yauaqiina l-buyu'a wa-l-tiiiirata [i 1-/,uJjji.yaqiditna : ayyiimu dhikri lliihi. fa-anzala lliihu ta'iila:laysa 'olaykum junillJ- . 170 See al-Siilii)i, Subul al-huda wa-l-rashiid [i sirat khayri l-'ibiid (=al-Sira al-shamiyya), ed. Mustafa 'Abd al-Wai)id, Cairo 1392/1972. I, 317-318; al-Muttawwi'i, Man sahara zafira; MS. Cambridge Or. 1473(10),fol 22a; and see MJ. Kister, op. cit; L 122,Addendum 171 See al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, XIL 317-318; uqatil, Tajsir, MS, IL foL 4la M 172 Al-Azraqi, op. cis; p. 464. 173 Al-Fakihi, op. cit; MS. foL 497a; al-Azraqi, op. cii; p. 486. 150 where slaves were sold, says al-Fakihil?" In the dar al-'ulit;, which belonged to the Makhziim, dwelt the Abyssinians. Some reports say that 'Ati b. Abi Rabah was born in this courtl" One can get some idea of the social status enjoyed by the Abyssinians at this time and of the Muslim community's opinion concerning their morality from the hadith recorded by al-Fakihi. The Prophet was informed that the 'ulis] of the Banii Mughira (ie, the Abyssinians owned by the Banii Makhziim - K) refrained from coming to his court, because they were afraid that the Prophet would drive them away (an taruddahum). The Prophet then said "The Abyssinians are no good: if they are hungry they steal; if they are sated they drink. They do indeed have two good qualities: they feed (the needy -K) and they are brave in wat'.176The alleged haditb reflects indeed the views of some circles with an outspoken hostility towards the Abyssinians (and the Black - K) in the period of Islam, but it is possible to assume that some circles in Mecca entertained similar views about them during the Jahiliyya, Thus they seem to have been ostracized from the community. There was probably also a Christian enclave in Mecca, but no explicit information to this effect occurs in the sources. The existence of a Christian cemetery is, however, mentioned in Dhii Tuwa.177 In the Qurashi population of Mecca there were two divisions: the quraysh a/-+awahir and quraysb a/ birQ.J:z. According to a tradition the quraysh al-zawahir were driven out by their brethren the quraysb ai-bi{alJ, and lived outside Mecca." Small and weak groups of the Qurashi tribes tried to form alliances in order to ensure their own 174 175 176 177 178 Al-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. 448a, lL 5-6. AI-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 458a.. AI-Fakihi,op. cit. MS. foL 458a; al-Suyiiti, aI-JlPru"aI-leahir, Cairo 1978, I, 90. AI-Azraqi, op. cit. p. 50; al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 506a, L 5 from bottom. Al-Baladhurl, Ansab, I, 51: thumma inna bani kdb b. lu'ayy lammii kathuru akhrajii bU(unan min qurayshin ila ?awahiri makkata, [a-summi: quraysha hawahir. On strangers and allies in Mecca lSI survivat'" The expelled Qurashi clans affiliated themselves to different tribes outside Mecca, but returned at the beginning of Islam and requested that they be reattached to Quraysh.180 An alliance of different Qurashi tribal groups set up against another Qurashi tribal unit is seen in the alliance of Naufal b. 'Abel Manaf with 'Abel Shams b. 'Abel Maruif against Hashim b. 'Abel Maruif and al-Muttalib b. 'Abd Manaf.181 Contests between the factions of Quraysh brought about a search for helpers and allies outside Mecca. Such a case was that of 'Abd al-Muttalib, Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf seized the land property iai-arkiih) owned by 'Abel al-Muttalib, As 'Abel al-Muttalib's people failed to help him, he summoned his relatives in Medina, the Banii Najjar, and they hastened to Mecca threatening the Banii Naufal The Banii Naufal perceived the danger and returned the land property.'v The relationship between 'Abel al-Muttalib and the Banii Najjar was not one of hilt. they, however, behaved faithfully towards each other as one would according to the stipulations of a hilt. The Khuza'a were deeply impressed by the action of the Khazraj and asked 'Abd al-Muttalib and his clan to conclude an alliance with them. He responded favourably, and the document was written down, signed and hung in the Ka'ba.183 When the Khuza'a appealed to the Prophet for help against the unbelievers in Mecca they based their pledge on this very alliance of 'Abel al-Muttalib with their ancestors, stressing that it was still valid184 179 See e.g. MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if," ISAl, I (1979) p.14 note 59 and p. 15 note 65. 180 See al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 42-47 (Noteworthy are the expressions: p. 44: .., [a-lamma kimat khilafatu 'uthmana alhaqahum bi-quraysh _ ; p. 45: fa-lam yarjtu haua qama 'uthmanu tr) fa-ataului. fa-athbatahum [i quraysh; fa-kanu [i l-badiyati mda bani shayoona, wa-kitiibatuhum [i quraysh _ ); and see about sarna b. Lu'ayy MJ. Kister, "Some reports concerning al-Ta'if", ISAI, I (1979)15-16,note 66. 181 Mu'arrij al-Sadiisi, op. cit. p.41 182 See e.g. al-Baladhurl, Ansiib, I, 69-70. 183 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 70-72 184 See EP, Khuza'a (English edition V, 78 inf.), 152 The allegiance to an alliance manifested itself in loyalty to the people one was allied with and in affection for the symbols of the alliance. The banner of Quraysh, which was handed over by QU$aYY to 'Abd al-Dar, remained in their possession for generations. In the battle of Badr this banner was borne by the unbelievers of the 'Abd al-Dar, In the battle of Uhud the Prophet handed over to the commanders of the Muslim army three banners: one of the Aus, one of the Khazraj and one of the Muhajiriin.185The unbelievers went under three banners: one borne by Sufyan b. 'Uwayf; the other was the banner of the Ahabish, borne by one of them; the third was the banner inherited from Qusayy and borne by Talha ibn Abi Talba.186The description of the bearers of the banner of Qusayy, who followed each other to death, is one of the most moving descriptions of loyalty and allegiance. They held the banner with their right hand; when their right hand was cut off, they transferred it to the left; when this was cut off as well, they held it with their arms, When the last bearer of the banners, a maula; could only lift the banner with his arms (as his hands were cut off) he looked at the 'Abd al-Dar and asked them: "Did I do all I could do?~87 When the 'Abd al-Dar converted to Islam they asked for their banner to be given back to them The Prophet refused arguing: "Islam is broader than that" tal-islamu ausa' min dhalikd). The meaning appears to be: there is no room for the banner of a particular group. The banner belongs to the whole Muslim community. There were, of course, special banners adopted by specific groups and divisions; but they distinguished only units which competed among themselves in the battles fought for the cause of Islam This marked a new era in which tribal alliances were forbidden'" 185 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 215. 186 Al-Wiiqidi, op. cit; p. 201 187 AI-Wiiqidi, op. cii; 226-227, al-Baladhuri, Ansab I, 54-55. According to the report of aI-BaIiidhuri the last who lifted the banner of the 'Abd al-Dar in this battle was a woman: 'Umra bint al-Harith b. 'Alqama of the 'Abd al-Dar, 188 Cf. aI-Suyiiti, al-Jiuru" al-kabir i, 905, L 4 from bottom; L GoIdziher, Muslim Studies, transL c.R Barber, s.M Stern, London 1967, I, 70, notes 2, 4. On strangers and allies in Mecca 153 It is noteworthy that on the day of Uhud Quraysh were still fighting under the banners of the M14ayyabUn and the Al}1at.I89 There were two separate cemeteries in Mecca (in the period of the Jahiliyya); one of the M14ayyabUn and one of the Ah/at.l90 Due to the marriages of the Meccans with the different tribes, Southern and Northern ones alike, there grew up a Mecean community in which the characteristic features of the various tribal groups survived. The memory of these ancestors remained vivid in the minds of the Meccans; the Prophet prided himself on the fact that "he was born" of twelve ancestresses named 'Atika. The sources record, in fact, twelve ancestresses with this name: two Qurashi, three Sulami, two 'Adwani, one Kinani, one Asadi, one Hudhali, one Qu<;la'i,and one Azdi."! The peculiar blend of Meccan society helped to establish friendly relations with the Arab tribes, who recognized the superiority of Mecca and its leading role. The institution of the halit contributed in large measure to this development The role of Mecca had already been transformed in the early period of Islam: its leadership becoming distinctly spiritual in character. Only some jurists claimed that the position of the Meccans was that of fuJaqa', "the freed" or "manumitted", pointing to the assumption that the population of Mecca was hostile to the Prophet and that Mecca had been conquered by force. 'Umar, according to one tradition, refrained from paying 'afa' to the Meccans and from levying fighting men for military expeditions from among them, on the grounds that the Meccans were fuJaqa'.l92 189 Zubayr b. Bakkir, Jamnara; MS. foL 86b. 190 AI-Fakihi, op. cit. fol. 480a: ... wa-klmat makkata wa-maqbaratu l-aNali bi-asiali maqbaraiu l-miuayyabina bi-dla makkata ., ; and see additional details about the alliances in Mecca: MJ. Kister, ''Some Reports Concerning Mecca",JESHO, XV (1972)81-84. 191 See e.g. L'A, S.v. 'a t k; and see Ibn Hablb, Ummahiu al-nabiyyi ,salla llahu 'aJayhi wa-QJihi wa-saJlam, ed. Husayn 'Ali Mabf~ Baghdad 1372 192 Al-Fakihi, op. cit. MS. foL 417a 154 Quraysh were however the people chosen by God, and in his utterances the Prophet enjoined love and respect them193 In the course of thecenturies, there evolved a large literature of fa4liil makkata and of fa4liil quraysh; extolling the city and its inhabitants, and predicting that on the Day of Resurrection the city and its inhabitants will be saved. The allies of Quraysh will be in their company, for, according to the tradition: 'The ally is a member of the people'?" 193 See e.g. al-Hasan b. 'Arata, Juz', Chester Beatty 4433, fol. 142b: ahibbu qurayshan [a-innahu man ahabbahum ahabbahu llahu _; and see this tradition: Niir al-Din al-Haythami, Majma' ai-zawa'id wo-manbd ai-fawa'id, Beirut 1967,X, 27 inf.; and see Niir al-Din ai-Haythami, op. cit. X, 27 sup; man ahana qurayshan ahimahu Iliihu (and see this tradition: 'Abd al-Razziiq, ai-Musannaf, ed. Habibu l-Rahrnan al-A'zami, Beirut 1392,XI, 58 no. 19905; and see this tradition: al-Fasawi, al-Mdrifa wa-l-ta'rikh, I, 401; and see Niir aI-Din al-Haythami, op. cit. X, 26: _ inna qurayshan ahlu amiuJatin fa-man baghahumu i-'awathira akabbahu lliihu ii-mankharayhi... (and see this tradition: Ibrahim Muhammad ai-l;Iusayni al-Dimashqi, ai-Bayan wo-l-tdrif [i asbilbi wurUdi i-hmiithi l-sharif, Beirut 1400/1980, II, 63, no. 639);and see e.g. al-Muniiwi, FaYQ al-qadlr, shari: aI-jam!' i-,faghir, Beirut 1391/1971, IV, 516, no. 6123: qurayshun wuiatu i-nasi [i l-khayri wa-l-sharri iia yaumi i-qiyiuna _ 194 See 'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannai, XI, 56, no. 19897: (the Prophet ordered 'Umar to convoke Quraysh; among them were their nephews, their allies and their mawali) the Prophet said: ibn ukhtina minna wa-huiafa'una minna wa-mawaiina minna ...; and see al-Dariml; Sunan; Dar Ibya' al-sunna I-nabawiyya, n.d., n.p. II, 244, l 1:maula l-qaumi minhum, wa-halifu l-qaumi minhum wa-bnu ukhti l-qaumi minhum:

On the Wife of the Goldsmith from Fadak and Her Progeny. A Study in Jāhilī Genealogical Traditions

fadak.pdf ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH FROM A STUDY FADAK IN JAHILI AND HER PROGENY TRADITIONS GENEALOGICAL The section in Ibn al-Kalbi's Jamhara concerning the pedigree of Hisn b. Damdam and of his clan of Kalb 1 may shed some light on the relations between the different groups of the population in the North of the Arabian peninsula in the second half of the sixth century AD; some additional data from other sources enable us to get a better perception of the events. The passage of Ibn al-Kalbi, summarized by W. Caskel ", deserves a closer examination . • •* Al-Harith, the son of Hisn b. Damdam, nicknamed al-Harsha, was the chief of his people. When Fadak was conquered by Kalb in the period of the Jahiliyya his share of the booty consisted of the captives (wa-lahu sara sabyu fadaka hina ftatahahii kalbun fi l-jdhiliyyatii. The very concise report about the conquest of Fadak given by Ibn al-Kalbi is amplified by an account recorded by Abu l-Baqa": al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam b. 'Adi b. Janab al-Kalbi, known as al-Harsha, had the right to the pay (ja'ala) imposed on the people of Fadak; when they refused to pay, he raided them 3. Among the captured women was Shaqiqa, the wife of the goldsmith. Wa'il b. 'Atiyya b. al-'Udays (or 'Udas): al-Harith took her to him and she bore him his son Suwayd. Ibn al-Kalbi points out that Shaqiqa was a Jewess and records her ancestors in along' pedigree which goes back to Abraham". Abu l-Baqa' is more precise: the Jewish goldsmith Wa'il was captured together wi th his Jewish wife Shaqiqa 5. Ibn al- Kal bi' s Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus. (Esc.) Add. ll, 376, fol. 74a. See W. Caskel, Gamhara( an-Nasan, das genealogische Werk des Hiiiim ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi, Leiden 1966, II, 307 (al-Hari] b. Hisn al-Harsa'), 520 (Suwaid b. al-Harij), (Hisn b. Damdam), 3 Abii l-Baqa', al-Maniiqib al-mazyadiyya fi akhbari l-muluki I-asadiyya, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 296, fol. 72b inf. - 73b sup. 4 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 5 Abii l-Baqa', op. cit., fol. 72b. 1 2 322 account seems to contain a vague indication of the time of this event: the mother of al-Harith b. Hisn was Hirr the daughter of Salama of 'Ulaym, to whom Imru l-Qays referred in amatory language in his poems 6. Imru I-Qays died about 550 AD7, and Hirr should have been a young woman at that time. Other chronological indications may be derived from the additional sources. Both Ibn al-Kalbi and Abu l-Baqa' report about the four daughters of the couple Wii'il and Shaqiqa ; they differ, however, as to their names. Ibn al-Kalbi records Salma, al-Rabi'a, (?) al-Shamiis and Hind; Abu al-Baqa' records: Miiwiya, Najwa, 'Afat (? perhaps 'Uqab - K) and Salma 8; thus only one name is common to both lists: Salma, The couple had also two sons: Ma'bad and 'Ubayd. The progeny of Ma'bad joined the Banu Suwayd b. al-Harith (i.e. the clan of his uterine brother - K); a family of them attached themselves to an Ansari tribal unit, falsely claiming Ansari descent. 'Ubayd settled as a tribal unit in Syria 9. The status of the four daughters can be deduced from Abu l-Baqa's account: they remained with al-Harith, at his abode (... fa-asdba wd'ila bna 'atiyyata l-yahiidiyya l-sd'igha wa-ma'ahu mra'atahu /-shaqiqata, wa-kiinat yahiidiyyatan, wa-arba'a bandtin lahu '" fa-kunna 'indahu); the daughters of the Jewish couple married members of various Arab tribes, while Salma married the king of al-Hira, al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir, and gave birth to their son al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir, the last king of the Persian-protected vassal state of al-Hira. Later (i.e. after his death) she married Riimiinis b. Mu'aqqil of the 'Amr b. 'Abd Wudd of Kalb and bore him a son, Wabara. Al-Nu'man and Wabara were thus uterine brothers and this is why al-Nu'man granted Wabara the two settlements: Baradiin and La'la"!". Yaqut records the details about the Ibn al-Kalbi, op. cit., (Esc.), fol. 74a. EF s.v. Imru' al-Kays (S. Boustany). • Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a; Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., 72b. 9 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 10 Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a; cf. Hamza al-Isfahani, Ta'rikh sini muluki l-ard! wa-l-anbiya', Beirut 1961, p. 95 (al-Nu'man is the son of Salma, the daughter of Wa'il, the goldsmith from Fadak); al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1961, II, 194 (Nu'man's mother is Salma, the daughter of wru, the goldsmith from Fadak); al-Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, Najaf 1384/1964, I, 185 (al-Nu'rnan's mother is Salma, a captive said to be from Kalb); al-Mas'Iidi, MUrUj al-dhahab, ed. Ch. Pellat, Beirut 1966, II, 224, no. 1061 (the mother of al-Nu'rnan is Salma, the daughter of Wa'il h. 'Atiyya from Kalb); al-Jahiz, al-Bayan wa-l-tabyin, ed. Hasan al-Sandilbi, Cairo 1351/l932, III, 156 (Salrna, the daughter of 'Uqab, is the mother of al-Nu'man): cf. G. Rothstein, Die Dynastie der Lahmiden in al-Hira, 6 7 ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 323 kinship relations between al-Nu'man and Wabara and reports that Wabara died in Baradan and was buried there 11. The story of the marriage of Salrna with al-Mundhir b. al-Mundhir (= al-Mundhir al-asghari is presented by Abu l-Baqa' in dramatic terms: al-Mundhir alighted on his way back from one of his raids against Syria in the abode of al-Harith, who welcomed his guest, accomodated him in a tent of hides, slaughtered for him a camel and sent Salma (i.e. the daughter of the Jewish couple captured in Fadak - K) to anoint his hair. When she entered al-Mundhir seized her and raped her. She returned to al-Harith weeping, complaining that his guest dishonoured her. Al-Harith hurried in rage to the tent of al-Mundhir with his sword drawn, and accused al-Mundhir of having put him to shame amongst Kalb. But al-Mundhir answered asking al-Harith : « Did I bring shame upon you by marrying your maid»? Thus he married Salma and set out with her to al-Hira. There she bore him his son al-Nu'man, who became later king of al-Hira. After the death of al-Mundhir Salma returned to Kalb and married Rumanis b. Mu'aqqil of the branch of 'Abd Wudd of Kalb. She bore him Wabara, who was thus the uterine brother of al-Nu'man. Al-Nu'man was satirized as the heir of the goldsmith, the coward 12. According to a tradition recorded by Abu Hilal al-Askan, Salma (the mother of al-Nu'man) was a maid servant of 'Amr b. Tha'laba al-Kalbi 13. During a raid launched by Dirar b. 'Amr al-Dabbi 14 against Kalb he captured Salrna with her mother and two of her sisters. 'Amr asked him to return them, but Dirar, who became impressed by Salma, only agreed to return her mother and sisters. 'Amr appealed to his generosity by saying: « Let the horse (granted as a gift - K) be followed by the bridle », that is: as you have already Berlin 1899 (repr.), pp. 108-109; Jawad 'Ali, al-Mufassal fi ta'rikhi 1-'arab qabla l-isliim, Beirut 1969, III, 261-2. 11 See Yaqiit, Mu'jam al-bulddn, s.v. Baradan ; cf. Abii Tarnmam, al-Wahshiyydt, ed. al-Maymani, Cairo 1963, p. 133, no. 212. 12 Abii l-Baqa', op. cit., fol. 73a (with 8 verses), 3la-b (I verse); the verses are attributed to al-Nabigha, 'Abd al-Qays b. Khufiif al-Burjumi and Murra b. Rabi'a b. Qura' al-Sa'di: cf. W. Ahlwardt, The Diwans of the six ancient Arabic poets, Paris 1913, p. 173 (4 verses); al-Nabigha, Diwdn, ed. 'Abd al-Rahrnan Salam. Beirut 1347/1929,pp. 80-90 (9 verses); Ibn Qutayba, al-Shi'r wa-l-shu'ard', ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden 1904, pp. 73 (l verse; the mother of al-Nu'rnan is recorded as Salrna, the daughter of 'Atiyya, the goldsmith), 76 (3 verses; about the alleged authorship of the verses as in Abii l-Baqa'ts Manaqib): al-Jahiz, al-Hayawdn, ed. 'Abd al-Salarn Hartin. Cairo 1385/1966,IV, 377, 379. 13 See on him Caskel, op. cit., II, 185 ('Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith). 14 See on him Caskel, op. cit., II, 242. 324 returned the majority of the captured family, give back the remainder too. Thereupon Dirar returned Salma I 5. The version recorded by Abu l-Baqa' differs in some essential details: when al-Mundhir left the abode of al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam with Salma, the daughter of the Jewish goldsmith, given him as a gift by al-Harith, and set out (for al-Hira - K), he was attacked by al-Dirar al-Dabbi, who was at the head of a very strong troop. Dirar robbed him of everything he possessed, including Salma. Al-Mundhir returned to al-Harith and complained of Dirar's action. Al-Harith (who was a friend of Dirar) intervened, and Dirar returned Salma to al-Mundhir together with the other booty. Then al-Mundhir said to al-Harith : «Place the bridle on the horse» (he obviously asked an additional gift); al-Harith then gave him as an additional gift (« the bridle» - K) a sister of Salma, and al-Mundhir set out with both of them to al-Hira 16. The son of Salma from her second marriage, Wabara (according to some reports Hassan b. Wabara) played an important role in the battle of al-Qurnatayn, in which Dirar b. 'Amr al-Dabbi fought courageously with his sons on the side of Wabara (or Hassan b. Wabara) against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a who attacked both Tamim and Dabba. According to the account of al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi, al-Nu'man appointed his brother Wabara as governor (,ammalahu) on the Ribab and he headed the forces of Dabba in the battle 17. He was captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq and released on the payment of a very high ransom 18. Another tradition, also recorded by al-Baladhuri, gives a quite different account. The attack against the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a was well planned and prepared by the king al-Nu'man and his brother. Al-Nu'rnan levied a strong force « from the Ma'add tribes and others» under the command of his uterine brother Wabara. Then he sent to Dirar b. 'Amr and summoned him to join his forces. Dirar responded and came with nine of his sons (eighteen according to another account) 19. Al-Nu'man sent a caravan to Mecca and ordered the (warriors escorting the - K) caravan to launch an attack (sci!. suddenly 15 Abu Hilal al-lAskari, Jamharat al-amthiil, ed. Muhammad Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1384/1964, I, 92, no. 78. 16 Abu l-Baqa', op. cit., fols. 128b, inf. - 129a, sup. 17 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb ai-ash raj; Ms. fol. 956b (= 1016b). 18 See e.g. Arabica, XV (1968), 156-7; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 82a inf.82b sup.; idem, Jamhara, Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 297, fol. 123b-124a; al-Marzubani, Mu'jam al-shu'arii', ed. F. Krenkow, Cairo 1354, p. 394 (al-Nu'rnan's brother captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq is Ru'ba b. Riimanis, apparently a scribal error for Wabara b. Rumanis); and see al-Nuwayri, Nihiiyat ai-arab, Cairo 1368/1949, XV, 375-77. 19 Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, Ms. fol. 949a (= 1009a). ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 325 and treacherously - K) on the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a on the way back, after the arrangements (of buying and selling - K) were accomplished and Quraysh would have come back to Mecca from 'Ukaz The men (escorting the caravan - K) acted according to the plan; but the 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a had been warned by 'Abdallah b. Jud'an and succeeded to defeat the joint forces of Dabba and the troops levied by the king and put under the command of Wabara. Dirar managed to escape, aided by his sons; Wabara was captured by Yazid b. al-Sa'iq and had to pay a very high ransom: a thousand camels, two singing girls and granting Yazid the right to a share in his possessions 20. Some details about the descendants of one of the warriors who fought in the battle give us a hint as to the time in which the battle took place. AI-Mundhir b. Hassan b. Dirar, the grandson of Dirar, was one of the notables of al-Kiifa and gave his daughter in marriage to 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam al-Thaqafi ". Another grandson of Dirar, Harthama, embraced Islam and settled in Basra 22. The daughter of Dirar, Mu'a~havfnarried the Tamini leader Ma'bad b. Zurara and bore him a son;ar::Qa'qa', who converted later to Islam+'. The grandsons and granddaughters of other persons connected with the account of the battle can be traced in the period of the Prophet and of the first Caliphs 24. It is significant that these persons emigrated to Mecca or Medina and their fate was closely connected with some of the Companions of the Prophet. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf, one of the richest Companions of the Prophet, married Tumadir, the daughter of al-Asbagh b. 'Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Damdam from Kalb. It is evident that she was the direct descendant of al-Harith b. Hisn, the man who conquered Fadak and captured the family of the Jewish goldsmith Wa'il b. 'Atiyya, Turnadir was the first Kalbi woman married by a Qurashite, says the report. Mus'ab reports further that Tumadir's mother was «Juwayriyya the daughter of Wabara b. Riimanis, who was the brother of al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir x+", The Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 948b-949a (= 1008b-lOO9a). Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 949a (= l009a); and see on him Ibn Hajar, al-Isiibafi tamyiz al-sahiiba, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi, Cairo 1292/1972, VI, 314, no. 8470. 22 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fol. 949a (= 1009a), penult. 23 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Ms. fols. 948b (= lOO8b), 965a (= 1025a); and see on him: Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, V, 452, no. 7133. 24 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VI, 703 (Yazid b. Qays b. Yazld b. al-Sa'iq), 301, no. 8437 (Mu'adh b. Yazid b. al-Sa'iq). 25 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, Nasab quraysh, ed. E. Levi Provencal, Cairo 1953, p. 267; and see al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Jamharat nasab quraysh, Ms. Bodley, Marsh. 384, fol. 95b; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 95b. 20 21 326 honourable position inherited by the descendants of al-Harith b. Hisn and Wabara can be seen from the account that the Prophet sent 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf to Kalb and advised him to marry « the daughter of their king» if they would embrace Islam. As Kalb responded, 'Abd aI::~i}man married Tumadir ; her father, al-Asbagh, was indeed « the king» (i.e. the chief - K) of Kalb 26. Another report lists three tribal groups tracing their origin to Juwayriyya, the daughter of Wabara b. Rtimanis?". The marriage of the Caliph 'Uthman with another Kalbi woman, Na'ila also reflects the position of the family of the conqueror of Fadak: her father was al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas b. 'Amr b. Tha'laba b. al-Harith b. Hisn b. Darndam b. 'Adiyy b. Jandal ". * * * It may be of some interest to trace the pedigree and vicissitudes of a Tamimi woman, who emigrated to Mecca and married a distinguished man from the aristocratic clan of Makhziim. Her progeny played an important role in the struggle between the Prophet and Quraysh. Asma', the daughter of Mukharriba 29 from the tribal group of Nahshal b. Darirn of Tarnim, married Hisham b. al-Mughira from the clan of Makhzilm and bore him two sons: Abu Jahl (= 'Amr) and al-Harith ; after her divorce from Hisham, she married his brother, Abu Rabi'a b. al-Mughira, and bore him two sons: 'Abdallah and 'Ayyash 30. The high status of Asma' can be inferred from the report that she was entrusted with the keeping of the document of the boycott Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, Beirut 1377/1958, VIII, 298. Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a. 2. Ibn l;Iazm,lamharat ansab al- 'arab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam Harun, Cairo 1962, p. 456 inf. 29 On the reading « Mukharriba» and « Mukharrima » see e.g. the note of the Editor of Jumahi's Tabaqdt jubul al-shu'arii', p. 123, note 2. 30 Al-Jumahi, Tabaqdt fubul al-shu'arii', ed. Mahmiid Muhammad Shakir, Cairo 1952, p. 123, no. 142; Naqa'id Jarir wa-I-Farazdaq, ed. Bevan, Leiden 1908, p. 607; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara, fol. 36a inf. - 36b sup. (Hisham is said to have been the first Qurashite to divorce his wife Asma' by the zihii: formula; it was his father al-Mughira, who chose for Asrna' her husband after her divorce: his son Abu Rabi'a b. al-Mughira), 67b; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 318; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 135a inf. (she was also the mother of Umm Hujayr, the daughter of Abu Rabi'a), 140b (and see the two verses of Hisharn b. al-Mughira, in which he expresses his regret at divorcing Asrna', the daughter of Mukharriba, ib., fol. 141a, sup.); Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 300 (she married Abu Rabi'a after the death of her husband Hisharn), V, 443-4, IV, 129 sup.; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'iib fi ma'rifati l-ashiib, ed. 'Ali al-Bijawi, Cairo 1380/1960, p. 1230, no. 2009, p. 961, no. 1628, p. 301, no. 440; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam fiman intasaba i1a I-nabiyyi ~alla lldhu 'alayhi wa-sallam, Ms. Br. Mus., Or. 8653, fol. 148a, 1.4. 26 27 ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 327 of the Prophet and his family. Another version says that al-Julas, the daughter of Mukharriba, her sister, kept the document 31. The marriages of the daughters of this Darimi (Tamimi) family with Qurashites are remarkable. Asma', the daughter of Salama b. Mukharriba b. Jandal of Nahshal (Darim, Tamim), married 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a b. al-Mughira. She joined her husband when he set out for his hijra to Abyssinia and there she gave birth to his son 'Abdallah 32. Asma', the daughter of Salama b. Mukharriba, was for a period the wife of 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf; his son, 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Auf was born from her 33. 'Abdallah b. 'Ayyash married Hind, the daughter of Mutarrif b. Salama b. Mukharriba; she bore him his son al-Harith b. 'Abdallah b. 'Ayyash 34. Al-Harith b. 'Abdallah begot 'Abdallah b. al-Harith b. 'Abdallah; the latter married Umm Aban, the daughter of ['Abbad b.] Mutarrif b. Salama b. Mukharriba and she bore him his son 'Abd al-'Aziz35. Also to be noted are the marriages of the members of this branch of Makhziim (descendants of al-Mughira) with the family of Zurara (Tamim), Abu Jahl married the daughter of 'Umayr b. Ma'bad b. Zurara and she bore him his sons Abu 'Alqama, Zurara and Abu Hajib, Tamim 36. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abdallah b. Abi Rabi'a, nicknamed al-Ahwal, was the son of Layla, the daughter of 'Utarid b. Hajib b. Zurara 37. Umm Hujayr, the daughter of Abu Rabi'a 38 married a Tamimi from another family: Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz 39. *** Al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I (ed. Muhammad Harnidullah), 235 sup. Khalifa b. Khayyat, Tabaqdt, ed. Akram Diya' al-Tlmari, Baghdad 1387/1967, p. 234; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., VIII, 301; Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; al-Fasi, al- 'Iqd al-thamin, ed. al-Tanahi, Cairo 1388/1969, VIII, 180, no. 3300; Ibn Hajar, al-Isaba, VII, 484, no. 10795 (and see ib., p. 492, the elucidation of the relationship between Asma' bint Mukharriba and Asma' bint Salama b. Mukharriba); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, op. cit., p. 1783; Ibn Hazrn, Jamhara, p. 230; Ibn Hisharn, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. al-Saqa, al-Abyari, Shalabi, Cairo 1355/1936, I, 273. 33 Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III, 128; Anonymous, al-Ta'rikh al-muhkam, Ms. fol. 113a, inf.; Mus'ab v. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 267 (,Abdallah b. 'Ayyash b. Abi Rabi'a was thus the uterine brother of 'Abd al-Rahrnan b. 'Abd al-Rahrnan b , 'Auf, adds Mus'ab). 34 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., V, 28; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 141b. 35 Mus'ab b. 'Abdallah, op. cit., p. 319; al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. 142a, sup. 36 Mus'ab, op. cit., p. 312 sup.; al-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 135b inf. 37 AI-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 141a sup. 38 See above note 30. 39 AI-Zubayr, op. cit., fol. 135b, 1.1. 31 32 328 The peculiar verses in the Diwdn of Hassan b. Thabit link the person of Asma' (the mother of Abu Jahl and al-Harith, the sons of Hashim b. al-Mughira al-Makhziimi) with that of al-Furafisa, the father of Na'ila, the wife of 'Uthman : «Had you been a scion of a noble woman you would prove it for her by a noble deed: but you are a descendant of the daughter of 'Uqab »40. The verse is directed against al-Harith b. Hisham who fled shamefully from the battlefield of Badr. 'Uqab is recorded in the commentaries as a slave of the Taghlib. Some daughters of 'Uqab ended up by chance (fa-waqa'a ba'duhunnai at al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas where they stayed on as slaves. One of these maids was married by a man from Taghlib and bore him a daughter. This daughter was later married by Mukharriba b. Ubayr (sci1. from Nahshal, Tamnn)+'. The commentary gives insufficient details of the slave and the maids. One has thus to consult the other poem in which 'Uqab and the maidslaves are mentioned. The qasida CLXXVIII is headed by an explanatory note: «He (i.e. Hassan) said satirizing al-Harith b. al-Mughira (i.e. al-Harith b. Hisham b. al-Mughira - K); his mother, a Nahshali woman (a descendant of one - K) of the daughters of 'Uqab, a female slave staying with the Banil Taghlib; she (married and) had daughters who bore children in Kalb, Quraysh and in other tribes». The third verse of the qasida runs as follows: «Lo, al-Furafisa b. al-Ahwas is vexed: because of your mother [one] of the daughters of 'Uqab»42. The comrnentary+" does not add much for the understanding of the hints included in the two verses. It is therefore fortunate that Ibn al-Kalbi supplies some additional data about Furafisa. It was Furafisa who obtained the heritage of the goldsmith from Fadak and therefore Hassan uttered the verses against him. Ibn al-Kalbi mentions the other daughters of the goldsmith: al-Rabi'a married 'Arnr b. Kulayb b. 'Adiyy b. Janab and gave birth to daughters who got married with men from Kalb. The other daughter, al-Shamus, married 40 41 42 43 Hassan b. Thabit, Diwdn, ed. Arafat, London 1971, I. 298 (CXLIX 7): Lau kunia din'a karimatin ablaytahii : husnd, wa-liikin din 'a hinti 'uqdbi. Hassan b. Thabit, op. cit., II, 220. Hassan, op. cit., I, 343 (CLXXVIII, 3) : Inna l-furiifisata bna l-ahwasi 'indahu : shajanun /i-ummika min banati 'uqdbi. Hassan, op. cit., 11,246; and see ib .• II, 220: 'Uqab was a slave (not a slave-maid). ON THE WIFE OF THE GOLDSMITH 329 al-Jann from Taghlib and became the mother of 'Anaq. 'Anaq married Mukharriba b. Ubayr from Nahshal; she gave birth to Julas, the daughter of Mukharriba (usually recorded as Umm Julas Asma' the daughter of Mukharriba). Umm Julas bore the two sons of Hisharn b. al-Mughira: Abu Jahl and al-Harith 44. This very pedigree is recorded by al-Baladhuri on the authority of Abu 'Ubayda : Asma' was the daughter of Mukharriba (or 'Amr b. Mukharriba) and 'Anaq ; 'Anaq was the daughter of al-Jann from Taghlib b. Wa'il, and his wife al-Shamiis, the daughter of Wa'il b. 'Atiyya from Fadak "". Abu 'Ubayda gives some additional details about the marriage of Asma' with Hisham. Hisharn met Asma' in Najran ; she was a widow and Hisharn married her and moved with her to Mecca. There she gave birth to his two sons. After his death she married his brother, Abu Rabi'a ; she bore him two sons to046. This has already been mentioned above. A similar tradition about the marriage of Hisham with Asma' is recorded by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar on the authority of Ma'rnar b. Rashid; it contains some more details, such as those relating to the talk of Hisham with Asma', her cleverness and beauty?". The date of the death of Asma' is disputed: some put it at the time of the Prophet, others at the time of 'Umar=". A quite different tradition is recorded in Ps. Asma'I's Nihiiyat ai-arab. 'Adiyy b. Zayd introduced al-Nu'man to the Persian Emperor, telling him that his mother was the daughter of the goldsmith 'Atiyya, who was a Persian. He came by chance to Tayrna' and settled there. He married there. The daughter of the goldsmith, Salma, bore al-Nu'man+". Finally an early tradition identifies the first husband of Salrna as Suwayd b. Rabi'a, the well known Darimi tribesman who killed the relative of the king of al-Hira and caused thereby the slaughter of the Tamimis on the Day of Uwara 50. On his flight from the king of al-Hira Suwayd reached Mecca and became an ally (/:lalif) of the Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamhara (Esc.), fol. 74a inf. Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib, I, 209. 46 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, I, 208-209. 47 AI-Zubayr b. Bakkar, op. cit., fol. \35b, sup. 48 See e.g. Ibn Hajar, al-Isiiba, VII, 491, no. 10807; al-Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 209. 49 Ms. Br. Mus., Add. 23, 298, fol. 237b inf. ~ 238a. 50 See e.g. on the Day of Uwara : al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, fols. 966b (= 1026b), 968b (= 1028a); among his descendants was Abu Ihab b. 'Aziz who was one of the thieves of the «Gazelle of the Ka'ba »; al-Baladhuri (Ms. fol. 342b) records his pedigree as follows: Abu Ihab b._'Aziz b. Qays b. Suwayd b. Rabi'a b. 'Abdallah b. Darirn ... the halif of the Banii Naufal b. 'Abd Manaf. 44 45 330 Banil Naufal; Asma' reached al-Yaman; she later married Hisham b. al-Mughira. When she bore him his first son she named him 'Arnr (later nicknamed by the Prophet «Abu Jahl» - K) after her father (as the real name of Mukharriba was 'Amr) 51. This account closes the chain of stories in which the fates of the descendants of the goldsmith's daughters are related. *** Some comments on the few passages quoted above may be useful. It is instructive that the Jewish settlement, Fadak, had to pay some tribute to the tribal group of Kalb. The account seems to indicate that the power of the Jewish agricultural settlements in that period, the end of the third quarter of the sixth century, began to decrease; the weakness of the rulers of al-Hira, the sudden changes in the Persian Empire, the rise of the strength of the Arab tribes, the emergence of Mecca as an influential centre in the Arabian peninsula - all these factors explain the successful raid of al-Harith b. Hisn against Fadak and its conquest; it is indeed conspicuous that the account uses the expression: iftatahahii kalbun denoting the conquest of a village or a city. It is noteworthy for the understanding of the event that about the same period the Jewish representative of Persia in Medina was replaced by the Khazraji 'Amr b. al-Itnaba 52, and the dominant position of the Jews in this city declined. The role which Mecca began to play in that period can be deduced from the reports about the migration of membres of different tribes to Mecca. The marriages between Qurashites and members of the tribal immigrants reflect the evolution of a flourishing mixed population, dominated by a well developed Meccan tradition and custom; the immigrants became integrated into the Meccan order and absorbed into the Meccan society. It was a peculiar blend of Jewish, Christian, Kalbi, Taghlibi, Tamimi and Qurashi elements, which produced devoted believers like 'Ayyash, malicious infidels like Abu Jahl and gifted poets like 'Umar b. Abi Rabi'a. 51 52 Al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, fol. 986b (= lO46b). See Arabica XV (1968) 146-8.

Al-Ḥīra: Some Notes on Its Relations with Arabia

Al-Hira.pdf AL-HIRA Some notes on its relations with Arabia BY M. J. KISTER RIVALRY between the Persian and Byzantine Empires over the control of the regions of the Arab Peninsula at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century is reflected in a number of traditions attributed to the Prophet and recorded in some commentaries of the Qur'an. Qatada (died lI7 AH) 1 gives a description of the sad situation of the Arab population of the Peninsula before they embraced Islam, commenting on Qur'an, VIII, 26: "And remember when you were few and abased in the land and were fearful that the people (al-nas) would snatch you away" 2. He describes their sorrowful economic situation, their going astray and their weakness, and states that they were "confined on a top of a rock between Faris and Rum" (ma'kufina 'ala ra'si l;tagarin bayna Farisa wa-l-Rumi) 3. "The people" (al-nas) mentioned in the verse of the Qur'an are said to refer to Persians and Byzantines 4. A hadit reported on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas (died 68 AH) states that the Prophet interpreted al-nas as I. See about him IBN I;IAGAR: Tahrjib al-tahrjib, VIII, 355 (Hyderabad 1327 AH); AL-:)dAHABI:Miztin al-i'tidal, III, 385, No. 6864 (ed. AL-BIGAWI, Cairo 1963). 2. Translation of A. J. ARBERRY : The Koran Interpreted, p. 172 (London 1964). 3. AL-SUYUTI, al-Durr al-manlur, III, 177 (Cairo 1314 AH); TABARI'S Tajsir, XIII, 478 (ed. Mal)mud Mul:,l.~AKIR and Al:,lmad Mul:,l.~AKIR, Cairo 1958) contains the comment of Qatada, but the mentioned phrase is inserted by the Editors with variants: "between the two lions (asadayni) Paris and Rum" and "mak'umina" instead of "ma'kujina"; AL-~AWKANI,Path alQadir, II, 287 (Cairo 1932-but the phrase is omitted); IBN KA];:IR, Tajsir, III, 303 (Beirut 1966-the phrase is omitted); AL-SAMARQANDI,Tajsir, Ms. Chester Beatty, I, f. 252b (ki'inu bayna asadayni bayna Qay~ara wa-Kisra). 4. AL-SUYUTI, op. cit., ib.; AL-TABARI, op. cit., ib.-but al-Tabari prefers another interpretation, according to which "aI-ntis" refers to Qurays, ib. p. 379; AL-FAYRUZABADI, anwir al-miqbas, p. 138 (Cairo 1290 AH) records T that al-nas refers to Qurays; AL-SAMARQANDi, p. cit., ib.: al-nas refers to o Persians, Byzantines and "'Arab" who dwelt around Mecca; AL-BAYDAWI, Tajsir, I, 183 (Cairo 1355 AH) ... wa-qila li-l-cArabi kaffatan ja-innahum kanu arjilla'a ji aydi Parisa wa-l-Rumi. THE 144 M. J. KISTER [2] referring to Persians 1. Whatever the interpretation of the phrase in the verse discussed above, these early commentaries seem to mirror the apprehensions felt by the people of the Peninsula concerning the power of the two rival Empires and to bring out the impact of this rivalry on the life of the communities in the Peninsula. The struggle between the two Empires, in which the two vassalkingdoms of al-Hira and Oassan took active part, was closely watched by the unbelievers and Muslims in the different stages of their context. According to the commentaries on Qur'an, XXX, 1-2, the sympathies of the unbelievers of Mecca were with Persia whereas the Muslim community inclined towards the Byzantines 2. The victories of the Byzantines, it is stressed, coincided with the victories of the Prophet 3. The efforts of Persia to gain control over the region of al-ljigaz were noticed by R. Ruzicka, who assumed that the waning of the influence of Tamim and the rise of the influence of Oatafan were caused by the action of Persian policy performed through the medium of the Lahmid kingdom in order to get a foothold in this region 4. A tradition recorded by Ibn Sa'id in his N aswat al-iarab 5 reports I. AL-SUYUrI, op. cit., ib; but in TABARI'S Tafsir, p. 478 the comment is attributed to Wahb b. Munabbih. 2. AL-TABARI, op. cit., XXI, 16 (Cairo 1954, printed by Mustafa al-Babl AL-J:!ALABi);AL-QURrUBI, al-Gami' li-ahkam al-Qur'iin, XIV, I seq. (Cairo 1945); IBN KA:!:IR, op. cit., V, 342-43; ABU NU'AYM: Dala'il al-nubuwwa, p. 296 (Hyderabad 1950); ABU J:!AYYAN: Tafsir al-Bahr al-Muhij, VII, 161 (Cairo 1328 AH); ABU L-MAHAS1NYUSUF B. MusA AL-J:!ANAFi, al-Mu'tasar min al-muhta$ar, II, 189-190 (Hyderabad 1362 AH); and see M. HARTMANN, Der Islamische Orient, II (Die arabische Frage), pp. 50-51, 511-514 (Leipzig 1909); R. BLACHERE,Le Coran, I, 418-20 (Paris 1920); MUH. HAMlDULLAH, Le Prophete de l'Lslam, I, 18 (Paris 1959). 3. AL-QURrUBI, op. cit., XIV, 1-5; AL-TABARI, op. cit., XXI, 16 seq.; IBN KAIIR, op. cit., V, 348; of interest is a record reported by al-Qurtubr: when the tidings of the victory of the Byzantines arrived many people embraced Islam, op, cit., XIV, 2; and see F. ALTHE1Mand R. STIEHL: Finanzgeschichte der Spatantike, pp. 158-60 (Frankfurt am Main I957). 4. R. RUZICKA: Duraid b. as-Simma, I, 55 (Praha 1930): "Zda se, Ie v zaniknuti nadvlady Tamimovcu a v prevladnuti vlivu Gatafanouou !reba spatrovati ucinky politiky perske, jel se snalila postrednictvim polititky vladnouti" ... ["II semble qu'il faille voir dans la disparition de la preponderance de Tamim et la montee de celle de Gatafan les effets de Ia politique perse, qui s'efforcait d'assurer sa domination en mettant en ceuvre de petits moyens" (N.D.L.R.)J. 5. Ms. Tiibingen, f. 96 v. (See F. TRUMMETER, Ibn Sa'id's Geschichte der vorislamischen Araber, Stuttgart 1928; and see G. POTIRON: Un polygraphe andalou du XIII" Siecle, in Arabica 1966, p. 164). AL-~iRA 145 an interesting attempt of Persia to cast its power over Mecca. When QUbag embraced the faith of Mazdak 1 and deposed the Banii Nasr who refused to accept it, al-Harit al-Kindi followed suit. Qubag, the story relates, ordered al-Harit to impose this faith on the Arabs of Nagd and Tihama 2. When these tidings reached Mecca some people embraced the faith of Mazdak (fa-minhum man tazandaqa) and when Islam appeared there was a group (scil. in Mecca-K.) of people who were indicated as former Mazdakites 3. There were however people who refrained from embracing this faith. Among them was 'Abd Manaf, who gathered his people and stated that he would not abandon the religion of Isma'Il and Abraham and follow a religion imposed by the sword. When al-Hari] came to know about it he reported it to Qubag. QUbag ordered him to rush upon Mecca, to destroy the Ka 'ba, to kill 'Abd Manaf and to abolish the leadership of the Banfi Qusayy 4. Al-Hari]; was not willing to comply with the order; because of his partisanship of the Arabs he prevented QUbag from it and Qubag was busy with other people than Qurays 5. The tendency of this tradition is obvious: it tries to lay a heavy stress on the behaviour of 'Abd Manaf who remained faithful to the religion of Qurays, the din Isma'il. The tradition may be spurious, but it points to the contacts which seem to have existed between al-Hira and Mecca. Ibn Hurdadbeh in his Kitdb al-masdlik wa-l-mamalik 6 records a tradition according to which the marzuban al-badiya appointed an 'amil on al-Madina, who collected the taxes. The Qurayza and the Nadir-e-says the tradition-were kings who were appointed by them on al-Madina, upon the Aws and the lj:azrag. A verse to this effect by an Ansari poet is quoted. It says: I. fi zamani Qubiiqa sultiini l-Fursi llaqi tazandaqa wa-ttaba'a marJhaba Mazdaqa. 2. wa-amara l-Hiirita an ya'!JurJa ahla Nagdin wa-Tihamata bi-rJalika. 3. See GAWAD 'ALI, Ta'rih al-iArab qabla l-Isliim, VI, 287-88 (Baghdad 1957); he assumes that these "eaniidiqa" of Qurays embraced the magusiyya; this passage of Naiiuat al-tarab seems to give a new interpretation of the well known tradition about the" zandaqa" of some Qurays, And see the list of these "zaniidiqa" of Qurays in IBN I:fABIB'S al-Mwhabbar, p. 161 (ed. Ilse LICHTENSTADTER, Hyderabad 1942). 4. "fa-amarahu an yanhada ilii Makkata wa-yahdima l-bayta wa-yanhara 'Abda Maniifin wa-yuzila ri'iisata bani QU$ayyin". 5. "fa-kariha rJiilika al-Hiiritu wa-dii!Jalathu flamiyyatun li-l-'Arabi fadara'a 'anhum wa-sugila QubiirJu bi-gayrihim"; 6. p. 128 (ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1889). ARABICAXV 10 M. J. KISTER "You pay the tax after the tax of Kisra: and the tax of Qurayza and Nadir" 1. Yaqfit quotes the tradition that the Qurayz;a and Nadir were kings driven out by the Aws and Hazrag ; the Aws and lj:azrag used formerly to pay tax to the Jews 2. W. Caskel doubts whether Ibn Hurdadbeh had had another source than this verse of one of the Ansar ". Caskel's assumption can however hardly be accepted. The record given by Ibn Hurdadbeh and Yaqut seems to be based on a separate tradition to which the verse was attached. This verse attributed here to an Ansari poet occurs in the well-known poem of Ibn Buqayla; in the poem this verse has quite a different connotation 4. This tradition was discussed by H. Z. Hirschberg in his Yisrael be-i Ara» 5. Hirschberg does not accept the tradition as valid, arguing that this report is not confirmed by another independent source. He maintains that the people of al-Madina were free (bnei horin) with regard to Persia and Byzantium. It is not plausibleargues Hirschberg-that the 'amil of the marzubiin. of Hagar, whose power was so weak in Bahrayn, could have levied taxes in the North of Ijigaz. Altheim and Stiehl consider the tradition sound. The 'iimil of alMadina represented the king of al-Hira, on his side stood the "kings" of Qurayz;a and Nadir. This state of affairs-according to Altheim-Stiehl-could endure as long as the] ewish tribes dominated the immigrant Aws and Hazrag, i.e. till the middle of the sixth century. How things went on later with the Sassanid 'amil is unknown-state the authors 6. I. "Tu'addi l-harga ba'da !Jaragi Kisrii: wa-hargin min QuraYf:ata wa-lNtuiiri" . "Min Quraysata" would mean "for Quraysa", The variant given in YAQUT'S Mu'gam al-buldiin, IV, 460 is "wa-hargi bani Quraysata wa-lNadiri". 2. YAQUT, op. cit., ib.; and see ALTHEIM-STIEHL, op. cit., p. 150, l. 4-5. 3. F. ALTHEIM-R. STIEHL, op. cit., p. 149, n. 63. 4. See the poem AL-TABARI,Ta'rih, 1,2042; AL-MAS'UDI, urug, 1,221-222 M (ed. BARBIER DE MEYNARD,Paris 1861). A significant variant is given in ABU L-BAQA"S al-Mandqib al-Mazyadiyya, f. 34b (Ms. Br. Mus.): "ka-hargi bani-Quray?ata". Abu l-Baqa> states that 'Abd al-Masih composed this poem eulogising al-Nu-man, his son and his grandfather and wailing them after Ijiilid b. al-Walid "imposed (scil. upon his people-K.) the gizya" (lamma zahara l-Lsliimw tua-daraba ijalidu bnu l-WaHdi l-gizyata). 5. p. 122, n. 99, Tel-Aviv 1946; in this note an additional reference is given: AL-SAMHUDI,Waja' al-tuafd, II, 269 (quoted from Ibn Hurdadbeh, but without the verse). 6. Op. cit., pp. 149-150. [5] AL-I;IiRA 147 Altheim-Stiehl are probably right in their assumption. A significant record of Ibn Sa'id in his Naswat al-iarab gives important details about the continuity of the Sassanid control of al-Madina after the Jewish domination had come to an end. Ibn Sa'id reports that battles often took place between the two fighting groups (i.e. the Jews, Aws and Hazrag] 1 and no rule was imposed on them until 'Amr b. al-Itnaba al-Hazragi entered the court of al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir, the king of al-Hira and was appointed by him (as king) on al-Madina 2. In another passage Ibn Sa'id furnishes us with further details about this event. The author records that 'Amr b. al-Itnaba was appointed by al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir as king of al-Madina. The father of Hassan b. Tabit composed satirical verses about 'Amr and said: "Alikni ila l-Nu'mani qawlan ma!taeJtuhu: wa-fi l-nu$hi li-l-albiibi yawman daZa'ilu Ba'aua. ilayna ba{eJanawa-hwa ahmaqun: ja-yii laytahi; min gayrina wa-hwa 'iiqiiu" "Convey from me to al-Nu'rnan a word which [I said truthfully for in good advise minds will have some day [indications You sent to us one from us-but he is a fool; Lo! Would that he were from an alien people [and be a wise man" 3. Our knowledge of the life of 'Amr b. al-Itnaba is meagre. 'Amr b. 'Amir b. Zayd Manat b. Malik b. Ta'laba b. Ka 'b b. al-Hazrag' is a well known poet often quoted in literary anthologies 4. He is I. See the interpretation of Hirschberg about the continuous penetration of the Bedouins and their raids against the Jewish population, op. cit., 127 ult., 128 sup. 2. Nasioa» al-tarab, f. 55 V., inf.: "ilia annahu kanati l-harbu. kaliran ma taqa 'u bayna l-fariqayni wa-lam yastaqim lahum an yastabidda bihim malikun ilii an dahala ita l-Nu'miini bni l-Mundiri maliki l-Hirati 'Amru bnu l-Itniibati ~l-ij azragiyyu fa-mallakahu 'alii I-M adinati". . 3. ib., f. 57 v.: wa-min si'rihi fi 'Amri bni l-Ttniibati l-ijazragiyyi lamma mallakahu l-Nu'miinu bnu l-Mundiri 'alii l-Madinati: alikni-etc. 4. IBN I;IAZM, Gamharat ansiib ;;l-'Arab, p. 345, 1. 17 (ed. LEVI-PROVENC;:AL, Cairo 1948); SADR AL-DIN, al-Hamiisa al-Basriy ya, I, 3 (see the references supplied by the editor, MU!JTAR AL-DIN AHMAD, Hyderabad 1964); AL'ASKARI, al-Masan, p. 136 (see the references given by the editor 'Abd al- 148 M. J. KISTER [6] described as "the most honoured of the Hazrag' 1, as the "best horseman of his people" 2, as a "king of al-Higaz" 3. The opinion of W. Caskel that the story of the meeting of 'Amr b. al-Itnaba with al-Hari] b. Zalim is of legendary character 4 seems to be sound. It is however noteworthy that Abu 'Ubayda stresses in his record that 'Amr b. al-Itnaba was a friend of Halid b. Ga'far, the leader of the Kilab, who was in close contact with the ruler of al-Hira and who was murdered by al-Harit b. Zalim 5 at the court of al-Nu'man. The names of the persons mentioned in the stories about 'Amr b. al-Itnaba 6 like al-Hari] b. ~alim, Zayd al-Hayl 7, Halid b. Ga'far, al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir, help us to fix the time of his life as the second half of the sixth century. The tradition about the appointment of 'Amr as a "king", which meant in fact as a representative of al-Hira and a collector of the taxes on al-Madina, by al-Nu'man seems authentic. Invention can hardly be suspected as there were no prominent men among the descendents of 'Amr who would have been interested to boast of this appointment. The two verses of Tabit, the father of Hassan, confirm the authenticity of the story, which is thus complementary Salam HARUN, Kuweit 1960); IBN AL-~AGARI, al-Hamiisa, p. 112 (Hyderabad 1345 AH); IBN I:IABIB, Man nusiba ila ummihi min al-su'ara' (Nawadir almahtutat, I, 95, 201-ed. 'Abd al-Salarn HARON, Cairo 1951); AL-MuBARRAD, al-Kiimil, I, 89, IV, 68 (ed. MuQ.. Abu I-Fa(;l1 IBRAHIM, Cairo 1956); L. 'A., s.v. tnb ; S. M. I:IUSAIN, Early Arabic Odes, p. 42-44 (Ar. text; and see the references of the Editor; and see pp. 41-42 of the English text-Dacca 1938). One of the descendants of ABBIrecorded by AL-BALAl>URI, op. cit., f. 956 b, he captured Hassan b. Wabara, the brother of al-Nu-man (from his mother's side) who led the Dabba in this raid and who was appointed by his brother, al-Nu'rnan, on the Ribab. 2. So in the account of ABU L-BAQA', op, cit., ms. f. 126 a, 21 b; in the account of AL-BALAl>URI, p, cit., 948 b. o "uia-gaddavna Murran wa-l-muluka l-sanii+i'ii", 3. ABU L-BAQA mentions as well another version recorded from the descendants of Ibn al-Sa-iq ("wa-fi riwayatin uhra 'an wuldi Yazida bni l-$a'iq"), according to which the king of al-Hira was al-Mundir, not alNu'rnan. (About Mu'ag b. Yazid b. al-Sa-iq who opposed the ridda see: IBN I;!AGAR,al-Tsiiba, No. 8425; about Yazid b. Qays b. Yazid b. al-Sa-iq see AL-BALAl>URI, nsiib, ms. f. 942 b); about Umama bint Yazid b. 'Amr A b. al-Sa-iq see IBN I;!ABIB, al-Munammaq, p. 8). 4. f. 128 b; another version: AL-l;>ABBI,Amlal al-s Arab, p. 6. 5. See ROTHSTEIN, op. cit., p. 108, n. 3. 158 M. J. KISTER [16J with the gift given to him by al-Harit : the bondwoman Salma, his later wife, the mother of his son al-Nu'rnan. Only by the intercession of al-Harit b. Hisn=-did Dirar agree to return the seized property of al-Mundir, inter alia the bondwoman Salma. Some time after the battle of al-Qurnatayn 1 Dirar attended the market of 'Uka~ 2. Dirar attended the battle as an aged man. He is said to have visited the court of al-Mundir b. Ma' al-Sama", had quarrelled with Abu Marhab, Rabi'a b. Hasaba b. Aznam of the Yarbir' 3 and had cut his forearm. He asked for the protection of the king failed to grant him protection. He was granted the protection of Gusays (or Husays) b. Nimran al-Riyahi 4. Of interest are the relations of Dirar with Tarnim ; he gave his daughter Mu'aga as wife to Ma'bad b. Zurara 5. The version of Ibn al-Atir states that al-Nu'rnan summoned with the Banfi Dabba the Banii Ribab and Tamim; they responded and took part in the battle. Some verses of Aws b. J:Iagar 6, Labid 7 and Yazid b. al-Sa 'iq 8 give the impression that the battle was a grave one. It is noteworthy that Ibn al-Ajir stresses in his report (on the authority of Abu 'Ubayda), that the 'Amir b. Sa'sa 'a were Ijums, kindred with the Qurays and that they were Laqiih, (kana Banu 'Amiri bni Sa'sa'aia humsan, wa-l-humsu Quraysun wa-man lahu fihim wiladatun). This points to the connections between Qurays and the 'Amir and explains why 'Abd Allah b. Gud 'an 9 sent to I. See about the battle: YAQUT, Buldan, s.V. Sullan; IBN I:IAZM,Gamharat ansab ai-i Arab, p. 194; about the location of the place: U. TH1LO, Die Ortsnamen in der altarabischen Poesie, s.v. Lubiin, 'Uyun (Wiesbaden 1958). 2. IBN AB! L-I:IAD!D, Sar1:t Nahg al-Baliiga, IV, 308, 362 (Cairo 1329 AH). 3. About Abu Marhab see: IBN I:IABIB, Asmd? al-mugtdlina (Nawadir almahtutat, VII, 139); about the quarrel between Dirar and Abu Marhab see AL-:QABBI,Amlal al-i Arab, p. 15; about Dirar at the court of al-Htra see AL-MAYDANI,Magma' al-amlal, I, 44 (Cairo 1352 AH). 4. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 137 b. 5. AL-BALAl]URI, Ansab, ms. f. 948 b, 954 a; IBN AB! L-I:IADiD, op. cit., IV, 308; AL-GAH1:?,al-Bayiin, I, 168 (ed. AL-SANDUBI,Cairo 1932). 6. Ditoiin, p. 6 (ed. Muh, Yiisuf NAGM, Beirut 1960). 7. Sarh Diwan Labid, p. 133 (ed. Ihsan 'ABBAS, Kuwait 1962); see note 2 of the editor, who did not identify the battle. 8. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 126 b, inf.: "uia-nabwu gadata l-Qurnatayni tatoiihaqat : !Janadidu yam'agna l-gubiira dawa'i'a. Bi-kulli siniinin. fi l-qaniiti tahaluhu: sihaban Ii zuirnati l-layli saWa. rfaraJkna Hubaysan hina argafa nagduhu: yu'aligu ma'suran 'alayhi l-gawami'a". 9. See about him: IBN H1SAM, al-Sira, I, 141 (ed. AL-SAQQA,AL-ABYARI, SALABI,Cairo 1936); AL-BALAl]URi,Ansiib, 1,74, 101 (ed. Muh. I:IAMIDULLAH, [17J AL-I;IiRA 159 warn Banii 'Amir of the approaching forces of al-Hira, enabling them to prepare themselves for battle. One may assume that there was some co-operation between Qurays and cAmir, that Mecca had some influence on the actions of 'Amir and that this had some bearing on the attitude of 'Amir towards al-Hira. It is plausible, that the booty of the raided caravan of the king of al-Hira was sold at 'Ukaz ; a case of this kind is recorded in Ibn Habib's al-Munammaq 1. For understanding of the relations between al-Hira and the tribes the reports about the taxes collected by the kings of al-Hira and the position of the tax-collectors are of some importance. Analyzing the sources of income of the rulers of al-Hira and the position of al-Hira Abu I-Baqa' mentions the income from the fiefs of al- 'Iraq and states: "That was the amount of their income from al-Traq. But the bulk of their revenues for their livelihood and their profits was gained from trade, from booty of their raids against the Bedouins, against the border lands of Syria, against every territory they could raid and from collection of taxes from the obedient tribes; they collected in this way great quantities of cattle" 2. The rulers of al-Hira appointed the leaders of friendly tribes as collectors of taxes, as military leaders of divisions of their forces and as officials in territories in which they exercised some control. 'Amr b. Sarik, the father of al-Hawfazan, was in charge of the police troops of al-Mundir and al-Nu'man (waliya surata l-Mundiri wa-l-Nu'mani min ba'dihi),3 Sinan b. Malik of the Aws Mana! (of the Namir b. Qasit) was appointed by al-Nu'rnan b. al-Mundir as governor of Ubulla 4. In the service of 'Amr b. Hind there was the Tamimi al-Oallaq b. Cairo 1959); IBN KAJ)R, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, I, 116-117 (ed. Mustafa 'ABD AL-WAHID, Cairo 1964); AL-Mu!.i'AB AL-ZUBAYRI, Nasab Qurays, p. 291. I. IBN !:IABIB, al-Munammaq, p. 428-29. 2. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 145 a: "Ja-htiq,a kana qadra nasibi l-qawmi min al-vIrtiqi, Wa-innama kana gulla ma'asihim ma-aktara amwalihim ma kanu yusibicnab« min al-arbiibi Ji l-tigarati uia-vagnimicnabu min al-magiisi wa-ligarati 'ala l-s Arabi uia-atrafi l-Sami wa-kulli ardin yumkinuhum gazwuha wa-yagtabuna l-itiiiuata mimman dana lahum ma-zafirii bihi min al- 'A rabi ; fa-yagtami=u lahum min q,alika l-kaiiru. min al-an'iimi", 3. IBN AL-KALBI, op. cit., f. 205 a. 4. IBN AL-KALBI, op. cit., f. 232 a; W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 513; these Aws Maniit were exterminated by Halid b. al-Walid in the wars of the ridda. (see IBN !:IAZM, Gamharat ansab-al-'Arab, p. 284). 160 M. J. KISTER [18J Qays b. 'Abd Allah b. 'Amr b. Hammam 1. He is mentioned in a verse of Digaga 2 b. 'Abd Qays quoted in the Ihtiyarayn 3 as a leader of an attacking troop together with al-Harit b. Bayba 4 and I;Iagib 5. Oallaq was sent by 'Amr b. Hind to submit the Taglib: he raided them and killed many of them 6. This event is mentioned by al-I;Iarit b. Hilliza in his Mu'allaqa 7. According to AganiS and the commentary of al-Tibrizi 9 al-Oallaq was in charge of the white camels (haga'in) of al-Nu'rnan P. According to Simt al-La'alPI he was appointed by al-Nu'rnan who put him in charge of the white camels of the tribes adjacent to his country (ista(malahu l-Nu'mdn« bnu l-Mundiri 'ala haga'ini man yali ardahu min al-'Arab). The report of al-Bakri indicates that al-Oallaq was entrusted with collecting taxes. 'Uqfan b. 'Asim al-Yarbfi'I hid from al-Oallaq->I. So IBN AL-KALBI, op, cit., and AL-BALA!?URI, Ansab, "Galliiq"; in some other sources ", p. 2II: "in taqtuliihum", which seems to be the correct reading. [21] AL-I;IiRA "When they saw the banner of al-Nu'rnan advancing they said: "would that our nearest abode be 'Adan May the mother of Tamim not have known Murr and been like one destroyed by the (changes of) time". If you kill them-they are (merely) asses with cut [noses, and if you show grace-since ancient time you have [shown grace. From among them are Zuhayr, 'Attab and Muhtadar and two sons of Laqit ; Qatan perished in the battle". The leaders of Tamim came to al-Nu'rnan asking him to release the captives. Al-Nu'rnan agreed that every woman who wished to return to her relatives should be returned. All the women questioned expressed the wish to be returned to their tribe except the daughter of Qays b. 'Asim who preferred to remain with the man who captured her, 'Amr b. al-Musamrag. Qays then vowed to bury every female child, that would be born to him. The version of al-Agani 1 does not mention that the cause of the raid was the refusal to pay taxes, does not contain the verses and records the story as a raid of al-Musamrag. But in this version the raid is restricted to the Banii Sa 'd and the name of the captured woman is given: Rumayma bint Ahmar 2 b. Gandal; her mother was the sister of Qays b. 'Asim. Al-Musamrag is mentioned in a short account of al-Baladuri 3: some clans of Bakr b. Wa'il raided the 'Ukl. They were however defeated by the 'Ukl under the command of al-Namir b. Tawlab 4. In one of the verses quoted by al-Baladuri and attributed to alNamir b. is mentioned as a captive ofthe 'Ukl ", For the assessment of the story of the raid the verse recited by I. Agiini, XII, 144. 2. In the text "A hrnad" , which is a mistake. Ahmar b. Gandal was the brother of Salama b. Gandal (See SALAMA B. GANDAL, Diwiin, p. 21-ed. CHE1KHO; and see AL-GAH1~, al-Bayan, III, 318; AL-BAGDADI: ijiziinat aladab, II,86; 'AMR B. KULIUM, Diwiin, p. 3-ed. KRENKOW; AL-BALA!:lURI, op. cit., f. 1040 a; W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 146). 3. AL-BALA!:lURI,op. cit., f. 928 a. 4. About him see W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 444. 5. "Riiba l-Musamragu li-l-rikiibi ganibatan: fi l-qiddi marsicra»: 'alii adbiirihii" (in text: MusamraJ:" ganbiyatan). M. J. KISTER [22J al-Nu'man=-quoted by al-Mubarrad-is of some importance: when al-Nu'man forgave the Tamim he said: "Ma kana darra Tamiman law tagammadahii: min fa4lina ma 'alayhi Qaysu 'Aylani" "What would harm the Banii Tamim if they [would be filled with our favour like the Qays 'Aylan" 1. Al-Nu'man reminds the Banii Tamim that by paying the itawa, and by their loyalty they would enjoy the favour of the king. The expression seems to point to the benefits bestowed by the king on the chiefs of the tribe Qays 'Aylan, appointment of their chiefs as tax collectors, granting them pastures, etc. It is noteworthy that al-Mubarrad renders itiiwa by adyiin, pointing to obedience and submission 2. The verse attributed to al-Nu'man reflects the efforts of al-Hira to gain the allegiance of some divisions of Tamim (evidently the Sa'd), who tried to free themselves from the dependence of al-Hira. That was manifested by the refusal to pay taxes. Some light on the relations between al-Hira and Asad and Oatafan is shed by a story recorded by Muhammad b. Habib 3. These tribes-says Ibn I;Iabib-were allies, not submitting to the obedience of the kings 4. 'Amr b. Mas'fid and ljalid b. Nadla 5 of Asad used to visit every year the ruler of al-Hira, stay with him and drink with him. During one of these visits al-Mundir al-Akbar suggested that they should accept his obedience. He said: "What prevents you from yielding to my obedience and to defend me like the Tamim and Rabi'a?" They refused his offer, remarking: "These territories are not suitable for our herds. Besides (in the present situation) we are near to you; we are here in these sandy lands and if you summon us we will respond". Al-Mundir understood that they were not willing to accept his offer and ordered to poison them. Whether ljiilid b. Nadla was really poisoned is rather doubtful 6; the story itself may be spurious. But the tendency of I. AL-MuBARRAD, op. cit., II, 84. 2. ib., p. 83, 1. 2; and see above note 4, p. [II]. (adyiin is identical with urban and aryan). 3. IBN I;IABIB, Asmii? al-mugtalina (Nawadir al-mah!utat, VI, 133). 4. Comp. p. 12, 1. 3 of this paper (note 3). 5. SEE W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 179, 342. 6. See AL-BALAQURI, Ansab, f. 903 a (with other versions about his death); AL-1;>ABBI,Mufaddaliyyat, VII, I (LYALL notes p. 14); AL-QALI, al-Nawadir, p. 195; AL-A'SA, Diuiiin, p. 306 (ed. GEYER-AL-AsWAD B. YA'FUR, XLIX, AL-l;IiRA the rulers of al-Hira to widen their influence by gaining the obedience of independent tribes is evident from this story. The answer of the two leaders seems to indicate that the ruler of al-Hira proposed that they should enter territories under his control, but that they refused to do so 1. The rulers of al-Hira could impose their sway on the tribes either by granting the chiefs benefits-as mentioned in the stories quoted above-or by force. The rulers based their power on their troops. The troops were, however, not levied from a certain tribe: there was no tribe ruling in al-Hira ; it was a family. The rulers of alHira had therefore to rely on foreign troops or on mercenary troops. Only occasionally could they use a tribal force against another tribal unit, hostile to the first-as already mentioned. The problem of the formations of Dawsar, al-Sahbii", al-Warf,a'i', al-$ana'i' and al-Raha'in was discussed by Rothstein 2. Rothstein, quoting the sources 3 and arguing with Caussin de Perceval arrives at the conclusion that the $ana'i' seem to have been a Priitorianerschaar 4. This is confirmed by the commentary of the Naqa'icj 5: Ahmad b. 'Ubayd states that the $ana'i' are people upon whom the king bestows his favours (yastani'uhumu l-maliku) and they remain in his service. Another version is also given there: the $ana'i' of the kings are the helpers of the king, who raid with him, by whom the king is aided. An additional information is given by alMubarrad 6: most of them are from Bakr b. Wa'il. The Warf,ii'i' are defined by Rothstein as Besatzungstruppen. Rothstein argues that Warf,ii'i' cannot refer to certain troops (... "dass damit unmoglich eine bestimmte Truppe gemeint sein kann"). He assumes that the W acja'i' may probably denote the troops of the garrisons and especially the border garrisons. Dawsar and Sahba' refer probably-according to Rothstein-to the garrison-troops of al-Hira. v. 6-7); and see GAWAD 'ALI, Ta'ri!J al-i Arab qabla l-Lsldm, IV, 73; ABU MISHAL: Nauiiidi«, I, 122-3 (ed. 'IZZAT I;IASAN, Damascus 1961-see the notes of the editor). I. "... haf%ihi l-biliidu la tula'imu mawasiyana" ... and see the variant of the question of the king (AL-BAGDADi, Hisiina, IV, 151): " ... wa-an tadnii minni kama danat Tamimun wa-Rabi'atu". 2. Die Dynastie der Lahmiden, pp. 134-138. 3. Al-Hamiisa, al-Agani, al-rl qd al-farid, AL-GAWHARI, $a~ah. 4. ROTHSTEIN, op, cit., p. 137. 5. p.884· 6. Al-Kamil, II, 83. 166 M. J. KISTER The definition of the Waq,a'i' given by Ahmad b. 'Ubayd is different. Waq,a'i'-says Ibn 'Ubayd-are the troops levied by the king, 100 from every tribal group (qawm), more or less according to their number. Another definition quoted in the same source 1 claims that the Waq,a'i' are the forces of the subjects of the kingdom. According to this definition Bevan renders Waq,a'i' in his glossary "levies, troops, raised by the Lakhmite king". Ibn alAtir, however, defines them as "semi-chiefs" 2. The opinion about the Rahii'in, the hostages of the tribes is unanimous. A detailed account about the troops of al-Hira is given by Abu l-Baqa" 3. Imru' I-Qays al-Badan 4-records Abu l-Baqa==was the man who, imitating the division of the troops of Kisra, divided his troops and gave them names, which remained till the end of the kingdom of al-Hira. People next in kinship to the king were called Ahlu l-rifiida. There were leaders of the troops marching in front of the troops in battles and raids 5. The commanders of the divisions of the troops were the Ardiif ". A special division of the army of al-Hira was levied from among the Lahm. This troop was called al-Gamariit or al-Gimar. As soldiers of this troop are mentioned the Urays b. Iras b. Gazila 7 of Lahm. Another version claims that this troop was formed from people levied from Lahm and other groups. Mentioned are Banii Silsila from Gu'fi, Banfi Mawiya from Kalb 8 and groups from Banii Salaman b. Tu 'al 9 of Tayy, The Sana'i' were a troop of outlaws from different tribesrecords Abu l-Baqa '. Driven out from their tribes as murderers or culprits-they were protected by the king of al-Hira and gained Naqa'id, p. 884. See GAWAD'ALi, Ta'rih al-s.Arab qabla l-Lsliim, IV, 92 ("al-wada'i' wahumu lladina kanu sibha l-masayil!"). 3. ABU L-BAQA', op, cit., f. 21 a, seq. 4. See GAWAD 'ALi, op, cit., IV, 31; and see S. SMITH, Events in Arabia, in BSOAS, 1954, p. 430, Table A. 5. The word denoting the title of these leaders cannot be deciphered. It is written LS' \.;J~. 6. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 21 a: "ioa-l-ardiif wa-hum 'uraja'u l-gundi wa-zu'ama'uhum wa-quwwaduhum wa-azimmatuhum". 7. See IBN l:!AZM, op. cit., p. 396. 8. See W. CASKEL, op, cit., II, 405. 9. See IBN DURAYD, al-Lstiqiiq, p. 386. I. 2. [25] AL-I;IiRA 167 safety. They attended his battles and raids 1. The other version about the Sana'i" is given as well, they were men from Bakr b. Wa'il, from the Lahazim, from Qays and 'Abd al-Lat and from Ta'laba b. 'Ukaba. Abu l-Baqa: prefers the first version. The Waq.a'i'-says Abu l-Baqat-c-were a Persian unit, sent by Kisra to the kings of al-Hira as reinforcements. They counted 1000 mounted soldiers (asawira) and stayed a year at al-Hira. After a year's service they used to return to Persia and were replaced by another troop sent from Persia. They formed in fact the strength of the ruler of al-Hira and through their force the ruler of al-Hira could compel the people of al-Hira as well as the Bedouin tribes to yield obedience to him. Without these forces the rulers were weakened, so that they had to fear the people of al-Hira 2. The people of al-Hira consisted of three divisions Dawsar (or Dawsara), an elite troop of valiant and courageous warriors; alSahba', (but according to a contradictory tradition this was the troop of the Waq.a'i'); al-Malha', so called because of the colour of the iron (i.e. their coat-of-mail) 3. The Rahii'i« were youths from Arab tribes taken by the kings of al-Hira as hostages guaranteeing that their tribes would not raid the territories of al-Hira and that they would fulfil the terms of their pacts and obligations between them and the kings of alHira. They counted-according to a tradition quoted by Abu I-Baqa'-500 youths and stayed 6 months at the court of al-Hira. After this period they were replaced by others 4. These forces-of the people of al-Hira and the Persian troopsformed the strength, upon which the rulers of al-Hira relied. They fought with the rulers of al-Hira in obedience to Kisra, in order to defend their abode, their families and possessions; they could not forsake them 5. I. Two verses are quoted as evidence: the verse of Yazid b. al-Sa-iq (see above, n. 2, p. [15J) and the verse of GARIR: "Hamay nii yawma l)i N agabin !timana: uia-ahrasrui l-~ana'i'a uia-l-nihiibii" see his Ditoiin. (ed. AL-SAWI), p. 68, 1. I. 2. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 99 b, seq. 3. ib., f. 22 b; ABU L-BAQA' records the opinion of TABAR!, that these two troops (Sahba' and Dawsar) were Persian troops sent to al-Hira. 4. ib., f. 21 b; GAWAD 'ALI, op. cit., IV, 93. 5. ABU L-BAQA', op. cit., f. 99 b: "wa-kana gundahum lladina bihimi mtina'uhum wa-'izzuhum ahlu l-Hirati l-musammawna bi-tilka l-asmiisi l-muqaddami qikruha; fa-kanu yu!taribuna ma'ahum ta'atan li-Kisra wa- 168 M. J. KISTER [26J When the king of al-Hira left with his troops for a military action, the people of al-Hira afraid of an attack of the raiding Bedouins, used to stay in their fortified fortresses till the king returned with his troops. Sometimes the king concluded agreements with the neighbouring tribes-mainly from Bakr b. Wa'il and Tamim-that they would not raid al-Hira in his absence 1. A peculiar aspect of the relations of the tribes with the rulers of al-Hira is brought out by Abu l-Baqa": tribes pasturing in regions adjacent to the kingdom of al-Hira were compelled to get their provisions (al-mira wa-l-kayl) from the kingdom of al-Hira and therefore had to submit to the obedience of its rulers 2. The rulers of al-Hira were well acquainted with the situation in the tribe itself and used to intervene in the internal affairs of the tribes. A case of this kind is illustrated by the story of Laqit b. Zurara, who was convinced by al-Mundir b. Ma) al-Sama? to return the children of Damra b. Gabir al-Nahsali 3. His children were given as hostages to Laqit for the children of Kubays and Rusayya 4 and the Banfi Nahsal requested the king to intervene 5. Damra himself was respected and liked by the king 6. His son, Damra b. Damra, was favoured by al-Mundir and al-Nu'man. He was one of his booncompanions and the king entrusted him with the care of his white camels 7. Instructive is the case of I;Iagib b. Zurara with the Banfi 'Adiyy hif;an li-baydatihim wa-ahlihim wa-manazilihim wa-himayatan li-anfusihim wa-amwalihim wa-la yumkinuhum hirjlanuhum tua-lii l-tahaUufu 'anhum. ib. f. 102 a. ib., f. 100 a; for the necessity of getting provisions comp. the story of "Yawm al-Musaqqar ", 3. He was the father of the famous Damra b.J!amra. The name of Damra b. Damra was in fact Siqqa b. Damra ; his mother was Hind bint Karib b. Safwan, one of the leaders of Sa'd. About Damra b. Gabir see W. CASKEL, op. cit., II, 241; about Siqqa b. Damra, ib., II, 530. 4. AI-Kalb b. Kunays (or Kubays) b. Gabir, the son of Kunays and Rusayya married the mother of al-Hutay-a (see ABU L-FARAG, al-Agani, II, 43; ZDMG, XLIII, p. 3, n. 2). 5. AL-J!ABBI, Amliil al-i.Arab, pp. 7-9; AL-MuFADDAL B. SALAMA, alFa!;ir, p. 53 (ed. C. A. STOREY, Leiden 1915); AL-MAYDANI, Magma' alamlal, I, 136. 6. See the sources given in the preceding note and see AL-BALAgURI, op. cit., f. 986 b. 7. AL-BALAguRI, op, cit., 987 a: "wa-ga'alahu min !tuddalihi wa-sumI. 2. marihi wa-dafa'a ilayhi ibilan kanat lahu fa-kanat fi yadihi wa-hiya haga'inuhu wa-haga'inu l-Nu'mani bnihi ba'dahu, warilaha 'an abihi; wa-kanat min akrami l-ibili ... ". [27] AL-:~IiRA 169 b. 'Abd Manat 1. These 'Adiyy were in the service of I;Iagib and I;Iagib intended to turn them into his slaves by a writ of al-Mundir 2. Chiefs of tribal divisions co-operating with the rulers of al-Hira took part in their expeditions against Syria, visited their court and were favoured and respected. There was, however, no general line of continuous loyalty and allegiance to the rulers of al-Hira, Contending leaders of clans revolted against the agreements concluded by their chiefs with al-Hira from which they could not get the desired share of profit. There was continuous contention between chiefs on the favour of the ruler, which strenghened the feeling of lack of confidence. Sudden changes in the policy of Persia towards the rulers of al-Hira further enhanced the feeling of instability. The application of the method of "divide and impera" 3 as a means to control the tribes and the lack of sufficient and steady support for the loyal tribes-all this created a feeling of disappointment and bitterness. The successful raids of small units of clans against al-Hira undermined the prestige of its rulers. 'Usayma b. Halid b. Minqar 4 could oppose the orders of the king al-Nu'man, when he demanded to extradite the man from 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a to whom 'Usayma gave shelter. When raided by the troops of al-Nu'man 'Usayma summoned his people by the war-cry "Katotar" and defied the king. Directing the spear to the mane of his horse he said: "Go back, you wind-breaking king! Would I like to put the spear in another place-I would put it 5. The Banii 'Amr b. Tamim when attacked by the forces of the king al-Nu'rnan succeeded in defeating his army and in plundering his camp 6. The cases of the victory of Bedouin tribes over the royal troops of al-Hira were sufficient proof of the weakness of the vassal kingdom of al-Hira, presaging its fall. It was concurrent with the rise of Mecca to authority and power. I. Probably the 'Adiyy b.
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